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A Quarrying Expedition: Inscriptions left by an expedition of Nebtawyre Mentohotep in the Wadi Hammamat 123123123123123 Iain Eaton (1091223) ANCHIST 724B 2012 In excess of six hundred inscriptions have been discovered in Wadi Hammamat, spanning four millennia of Egyptian history from the pre-dynastic period through to the Roman occupation.1 This work will examine four of these inscriptions, which were left by an expedition sent by, and bearing the name of, Nebtawyre Mentohotep (Mentohotep IV). I will present my own translations of each of these inscriptions and will place them within both a general and an immediate context. The general context will consider the role of the Wadi Hammamat and examine the purpose and types of expeditions sent there. The immediate context will consider how this particular expedition fits within the overall pattern of use for the Wadi, as well as discussing some of the more unusual events that occurred on it. I will show that the four inscriptions fall into two distinct pairs. The first two, M192 and M113, are the official and unofficial reports of the expedition. The remaining two, M110 and M191, are of a very different nature these are the so-called wonders experienced by the leader of the expedition, the Vizier Amenemhet, while on the expedition. It is probable that this person is also in fact the future king Amenemhet I. I will discuss how the second pair of inscriptions can be interpreted in this context as a form of posturing, where Amenemhet is openly displaying his power and suggesting he enjoys divine favour. In antiquity, as remains the case today, the overwhelming majority of Egypts population lived within the Nile Valley. Beginning with their creation myth, Egyptians were taught that the land that first rose out of the water was Egypt. That the center of the world was Egypt was an inviolate fact that Egypts geography further enforced; the cataracts of the Upper Nile secured the southern frontier nearly as well as the Sahara and
1

T. Hikade, Expeditions to the Wadi Hammamat during the New Kingdom. JEA 92, 2006, pages 153168. page 154.

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Sinai Deserts isolated the west and east.2 Egypt was defined to a significant extent by this geography, being referred to as either kmt (the black land, in reference to the fertile soil washed down during the inundation), setting it apart from dSrt (the red land, a reference to the sand of the desert); or tA, the flat land (which could also be translated to mean the entire world), setting it apart from xAswt, the hill lands. Unfortunately, the inhabited areas of Egypt have few if any natural deposits of from famous granite and little in works.3 Consequently, mining expeditions were sent into adjacent areas, often via wadi, by many kings. These expeditions ranged from small groups of fewer than a hundred men to places such as Gebel el-Silsileh and even Aswan to enormous expeditions of many thousands of men to more remote areas. 4The expedition being investigated in this work involved, according to Inscription M192A translated later in this document thirteen thousand men. Wadi Hammamat is one of the many wadi that run through the mountainous region of Egypts Eastern Desert. The wadi is ideally located to serve as a route to the Red Sea, consisting of a natural path connecting the Nile to the Red sea from
2

precious Aswans pink quarry Tura

metals and apart

the

limestone, have material building suitable for use

Figure 1

For Egypt being the centre of the world to ancient Egyptians see J.P. Allen. The Egyptian concept of the world. In D. OConnor and S. Quirke (eds.) Mysterious Lands. London: UCL Press, 2003, pages 2330. page 29. 3 There is plenty of stone in the Nile valley but the vast majority is brittle with intense schistosity. See D. D. Klemm, and R. Klemm, The building stones of ancient Egypt a gift of its geology. Journal of African Earth Sciences 33, 2001, pages 631-642. Page 633. 4 Hikade, pages 162-3.

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modern day Qift (see Figure 1), which is the point on the river that is closed to the coast.5 The wadi then continues through the Eastern Desert, travelling around 180km before reaching the modern day port of Qusieir. The wadi remains an essential route today as a modern two lane highway just as it was in antiquity.6 We have evidence to suggest that Wadi Hammamat was used from the earliest times of Egyptian history, stone from the region having been identified as the source material for pots from as early as the 4th millennium BCE.7 Private entrepreneurs and royal expeditions are attested from the pre dynastic period and continue through to the Byzantine era with only a brief hiatus at the end of the Old Kingdom and through the First Intermediate Period.8 A graffito, inscribed into a rock in Wadi el-Qash an offshoot from Wadi Hammamat, may represent the earliest piece of evidence for the exploitation of this region. The graffito in question (see Figure 2) contains the serekh of King Narmer, and although a sweeping conclusion should Figure 2: Serekh of Narmer

be avoided given that this is a single inscription, its location does suggest that there was contemporaneous state-initiated activity.9 Predating both Narmer and this graffito are a number of rough petroglyphs. Some of these petroglyphs are predynastic but are not evidence that the region was exploited for mining or quarrying before the Narmer expedition. Instead they depict scenes of a more pastoral nature including elephants, ostriches, huntsmen and reed boats, reminding us that the Wadi would not always have been an inhospitable desert.

See page 1 of G. Goyon, Nouvelles inscriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat. Paris, AdrienMaisonneuve, 1957. 6 See H. Goedicke, Some remarks on stone quarrying in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, JARCE 3, 1964, pages 43-50. page 43. 7 Hikade, page 154. 8 Hikade, page 154. 9 See page 1 of A.J. Peden, The graffiti of Pharaonic Egypt: scope and roles of informal writing c.3100332BC. Leiden, Brill, 2001. The purpose of any such state expedition would presumably have been either the extraction of bekhen stone or simply to exploit the wadi as a direct route to the coast.

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Expeditions to the Wadi Hammamat were conducted for a number of reasons,10 the most common of these being quarrying stone, particularly blocks large enough for use in statuary.11The stone available in the wadi includes a variety of sandstone, greywacke and schist collectively referred to as Bekhen stone. The colour of this stone varied widely from a dark almost black basalt like colour through reds, pinks and greens. While the stone in the wadi was generally too flawed to be used in building projects, the variety of colours available made it highly prized for use in statuary and sarcophagi (see Figure 4). The Wadi remained valuable as a source of stone throughout Pharonic history and is recorded in what is, according to known map, some scholars, the oldest geological

the Turin Papyrus mining map.12 This map, which was discovered in 1820 and dates to the reign of Ramesses IV, is believed to accurately record the topography and geology of the Wadi. The map is Figure 3: The Turin mining papyrus

badly fragmented (see Figure 3) but a colour coded schema can be reconstructed showing how the cartographer distinguished between different types of rock. Hills are shown as pink, pink and brown or black, representing igneous, metamorphic and sedimentary rocks, respectively. Bekhen-stone quarries and gold mines are also marked, along with 28 hieratic remarks describing in many cases the particular type or quality of rock and how it might best be used.13 The map is not drawn to scale but does include distances between
10

See K.-J. Seyfried Beitrge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren Reiches in die Ost-Wste. Hildescheim, Gerstenberg, 1981, pages 241-285 for a general description of work in the Wadi Hammamat. 11 Goedicke, 1964, page 43. 12 See J. Harrell, M.Brown, The Worlds Oldest Surviving Geological Map: The 1150 BC Turin Papyrus from Egypt. Journal of Geology 100, Jan 1992, pages 3-18. Page 3. However see also Klemm and Klemm, pages 633-634 where they state it also shows the location of the Bekhen-stone quarry site, coloured in dark blackish green. [] differently coloured parts of this papyrus obviously represent different rock types of the portrayed region Klemm and Klemm conclude by saying that that the map, while topographical, cannot realistically be claimed as geological. 13 Harrell and Brown pages 7 and 15.

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many of its points recorded as text. Interestingly, the wadi itself is referred to on this map as the road to the sea, further highlighting its use as a route not only for quarrying and mining but also to access the coast and Punt beyond. Several inscriptions in the Wadi date to the reign of Pepi I and show that the wadi was used as a route to the Red Sea and therefore as a base for trade expeditions to the as yet unidentified land of Punt, well before the Turin mining papyrus.14 Other Old Kingdom kings attested to (with varying degrees of certainty) in the Wadi include Khufu, Khafre, Djedefre, Menkaure, Sahure and Unas.15 A military exercise is also attested to, led by a kings sonnamed Djaty. After Pepi, throughout the First Intermediate Figure 4: Broken sarcophagus from Wadi Hammamat Period there is very little that can be dated with any degree of certainty. There are two

small inscriptions attributed to Merykare and Ity of the Herakleoploitan Dynasty X. Two further inscriptions are attributed to the otherwise unknown kings Ity and Imhotep.16 It seems that regular expeditions to the wadi ceased until relative stability returned to Egypt. In fact, it was Nebhepetre Mentohotep who appears to have reopened the wadi, probably sending quarrying missions. His son Sankhkare Mentohotep send three thousand men on a mission to Punt in his 8th regnal year. This trade expedition is attested to by an inscription left by his chief steward Henenu.17 Finally, immediately before the Middle Kingdoms inception, Nebtawyre Mentohotep sent an even larger expedition, which is the focus of the four inscriptions I will be concentrating on. Before presenting the translations, it is important to differentiate between the classifications of texts left in the wadi. Broadly speaking, these fall into the following categories: expedition reports, expedition inscriptions, stelae, graffiti and petroglyphs.

14

In fact Peden claims on pages 7-8 that Old Kingdom activity prior to Pepi was irregular. His rationale is that prior to this many graffiti are not able to be securely dated. While this is undoubtedly the case it is not in my view evidence of absence. 15 See note 14, although some of these are doubtful. See also J. Couyat and P. Montet, Les inscriptions hiroglyphiques et hiratiques de Oudi Hammmt. Cairo, lInstitute Francais dArcheologie Orientale, 1912, Inscription 60 as an example of these Old Kingdom records in the Wadi Hammamat. 16 If these were real kings then presumably they belong to Dynasty VII or VIII. 17 Peden, page 21.

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Gundlach explains that an expedition report comes in one of two forms. 18 It can be a report located at or at the least originating from the source of the expedition, the place from which it set out.19 Alternatively, it can be an inscription left at the target site of the expedition confirming that the expedition was on target and meeting its goals. An expedition inscription, on the other hand, does not relate to the aims of the expedition, but rather records something unrelated.20 In both cases the expedition was recorded by one or more of its participants most frequently as a carving into the rock face.21 The four inscriptions I will translate are in two pairs; the first two are expedition reports one official (M192) and one unofficial (M113), whereas the second pair (which will be discussed later) are two expedition inscriptions left by the Vizier Amenemhet. Another 19 short graffiti probably date to this expedition as well and record the name of both king Nebtawyre Mentohotep and various officials and workers from the expedition. 22 Inscription M192 is the official report of the expedition and records the construction of a stela on the orders of the king. This inscription reveals the expeditions mission to find a slab of stone suitable for use as a sarcophagus lid. The second inscription, M113, was written by Amenemhet himself as the commander of the expedition and not on the orders of the king. This report has a different tone to the official one and provides a detailed description of the position of Amenemhet, as well as his (self-proclaimed) close relationship to the king.

18

See R. Gundlach, Mentuhotep IV und Min analyse der Inschriften M110, M191 und M192a aus dem Wadi Hammamat. SK 8, 1980, pages 89-114. 19 Gundlach, page 90. 20 Gundlach, page 90. 21 R. Ennmarch, Of Spice and Mine: The tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor and Midle Kingdom Expedition Inscriptions. in F.Hagen et. al. (eds.) Narratives of Egypt and the Ancient Near East. Leuven, Uitgeverij Peeters, 2011, pages 97-122, page 91. 22 Examples of these can be found in Couyat and Montet Inscription numbers 1,40,55, 105, 205, 241 see also Goyon Inscription numbers 52-60 and Seyfried page 245.

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Translations of the first two inscriptions the expedition reports, based on the hieroglyphs published by De Buck.23 M192: The Official Record (1) Regnal year two, second month of Inundation, day fifteen. (2) Horus Lord of the two lands, Two Ladies Lord of the two lands, Gods of Gold the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, Son of Re Mentohotep living forever. (3) His majesty commanded the erection of this stela for his father Min, lord of the hill lands, on this splendid mountain (4) primeval god preeminent in the land of the horizon dwellers, divine temple offered life, divine nest of Horus (5) within which this god is content. His pure place of enjoyment above (6) the hill countries of gods land in order to satisfy his soul (and to) honour the god in accordance with his desires as a King (7) who is upon the great throne does. Foremost enduring of monuments excellent god, lord of joy (8) much feared, greatly loved, heir of Horus in his two lands nursed (9) by divine Isis mother of Min great of magic for the kingship (10) of the two banks of Horus. The king of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, may he live like Re eternally, (11) says (My) majesty caused that the Hereditary Prince, Overseer of the City, Vizier, Overseer (12) of Works, Royal Confident Amenemhet, come together with an expedition of ten thousand men (13) from the southern provinces of Upper Egypt and from the south of wAbwt (14) in order to bring me a splendid slab of the pure stone of this mountain whose (15) excellence was made by Min for a sarcophagus an eternal memorial and for monuments (16) in the temples of Upper Egypt as a mission of the king, who is upon the Two Lands (17) to bring to him his hearts desire from the hill lands of his father Min. He created it as his monument (18) for his father Min of Koptos lord of the hill lands chief of the tribesmen so that he be given a very great quantity of life living like Re forever. (19) Day 27, the lid of this sarcophagus descended as a block 4 cubits by 8 cubits by 2 cubits. (20) As it came forth from the works cattle were slaughtered, goats were slaughtered, incense was
23

A. De Buck. Egyptian Reading Book. Chicago: Ares, 1948.

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put (21) on the fire. An expedition of three thousand sailors from the regions of Lower Egypt followed it in safety to Egypt. M113: The Commanders record (1) Nebtawyre (2) living forever! (3) Regnal year 2, month 2 of Inundation day 15. A royal commission executed by the (4) Hereditary Prince, Count, Overseer of the City, grand Vizier, Royal Confident, Overseer of the Works, important in his office, great in his dignity foremost in (5) the house of his lord inspector of the court of magistrates chief of the six great ones, judging the patricians and the subjects and hearing legal pleas to whom great come the ones while

bowing (6) and the entire land upon the belly. He whose His Figure 5: Inscription M113in situ office his lord advanced. intimate friend, Overseer of the Door of Upper Egypt. He governed millions of subjects to do for him the desire of his heart and build (7) his monuments which endure upon earth. A great one of the King of Upper Egypt, an important one of the King of Lower Egypt, controller of the temples of the Red Crown, servant of Min in the stretching of the cord ceremony who judges without partiality, Overseer of the Entire of Upper Egypt (8) to whom is reported that which is and that which is not. Governor of the administration of the Lord of the Two Lands who devotes himself upon the Royal commission Inspector of the inspectors, leader of Overseers, Vizier of Horus in his appearances Amenemhet (9) says (My) lord l.p.h.! The King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre, living forever, sent me as one in whom are divine limbs sends to establish his

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monument in (10) this land. He chose me before his city after I had been preferred before his court. His Majesty commanded that an expedition went forth together (with me) to this noble land (11) men from the choicest of the entire land. Stonemasons, craftsmen, officials, sculptors, painters, metalworkers, goldsmiths (12) treasurers of the great house. Every treasure of the treasury and every office of the kings house united behind (me). (I) made land as river and upper valleys (13) as waterways. (I) brought to him a sarcophagus, a monument of eternity that endures forever. Its likeness never descended from this land since the time of the god. (14) The expedition descended without loss, not a man perished, not a battalion turned back not a donkey died, not a craftsman was deprived. It happened to the majesty of (my) lord (15) as the power which Min created for him because he loved him so much so that his soul might endure on the great throne in the kingdom of the two banks of Horus. He made it as that which is greater than it. I am his favourite servant who does all that he praises every day. The official report begins by telling us that the expedition was active during the inundation season. Mining was a seasonal activity and the Inundation season roughly September to January was both substantially cooler than summer and a period of the year when farming activity was minimal. Very few mining expeditions took place outside of this time of the year, one such exception being the summer expedition led by Harurre. 24 The already harsh conditions in the desert would have been compounded by the heat of summer, making the likelihood of fatalities far greater. Indeed, mining expeditions were perilous enough even in the cooler months. With little water available in the wadi which were after all dry river beds water for the miners had to be brought in and rationed. This lack of water also limited the amount of livestock that could be taken as food. What rations there were made a tempting target for the bandits who lived on the fringes of
24

Harrure records that This treasurer of the god said to the officials who will come to this Mine-land at this season: "Let not our faces flinch on that account; Hathor will turn it to profit. I looked to myself, and I dealt with myself; when I came from Egypt, my face flinched, and it was hard for me [........]. The highlands are hot in summer, and the mountains brand the skin [...]. When morning dawns, a man is [... ...]. I addressed the workmen concerning it: 'How favoured is he who is in this Mine-land!' They said: 'There is malachite in this eternal mountain; it is [...] to seek (it) at this season. It is [...] to [...] for it in this evil summer-season.. Translation from Breastead Ancient Records part 1 736

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Egyptian society, including in and around the wadi, making security another major consideration. Of course the troops required to deal with this threat would add to the food and water needs of the expedition. Finally, the desert was known to be inhabited by many dangerous wild animals such as snakes and scorpions, and as Seths domain and the gateway to the Underworld there was a supernatural risk too. The official report continues by confirming that the purpose of the expedition was to secure a slab of stone suitable for the kings sarcophagus as previously noted the stone available within Wadi Hammamat was ideally suited for this. The method of extraction is unknown to us, but we can see that it took 12 days of extraction before any work could begin. The text does not specify the measurement system used to describe the slab, as the word mH is lacking a determinative to indicate if it is a standard or a royal cubit. Assuming these are royal cubits, which seems most probable in light of their ultimate purpose, then an approximate size would be 210cm x 420cm x 105cm or 8m3 (around 20-23 tonnes) and it is unsurprising that a team of ten thousand was required to extract the slab. Finally, the official report also tells us that three thousand sailors were required to transport the slab from the wadi to its destination once the slab was ready. Land transport of a slab of this size could be achieved by pushing it across a series of logs, or (once closer to the Nile and with water more readily available) by moistening the ground to make it slippery enough for the workers to pull it along. 25 Both of these methods would be very time consuming and exhausting, even for a crew of thousands, so once the Nile was reached a boat would have been far easier. 26 The inclusion of three thousand sailors confirms that a significant portion of the journey in this case was by river.27 Perhaps the most significant detail to be gleaned from the unofficial record is the implication that by the time of this expedition, the two lands of Egypt had been reunited under a single Kings rule post the fragmentation of the First Intermediate Period. This is evident from two ideas within the text. Firstly, the king is being attributed with titles such as Lord of the Two Lands and the nsw-bity title. This could of course be an aspirational
25 26

Klemm and Klemm, page 632. Klemm and Klemm, page 632. 27 The tomb and sarcophagus of Mentohotep IV have not been located, so we cannot say where the sailors were taking the slab; Thebes seems a likely destination but this is speculation.

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claim ascribed to the King and his followers rather than actual fact. When coupled with the statement that the expedition included men from the choicest of the entire land however, the implication becomes more solid. The unofficial record also explains in more detail the types of jobs that the ten thousand men would have been doing and it seems clear that much of the work would have been done in situ; stonemasons, craftsmen and sculptors were all present. This is again unsurprising the chance of finding a flaw in the slab would have been too great to risk transporting an unfinished piece especially considering the costs of the expedition in the first place. The term stretching the cord refers to an important foundation ritual in the construction of a religious building. The cord is the masons line, which was used to align the building in the appropriate direction relative to the stars, as well as to measure the buildings dimensions accurately. The reference to stretching the cord in the context of this expedition serves to underscore the importance of the kings sarcophagus in a religious sense and therefore to emphasise the importance of this expedition. The theme of triumph over adversity is a common one within the corpus of expedition reports and it is no surprise that both of the texts above proudly proclaim that there were no losses in the expedition and that it was a success. Many of the official reports left behind by expedition leaders dwell at some length on the difficulties they faced at first before overcoming them.28 This undoubtedly draws on the tradition in autobiographical texts of promoting individual achievements, but also probably reflects the reality that many mining expeditions would have failed and that returning home with no fatalities would have been unusual.29 Expedition inscriptions frequently illustrate a more direct relationship between the mortal and divine realms than is found in the habited areas of Egypt. Assman suggests that this is because contact between non-royal mortals and the gods was more immediate outside the borders of Egypt away from the rule of mAat imposed by the king.30 A formulaic sequence of events can be shown. After an initial failure the inability to find the expeditions required stone the power of the local deity is invoked. In this instance the local deity, Min, whose cult centre was at Qift
28

R.J. Lephrohon, Remarks on private epithets found in Middle Kingdom Wadi Hammamat Graffiti. JSSEA 28, pages 124-146. Page 127. 29 Ennmarch takes this argument further on pages 103-4 where he comments on lines 14-19 of the Shipwrecked Sailor. This is the section where the count is fearful of the reception he will eventually receive at court, due a lack of success on his mission, and Ennmarch shows that this echoes mining inscriptions and extrapolates to show that success was most probably unusual in such ventures. 30 See J. Assman, Herrschft und Heil: PolitischeTheologie in Altgypten, Israel und Europa. Mnchen, Carl Hanser Verlag, 2000, pages 57-64.

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at the entrance to the Wadi Hammamat, was honoured via the inscriptions. Following this, wonders occurred as the god assisted the expedition. Thanks in the form of sacrifices are offered back to the god and the expedition is able to return home in safety. This sequence of events failure, honouring the god, divine assistance, resolution in many ways parallels the knigsnovella, which follows a similar formula: impossible situation, king is honoured, king provides a solution, resolution. This formulaic literary device may therefore serve to link divine favour with royal power in expedition reports.31

Translations of the second two inscriptions the wonders, based on the hieroglyphs published by De Buck. Inscription M110: The first wonder (1) The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nebtawyre living forever (2) The wonder which happened to His Majesty: Creations came down from the hills to him (3) A pregnant gazelle came, going forth with her face to the people before her (4) while her eyes looked back but she did not turn back before she arrived at this noble mountain (5) at this block it in its place for this lid of this sarcophagus. Then she gave birth upon it while this (6) expedition of the king was watching. Then her neck was cut and she was sacrificed Figure 6: Inscription M110 in situ upon it (the sarcophagus) as a burnt

offering (7) It descended safely. Now it was the majesty of this noble god (8) Lord of the hill lands who made the sacrifice to his son Nebtawyre, living forever, so that his heart was joyful and so that he
31

Ennmarch suggests something similar is happening in the Shipwrecked Sailor, which he contends is influenced by Mining Expedition reports. See Ennmarch page 108. More research in the intersection between literary works and expedition reports may prove fruitful.

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might be (9) alive upon his throne (*) forever and eternally and that he celebrate millions of Heb Sed festivals (10) Hereditary Prince, Count, Overseer of the City, Vizier, Official (leader) of all Judges, Overseer of that which heaven gives (11) earth creates and the Nile brings. Overseer of everything in the entire land, Vizier Amenemhet Inscription M191: The Second wonder32 (1) The king of Upper and Lower Egypt Nebtawyre living forever. Born of the Kings mother Imi. Second month of Inundation, day 23: Starting of work (2) at this mountain on the single slab sarcophagus. Repeating of the wonder: A command was issued* and the forms of the god were seen. (3) Placing of his power to the people. The hill land was made as a pool Revealing of water from the dry stone a well was found in the midst of the valley. (4) ten cubits by ten cubits on its every side, filled with water to its edge made pure and kept clean from gazelles (5) hidden from the tribesmen and foreigners. Soldiers of old and kings who came to pass before ascended and descended by its side (6) No eye had seen it, the face of man had not fallen upon it but to his majesty himself it was revealed. He had concealed it (7) he knew the exact moment of this day. He planned the time of this event in order that his power be seen and that one know (8) the excellence of his Majesty. He did new in his hill lands for his son Nebtawyre living forever. Those who were in Egypt heard it, (9) the people who were in Egypt, Upper Egypt together with Lower Egypt they set down their heads to the ground (10) and praised the goodness of His Majesty for ever and eternity. These texts are unique and stand apart from the entire corpus of expedition inscriptions in the Wadi Hammamat. They focus on an event that happened during the expedition, as opposed to the expedition itself or the expeditions objectives.33 However, both texts are still framed within an expeditionary context and, according to Ennmarch,
32

However A. B. Lloyd, Once [sic] more Hammamat Inscription JEA 61, pages 54-66, page 56 claims that to an Ancient Egyptian this text actually reveals two wonders, not one. His rationale is that the rainstorm and the revealing of a well would have been unrelated to the original audience, who would instead have ascribed the well to Nun and not the rain. 33 Ennmarch page 109

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are therefore an elaboration of the general acknowledgement of divine intervention that occurs in other inscriptions.34 Each text describes a wonder of divine origin. We are told that Min so loved his son the king that the god performed these wonders in Mentohotep IVs honour (Inscription M110 line 8 and Inscription 191 line 8).35 A modern perspective can discern a natural force behind each wonder; the gazelle may not have led them to the slab as such, but quite possibly the gazelle giving birth caused the expedition to examine the area more closely than they might have otherwise. Similarly, desert storms, while rare, do occur; flash flooding often occurs in their aftermath. This modern perspective must be set aside when considering why the wonders were recorded in the first place. Amenemhet, as leader of the expedition, was the only person with the power to make the decision to have them inscribed. This in turn begs the question of why he wanted them recorded. Inscription M110 describes an event that led the expedition to discover an appropriate piece of rock. The pregnant gazelle giving birth in such an unusual way in front of the expedition after making a beeline for the august mountain suggested a divine force at work and led to further examination of the site. Of course the veracity of this event is debatable because, while it seems unlikely that the wonder is entirely fabricated, it does seem convenient. Once the slab was identified the gazelle was then sacrificed in honour of the gods who favoured the expedition, just like the cattle and goats were sacrificed in the official record (Inscription M192a line 20). Hans Goedicke offers a different translation of this passage, preferring instead to translate her neck was cut as its neck was cut referring back to the stone slab. 36 He then describes how cutting the neck is supposed to refer to separating the block from the living rock and is actually the process of cutting of a trench between the selected block and the rest of the stone as is seen in the Aswan granite quarry. In Goedickes translation, the reference to fire can then be seen not as part of a sacrificial event but further description of the extraction process. Goedicke also claims that a gazelle was not suitable as a sacrifice because in order for a sacrifice to have value, the gods required meat that a mortal would also value and that Egytpians at that time, did not consider gazelle edible.
34 35

Ennmarch page 110 See D. B. Redford, Egypt Canaan and Israel in ancient times. Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1993, pages 71-2. See also Lloyd page 59 where he says that the bi(y)t demonstrate spectacularly the favour in which Nebtawyre stands with the gods. 36 Goedicke page 48

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Strandberg has refuted this point, showing that gazelles frequently appear in offering scenes and are quite acceptable as a sacrifice.37

37

See . Strandberg. The gazelle in Ancient Egyptian Art. Uppsala, Uppsala Universitet, 2009 pages 101-129 for a full review of these scenes.

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Inscription M113 features Amenemhet very prominently; his titles and self proclamation take up a large portion of the text even more than is assigned to the king in fact.38 Another consideration is the sheer size of the expedition, which seems to have consisted of 13,000 men, making it the second largest expedition ever undertaken second only to the 18,000 men sent by Sesostris III(?).39 Such a large mobilisation of manpower seems unnecessary, especially in light of the fairly modest objectives of the expedition. This, coupled with the focus on Amenemhet in Inscription M113 leads to the tempting idea that Amenemhet was openly posturing, displaying his power and preparing to replace Mentohotep IV as the king.40 Further ammunition for the idea that Amenemhet was posturing to usurp Mentohotep IV can be taken from Inscription M191, which tells us (line 1) that Mentohotep IVs mother was Figure 7: Slate bowl from Lisht Imi, the Royal Mother. Based on this title it

seems probable that she was not a kings wife or a kings daughter she was at best a secondary wife, leaving open the possibility that others had a better claim to the throne than Mentohotep IV.41 There is no evidence that Mentohotep IV was a commoner or a usurper himself, but interestingly he is omitted from the Turin Canon, which instead records a seven year gap between Mentohotep III and Amenemhet I. This gap supports the idea that Mentohotep IV was considered illegitimate or that there were others who were in competition for the throne, such as the ephemeral kings Inyotef IV and/or IyibreKhent, for example. There is however no evidence of foul play and indeed a slate bowl (figure 7) found at Lisht undermines this idea as it has both names on it Mentohotep IV and Amenemhet I.42 The naming of both kings on a single piece implies that either the vizier may have assumed the role of co-regent during the last years of Mentohotep IV's

38

C. Vandersleyen, LEgypte et la valle du Nil, Tome II. Paris, Presses universitaires de France, 1995 uses the term very powerful on page 37. 39 Peden, page 36. See also Coyet and Montet Inscription 87 and Goyon Inscription 61. 40 This whole topic is covered by Redford pages 71-5 but especially page 75. For a slightly different interpretation see Vandersleyen pages 37-39. 41 Vandersleyen page 37 42 D. Arnold. Amenemhet I and the early twelfth Dynasty at Thebes. Metropolitan Museum Journal 26, 1991, pages 5048, page 12 and figures 15,16 (reproduced here as figure 7)

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reign or that the pharaoh presumably childless was specifying his successor in his vizier, Amenemhet. The Wadi Hammamat was an essential source of stone throughout Egypts history, as can be seen through the quantity of inscriptions left behind by different expeditions. In this essay I have translated four of these inscriptions and shown how they can be used to discern information about the nature of quarrying expeditions, the dangers that were faced and some of the processes involved in the extraction of stone. The inscriptions presented here contain even more information than this, allowing us to theorise about the transition between the 11th and 12th Dynasties. Of course with the evidence as it stands there can be no certainty as to whether the two Amenenhets were the same person although this seems likely. Even if we accept that they were the same person, we still cannot infer any foul play. The tone of the inscriptions is however suggestive and one has to ask why Amenemhet felt the need to present a second expedition report (M113) and why in this report the majority of the text is taken up with statements describing his own importance. Similarly, the second pair of texts raise questions in that they stand apart from the entire corpus of inscriptions and that the events they describe show divine favour. Whether this is favour for the kings expedition or, more subtly, favour for the leader of the kings expedition and for his success is harder to establish.

List of figures Figure 1: Map showing location of Wadi Hammamat. Reproduced from Hikade, T., page 155. Figure 2: Serekh of King Narmer from Wadi Hammamat. Image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://www.easterndesert.com/wadi_qash.html Figure 3: Picture showing reconstructed Turin Mining Papyrus, image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://www.rabodeaji.com/No5/mapa/default.html Figure 4: Picture of a broken sarcophagus in the Wadi Hammamat. Image retrieved on 24th August 2012 from http://www.easterndesert.com/wadi_hammamat.html Page 17 of 23

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Figure 5: Picture of Inscription M113 in situ. Image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://egyptsites.wordpress.com/2010/09/14/wadi-hammamat Figure 6: Picture of Inscription M110 in situ. Image retrieved on 19th August 2012 from http://egyptsites.wordpress.com/2010/09/14/wadi-hammamat Figure 7: Composite image of slate bowl dual inscribed with the names Nebtawyre and Amenemhet. Constructed from figures 15 and 16 in Arnold, D., page 12.

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Appendix A.1 Transliterations of records M192A The official record: (1) rnpt-sp 2 Abd 2 Axt sw 15 (2) Hr nb-tAwy nbty nb-tAwy nTrw-nbw nsw-bit nb-tAwy-ra sA-ra mnTw-Htp anx Dt (3) wD Hm.f saHa wD pn n it.f Mnw nb xAswt m Dw pn (4) Sps pAwty xnty st m tA Axtyw aH-nTr Hnk m anx Hr sS (5) nTry wAxxw nTr pn im.f st.f wabt nt sxmx-ib Hrt-tp (6) xswt tA-nTr n mrwt Htp kA.f wAS nTr m st-ib.f m irr (7) nsw nt Hr st-wrt Xnty swt wAH mnw nTr mnx nb Awt-ib (8) wr snD aA mrwt iwaw n Hr m tAwy.f rn (9) n Ast nTrt mwt mnw wrt-HkAwr nswyt (10) idbwy Hr nsw-bity nb-tAwy-ra anx mi ra Dt (11) Dd iw rdi.n Hm pr rpa imy-r niwt TAty imy-r (12) kAt mH-ib n nsw Imn-m-HAt Hna mSa n s Dba (13) m spAwt Smawt SmAw xntyw wAbwt (14) r int n inr Sps aAt wabt imit Dw pn irt (15) Mnw mnx.s r nb-anx sxA nHH r mnw (16) m Hwwt-nTr nt SmAw m hAb nsw Hry-tp tAwy (17) r int n.f xrt ib.f m xAswt nt it.f Mnw ir.n.f m mnw.f (18) n it.f Mnw Gbtyw nb xAswt Hry-tp iwntyw ir.f Di anx aSA wrt anx mi ra Dt (19) sw 27 hAt aA n nb-anx pn m inr mH 4 r mH 8 r mH 2 (20) m pr m kAt rxs bHsw sft anxwt Di snTr (21) Hr sDt ist mSa n 3000 m Xnw spAwt tA-mHw Hr Sms.f m Htp r tA-mri M113 The commanders record: (1) nb-tAwy-ra (2) anx Dt (3) rnpt-sp 2 Abd 2 n axt sw 15 wpwt nsw irt.n (4) iry-pat HAty-a imyrA niwt tAyty TATy sAb mH-ib nsw imy-rA kAt wr m iAt.f aA m saH.f xnty st m (5) pr nb.f sHd qnbt HAt wr 6 wDa pat rxyt sDm mdw iw n.f wrw m ksw (6) tA r-dr.f m dy Hr Xt sxnt nb.f iAwt.f aq-ib.f imy-rA aA SmAw xrp.n.f HHw m rxyt r ir n.f xrt-ib.f ir (7) mnw.f wAH tp tA wr n nsw aA n bit xrp Hwwt nt Hm mnw m pD-sS wDa nn rdit Hr gs imy-rA Smaw mi-qd.f smiw (8) n.f ntt iwtt xrp Ssm n nb tAwy sAq43 ib Hr wpwt nsw sHd sHDw xrp imyw-rA TAty n Hr m xaw.f Imn-m-HAt (9) Dd iw hAb.n wi nb a.w.s. nsw-bit nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt m hAb at nTr im.f r smnt mnw.f m (10) tA pn stp.n.f wi xnt niwt.f ssbq.kwi xnt Snwt.f iw grt wD.n Hm.f prr r xAst tn Sps (11) mSa Hna s m stpw n tA r-Dr.f Xrtyw-nTr Hmwtyw srw qstyw sSw-qdwt qHqHw mdww nbw (12) sDAwtyw pr-aA
43

I have read the t as a q in this word.

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sDAwt nb nt pr-HD iAt nbt nt pr-nsw dmD m-sA ir.n xAst m itrw inwt Hrwt (13) m wAt mw iw in.n.f nb-anx sxA nHH wAH ib n Dt n sp hA mit.f Hr xAst tn Dr rk nTr (14) hA.n mSa nn nhw.f n Aq s n xtxt Tst n mwt aA nn gb Hmww xpr.n n Hm n nb(.i) (15) m bAw ir n.f Mnw n-aAt.n mrr.f sw wAH kA.f Hr st-wrt m nsyt idbwy Hr ir.n.f m aA r.s ink bAk.f n st-ib.f ir Hst.f nb m Hrt-hrw nt ra nb

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Appendix A.2 Tranlsliterations of wonders M110 The first wonder: (1) nsw bity nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt (2) biAt tn xprt n Hm.f hAt n.f in qmAwt (3) xAswt iwt in gHst bkAt Hr Smt Hr.s r rmT xft-Hr.s (4) iw irty.s Hr-sA sA nn an.s HA.s r spr.s r Dw pn Sps (5) r inr pn iw.f m st.f n aA pn n nb-anx pn mst pw ir.n.s Hr.f iw mSa pn n (6) nsw Hr mAA aHa.n Saw nHbt.s wdn.t(i) Hr.f m sb-n-sDt (7) hAt pw ir.n.f m Htp isT grt in Hm n nTr pn Sps (8) nb xAswt rdi mAa n sA.f nbtAwy-ra anx Dt n-mrwt Aw ib.f wnn.f (9) anx Hr nswt.f nHH Hna Dt ir.f HHw m Hbw-sd (10) iry-pat HAty-a imy-rA niwt TAty imy-rA srw nb n wDa-mdwt imy-rA DD pt (11) qmAt tA innt Hap imy-rA n ixt nb m tA pn r-Dr.f TAty Imn-m-hAt M191 The second wonder: (1) nsw bity nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt ms.n mwt-nsw Imi Abd 2 Axt sw 23 wdt a m kAt (2) m Dw pn m inr wAH nb-anx wHm biAt irt Hw mAA xprw nw nTr pn (3) dit bAw.f n rxyt irt xAst m nwy bst mw Hr nHA n inr gmt Xnmt m Hry-ib int (4) mH 10 r mH 10 Hr r.s nb mH.t(i) m mw r nprt.s swab.t(i) stwr.ti r gHsw sS (5) tA.ti r iwntyw xAstyw pr.t(i) hAA.t(i) Hr gs.sy in mSa n tp-awy nsww xprw (6) Xr-HAt n mA.n s(y)? irt nb n xr Hr n rmT Hr.s wbA sy n Hm.f Ds.f isT grt sdx.n.f s(y?) (7) rx.n.f mtt hrw pn xmt.n.f Hnty sp pn n-mrwt mAA bAw.f rx.t(w) (8) mnx Hm.f ir.f mAwt Hr xAswt.f n sA.f nb-tAwy-ra anx Dt sDm st ntyw m tA-mry (9) rxyt ntt Hr Kmt Smaw Hna tA-mHw wAH.sn tpw.sn m tA dwA.sn (10) nfrw Hm.t nHH Hna Dt

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Bibliography Allen. J.P., The Egyptian concept of the world. In D. OConnor and S. Quirke (eds.) Mysterious Lands. London: UCL Press, 2003. Arnold, D., Amenemhet I and the early twelfth Dynasty at Thebes. Metropolitan Museum Journal 26, 1991, pages 5-48. Assman, J., Herrschaft und Heil: Politische Theologie in Altgypten, Israel und Europa. Munchen: Carl Hanser Verlag, 2000. Couyat, J. and Montet, P., Les inscriptions hiroglyphiques et hiratiques de Oudi Hammmt. Cairo, L'Institute Francais d'Archeologie Orientale, 1912. De Buck, A., Egyptian Reading Book. Chicago: Ares, 1948. Enmarch, R., Of Spice and Mine: The tale of the Shipwrecked Sailor and Middle Kingdom Expedition Inscriptions, in F.Hagen et al (eds.) Narratives of Egypt and the Ancient Near East. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2011, pages 97-122. Goedicke, H., Some remarks on stone quarrying in the Egyptian Middle Kingdom, JARCE 3, 1964, pages 43-50. Goyon, G., Nouvelles inscriptions rupestres du Wadi Hammamat. Paris: Adrien-Maisonneuve, 1957. Gundlach, R., Mentohotep IV und Min analyse der Inschriften M110, M191 und M192a aus dem Wadi Hammamat. SK 8, 1980, pages 89114. Harrell, J., Brown, M., The Worlds Oldest Surviving Geological Map: The 1150 BC Turin Papyrus from Egypt. Journal of Geology 100, Jan 1992, pages 3-18. Hikade, T., Expeditions to the Wadi Hammamat during the New Kingdom. JEA 92, 2006, pages 153-168. Klemm, D. D. and Klemm, R., The building stones of ancient Egypt a gift of its geology. Journal of African Earth Sciences 33, 2001, pages 631-642. Lephrohon, R. J., Remarks on private epithets found in Middle Kingdom Wadi Hammamat Graffiti. JSSEA 28, pages 124-146. Lloyd, A. B., One more Hammamat inscription 191. JEA 61, pages 5466.

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Peden, A. J., The graffiti of Pharonic Egypt: scope and roles of informal writing c.3100-332BC. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Redford, D. B., Egypt Canaan and Israel in Ancient Times. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993. Seyfried, K.-J., Beitrge zu den Expeditionen des Mittleren Reiches in die Ost-Wste. Hildescheim : Gerstenberg, 1981. Strandberg, ., The gazelle in Ancient Egyptian Art. Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, 2009 . Vandersleyen, C., LEgypte et la valle du Nil, Tome II. Paris : Presses universitaires de France, 1995. Winlock, H.E., Neb-Hepet-R Mentu-Hotpe of the Eleventh Dynasty, JEA 26, 1941, pages 116-119.

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