Al Bs B

Military Temple Private Houses Templr of Zeus Trteoj

DURA-EUROPOS
*5

Oi D D E E
5 7

Ci

BS - Privaie Houses Private Houses. R o m a n Bath Temple of Zeus Megislos.

7 3

- Privat - Private - Private - Roman Private - Temple

Houses House] Houses Baih Houset B t m c k t of Axxanathkona Barracks

c*
C5 C7 C8 C Di
9

- Privat* H o u s e s Private Houses Private Houses - Redoubt Palace - Houio of Lvsias

8 F

,ST.lO
_

Praetorium - Private Houses - Parthian Bath Amphitheatre

,-ST.b

- Private Houses, shops. Private Houses, shops c - Privaie Houses, shops CA - Private Houses, shops C - Private Houses, shops 6 - Private Houses, shops C 8 - Private House;, shops H i T e m p l e of the C a d d A Temple of Aiargaiis H+ T e m p l e of Arlemls Gi Ci
3 5

J35 Ij I4 J7 K8 I4 L5 L7 L8

Private Houses Private Houses House of T r i b u n e Temple of the Palmyrene Gods M i t h r a e u m . Barracks Private Houses Caravanserai T e m p l e of Adonis Synagogue Private H o u a c i Tychaeum Prvale Houset R o m a n Baih Privaie Houses Christian Building

M7 MS

Prvale Houset N B N 7 Temple of Z e u j K y r i o f N 8 T e m p l o of A p h l a d Prvate Houses X 3 5 Headquarters o f Dux X 7 Dclicheneum

TIT

Tu \
ST.A

5XF sxc

rcw sxi sxl

SXK

S T B ST.C

5T.D 5T.E

^.

CITY PLAN OF DURA

THE

Excavations at Dura-Europos
CONDUCTED BY Y A L E UNIVERSITY AND T H E FRENCH ACADEMY OF INSCRIPTIONS A N D L E T T E R S

F I N A L R E P O R T VIII, P A R T II
EDITED B Y

C. Bradford Welles

N E W H A V E N DURA-EUROPOS PUBLICATIONS Distributed by

J. J . A U G U S T I N P U B L I S H E R , L O C U S T V A L L E Y , N E W Y O R K

1967

It is intended to issue eight Final Reports, as follows:

I. H I S T O R Y ; II. A R C H I T E C T U R E A N D T O W N P L A N N I N G ; III. TIONS, ARMOR; PARCHMENTS A N D P A P Y R I ; V I . COINS; VII. SCULPT U R E , F I G U R I N E S , A N D P A I N T I N G ; I V . M I N O R F I N D S ; V . INSCRIPARMS AND

VIII. T H E SYNAGOGUE, M I T H R A E U M , A N D CHRISTIAN C H A P E L . These will be issued in parts as they are completed and, within the separate Reports, the parts will be numbered in order of appearance. Already issued: IV, P A R T I, F A S C I C L E I. Nicholas Toll, T H E G R E E N I V , P A R T I, F A S C I C L E II. Dorothy Hannah Cox, I V , P A R T II. R . Pfister and Louisa Bellinger, T H E

FINAL REPORT FINAL REPORT FINAL REPORT TEXTILES. FINAL REPORT

GLAZED POTTERY. T H E G R E E K AND ROMAN POTTERY.

IV, P A R T III. P . V . C. Baur, T H E L A M P S . F I N A L R E P O R T I V , P A R T I V , F A S C I C L E I. Theresa G . Frisch and N . P. Toll, T H E P I E R C E D B R O N Z E S ; T H E E N A M E L E D B R O N Z E S ; T H E

FIBULAE. FINAL REPORT VESSELS. FINAL REPORT

I V , P A R T V . Christoph W . Clairmont, T H E G L A S S

V , P A R T I. C. Bradford Welles, Robert O. Fink, and J . Frank Gilliam, T H E P A R C H M E N T S A N D P A P Y R I . F I N A L R E P O R T V I . A . R . Bellinger, T H E COINS. F I N A L R E P O R T V I I I , P A R T I. Carl H . Kraeling, T H E S Y N A G O G U E . rights reserved 1967, by Dura-Europos Publications Printed in Germany at J. J.Augustin, Glficlcstadt All
All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher.

Library of Congress catalog card number: A 43-2669

The Christian Building

By C A R L H . K R A E L I N G f

with a contribution

by

C.BRADFORD WELLES

NEW

HAVEN DURA-EUROPOS PUBLICATIONS Distributed by

J. J. A U G U S T I N P U B L I S H E R , L O C U S T V A L L E Y , N E W Y O R K

1967

CONJUGI CARISSIMAE AMICIS

FIDELISSIMAE

ADJUVANTIBUS D. D.

PREFACE OF T H E EDITOR
My assumption of this role was not entirely voluntary. With the departure, however, of the previous Editor, Dr. Ann Perkins, to assume more properly academic duties as Associate Professor of the History of Art at the University of Illinois, I had no choice, all the less as my close friend, Professor Kraeling, was readying the present manuscript. From the summer of 1965, therefore, I took over the position de facto and am now gratified that the University regularizes the situation by granting me the title of Director of Dura Publications. M y responsibilities extend also to the Dura files, negatives and records, and to the antiquities of Dura housed in the Yale Art Gallery. With the generous recognition and support of the University authorities at all levels, I hope to be able to fill in some degree the gap left by Miss Perkins and by death or absence of my other colleagues among those to whom Rostovtzeff dedicated his D t t r a - E u r o p o s and its A r t . In this connection, I cannot fail to mention that if continued use and publication of the Dura materials is now possible, it is due only to the devotion and industry and imagination of Miss Perkins during her years of service at Yale. When she arrived, the collections had been moved twice and were in disorder, the work of her valued predecessors, Mrs. Mary Nettleton Haight and Dr. Nicholas Toll, having been interrupted and left incomplete. They are now in order, (a Herculean task), so that even the uninitiated can find his way about with a minimum of difficulty; and the future of Dura studies is assured. In addition, Miss Perkins fitted into her teaching schedule a number of courses on Dura, and several manuscripts i n preparation, awaiting revision, or in almost publishable shape, are the results of her leadership and inspiration. The next volumes in this series will be due to her. It is appropriate for me to express thanks to those who, by their financial contributions, have made this volume possible. I may mention Mrs. Robert Woods Bliss in first place, a generous patron of scholarship and a friend of Professor Kraeling of many years standing. Equally generous have been two institutions with which Professor Kraeling was long associated, Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies and the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Their contributions are a welcome recognition of the scholarly worth of our Dura series. I may name also as patrons Professor Robert L . Calhoun, Mrs. Prescott W. Townsend, and Mr. Chester Dudley Tripp. To all of these, all who are associated with Dura must be deeply grateful. I should like, also, to mention my gratification at continuing to be associated with Mr. J . J . Augustin, whose kindness and practical grasp of the problems of publication are alike infinite, and whom I value as a friend equally as much as a publisher. It is sad, however, to observe that as I write this, the ill-health which has beset Professor Kraeling over the past months has not improved. This sadness is, however, colored with pride and admiration for his courage and steadfastness in pursuing his study of the Christian Building at Dura even under conditions of pain and weakness. As a scholar and as a person, he has earned the highest respect of all who have been associated with him during this trying period.
1

C. B R A D F O R D W E L L E S

New H a v e n , 29 October

1966

x. Professor Kraeling died on the 14th of November, 1966, two weeks after the manuscript went to press. I do not need to emphasize how keenly I feel his loss, both personally and professionally. For generous assistance in reading proofs I have to thank Professor and Mrs. A. Henry Detweiler, Associate Dean of the School of Architecture, Cornell University, and a member of the Dura Expedition from 1935 to 1937; 2 Professor Ernst Kitzinger of Harvard.
an<

vii

PREFACE
The suggestion that I undertake to prepare the Final Publication of the Christian Building at Dura-Europos was first made by my friend and sometime colleague at Yale, C. Bradford Welles, in 1958 at the always hospitable home of Sophie Michaelevna who, until the very last, nurtured there the circle and spirit of the gens D u r a n a that Michael Rostovtzeff had created and inspired. The suggestion appealed to me on several counts. It offered to provide for the Christian Building the kind of treatment its importance deserved but had not yet received. It permitted the continuation after an imminent retirement of my efforts to enrich the understanding of early Christian life and thought by working on new materials that supplemented the traditional sources. It afforded the prospect of renewing those personal relations with colleagues at Yale, Princeton and Dumbarton Oaks that I had so greatly enjoyed in preparing the Final Report on the Dura Synagogue. Several things intervened to prevent me from embarking on the enterprise at an early date, the discharge of my last responsibilities as Director of the Oriental Institute at Chicago, a second coronary attack incurred i n this connection, a period of recuperation and the completion of the publication recording the results of my excavations in Cyrenaica. When I did finally begin work, I concerned myself first with the effort to obtain a clear and full understanding of the early history and nature of Christianity in the Tigris-Euphrates basin generally. This I deemed essential to the proper interpretation of a monument located on the Middle Euphrates, and this took me back to the study of the much neglected Syriac sources that had given me great personal pleasure as far back as 1922. I was subsequently permitted to advance these studies and to write most of this Final Report at Dumbarton Oaks i n the course of successive appointments as Visiting Scholar there, for one semester each during the academic years 1962-63 and 1963-64, and for the entire academic year 1964-65. The story of the work done in the field and at home on the Christian Building by the members ix of the Yale expedition and their colleagues must be summarized briefly here to give the reader the proper perspective upon the material and to set the record straight. The excavation of the building was actually begun during the season of 1930-31 by M . Pillet, then Field Director, but did not proceed far enough to permit him to determine its particular character. For him it was merely the "Edifice of Tower 17". Pillet made a brief report on the rooms he had cleared in Rep. I V (1933), pp. 11-13. This was supplemented by the comments of Welles and Rostovtzeff on ten graffiti (two of them pictorial) brought to light in the course of Pillet's work (ibid., pp. 165-177, 215-221). The lapse of time between the work in the field and the appearance of the published report permitted Welles to note in connection with his comments that the building had meanwhile been shown to have served Christian purposes. It was during the season of 1931-32 with Clark Hopkins as Field Director, and as late in the season as January 18, 1932, that the first of the pictorial decorations of the Baptistery was exposed, thus clarifying the function of the structure. Between this date and the close of the season of work at the end of April a good deal of attention was paid to the clearance of the Baptistery and to the cleaning, the preservation and the lifting of its wall decorations. The last of these operations required the assistance of M . Bacquet, who was brought in from Paris but who understandably was unable to finish lifting all the scenes in time for the annual division of finds that occurred in that year on March 15. A t the same time only enough attention could be paid to the building as a whole to produce the very tentative sketch-plan of R. Deigert. These facts severely limited the preliminary account of the Christian Building given by Hopkins and P. V . C . B a u r i n Rep. V (1934), covering the season of 1931-32. The report on the decorations was incomplete and the description of the structure lacked adequate visual documentation. While this preliminary report is the only official publication ever made of the discovery, and that largely because other discoveries pre-

PREFACE
of Beirut were infrequent. The use of color film was only in its infancy and none of us had it in the field. Coming in the middle of winter, the discovery of the Baptistery paintings was followed by a series of rain storms whose severity and bitter chill those will know who have had to salvage from their force the remains of mud brick structures painstakingly cleared. It is no wonder under the circumstances that the photographic record both of the building and of the precious decorations occasionally leaves something to be desired and that the surviving parts of one badly fragmented scene were entirely destroyed. Much, too, has happened in the meantime. The negatives of some of the photographs reproduced in this Final Report are missing. Colors' and outlines in some of the scenes from the Baptistery, carefully preserved though they are, have faded or disappeared entirely. The members of the expedition have been scattered far and wide, their number reduced by death, the memory of those who survive naturally dimmed by the passage of time on points of detail that are sometimes highly important. A l l this provides difficulties and complications for anyone attempting at this remove from the discovery itself to prepare a Final Report on the Christian Building. In undertaking the task I have made it my business to obtain from those who could and did know, especially from Pearson and Hopkins, who had been so helpful in my work on the Dura Synagogue, all the information they had. I studied carefully and used as fully as possible the entire range of the Dura archives at Yale, including the Field Diaries and the private correspondence of Hopkins for the period in question. I searched overseas at Beirut, Damascus and at Dura itself for traces of missing materials and for the verification of technical detail. A l l this has been most rewarding, for I am confident that of the information available anywhere there is little of consequence that I have missed. The nature of the work done in preparation for this Final Publication has had a twofold effect upon its character. It has caused me to distinguish sharply i n the organization of the text between the section called Description and that called Interpretation. More importantly it has caused me to construe the Description i n historical terms, that

empted the space available in the succeeding volumes, it did not mark the end of the expedition's attention to the structure. During the season of 1932-33 the last of the wall paintings were lifted from the Baptistery, the western side of the building was disengaged by the clearance of Wall Street from the remainder of the fill in which so much of it had been buried, and the entire perimeter was defined by the clearance of the adjacent houses and parts of Block M 8 in which it stood. During the summer of 1933 the last of the scenes lifted from the walls of the Baptistery followed those of the previous season across the ocean to New Haven in accordance with the division of finds, and there all that M . Bacquet had lifted was put in place in a somewhat reduced reconstruction of the Baptistery installed in the Yale A r t Gallery by H . Gute, under the supervision of Theodore Sizer, Director of the Gallery. During the season of 1933-34, finally, Henry Pearson examined carefully the fabric of the completely exposed Christian Building at Dura, showing in detail how it had been created by the adaptation of a private house. Pearson also investigated the subsoil under this private house to bed rock in critical areas, exposing remains of a still earlier dwelling on the site and creating from a study of the pottery remains and changing levels a stratigraphic history of the site important for the chronology of its several building phases. Above all, Pearson produced at this time several plans, elevations and sections of the Christian Building and its immediate predecessor that are here published for the first time, together with a written report of his findings that has provided the basis for and the details of the description given i n this Final Report. A l l this happened over thirty years ago and it would be difficult for anyone not familiar with the pursuit of archaeological field work in the Near East during the period in question and with Dura in particular to recapture the circumstances with which the expedition had to cope. Dura, as I learned at the occasion of my first visit there in 1933, was at that time still very isolated and difficult of access. Means of communication and of transport were slow and cumbersome. Materials were scarce and contacts even with representatives of the Department of Antiquities then working out

PREFACE
is with an eye to the priority and relative reliability of the sources available. In the description of the building I have had the benefit of Pearson's account written i n 1934 and preserved in the Dura archives. In the description of the decorations I have proceeded, of course, from a careful study of the originals as they are now exhibited at the Yale A r t Gallery. But all scenes have been carefully compared with the Gallery photographs made before the scenes were mounted in the reconstruction of the Baptistery in 1934, with the tracings on cellophane made from the originals at a still earlier date, with the technically poor but highly important snapshots made in the field shortly after the scenes were laid bare and with the descriptions recorded at the time of discovery in the Field Diaries and letters of Hopkins. This has enriched the description far beyond anything the recent color photographs used in the making of the color plates can provide. In the text the nature and extent of the documentation available is indicated at the beginning of the description of each scene. In the Text Figures and the Plates as much of the pictorial documentation as seemed to offer significant detail has been included. A n Appendix reproduces important excerpts from Hopkins' Field Diaries, reports and letters with his permission. I am deeply indebted to many individuals for the help I have received from them i n my work. A t Yale I owe most to C. Bradford Welles, who has also contributed the section on the inscriptions to this report, to Nicholas Toll and Mrs. Mary Nettleton Haight who together were so active in the affairs of Dura at the Yale Art Gallery in the 1930s, to Herbert J . Gute of the School of Art and Architecture whose first-hand knowledge of the technique and style of Dura painting is invaluable and who has contributed also the sketch used in PI. X L I I I , 2, and to Robert L . Calhoun of the Divinity School with whom I have discussed points in the interpretation bearing on questions in the history of Christian doctrine, and who has helped in a material way also. Among the members of the Dura Field staff who left New Haven I am indebted to Clark Hopkins at A n n Arbor for comment and counsel on many points and above all to the late Henry Pearson of Newton, Penna.

xi

Pearson and I visited each other at different occasions i n connection with the work on this report and my files include many letters from him replying to questions I had raised. It is one of my deepest regrets that he did not live to see the publication of his excellent plans of the Christian Building, but it is a comfort to me to be able to say that he read and in corrected form approved the description of the structure as it is here presented. A t New York I am indebted to Richard Krautheimer of the Institute of Fine Arts for advice on the subject of early Christian church architecture, and at Princeton to Kurt Weitzmann of the Department of Art and Archaeology, who has given so generously of his knowledge of art history and Christian iconography both in connection with my efforts on the Dura Synagogue and now again in connection with the decorations of the Dura Baptistery. A t Washington D.C. I am equally indebted to Ernst Kitzinger, Director of Studies, both for the opportunity to use the facilities of and to enjoy residence with other scholars at Dumbarton Oaks and for his critical reading of my manuscript. A t Dumbarton Oaks I also had occasion to be again with Alfred R. Bellinger, who supplied the identification of the coins found in the Christian Building, and to benefit from the encyclopedic learning of Milton Anastos. Overseas I owe sincere thanks to Prof. Andr Grabar of the cole des Hautes tudes at Paris, to Prof. Theodor Klauser and his associates of the Franz Dlger Institut at Bonn, to Director Frank E . Brown of the American Academy at Rome, to Director Henri Seyrig of the Institut Franais d'Archologie in Beyrouth, and to Pre R. de Vaux of the cole Biblique and Pre B . Baggati of the Convent of the Flagellation, both at Jerusalem, Jordan. The work undertaken with the help of this large circle of friends and colleagues has been for me both enjoyable and profitable. I trust the results may be helpful to all those who have long needed a full account of the Christian Building of Dura in their work on early Christian art, archeology and history.
CARL H . KRAELING

Bethany,

Connecticut

CONTENTS
P R E F A C E OF T H E EDITOR PREFACE CONTENTS LIST OF PLATES LIST OF FIGURES IN T H E T E X T LIST OF PLANS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS BIBLIOGRAPHY PART T H E STRUCTURE I. Location and General Description of the Christian Building II. Preservation and Structural Phases III. The Private House and its Adaptation A . Materials and Construction B . Size and Shape C. The Vestibule D . The Courtyard E . The Portico F . The South Suite and the later Assembly Hall G. The West Suite and the later Baptistery H . Stairwell and Alcove I. Exterior Additions J . Movable Objects IV. The Earlier Dwelling V. Dates and Dating I : DESCRIPTION vii ix xiii xvi xviii xix xx xxii I 3 3 5 7 7 9 io n 12 14 20 28 29 30 32 34

T H E DECORATIONS I. Extent and Preservation II. Organization, Technique, and Palette III. The Ceiling IV. The Canopy of the Font V. The Walls A . Organization and Framework B . The Narrative Compositions 1. West W a l l : The Good Shepherd and his Sheep 2. West W a l l : Adam and Eve xiii

4 40 41 43 44 45 45 49 50 55

xiv
3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

CONTENTS
Upper Register, North Wall: The Healing of the Paralytic Upper Register, North Wall: The Walking on the Water Upper Register, South Wall: Garden Scene (The Paradise of the Blessed?) Lower Register, South Wall: The Woman at the Well Lower Register, South Wall: David and Goliath Lower Register, East and North Walls: The Resurrection Sequence a. Description (1) First Element, East Wall (2) Second Element, Eastern Part of North Wall (3) Third Element, North Wall b. Identification 57 61 65 67 69 71 72 72 74 76 80 89 101 102 102 107 111 114 119 122 125 127 128 129 137 139 141 141 145 151 154 155

G R A F F I T I A N D D I P I N T I by C. Bradford Welles PART II: INTERPRETATION

E A R L Y CHRISTIANITY IN T H E TIGRIS-EUPHRATES BASIN AND A T D U R A I. The Eastward Expansion of Christianity and its Appearance at Dura II. Recruitment of Converts and the Dura Christian Community III. Random Evidence for the Presence of Christians at Dura IV. Christian Scriptures available in the early Churches of Mesopotamia. The Element of Variety V . Gnostic or Gnosticizing Tendencies V I . Elements of a Regional Doctrine of Salvation V I I . The Struggle against the Astral Powers and the Abecedaria of the Christian Building T H E CHRISTIAN BUILDING A T DURA AND E A R L Y CHURCH ARCHITECTURE I. The Christian domus ecclesiae of the Mediterranean A . The Literary Evidence B . The Archaeological Evidence II. The Christian domus ecclesiae of Mesopotamia and the Christian Building at Dura III. The Importance of the Christian Building of Dura generally IV. The Rooms and Installations of the Christian Building, their Function and Significance A . The Assembly Hall B . The Baptistery C. Room 5 D . The Benches E . The Upper Room

T H E D E C O R A T I O N S O F T H E C H R I S T I A N B U I L D I N G A N D A N C I E N T D E C O R A T I V E A R T 156 I. Formal Aspects of the Decorative Program II. Framework and Fields III. Composition and Style of the Narrative Scenes IV. The Narrative Compositions and the A r t of the later Orient 156 160 163 169

CONTENTS
T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E DECORATIONS I. Wall Decorations A . The Focal Area, The Good Shepherd and his Sheep B . The Lateral Walls, Upper Register C. The Lateral Walls, Lower Register 1. The Woman at the Well 2. David and Goliath 3. The Women at the Tomb of Christ II. The Decorations of the Ceiling and of the Canopy over the Font III. The Decorative Program, its Theological Presuppositions and its Emendation by the Adam and Eve Scene T H E DECORATIONS OF T H E D U R A B A P T I S T E R Y A N D E A R L Y CHRISTIAN A R T I. The Dura Baptistery Decorations and the early Christian funerary Art of the West A . Style and Organization B . Subject Matter and Treatment 1. Healing of the Paralytic 2. Walking on the Water 3. Garden Scene 4. The Woman at the Well 5. David and Goliath 6. The Women at the Tomb 7. The Good Shepherd and his Sheep 8. Adam and Eve II. Impulses leading to the Development of the Christian Use of Art A . The Jewish Use of Representational Art B . Pagan Funerary and Religious Art C. Impulses from Within ARCHIVALIA PLATES PLANS

xv
177 180 180 183 186 186 188 190 197 200 204 206 206 208 208 209 210 210 212 213 213 214 216 216 218 220 228

LIST OF
The

PLATES
Excavation

I. i . Beginning of the Excavation, looking North along City Wall 2. View from the East after Clearance II. i . Embankment and Buttresses, South E n d of Block M 8 2. View across Rooms 3 and 4 into Block J 1 III. 1. View of Court during Clearance, looking North toward Room 6 and Stairwell 2. View North from Court toward Vestibule. Holes in outer House Wall show Location of Beams over Cellar supporting Vestibule Floor IV. 1. View West across Court into Room 5, with Doors to Rooms 6 and 7A at Right 2. View West from Room 3 showing Room 4 V . 1. Coping of Roof preserved at top of West Wall of Room 4, looking Northwest 2. Graffito (No. 10) on West Wall of Room 4 V I . 1. View North from Room 4 across Court toward Doorway to Room 7 A . Portion of the Bacchic Frieze in situ at Left 2. Frieze from Block B 2 3 . Frieze from the Priest's House V I I . 1. View North from Room 4 showing Podium and East Wall in Foreground. The Portico and Vestibule are in the Background 2. View from the Embankment across Room 5 Northeast toward the Vestibule. The unexcavated Doorway into Room 6 is at Left V I I I . 1. View North in Room 5, with Doorway into Room 6 in the Center, Doorway to Court at Right 2. Part of West Doorpost of Doorway into Room 6 showing Dipinto (No. 14) 3. Room 5 , Faience Dish over Lintel to Room 4 I X . 1. East E n d of Room 6, looking South across Court to Steps leading to Room 4 2. Niche between Doorways i n Room 6, looking South X . 1. Face of Font at West E n d of Room 6 2. Foundations of Font i n Room 6 X I . 1. Canopy of Font, South E n d 2. Canopy of Font, North E n d X I I . 1. Canopy of Font, Intrados 2. Interior Arch of Font, North E n d X I I I . 1. Basin of Font showing Southwest Corner 2. Basin of Font, North E n d X I V . 1. Pier of Stairwell (Room 7), looking Southwest toward Court. Marks of Stair-Treads are visible at Right 2. Excavation under Court showing Door of Earlier Dwelling, looking Northeast X V . 1. Excavation under Court showing Walls of Earlier Dwelling, looking Northeast 2. Walls of Earlier Dwelling, looking Southeast X V I . 1. Cap of Cesspool in Northwest Corner of Court, with Door to Room 6 in Background 2. Northwest exterior Corner of the Christian Building, showing E n d of plaster Bench and Protection for West Wall atop early Deposit in Wall Street 3/4. Plaques found in the F i l l in the Christian Building xvi

L I S T OF P L A T E S
The D u r a Baptistery as Reconstructed, i n the Y a l e A r t Gallery

xvii

X V I I . The Good Shepherd and his Sheep (Color) X V I I I . The Healing of the Paralytic and the Walking on the Water (Color) X I X . i . The Women at the Tomb, First Element, East Wall (Color) 2. The Women at the Tomb, Second Element, North Wall, East E n d (Color) X X . The Women at the Tomb, Third Element, North Wall, West E n d (Color) X X I . The Woman at the Well, South Wall (Color) X X I I . David and Goliath, South Wall (Color) X X I I I . Southwest Corner of Baptistery showing Font, Good Shepherd, and Woman at the Well X X I V . Northwest Corner of Baptistery showing Font and Registers of North Wall X X V . North Wall, upper Register, with Healing of the Paralytic and Walking on the Water X X V I . East Wall, lower Register. Women at the Tomb, First Element X X V I I . North Wall, lower Register, East End. Women at the Tomb, Second and Third Elements X X V I I I . North Wall, lower Register, West End. Women at the Tomb, Third Element X X I X . i . South Wall. The Woman at the WeU 2. South Wall. David and Goliath E a r l i e r Records of the Decorations, and I n t e r p r e t a t i v e M a t e r i a l s X X X . The Good Shepherd and his Sheep X X X I . The Good Shepherd and his Sheep. Tracing X X X I I . i . The Good Shepherd and his Sheep. Excavation Photograph 2. Shepherd and Sheep on a Campo Santo Sarcophagus, Pisa 3. Adam and Eve from the Scene of the Good Shepherd. Tracing X X X I I I . Diagram of the Decorations of the Baptistery. North and South Walls X X X I V . The Healing of the Paralytic X X X V . The Healing of the Paralytic. Tracing X X X V I . The Walking on the Water X X X V I I . The Walking on the Water. Tracing X X X V I I I . 1. The Healing of the Paralytic. Detail of the Head of Christ 2. The Walking on the Water. Excavation Photograph 3. Representation of a Ship. Palmyrene Bas-Relief X X X I X . 1. Garden Scene. Excavation Photograph 2. Detail of the Register Divider X L . 1. The Woman at the Well. Excavation Photograph 2. The Woman at the Well. Tracing X L I . 1. David and Goliath. Excavation Photograph 2. David and Goliath. Tracing X L I I . 1. Women at the Tomb, First Element, East Wall. Excavation Photograph 2. Women at the Tomb, First Element, East Wall. Tracing X L I I I . 1. Women at the Tomb, Second Element, North Wall, East End. Excavation Photograph 2. Women at the Tomb, Second Element, North Wall, East End. Tracing and Reconstruction X L I V . Women at the Tomb, Third Element, North Wall, West End. Excavation Photograph X L V . 1. Women at the Tomb, Third Element, North Wall, West E n d . Tracing 2. Women at the Tomb, Third Element, North Wall, West End. Diagram of Space used X L V I . Women at the Tomb. Hypothetical Reconstruction of the Sequence of Scenes

L I S T O F F I G U R E S IN

TEXT
4 8 9 54 62 65 70 86 95 96 228

1. The Christian Building. Simplified Ground Plan 2. Rubble Foundations of the Christian Building. Isometric Projection 3. Ceiling Construction. Diagram 4. The Good Shepherd and his Sheep. Sketch estimating Number of Sheep 5. The Healing of the Paralytic. Tracing of the Figure of Christ 6. The Walking on the Water. Tracing of the Figure of Christ 7. The Woman at the Well. Tracing showing additional Details of Composition 8. The Women at the Tomb. Diagram showing how the West E n d of the Sequence of Scenes is Calculated 9. Graffito No. 12, Cataphractarius. Tracing 10. Graffito No. 13, Clibanarius. Tracing 11. Christian Building. Rooms excavated by M . Pillet

xviii

LIST OF PLANS
Dura-Europos, City Plan I. Map of the Tigris-Euphrates Basin (Detweiler) II. Block M 8, Plan (Pearson) III. Christian Building. Isometric Projection of extant Remains (Pearson) I V . House Plan before Transformation into Christian Building. Restoration (Pearson) V . House Plan after Transformation into Christian Building. Restoration (Pearson) V I . Christian Building. Details of Construction (Pearson) V I I . Christian Building, Sectional Elevations. Restoration (Pearson) V I I I . Christian Building, Baptistery. Plan and Sectional Elevations (Pearson) Frontispiece

xix

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
A J A : A m e r i c a n J o u r n a l of Archaeology B A S O R : B u l l e t i n of the A m e r i c a n Schools of O r i e n t a l Research B J : Bonner Jahrbcher B M C : British M u s e u m Catalogue Cabrol, D i c t i o n n a i r e : F . Cabrol, D i c t i o n n a i r e d'archologie chrtienne et de l i t u r g i e C A B . : Cambridge Ancient History C R A I : Comptes rendus de l'Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres CSCO: Corpus scriptorum christianorum o r i e n t a l i u m ; S A : Scriptores a r m e n i a c i ; SS: Scriptores syriaci C S E L : Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum Cumont, F o u i l l e s : F . Cumont, F o u i l l e s de D o u r a - E u r o p o s , 2 Vols. (Paris 1928) F i n a l Report, V I I I , 1 etc.,: The Excavations at DUra-Europos conducted by Y a l e University and the F r e n c h Academy of Inscriptions and Letters, F i n a l Reports GCS : Griechische Christliche Schriftsteller H T R : H a r v a r d Theological Review I G L S : Inscriptions grecques et latines de l a Syrie, ed. L . Jalabert et R. Mouterde I L N : I l l u s t r a t e d London News J A O S : J o u r n a l of the A m e r i c a n O r i e n t a l Society J D A I : J a h r b u c h des deutschen Archologischen Instituts JfAC: J a h r b u c h fr A n t i k e und Christentum J H S : J o u r n a l of Hellenic Studies J T S : J o u r n a l of Theological Studies K T W : Kittel, Theologisches Wrterbuch M D O G : M i t t e i l u n g e n der deutschen Orient Gesellschaft M G H : M o n u m e n t a germaniae historica M P : Monuments F o n d a t i o n Piot OC : Oriens christianus OCA : O r i e n t a l i a Christiana analecta O I P : Oriental Institute Publications P G : P a t r o l o g i a graeca P L : Patrologia latina P O : Patrologia orientalis P S : Patrologia syriaca PW: Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopdie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft R A C : Rivista di archeologia cristiana R B : Revue biblique R B K : R e a l l e x i k o n zur byzantinischen Kunst, ed. K . Wessel and M . Restle Rep. I etc.,: The Excavations at D u r a - E u r o p o s conducted by Y a l e University and the F r e n c h Academy of Inscriptions and Letters, P r e l i m i n a r y Reports RfAC: R e a l l e x i k o n fr A n t i k e und Christentum R G G : R e l i g i o n i n Geschichte und Gegenwart, 3 . ed. R M : Deutsches archaeologisches I n s t i t u t , Rmische Abteilung, Mitteilungen R Q : Rmische Quartalschrifi SA : Scriptores Armeniaci xx

LIST OF A B B R E V I A T I O N S
SS: Scriptores Syri ST: Studi e testi T S : Texts and Studies T U : Texte und Untersuchungen W V D O G : Wissenschaftliche Verffentlichungen der deutschen Y C S : Y a l e Classical Studies Z K G : Zeitschrift fr Kirchengeschichte Z N T W : Zeitschrift fr die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft

xxi

Orient

Gesellschaft

BIBLIOGRAPHY
193z: C. Hopkins, "The Christian Chapel at Dura-Europos", A t t i del I I I congresso intemazionale d i archeologia c r i s t i a n a , Ravenna, I32 (Rome, 1934), pp. 483-492. M. I. Rostovtzeff and C. Hopkins, " L a dernire campagne de fouilles de Doura-Europos", C R A I , 1932, PP- 3 3 - 3 ' G. de Jerphanion, "Bulletin d'archologie chrtienne", O r i e n t a l i a C h r i s t i a n a X X V I I I , 2 (1932), p. 296. 1933: M. Pillet, C. B. Welles and M. I. Rostovtzeff in Rep. I V , pp. 11-13, 175-177 and 216-221. P. V . C. Baur, "The Christian Chapel at Dura", A ] A X X X V I I (1933), PP- 377-38o. P. V. C. Baur, "Les peintures de la chapelle chrtienne de Doura", Gazette des B e a u x - A r t s , August, 1933, pp. 65-78. J . P. Kirsch, "Die Entdeckung eines christlichen Gotteshauses und einer jdischen Synagoge mit Malereien aus der ersten Hlfte des 3. Jahrhunderts in Dura-Europos in Mesopotamien", OC Ser. 3, V I I I (1933), pp. 201-204. J . P. Kirsch, "Die vorkonstantinischen Kultusgebude im Lichte der neuesten Entdeckungen im Orient", RQ X L I (1933). PP. 15-28. 1934: C. Hopkins, P. V. C. Baur and A. D. Nock in Rep. V, pp. 238-288. A. von Gerkan, "Die frhchristliche Kirchenanlage von Dura", RQ X L I I (1934) PP' 219-232, reprinted in Von a n t i k e r A r c h i t e k t u r u n d T o p o g r a p h i e ed. E . Boehringer (1959), pp. 226-232. M . Aubert, "Les fouilles de Doura-Europos", B u l l e t i n monumental, 1934, PP- 397~47G. Millet, "Dura et Bagawat" written in 1934-35, published posthumously in C a h i e r s archologiques V I I I (1956), pp. 1-8. O. Casel, "lteste christliche Kunst und Christusmysterium", J a h r b u c h fr L i t u r g i e w i s s e n s c h a f t X I I (1934), P- 74 1935 X Kollwitz, "Beziehungen zur christlichen Archologie", J a h r b u c h fr L i t u r g i e w i s s e n s c h a f t X I I I (1935), pp. 310-312. 1936: J . Pelekanides, To npco-roxpta-naviKot' carnaTr|pioi> "rift AoOpas-Epwiro, Nea Sion X X X I (1936), PP- 5 571937 : J- P- Kirsch, " L a Domus Ecclesiae cristiana del III. secolo a Doura-Europos in Mesopotamia", Studi d e d i c a l i a l l a m e m o r i a d i P a o l o U b a l d i (Milan, 1937), pp. 73-82. H . Lietzmann, review of Rep. V, Gnomon X I I I (1937), pp. 224-237. W. Seston, "L'glise et le baptistre de Doura-Europos", Annales de l'cole des hautes-tudes de G a n d (1937) pp. 161-177. J . Pijoan, "The Parable of the Virgins from Dura-Europos", A r t B u l l e t i n X I X , 4 (December, 1937). PP- 592-595 1938: M . I. Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , (Oxford, 1938), pp. 130-134. C. Watzinger, "Die Christen Duras" Theologische Bltter X V I I I (1938), pp. 117-119. H . Grgoire, "Les baptistres de Cuicul et de Doura", B y z a n t i o n X I I I (1938), pp. 589-593. 1939: A . Ferrua, "Dura-Europo cristiana", Civilt c a t t o l i c a anno X C , vol. 4 (1939). PP- 334~347J . Quasten, "Das Bild des Guten Hirten in den altchristlichen Baptisterien und in den Taufliturgien des Ostens und Westens, P i s c i c u l i ( A n t i k e u n d C h r i s t e n t u m , Ergnzungsband, I, Mnster, 1939). PP- 220-244. H . Grgoire, "Encore les baptistres de Cuicul et de Doura", B y z a n t i o n X I V (1939), p. 317. 1940: J . P. Kirsch, " L a basilica cristiana nell'antichit", A t t i del I V . congresso i n t e m a z i o n a l e d i a r c h e o l o g i a c r i s t i a n a , I (Rome, 1940), pp. 113-126. U. M. de Villard, L e chiese dlia M e s o p o t a m i a (Rome, 1940), pp. 64f. 1941: R. duMesnil du Buisson, " U n symbol du ciel infrieure: le croissant boulet", B u l l , de l a socit n a t i o n a l e des a n t i q u a i r e s de F r a n c e (1941), pp. 240t. 1942: E . Mle, Rome et ses v i e i l l e s glises (Paris, 1942), pp. 46-50. Il C. R. Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t (Princeton, 1942), pp. 65f. 1946: A . Grabar, M a r t y r i u m , Vol. II (Paris, 1946), esp. pp. 10; 110, n. 1; 250t.; 261-265; 308, n. 2. 1947: C. Hopkins, "The Christian Chapel at Dura-Europos", St. Joseph's L i l l i e s X X X V I , 2 (June, 1947), pp. 127-133. J . Lassus, Sanctuaires chrtiens de S y r i e , Bibliothque archologique et h i s t o r i q u e Vol. X L I I (Paris, 1947), pp. 10-19. J . Quasten, "The Painting of the Good Shepherd at Dura-Europos", M e d i a e v a l Studies I X (Toronto, 1947), pp. 1-18. 1953 : J . Villette, "Que reprsente la grande fresque de la maison chrtienne de Doura" ? RB L X (1953), pp. 398-413. 1954: R. Louis, " L a visite des saintes femmes au tombeau dans le plus ancien art chrtien, "Receuil publi l ' o c c a s i o n du c e n t - c i n q u a n t e n a i r e de l a socit n a t i o n a l e des a n t i q u a i r e s de F r a n c e (Paris, 1954), PP- 109-122. 1956: A. Grabar, " L a fresque des saintes femmes au tombeau a Doura", C a h i e r s archologiques V I I I (Paris, 1956), pp. 9-26. 1957: C. Cecchelli, "Per una comprensione intgrale dlia iconografia cristiana", Actes du Vme.congrs i n t e r n a t i o n a l d'archologie chrtienne (Rome, 1957) PP- 37 379K. Weitzmann, "Narration in Early Christendom A r t " , A JA L X I (1957). PP- 83-91.
2 2 8 : 2_ I_

xxii

BIBLIOGRAPHY

xxiii

1958: E . Dinkier, "Dura-Europos III, Bedeutung fr die christliche Kunst", RGG 3. ed., Vol. II (1958). coll. 290-292. R. Eissfeldt, "Dura-Europos", RfAC I V (1958), coll. 362-367. 1959: R. du Mesnil du Buisson, "Inscriptions sur jarres de Doura-Europos", M e l a n g e s de l'Universit S a i n t Joseph X X X V I (1959), PP. 39 f1961: R. Minchin, Outward a n d V i s i b l e (London, 1961), pp. 23-58. 1963: C. Delvoye, "Baptisterium" in R B K I (1963), col. 461. 1964: A . von Gerkan, "Zur Hauskirche von Dura-Europos", M u l l u s , Festschrift Theodor K l a u s e r , R f A C , Ergnzungsband I (1964), pp. 143-149. 1965: R. Krautheimer, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture (Pelican History of Art, Baltimore, 1965). Forthcoming: A. Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s of C h r i s t i a n I c o n o g r a p h y (A. W. Mellon Lectures in the Fine Arts, Bollingen Series, X X X V , Vol. 10).

PART I

DESCRIPTION

THE

STRUCTURE

I. L O C A T I O N A N D G E N E R A L D E S C R I P T I O N O F T H E C H R I S T I A N B U I L D I N G The Christian B u i l d i n g of Dura-Europos stands at the northwest corner of the insula designated B l o c k M 8 on the C i t y P l a n (Frontispiece), at the intersection of W a l l Street a n d Street 3. I t is located, therefore, i n the immediate shadow of the city's western defenses, directly behind Tower 17 a n d o n l y a block south of the M a i n Gate (PI. I , 1). The section (Blocks M i - M 8) of D u r a i n w h i c h the property lies was largely residential i n character. T h i s is indicated b y the plans of the buildings excavated i n their entirety and b y the w i d t h of doorways recorded where excavation was Hmited to the clearance of the building lines at either side of the c i t y streets i n the area (Plan II). Exceptions are the R o m a n B a t h erected between A . D . 210 and 215 upon the site of earlier private houses at the northwest corner of B l o c k M 7, and the small but venerable shrine of Zeus K y r i o s set against the inner face of Tower 16 before the street grid had been extended i n this direction. W h i l e b y the t h i r d century of our era most of the section h a d been built u p , there still remained at this time several parcels of l a n d that were undeveloped structurally. T w o such are the areas J a n d K immediately south of the Christian B u i l d i n g and fronting o n W a l l Street. These h a d i n R o m a n times been taken over b y the m i l i t a r y for storage, muster and b i l l e t i n g . Indeed, i t is l i k e l y that i n the period t o w h i c h the Christian B u i l d i n g belongs m a n y of the private houses i n the sections north and south of the M a i n Gate had also been taken over b y the m i l i t a r y t o house resident officers of the garrison.
1 2 3 4

In outward appearance and form the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a is quite indistinguishable from most of the other structures of the city. I t s m u d plastered, m u d brick and rubble walls, t y p i c a l l y devoid of external architectural ornament, blend perfectly w i t h a n d continue uninterruptedly those of the other buildings i n the c i t y block t o which i t belongs. The walls define a series of flat-roofed and hence box-like rooms grouped around a central courtyard (Plan V I I ) . I n character the structure is simply a t y p i c a l private house of D u r a , modified slightly t o adapt i t to religious use ( F i g . 1). The entrance is unobtrusive, a n ordinary doorway leading i n from Street 3 at the northeast corner of the building (Plan V). This gives upon a vestibule (Room 8) that is i n effect a short corridor leading t o the right and, b y a n arched opening i n its left wall, t o the central courtyard (Room 1). The obstacle which the vestibule poses t o a n immediate view into the interior of the building by the relative position of i t s outer a n d inner openings, affords a n element of p r i v a c y to life w i t h i n its walls as elsewhere throughout the city. Spacious a n d paved w i t h tiles l a i d i n an orderly fashion, the central courtyard (Room 1) is the area from w h i c h a l l major chambers are accessible and through w h i c h therefore circulation i n the interior tends t o proceed. T o w a r d the east the element of spaciousness is emphasized b y a portico (Room 2), whose roof is supported b y two plaster-coated rubble columns that stand on a low stylobate. O n the other three sides the court is enclosed b y the interior walls of the rooms grouped about i t . Steps lead up from i t t o the more important doorways a n d L-shaped sections of rubble benches are set against the enclosing walls i n the northwest and southwest corners. In the w a l l at the south side of the court a formally molded doorway gives upon the largest room of the building, R o o m 4. This is a sizable h a l l running east and west, lighted a n d aired b y windows at the west a n d north, carefully finished

M 7 see Rep. VI, pp. 84-90, 102-104. On the Temple of

Zeus 2. Plan 3.

1. On the known private houses in Blocks M 7 and M 8 see R e p . V I , pp. 140-187. On the Roman Bath in Block Kyrios see R e p . V I I V I I I , pp. 284-309. PI. II. 2. For the location of area K , not shown on II here, see R e p . V I , PI. V I . On the evidence from installations and inscriptions

see Rep. VI, pp. 174-178. ibid., pp. 265-308.

4. So Rostovtzeff in R e p . V I , p. 503. The clearest example is the House of the Roman Scribes in Block L 7,

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

FIG. I T H E CHRISTIAN B U I L D I N G . SIMPLIFIED G R O U N D P L A N

w i t h plaster so far as its walls and floor are concerned, but devoid of unusual structural features i n elevation and devoid also of painted w a l l or ceiling decorations. This was the A s s e m b l y H a l l of the Christian community, a fact made evident b y its o n l y installation, a l o w platform set against its short eastern end wall, where the presiding officer of the community sat or stood. A t the right of this dais an irregular mass of plaster with an aperture at the top provides for the emplacement of some object. A t the left a p l a i n door opens into a

small dark room (Room 3) i n the southeast corner of the building, a room that seems to have h a d no other provisions for access, light or air, but could have served a v a r i e t y of practical purposes, especially those of storage. I n the w a l l at the west of the courtyard another door w i t h molded t r i m leads into the second largest r o o m of the building ( R o o m 5). It is quite as hall-like as R o o m 4 because of the height of its ceiling, almost equally as wide, but little more than half as long as the Assembly H a l l . H e r e again there

PRESERVATION ANDSTRUCTURAL PHASES

are windows, at least toward the court, but the walls have only a coarse m u d coating and the floor has only the t y p i c a l beaten earth finish. Doors i n the end walls connect the room w i t h the adjacent chambers to the south (Room 4) and to the north ( R o o m 6). T h a t to the north has a carefully molded frame, suggesting that R o o m 5 is the formal means of access to R o o m 6. The relatively small R o o m 6 i n the northwest corner of the building, w i t h doors not only from R o o m 5 b u t also from the courtyard, is clearly the most important chamber i n the whole establishment. Its western end is occupied b y a massive installation consisting of two elements. T h e first element is a large rectangular basin solidly built of tiles covered w i t h mortar. Though the bottom of the basin is below floor level, its sides rise above floor level to a height sufficient to require the interposition of a rubble step between the floor and its upper r i m . T h e second element is a heavy vaulted canopy surmounting the basin, constructed of tiles and rubble and arched at the front and at the sides. R u b b l e columns support i t toward the interior of the r o o m and pilasters toward the w a l l against which it is set. The well-paved floor of the r o o m lies only slightly above the level of the courtyard and the low ceiling is set at no more than two-thirds of the rise of the house walls, providing space above for a n upper chamber. T h e r o o m h a d along its eastern end a low plastercoated rubble bench, and, attached to its south wall, between the two doorways, a ledge or table of similar construction. I n the wall between the

doors there is a large round-headed niche. Walls, ceiling and the canopy over the basin were painted in their entirety, the walls w i t h pictorial compor sitions representing B i b l i c a l events and figures, the ceiling and the canopy w i t h decorative designs. The room is therefore elegant and ornate, partic u l a r l y i n contrast to the unadorned simplicity of the other chambers of the building. T h a t i t served cultic purposes is obvious, the only question being what those purposes were. T h e answer depends naturally on the interpretation of the massive installation at the west end of the room. This is here interpreted as a font and the room, therefore, as a Baptistery. Relevant facts and another interpretation are considered below.
1

In the w a l l framing the courtyard at the n o r t h there are located between the small doorway to the Baptistery (Room 6) and the arched opening from the vestibule (Room 8) two further apertures. The one farthest to the east is a doorway that gives upon a staircase whose successive flights of steps, set around a central pier, fill the stairwell (Room 7 A ) and lead to the U p p e r R o o m over the B a p tistery (Room 6) and generally to the roof of the building. The one toward the west is an archway opening upon an alcove or closet (Room 7 B ) formed i n the area of the stairwell b y the rise a n d return of the stairs. Its height decreases r a p i d l y toward the interior i n accordance w i t h the p i t c h of the staircase. Such, then, is the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a briefly described.

II.

PRESERVATION A N D STRUCTURAL PHASES dations remain. This state of affairs is matched i n the entire zone along W a l l Street and derives from the defensive measures taken b y the R o m a n garrison to protect the c i t y w a l l against Sassanian siege a n d sapping operations. These defensive
2

The preservation of the Christian B u i l d i n g is a study i n contrasts. Its outer west wall stood, when excavated, at its full height, w i t h even the coping of the roof intact, more than 5.00 m . above floor level and about 7.00 m . above bed rock (Plan I I I ) . F r o m this height the line of preservation decreases sharply toward the east, amounting to no more t h a n about 0.20 m . above floor level i n the eastern t h i r d of the building. B e y o n d , destruction is even more complete, so that of the neighboring house at the east (House B i n B l o c k M 8) only the foun1. See below, p.

2. The offensive and defensive procedures employed by the contending forces and their effects are described in

Rep.

VI, pp. 188-205, Rep. V I I - V I I I ,

pp. 43-48 and

separately by Du Mesnil du Buisson, Mmoires de l a Socit N a t i o n a l e des A n t i q u a i r e s de F r a n c e , L X X X I (1944), pp. 5-60. Their effect upon the preservation of the buildings along Wall Street, as illustrated by the Dura Synagogue, have been noted in F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, pp. 4I

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

P l a n I I , . a n d their gradients on P l a n V I I . T h a t some measure of disagreement should exist between observers w i t h respect to details of the construct i o n and function of the small rooms along the eastern part of the Christian Buflding is understandable considering the ruthless destruction to which these rooms were subject. B u t any u n certainty that m a y persist i n this connection on i n d i v i d u a l points, while regrettable, is of no major consequence. The basic p l a n of the Christian B u i l d i n g , its floor-level features a n d circulation, are firmly established throughout; and at the west, where the most important cultic installation existed a n d where also the only room decorated w i t h w a l l paintings was located, a l l essential features are defined, even i n elevation, a n d preservation is relatively good, thanks to the embankments i n which the walls were buried a n d b y which t h e y were protected. E x c a v a t i o n s conducted below floor level i n the more important parts of the Christian B u i l d i n g provided additional information bearing upon the history of the parcel of l a n d occupied b y i t a n d upon the successive steps i n its development. T h e y revealed some of the original elements a n d installations of the private house before i t was adapted to Christian use. T h e y showed that i n the period before the erection of this private house a part of the site h a d been occupied b y a n earlier dwelling whose building lines were unrelated to those dictated b y the city's street grid. T h e y gave evidence of the association of different types of pottery w i t h the bedding a n d the foundations of the two successive structures. T h e y indicated h o w ground level h a d risen during the earlier phases i n the use of the:site. A l l of this information, none of which was available when the P r e l i m i n a r y Report on the Christian B u i l d i n g , was being prepared' a n d when the first accounts of the monument were published, gives a m u c h clearer picture of the circumstances, the process, and the date of the creation of the Christian B u i l d i n g . T h e slight modifications required of views previously held are unimportant compared w i t h the greater assurance provided on. crucial points a n d w i t h the settlement of controversial issues. The predominant interest-in the Christian use of the site dictates the procedure followed here i n describing these structures i n detail, namely that of

measures were not everywhere the same, but i n the area of the Christian B u i l d i n g and from there northward comprised three steps. The first consisted of filling up W a l l Street to the height of the c i t y wall's sentry-go a n d of erecting inside the adjacent houses a m u d brick embankment that served to support their western walls against the thrust of the fill. The purpose of this operation was to strengthen the c i t y w a l l a n d the procedure followed was conservative, for the houses were left standing, a n d the defenders apparently expected to remove the encumbering fill a n d embankment once the. danger of a siege h a d passed. The second step, more radical i n character, i n v o l v e d the application of a second embankment to the first, which, carried across W a l l Street at a higher level, provided the c i t y wall w i t h a wider sentry-go a n d permitted the heightening of the w a l l a n d the addition of new parapet courses to it. This required the sacrifice of the buildings i n the entire zone affected, only those portions of their walls being left standing that l a y w i t h i n the gradient of the two embankments. T h e third, still more drastic, created an open p l a c e d'armes behind the line of the embankments, where h a n d to h a n d conflict could be continued should the c i t y wall have been breached. This necessitated razing to their v e r y foundations the rest of the houses i n the blocks between W a l l Street and Street A , the material of their roofs, walls a n d floors being applied to the creation of the second embankment before i t was covered b y a coating of m u d bricks. The application of these defensive procedures is the measure of both the preservation a n d the destruction of the several parts of the Christian Buflding, depending upon their p r o x i m i t y to and remove from the W a l l Street l i n e . H o w m u c h was left standing a n d how m u c h destroyed can readily be seen on the isometric rendering of the standing remains that is P l a n I I I . T h e outer limits of the two successive embankments are recorded on
1

i . South of the Christian Building, in areas J and K of Block M 8, the protective installations consisted of a succession of massive individual buttresses set against the city wall (PI. II, i). For a general description of the different installations in Blocks M 7 and M 8 and for Hopkins' explanation of their change in character, see R e p . V I , pp: 179-181. For a detailed description of the embankments directly over the Christian Building see von Gerkan's statement in R e p . V I I - V I I I , pp. 44 f.;

THE

P R I V A T E H O U S E AND

ITS A D A P T A T I O N

considering the archaeological remains i n the reverse of their historical succession. T o keep the several phases a n d elements apart, different terms w i l l be used for each of the three building periods. The building of the latest period, that of the structure completely adapted to the uses of the Christian community, w i l l be referred to as the Christian B u i l d i n g . The same structure i n its

earlier phase, prior to its adaptation to Christian use, w i l l be designated the P r i v a t e House. T h e birilding erected on the site before the P r i v a t e House w i l l be called the E a r l i e r Dwelling. Since the Christian B u i l d i n g is i n fact only an adaptation of the P r i v a t e House, it w i l l be advantageous to consider b o t h under the heading: the P r i v a t e House a n d its A d a p t a t i o n .

III.

T H E P R I V A T E HOUSE AND

ITS A D A P T A T I O N

A . Materials and
L i k e most other structures at D u r a the P r i v a t e House that became the Christian B u i l d i n g was built of m u d b r i c k above a n d of rubble work below. T h e extent of. the rubble substructure is shown i n F i g . 2 a n d illustrated e.g. on P I I X , 1. Beginning w i t h foundations set into trenches dug down to b e d rock through the fill covering the site, the rubble masonry was l a i d i n successive courses each c a . 0.60 m . h i g h a n d t y p i c a l l y between 0.80 and 0.85 m . wide, that is, slightly wider than the brick superstructure. E a c h rubble course h a d firm inner a n d outer faces that were constructed of undressed stones held i n position b y mortar containing a liberal amount of gypsum plaster and that were t i e d together at the top b y a heavy layer of plaster, b u t i n the cores the filling of the courses h a d as a binder m u d w i t h only a slight admixture of gypsum.
1

Construction

To give strength to the structure as a whole, the rubble work was carried u p w a r d above the foundations i n courses of the same general height a n d construction to various levels. Of the walls around the perimeter of the building, for instance, the one at the west h a d one rubble course more t h a n those at the n o r t h a n d south,- this to protect the fabric of the structure against the rising accumulation of sand a n d refuse i n W a l l Street a n d to guard
1. The rubble stylobate of the portico (Room 2) at the east end of the courtyard and the rubble portion of the entrance wall of Room 5 at the west of the courtyard are both 0.90 m. wide, while the party walls between Room 6 and Room 7B, between Rooms 3 and 4 and between the vestibule (Room 8) and the portico (Room 2) have rubble work only 0.40 m. wide.

against water seepage from the street into the interior. H e r e too the corners of the building were found to have been strengthened b y rubble cubes set on the extra course a n d f o n n i n g term i n a l piers. I n the interior, rubble w o r k was stepped u p w a r d above foundation level at either side of doorways to the level of the lintels, where i t supported the poles that spanned the opening of the doorway (PI. V I I I , 1.) W a l l s pierced b y doorways set i n close p r o x i m i t y to each other were built solidly of rubble to the lintels a n d that between Rooms 7 A a n d 7B, around which the steps of the staircase were set, was presumably of rubble construction to the level of the roof. Columns also were fashioned of rubble a n d so naturally, too, the stylobate of the portico (Room 2). D o o r openings were spanned b y poles imbedded in rubble, the stone or plaster t r i m being added later. A r c h w a y s , such as those leading from the vestibule (Room 8) to the c o u r t y a r d a n d from the courtyard to R o o m 7 B , were fashioned b y placing undressed stones i n files along the inner and outer rims of a temporary wooden form, setting t h e m i n plaster a n d incorporating the rings i n a large mass of rubble.
2

On t o p of this solid rubble construction the walls were continued to their predetermined height in m u d brick. T h e bricks used were square a n d
2. The effects of such seepage caused by the natural rise in the level of Wall Street can be seen for instance in the Dura Synagogue in the damage done to the northern end of the Infancy of Moses scene. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L X V I I I and p. 169.

8
I K

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

FIG.

about o . i o m . thick. T h e y were so fashioned that they could be l a i d one, one a n d a half, two, a n d two a n d a half to the tier, a n d were set i n gray m u d mortar (Plan V I ) . R e d d i s h i n color, they were made of a clay t a k e n from the desert soil, a n d are somewhat harder a n d slightly thicker t h a n the gray m u d brick also i n use elsewhere i n the c i t y . Their exterior appearance a n d the presence of m a n y small air pockets i n t h e m suggests that t h e y may have been fired briefly. T h e y were l a i d i n

accordance w i t h standard procedure, so that vertical joints line up i n alternate courses,. half bricks being used to accomplish this purpose where necessary. T o tie the brick work together even more firmly layers of reeds were l a i d across the thickness of the w a l l at every seventh or eighth course. H o w the building was roofed is k n o w n i n full detail. T h e roofs h a d as their major supporting members transverse beams bedded i n rubble

THE P R I V A T E HOUSE A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N

masses set into the brick w o r k (Fig. 3). U p o n t h e m were laid at right angles smaller rafters, the ends of which rested on a step i n the wall half a brick wide. R e e d mats, plaited i n long strips, were placed upon this grid of poles, their outer

divided horizontally between the B a p t i s t e r y and the upper room when the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian use. T h a t at the east, i n the area of Rooms 8, 2 a n d 3, ceilings were lower is suggested b y the diameter of the column drums assigned to the portico ( R o o m 2). A p p l y i n g the standard proportions a height of approximately 4.00 m . is indicated for the portico and that of the vestibule m a y have been even less.
2

FIG.

E x c e p t for a zone around the door openings that was crudely plastered, the walls of the Private House exposed to the weather were coated w i t h the same m i x t u r e of m u d and chaff or chopped straw that is still i n use i n the villages of the N e a r East. T h i s was carried up and over the coping at the top of the walls and showed no signs of ever having been patched or renewed. Inside, the same wall coating was used, except, originally, i n two instances, namely R o o m s 4 A a n d 4 B . These were coated w i t h gypsum plaster. W h e n the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian use, R o o m 6, the Baptistery, was also plastered and R o o m 4 received a second t h i n coating that incident a l l y covered certain earlier graffiti but was i n fact an extension of the p a t c h required b y the removal of the p a r t y w a l l between R o o m s 4 A and 4 B.

edges extending the w i d t h of a full brick beyond the ends of the rafters. The mats, rafters and beams supported a layer of sandy earth at least one b r i c k high that was rolled and graded to give a slight p i t c h t o w a r d the exterior before being overlaid w i t h a layer of plaster. A row of halfbricks, rising above the level of the roof along the outer faces of the walls, formed the coping. This was interrupted at intervals b y drains that projected sufficiently to throw the r a i n water clear of the walls.
1

B . Size and

Shafte

The plot of l a n d upon w h i c h the P r i v a t e House was erected measures 17.35 m . at the south, 17.45 m . at the north, 18.58 m . at the west and 20.18 m . at the east. T h o u g h more quadratic t h a n m a n y other building lots i n the city, i t is a c t u a l l y a trapezoid whose sides meet at right angles o n l y i n the. interior of the block, at the southeast corner of the property (Plan I V ) . Since the parcel of l a n d formed the corner of an insula i n a c i t y whose blocks were defined b y regularly intersecting streets, its departure from the rectangular along its street frontage m a y seem strange. The irregularity is due to a combination of two circumstances. The first is that the lines of the city's street grid, their course originally defined i n the small Hellenistic nucleus of the city, were seen not to be aligned w i t h the c i t y
2. See below, p. II

Ceiling level probably v a r i e d i n the several parts of the building. A t the west the preservation of the perimeter w a l l of the house to the top of its coping (PI. V , 1) fixes the height of the ceiling above the floor i n the interior of Rooms 4 and 5 at 5.22 m . I n R o o m 6 it was probably the same originally, but here the available space was
1. The same construction is still in use in the villages of Syria, save that planks commonly replace the matting. It usually suffices to roll the roof after the first rain of the season to make it tolerably waterproof.

10

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
1

wall when extended to the perimeter of the site i n R o m a n times. If, therefore, the street immediately behind the c i t y wall (Wall St.) was to be kept at a standard w i d t h , the western side of the insulae fronting upon i t would necessarily have a diagonal course and each block, corners that were alternately obtuse and acute angles. T h e second circumstance is that at D u r a the city w a l l itself does not r u n i n a single straight line, but departs south of the M a i n Gate from the direction followed north of the gate (Frontispiece). This increases the angles at which north-south a n d east-west streets meet at the northwest corners of the last insula i n sections M and N . I n B l o c k M 8, i n the corner lot occupied b y the P r i v a t e House that became the Christian B u i l d i n g , the angle is 94 30", a fact w h i c h i t is important to note i n correction of v o n Gerkan's oft-repeated statements that the house h a d no irregular angles and that the expedition produced no plans of the Christian B u i l d i n g comparable i n value to his o w n . A s dwellings go at D u r a , the P r i v a t e House is a structure of no mean size. There were a few m u c h larger establishments, for instance the so-called House of the Large A t r i u m i n B l o c k D i , b u t the great majority was decidedly smaller. A c t u a l l y , the building was comparable i n the size of the lot it occupied to that used for the earlier of the two successive synagogues b y the Jewish c o m m u n i t y of D u r a . N o r d i d the trapezoidal shape of the lot on
0 2 3 4

which i t was built give the House excessive irregularity i n i t s internal organization a n d features. A i m i n g , naturally, t o fill the lot entirely and thus t o continue existing building lines, the architect placed the more important rooms a n d features of the House along the southern, western and eastern sides of the property, thereby imparting to them the regularity of this part of the lot. Its irregularities were t a k e n u p at the north, where the architect placed a l l the less important rooms a n d features, including the room (Room 6) which later became the Christian Baptistery.

C.

T h e Vestibule

Demolition of the structure i n the period preceding the siege of D u r a has dealt harshly w i t h the eastern part of the P r i v a t e House. A l l that remains here are the stubs of the perimeter walls, i n which, near the east end of the north wall, the door sill of the entrance was found imbedded (Plan I I I , PI. V I I , 2.) The sill rises only about 0.30 m . above the level of Street 3 which here runs at a height of about 0.40 m . above d a t u m . T h e sill shows that the door opening was 1.30 m . wide, and marks upon i t s surface, indicating the position of the jambs, prove that the frame narrowed this to 1.06 m .
5

1. This is by no means unusual in Hellenistic cities, since the course of the defensive walls and the alignment of the streets were determined each by their own requirements. See A . von Gerkan, G r i e c h i s c h e Stdteanlagen (Berlin, 1924), pp. 128!; R. Martin, L ' u r b a n i s m e d a n s l a Grece a n t i q u e (Paris, 1956), pp. i2of. On the location of the Hellenistic nucleus of insulae at Dura see M . Rostovzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t (Oxford, 1938), Kg- 5. P- 3 5 2. See the N a c h t r a g to his article in R Q as reprinted in his collected essays edited by E . Boehringer, V o n a n t i k e r A r c h i t e k t u r u n d T o p o g r a p h i e . (Stuttgart, 1959), p. 232. His criticism of the sketch plan of the Christian Building published in R e p . V as PI. X X X I X is justified only to the extent that this preliminary drawing repeated the obtuse angle at the northwest corner of the building also at the southeast, turning the structure into a parallelogram. Though he had had the opportunity meanwhile of being informed of the existence of Pearson's drawings published herewith, von Gerkan has repeated his criticisms in the Klauser Festschrift, M u l l u s , JfA C, Ergn-

Two l o w plastered steps let into the reveal floor, in the upper of which the sockets a n d the lock bar hole of the door were preserved, l e d down into the vestibule (Room 8). This is i n effect a corridor running from east t o west, 5.68 m . long, 2.50 m . wide at the east a n d slightly wider at the west. H o w its walls were finished is u n k n o w n . E v e n the floor disappeared, b u t the reason for this is revealed b y a series of large holes set horizontally i n the outer house wall immediately below floor level (PI. I l l , 2). These holes derive from the emplacement of the beams that once supported the vestibule floor, a n d i t was the removal of these beams b y the demolition crew that l e d t o the
5. Datum in all figures dealing with levels in the Private Hose is the level of the plastered courtyard floor (Room 1). There is no indication that the door sill had ever to be raised because of a rise in the level of the street. Such changes are frequent elsewhere, particularly along Wall Street, where the accumulation of sand arid refuse was more rapid. For an example see House A in Block L 7, Rep.- V I , Pis. X I and VII, and pp. 274!

zungsband I (1964), p. 143.

3. See R e p . I V , Plan IV. 4. The rectangular parcel of land on which the earlier synagogue stood in Block L 7 measured 21.50 m. by 15.50 m. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, p. 26 and Plan VIII.

THE

P R I V A T E H O U S E A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N

ii

rooms set about i t , one each i n front of the doors to Rooms 5 and 6, two to the staircase at the north (Room 7 A ) a n d t w o to the largest a n d most important doorway at the south, the entrance to R o o m 4 A . I n the northwest corner the court had as its only other feature a g y p s u m slab 0.85 m . square w i t h a small circular aperture i n the center (Plans I V and V I I , P i s . I V , 1 a n d X V I , 1). A heavy bedding of plaster held this slab firmly The interior of the house was entered from the i n place over a bottle-shaped cesspool carefully constructed of rocks a n d plaster, the open bottom vestibule b y a doorless opening at the west end of its interior (south) wall. This was 1.75 m . wide, of which goes d o w n to 3.20 m . below courtyard that is, wider than the door to the street, a n d level (Plan V I I , Section I). The installation is, of course, the latrine of the P r i v a t e House. I t cororiginally was arched at the top as elements of a rubble arch found i n t h e debris indicate. T h e responds to those found elsewhere i n the houses of arched entry leads b y two low steps to the court- D u r a . Identical installations are still i n use i n the remoter hamlets of the Orient today, serving as the y a r d (Room 1). only piece of what we would call "sanitary equipm e n t " for t y p i c a l domestic establishments. T h e D. The Courtyard fact that i n this instance i t was set outside of the The courtyard of the P r i v a t e House is the entrance to R o o m 6 underlines what has been central hypaethral feature t y p i c a l of the archi- said about the relative unimportance of t h a t tecture of D u r a i n both its domestic and religious room i n the original arrangement of the premises. A t some time after the original construction structures. I n this instance i t h a d been l a i d out of the P r i v a t e House, the courtyard underwent a w i t h some care, for the walls enclosing i t at the east, south and west meet approximately at right certain amount of modification (Plan V ) . Cinders angles, and the south and west sides of the court are were spread evenly over its earth a n d plaster each 7.70 m . long, a fact that m a y have contributed floor and on top of this bedding was l a i d a covering to the impression of regularity that t h e interior of tiles 0.195 m . square, arranged i n a n orderly made u p o n the visitor entering from the vestibule. pattern. This operation raised court level o . 08 m . The only departure from this regularity is that above d a t u m a n d covered the lower of the t w o provided b y the northwest corner, where the north steps leading down from the Vestibule (Room 8) wall, set parallel to the course of Street 3, meets a n d u p to the flight of stairs i n R o o m 7 A . I t also covered the single step leading u p t o the entrance the west w a l l at a n obtuse angle, and b y virtue of its diagonal course gives to the north side of the to R o o m 6. A second feature of the modification was the introduction of plastered rubble benches, court a length of 8.55 m . commonly 0.50m. wide a n d 0.42m. high, r u n Here we meet the first clear indications of the ning along the enclosing walls a n d b u i l t i n t w o building's adaptation to the purposes of the ChristL-shaped sections. One of these occupies the ian community. I n its original character as part of southwest corner of the court, extending from the the P r i v a t e House the courtyard h a d only the doorway to R o o m 4 to the doorway of R o o m 5. t y p i c a l surface of r e d earth liberally sprinkled The other, i n the northwest c o m e r of the court, w i t h d r y plaster a n d beaten h a r d b y d a i l y use. begins at the doorway to R o o m 5. T h e other, i n R u b b l e steps mounted from its floor at d a t u m the northwest corner of the court, begins at the level t o the sills of the doors of the more important
1 2 3 4

destruction of the floor. B u t the erstwhile existence below the vestibule floor of beams supporting i t reveals one additional fact, namely that the vestibule had underneath i t a cellar. A s found the cellar was, of course, entirely filled w i t h earth and rubble. E x c a v a t i o n showed that the fill was slightly less than 1.50 m . deep and produced fragments of several broken o i l jars, such as might well have n o r m a l l y been stored i n the cellar.

1. For other examples see R e p . V I , PL X I (House of the Roman Scribes) and F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. VIII, 2 and Fig. 9 on p. 27 (Synagogue). 2. How the cellar was entered will appear later. See p. 14.

3. See e.g. Houses A, B, C, D , E , H , I in Block L 7, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Plan II. 4. The cesspool contained only about a cubic meter of accumulated deposit, in surprising contrast to those of other private houses in the city.

12

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

door t o R o o m 4 (Nos. 6, 7 and 8) and one o n the left j a m b of the door to R o o m 6 (No. 15). One additional text was inscribed o n a plaster a n d rubble fragment found loose o n the floor of the courtyard (No. 1). Most of the texts were alphabetic and hence probably apotropaic i n character; one was an acclamation hailing the "one G o d i n heaven".
3

doorway to R o o m 5 a n d continues along the entire north enclosing w a l l as far as the arched entry from the Vestibule (Room 8). A t the n o r t h it covered the second of the steps leading into R o o m 7 A . The rise of the bench was sufficiently high so that new rubble and plaster steps h a d to be placed i n front of it, leading up to and over it to Rooms 6 and 7 A .
1

These changes i n the courtyard are associated w i t h each other, for the tile p a v i n g extends only as far as the foot of the benches, not under them, and both features are properly to be understood as a part of the procedure adapting the Private House t o the purpose of Christian religious usage. This is because the tile paving, covering and putting out of use the cesspool w i t h its pierced stone cap, necessarily p u t an end to the use of the building for domestic and residential purposes and marks its transformation into a m a i s o n sacre. Further, the paving served t o dignify the courtyard, accomodating i t to formal use. A t the same time the benches, whose purpose can be clarified only i n connection w i t h that of other installations, betoken the occasional presence i n the courtyard of groups larger than the t y p i c a l f a m i l y . .
2

A t lintel level the south w a l l of the court has at the right of the door leading to R o o m 4 one additional feature still t o be mentioned. I t is a niche about o. 30 m . wide and of indeterminate height, contrived i n the w a l l b y the omission of. halfbricks (Plans I V a n d V I I . Section III). O u t of reach even from the door sill, i t m a y have been intended as the emplacement i n the P r i v a t e House of a device or image prophylactic i n function or connected w i t h the domestic c u l t .
4

E. T h e Portico
A t the east, the tile paving of the courtyard abuts against a solid line of rubble masonry some o . 90 m . t h i c k that sets off an area bounded farther to the east b y the perimeter w a l l of the house a n d at the south and north b y the walls of Rooms 3 and 8 (Plan I V ) . The area is designated R o o m 2. The interior measurements are 8.90m. at the west, 9.15 m . at the east, 2.68 m . at the south and 2.65 m . at the north. The demolition of the entire superstructure i n this part of the building made i t n a t u r a l for M . Pillet, who first began work here i n 1930-31, to infer that the rubble masonry separating the area from the court was but the foundation of a brick superstructure originally extending upwards to ceiling level, a n d thus enclosing a room of the house. The interpretation fingered to puzzle H o p k i n s and has a distant echo i n v o n Gerkan's description of the b u i l d i n g . Meanwhile Deigert's examination
6 6

The walls enclosing the courtyard are best preserved around its western half, beginning at the right of the door t o R o o m 4 A and continuing t o the central pier of the stairwell (Room 7 A ) . T h e y showed clearly the t y p i c a l construction of rubble courses stepped up to the level of the door lintels, surmounted b y m u d brick carefully l a i d i n courses and covered w i t h a layer of m u d and chaff mortar (Pl. I V , 1). G y p s u m plaster was used only to cover the t r i m of the doorways a n d the wall surfaces immediately around the door frames. O n these plastered surfaces seven informal inscriptions were found preserved, six i n Greek and one i n Syriac. T w o were at the left of the door t o R o o m 5 (Nos. 2 and 3), two were at the right of the door to R o o m 4 (Nos. 4 and 5), three were o n the right jamb of the
1. The rubble benches were largely removed when the courtyard was explored below the level of its paving, but one piece in the northwest corner of the court can be seen in position on Pl. IV, 1. 2. On the possible function of the benches see below, p. 155. There is no system of drainage from the paved court, rain water being no doubt absorbed by the bedding of cinders upon which the tiles rest, nor was there any trace of a latrine in any other part of the adapted building.

3. For the texts see below, pp. 89-97. 4. See von Gerkan, R Q , X L I I (1934), P 5. R e p . I V , p. 12. The room in question is that designated Room E in Pillet's account. See Fig. n , below, p. 228. Expecting eventually to find the entrance to the building near its still unexcavated northwest corner, he regarded Room F (here Room 8) as the only means, of communication between Room E and the court (his Room A). 6. For Hopkins' comments see R e p . V, pp. 243 f.; von Gerkan's suggestion that a room had once existed here
2 2 2

THE P R I V A T E H O U S E A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N
of the building i n 1931-32 and the careful study b y Pearson i n 1933-34 demonstrated that the w a l l was i n fact the stylobate of a portico, a n interpretation adopted also b y v o n Gerkan. Several facts confirm this finding. One is that a n area of such modest w i d t h (2.68 m.) would not have required toward the court foundations 0.90m. wide unless these h a d been intended as a stylobate bearing columns of a relatively large diameter. A second is that the eastern end of the first step leading d o w n into the court from the Vestibule ( R o o m 8) extended over a n d upon the surface of the western enclosing w a l l of the area of R o o m 2, demonstrating that this d i d not rise above courty a r d level. A t h i r d is the appearance of recesses i n the top of the stylobate wall, at distances 2.26 m . from its southern end a n d 2.25 m . from its northern end, w h i c h can best be understood as m a r k i n g the emplacements of the blocks serving as plinths and bases for columns. The fourth a n d last is the discovery b y Pillet of column drums found re-used at the west side of the courtyard, t o block the doorway leading into R o o m 5.
1 2

13

a long history at D u r a as a feature of its domestic architecture. N a t u r a l l y , the full peristyle o r quadriporticus, though represented at D u r a b y early a n d late examples, is n o t common a n d particularly rare as a feature of domestic construction. B u t single columns or pairs of columns supporting a portico on one side of a c o u r t y a r d are common features of private houses a n d appear even i n small temples such as the Dolichenaeum. There being nothing whatsoever t o show that the portico of this P r i v a t e House was a secondary feature of construction, i t must be assumed to have been built as a n integral part of the whole. O n l y two observations need t o be made i n this connection, namely first that the diameter of the column drums found on the premises argues against a portico height of more t h a n c a . 4.00 m . , a n d second that i n the P r i v a t e House the portico probably w o u l d have served such utilitarian purposes as cooking a n d storage. N a t u r a l l y , when the Christian c o m m u n i t y used t h e building exclusively for its own purposes, the function of the portico w i l l have changed.
3 4

H o w the floor of the portico was p a v e d is W h i l e the portico of the buflding m a y have proven quite as useful t o the Christian c o m m u n i t y unknown. T h e entire area between i t s outer (eastern) w a h a n d the stylobate was found filled of D u r a as the narthex came eventually t o be for the communities using basilical churches, i t is not i n , b u t there is no telling when the fill was made necessary t o suppose a n d would indeed require and whether i t h a d ever h a d more t h a n a surface special evidence t o show that i t h a d been added of beaten earth. I n the absence of holes for the when the P r i v a t e House was adapted t o Christian emplacement of beam ends i n either the outer use. O f course, colonnaded porticoes as such are (eastern) wall or the stylobate, i t is difficult t o not t y p i c a l features of the traditional Oriental imagine how the portico could have h a d a cellar house. Imported u l t i m a t e l y from the West a n d underneath i t . The suggestion that such there was giving monumental form to possible earlier pole- derives probably from the observation that the supported sheds roofed w i t h woven mats, they h a d foundations of the p a r t y w a l l between the portico and the Vestibule (Room 8) stop short o n a line
B

which was demolished to (and including) the foundations, to make room for an open portico set on new and wider foundations as part of the Christian adaptation of the building, is of course entirely gratuitous ( R Q , X L I I , 1934, p. 225). 1. The one to the south is 0.75 m. wide and 0.52 m. deep; that to the north is o. 78 m. wide and o. 64 m. deep. The recesses were noticed and described first by Hopkins ( R e p . V, p. 244), who was inclined to interpret them as the bases of niches let into the wall of an enclosed room or as narrow door openings. There were, however, no indications of even the bedding of steps leading down from the wall into the courtyard. 2. R e p . I V , p. 11. Hopkins' dismissal of the evidence provided by the column drums ( R e p . V, p. 244) does not take account of the fact that the plinths could have been of unequal size and still have projected above stylobate level an equal amount.

3. The earliest surviving example of a structure with a full peristyle is the Citadel Palace from Hellenistic or early Parthian times. See R e p . I I , PL IV. The latest is probably the Palace of the Dux dated between A . D . 211 and 218. See R e p . I X , 3, p. 95 and Fig. 7 opp. p. 96. 4. For an example of a house with a single (corner) column in its court see the House of Nebuchelus in Block B 8 ( R e p . I V , p. 80 and Plate X V I , 1). For a house with a pair of columns along one side of its court see Houses C and C 2 in Block C 7 (Rep. I V , PI. IV and R e p . V, pp. 38-40). For the porticoes of the Dolicheneum see R e p . I X , 3, Fig. 10, opp. p. 134. There are of course many nouses at Dura in which rubble column drums have been found whose original location has not been determined. 5. So represented by von Gerkan, R Q , X L I I (i934) p. 225; Fig. 1, p. 231.

DESCRIPTION THE STRUCTURE

ment. O f these the one at the south is the larger, a clear indication of the fact that i t gives upon the most i m p o r t a n t part of the dwelling. T h i s is confirmed b y the existence behind the doorway of a group of three rooms so closely related t o each other through the diwan i n the middle ( R o o m 4 A ) , that i t m a y properly be called the South Suite (Plan I V , R o o m s 3, 4 A , a n d 4 B ) . W h a t is k n o w n about the relation between the second a n d t h i r d rooms of this suite as parts of the P r i v a t e House came to light i n the course of excavations conducted below floor level i n the large Assembly H a l l of the Christian B u i l d i n g (Plan V , R o o m 4). Certain features of the western half of the Assembly H a l l , revealed b y a close examination of the premises, were what suggested the excavation i n depth. One was the existence of a line of peg holes c a . o . 75 m . apart r u n n i n g along the west w a l l a n d along a short section of the south w a l l of F . T h eS o u t h S u i t e a n d the later the A s s e m b l y H a l l at a level 1.447 m . above its Assembly Hall floor (Plan V I I , I). The second was the presence i n Of the several rooms surrounding the central the west e n d of the n o r t h w a l l of the H a l l of a courtyard only two h a d doors set out w i t h molded square recess 0.45 m . above its floor level, 0.45 m . stone t r i m , n a m e l y the two centrally located at the deep, 1.15 m . wide a n d 1.75 m . high (Plan V ) . Such features are t y p i c a l of storage rooms, southern a n d the western sides of the establishserving t o sort out from the n o r m a l accumulation 1. This might seem to be implied in the sketch plan of of mats, rugs, pelts, a n d bolsters o n the floor the the building in R e p . V, PL X X X I X . more precious objects such as articles of clothing 2. There is no indication in the Field Notes of Hopkins and containers of various sorts. A t h i r d feature of or in his account of the structure in R e p . V of a "forgotten door" between the portico (Room 2) and Room 3 the A s s e m b l y H a l l was an irregularity i n the floor to which von Gerkan refers in R Q X L I I , 1934, PP-22if. and i n the plastering of the north w a l l o n a line None is indicated on the sketch-plan published in R e p . V, identical w i t h that of the outer (east) w a l l of Plate X X X I X and Pillet saw no traces of one when he excavated this portion of the building in 1930-31, R o o m 5. T h i s suggested that a p a r t i t i o n w a l l otherwise he could not mistakenly have concluded that separating the length of the h a l l into two rooms Room 3 (his Room D) had no "egress" (Rep. I V , p. 12). Von Gerkan may have been led to imagine that there had of unequal length (Rooms 4 A a n d 4 B ) h a d been been a door by the irregularity on the surface of what removed here to permit the creation of the larger remains of the wall between Rooms 2 and 3 as it is room (Room 4). T h e fourth feature was the shown here in Plan IV and Fig. 2 and visible at the existence o n the north w a l l of the Assembly H a l l , extreme right of the photograph reproduced on PL VII, 1. However, the irregularity represents only the difference but only between the irregularity i n the plastering between the rubble foundation course of the wall prealready mentioned a n d the door leading i n from served at the west and a short section of the mud brick the courtyard," of a section of plaster molding superstructure preserved by chance toward the east. There is no indication here of the bedding of a door sill. analogous to others found commonly at D u r a a n d Solely to facilitate correlation of the rooms which Pillet decorated w i t h rows of S a t y r masks, cymbals a n d designated by letter and which were later identified by Pan's pipes above a n d w i t h dolphins a n d sea number, we have provided in connection with his account of the "Edifice of Tower 17" as Fig. 11 below a sketch shells b e l o w .
1 2 3

0.90m. away from the eastern perimeter w a l l of the P r i v a t e House. Of course this does not mean that there was a door here connecting portico, vestibule a n d street i n a direct line, otherwise the foundations w o u l d have been continued to provide for the emplacement of the door s i l l . Rather, the aperture must be interpreted to mean that i n the northeast corner of the portico a r a m p w i t h p l a i n earth steps l e d d o w n a n d under the p a r t y w a l l to the cellar beneath the vestibule, already described above. N a t u r a l l y the area assigned to this crude stairwell was found filled u p w i t h rubble, b u t when i t was filled, whether i n the demolition of the building or when the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian purposes, is unknown.

showing the eastern part of the Christian Building as cleared and interpreted by him. Needless to say this does not imply that positive importance is assigned to his interpretation where it has been disproven by the later re-examination of the premises by Hopkins and Pearson.

3. The molding itself was 0.17 m. high and ran at a level c a . 1.92 m. above the level of the floor of the Assembly Hall. It can be seen in place in the photograph that is PL V I , 1.

THE

P R I V A T E HOUSE A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N

15

Such moldings, cast i n sections and applied to the w a l l as a decoration are familiar i n the diwans of private houses and are t y p i c a l l y of Bacchic character (PI. V I , 2, 3). I n this instance the molding must at one time have encircled the entire room, but the demolition almost to floor level of the rest of the north wall and of the entire east and most of the south walls of the Assembly H a l l has removed a l l traces of it i n those areas. The fact that what remained stopped short on the line of the irregularity i n the plastering of the north wall already referred to, coupled w i t h the fact that it did not reappear on the west w a l l of the hall, again suggested that i t h a d originally turned back on a p a r t i t i o n w a l l separating the d i w a n from a store r o o m at the west. T h e excavations made under the floor of the A s s e m b l y H a l l brilliantly confirmed these inferences, revealing not only the stub of the p a r t i t i o n w a l l still i n place, but also some of the installations of the d i w a n itself. Description of this part of the P r i v a t e House can therefore proceed from the verified assumption that at the south i t originally had a suite of three rooms, a d i w a n , R o o m 4 A , and two associated chambers, R o o m s 4'B and 3, giving upon the diwan at either end.
1

Of the two doorways w i t h molded t r i m leading into the interior of the P r i v a t e House from the courtyard, that communicating w i t h the diwan, R o o m 4 A , was the more imperfectly preserved, b u t the standardization of such t r i m at D u r a and the. better preserved counterpart leading from the c o u r t y a r d to R o o m 5 make it possible to say what the door to R o o m 4 A was like. A m o n g the elements preserved here the most important are the door sill a n d a pair of steps leading up to i t . T h e steps were each o .50 m . wide a n d divided between them the rise of 0.75 m . from the courty a r d to the sill. T h e lower, 2.70 m . long, was set around three sides of the upper w h i c h h a d a length of only 2.10 m . U p o n the sill i t was still possible to trace the marks for emplacement of the door jambs. These show that the doorway was 1.60 m . wide (Plan I V ) . A t the proportions
2

between w i d t h and height of doorways obtaining generally at D u r a , the height must i n this case have been slightly more than 3.00 m . A l l of the t r i m was removed when the eastern portion of the building was razed i n connection w i t h the second phase i n the development of the embankment. T h e jambs h a d been set against tongues projecting from the opening left i n the w a l l for the door, of which the one at the right (west) can be seen on PI. I V , 2. H e r e they would as usual have been held i n place b y masses of plaster forming the door reveal. Other masses of plaster applied to the outer face of the w a l l at the sides of the jambs probably served to double their exterior w i d t h a n d to give t h e m the t y p i c a l batter. A t the top they were no doubt surmounted b y molded j a m b capitals that l e d over to the molded stone lintel. Inside, the well-preserved reveal floor, widening out to 2.25 m . , contained the door sockets and the lock bar hole of the door leaves. It projected 0.40 nr. into the chamber, forming the surface of a step leading down into the room. Immediately at the right (west) of this step and encroaching upon it, low plaster ledges set around a rubble mass outlined a shallow box 0.95 m . long and 0.70 m . wide (PI. V I , 1, P l a n I V ) . Such installations are familiar elsewhere at D u r a just inside the doors of diwans i n private houses. T h e y apparently served as the emplacement for braziers used to heat the rooms i n winter and were therefore frequently sooty or showed marks of firing.
3

R o o m 4 A was a commodious well-proportioned chamber, 8.00 m . long and 5.15 m . wide, w i t h a ceiling about 5.07 m . above floor l e v e l . T h e floor, to w h i c h one stepped down 0.12m. from the door reveal floor, was of plaster m i x e d w i t h pebbles. Plaster-covered rubble benches Loom, to 1.10 m . wide and c a . 0.17 m . high r a n a round a l l four sides of the room. T h e walls of the room h a d been carefully plastered, i n fact they were plastered twice, once w i t h a heavy coating applied to the m u d brick surface of the walls a n d a second time w i t h a t h i n cover coat overlaying the.
4

1. See e.g., R e p . V I , p. 276 and PI. X V I I , 1, and P.V.C. Baur, "The Cock and Scorpion in the Orthonabazos Relief at Dura", S t u d i e s p r e s e n t e d to D . M . R o b i n s o n

(St. Louis, 1951), I, pp. 771-775.

2. A part of the lower step is visible on the photograph used in PI. IV, 1.

3. See e.g. .Room 77 of House I in Block L 7, R e p . V I , PL VII. 4. As indicated above, p. 9, the height of the ceiling of Room 4 B can be calculated exactly at 5.22 m. above the floor. But floor level in Room 4 B was c a . 0.15 m. lower than that of Room 4 A, reducing ceiling height of the latter to approximately the figure given.

i6

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

was of more modest proportions. I t had the same w i d t h as 4 A , namely 5.15m., b u t was only 4.25 m . long. Besides the door to R o o m 4 A i t h a d also a second door connecting it w i t h R o o m 5 to the north. F u l l y preserved this door was c a . 2.00 m . high, w i t h a n opening 1.50 m . wide that was narrowed to 1.10 m . b y the simple plaster t r i m set o n the side facing R o o m 5. The doorway was found blocked up w i t h rubble a n d i n the coarse unplastered fill two coins came to lighti one a n issue of Lucius Verus, minted at Caesarea i n Cappadocia between 161 a n d 169 A . D . , the other an issue of Trebonianns Gallus minted at A n t i o c h between 251 a n d 253 A . D . The date of the later coin suggests that the door was blocked up i n connection w i t h the erection of the first embankment, a n d that the rubble fill was intended to sohdify the wall i n the interior of the embankment as a part of the protective work connected w i t h the construction of that embankment.
5 6

first. The second plastering belongs to the adaptation of the room to the purposes of Christian assembly because i t is of a piece w i t h the patch applied to cover the unevenness of the surface left b y the removal of the p a r t y wall between Rooms 4 A and 4 B . D u r i n g the period of the Private House the walls of R o o m 4 A were featureless save i n four particulars. T h e first is hypothetical a n d is represented b y a group of three small high-level windows w h i c h i t seems proper to project for the upper, destroyed portion of the north wall for ventilating purposes after the analogy of the two surviving i n R o o m 4 B (see P l a n V I I ) . T h e second is the plaster frieze already mentioned above, of which a section was found i n place o n the north w a l l at a level 2.06m. above the benches, a n d w h i c h must originally have decorated a l l four walls of the room. The t h i r d is a pair of graffiti discovered b y Pillet on the south w a l l of the room a n d recorded b y h i m as h a v i n g come into view as the result of the peeling off of the second, cover coat of plaster. T h e y belong, therefore, to the pre-Christian period of the use of the room. P l a c e d one higher than the other, they are pictorial i n character and represent a cataphractarius and a clibanarius respectively. T h e fourth a n d last is a small plaster aperture or socket, 0.10 m . i n diameter a n d i n depth contrived i n the east w a l l of the room just above bench level (Plan I V ) . Its function is unknown.
1 2 3

Doorways must originally have connected R o o m 4 A w i t h both R o o m 3 to the east a n d R o o m 4 B t o the west. The sill of the former was preserved. The removal of the party wall between Rooms 4 A a n d 4 B when the building was adapted to Christian use has destroyed a l l traces of the latter, b u t its existence c a n safely be inferred from what is known about the function of R o o m 4 B a n d about communication between the several parts of suites of rooms associated w i t h a d i w a n i n other domestic establishments at D u r a . Its e m placement a n d dimensions are, as given i n P l a n 5. Information supplied by A. R. Bellinger. For the types see his F i n a l R e p o r t , VI, pp. 81 and 100, Nos. 1740 I V , of course, arbitrary. and 2073. R o o m 4 B i n the period of the P r i v a t e House 6. See above, p. 6.
4 9

Mention has already been made of the fact that the north wall of R o o m 4 B contained at the left (west) of the doorway to R o o m 5 a large recess a n d that the west a n d south walls h a d i n them at a height of 1.67 m . above floor level rows of equally spaced peg holes. These are features of the t y p i c a l store rooms associated w i t h diwans i n private houses, but the room i n tliis; instance was not a dark cupboard. Its interior was lighted b y two windows symmetrically placed i n the west wall, 2.92 m . above the floor and opening on W a l l Street (PI. I V , 2). The type is familiar from other houses along W a l l Street a n d the examples i n question here are k n o w n i n a l l the several details of their construction (Plan V I ) . T o w a r d the interior of the room the window openings were 1.09 m . high. T h e sides of the openings tapered toward the top, so that their w i d t h was reduced from 0.65 m . at the bottom to 0.35 m . at the reveal ceilings. These ceilings, spanned b y poles bedded i n plaster, were n a t u r a l l y set i n a horizontal plane, but the
7 8

1. See above p. 14. 2. See R e p . I V , p. 12.

7. See above p. 14. 8. E.g. the House of Nebuchelus in B 8. See R e p . I V , p. 81. 9. For other examples see for instance R e p . V I , p. 273, PI. X V I I , 1 (House of the Roman Scribes).

3. See Nos. 12 and 13, below pp. 92-94.

4. See below p. 18.

T H E P R I V A T E H O U S E A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N
window sills were slanted upward and the sides of the casings canted inward, so that the openings to the exterior were only 0.18 m . wide a n d 0.49 m . high. B o t h window openings, w i t h a l l their several faces, were found carefully plastered. Originally the exterior openings h a d wooden window frames set into them, o n a line 0.04m. from the outer face of the wall, These h a d been removed but their position and construction could be inferred from the remains of the plaster bedding that h a d held them i n place. The outside of the window frames h a d apparently h a d panes of glass or translucent slabs of gypsum crystal set against t h e m ; the interior surface served to h o l d wooden shutters that could be opened from below b y a draw c o r d . The two windows were found blocked up w i t h rubble a n d several explanations of this fact have been proposed. B u t i t seems easiest to associate the action w i t h the blocking of the doorway between R o o m 4 B and R o o m 5 a n d thus to suppose that i t is part of the conservation program connected w i t h the creation of the first embankment.
1 2 4

17

A t least the west and south walls of R o o m 4 B had one unusual structural feature. T h e y were stepped inward a distance of 0.05 m . o n a line 3.40 m . above floor level, being thus thicker at the top t h a n at the bottom. The line of the offset cuts through the window openings at slightly above half their height (PL I V , 2). W h a t the purpose of the feature was, is not clear. A s excavated, the r o o m was found carefully plastered, once w i t h a t h i c k coating a n d a second time w i t h a t h i n surface coating. O n the south w a l l the first coat contained at least one alphabetic
3

graffito. O n the west wall, symmetrically placed w i t h respect to the windows a n d 2.50 m . above floor level, hence beyond the reach of a person of normal height standing o n the floor of the room, was i n scribed another graffito petitioning that a certain Dorotheos be remembered a n d giving as its date the year 544 of the Seleucid E r a , i.e. A.D. 232-3. The fact that this is the only text found o n the premises giving a date i n terms of a calendar year, makes the graffito v e r y important for the k n o w l edge of the history of the structure. This importance is further enhanced b y the fact that the text is applied to the first coat of plaster, and that the character of the impressions showed i t to have been made w i t h some h a n d y implement while the plaster was still soft. I t gives the date, therefore, for the first plastering of the room, a n inference that is corroborated b y its position on the wall and its height above floor level, for at this level i t could have been made only from a platform or scaffold such as would have been used b y the plasterer. The only question is whether the date of the plastering is the date of the erection of the P r i v a t e House or the date of the adaptation of the P r i v a t e House to the purposes of the Christian community, and, i f the latter, h o w to understand i n their relation to each other the original plastering a n d the addition of the light cover coat that h i d the text. Different interpreters have answered the question differently. Since the question is of some importance i t w i l l be well to leave i t u n answered u n t i l a l l the evidence available for a knowledge of the history of the building has been presented.
6 6 7

1. The pull on the cord required to raise and lower the shutter had gouged narrow runways into the lower edge of the window opening. 4. PL V , 2; No. 11, below p. 92. This is reported by 2. Hopkins associates the blocking of the windows with the demolition of the partition between Rooms 4 B Hopkins, R e p . V, p. 239, but no tracing exists. Von and 4 A, suggesting that the one large room now had Gerkan mentions two alphabets and other "uninform ative" graffiti on the south wall ( R Q , X L I I , 1934, P- ) sufficient light from the openings toward the court He could very well be referring to the south wall of the ( R e p . V, p. 244). Von Gerkan ( R Q , X L I I , 1934, p. 226) combined Room 4 and hence be including in this sumconnects it with the rise of the fill in Wall Street. mary statement the pictorial graffiti incised in the 3. Pearson is inclined to favor a decorative interpreplaster of Room 4 A already mentioned above (see p. 16). tation. A n alternative suggestion would be the desire 5. No. 10 below, p. 92. to make the fabric of the building stronger at its south6. Compare the interpretation given by Hopkins west corner. Perhaps the added thickness was to support ( R e p . V, p. 240) and that of von Gerkan ( R Q , X L I I , 1934. a second-story corner room serving as a summer diwan, pp. 226-227). after the manner of the one in the House of the Scribes. See Rep. VI, pp. 266-267, and Plan X . 7. See below p. 38.
2 2 6

A t its opposite (eastern) e n d the South Suite included one additional room, R o o m 3 (Plans I V and V ) . L i k e R o o m 4 B i t can only have served i n an ancillary capacity the purposes to which the

i8

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
bench along the eastern side of R o o m 4 A , so that the hole h a d to be plugged w i t h plaster. As regards Rooms 4 A a n d 4 B the most i m portant features of their adaptation to the new circumstances were the demolition of the p a r t i t i o n between t h e m a n d the raising of the floor level throughout. This h a d the effect of transforming them into one large hall, the Assembly H a l l of the Christian community. I n demolishing the partition between Rooms 4 A a n d 4 B those i n charge of the work concerned themselves only w i t h the removal of the m u d brick superstructure, leaving intact the rubble foundation of the wall which was found under the raised floor of the Assembly H a l l . W h e n the m u d brick of the partition was cut a w a y from the fabric of the buflding this left narrow unfinished vertical strips on the walls against which i t abutted. A t the north, where the house w a l l between R o o m 4 and the courtyard was preserved to a height of more than 2.00 m . , the vertical patch b y which the plaster coating of the t w o rooms was made a single continuous surface was clearly visible. T h e important fact about the patch is that t h e t h i n second covering of plaster which the rest of the H a l l received d i d not continue over the patch, forming a second layer, but was of a piece w i t h the patch.
1

m a i n room of the suite was dedicated, a n d i t seems to have maintained this character throughout the entire history of t h e building. I t was entered through a doorway set into the northern end of the east wall of R o o m 4 A , a doorway that was only o. 86 m . wide on its outer face and at this width could scarcely have been more t h a n c a . 2.00 m . high. Demolition of the house destroyed the walls of the room down to the level of the sill (PI. I V , 2), b u t i t is l i k e l y that the t r i m , like the sill, was of molded plaster rather than stone, just as i n a l l the other less important doorways of the structure. T h e reveal floor, 1.30 m . long, contained the sockets for the leaves of the door and for the lock bar hole that held the larger leaf i n position against the jamb. The r o o m u p o n which it gives is small, sharing its largest dimension (5.15 m.) w i t h R o o m 4 A , a n d h a v i n g a w i d t h of only 2.55 m . T h a t i t h a d a door giving o n the portico (Room 2), as suggested b y v o n G e r k a n , is unlikely for reasons given above. I f i t received any light from outside, this would have h a d to come through windows high u p i n its northern wall, opening out over the roof of the portico. F l o o r level i n the room was about o. 10 m . below that of R o o m 4 A , the floor being only the r e d beaten earth t y p i c a l of such lesser chambers. W h e n the South Suite was adapted to the purposes of the Christian community R o o m 3 probably changed least both i n character and function. I t kept its separate identity a n d its original floor. The one feature seemingly connected w i t h the later period of its service is a pair of recesses, each about o. 50 m . wide, the lower ends of which were found roughly gouged i n the rubble work at the base of the west w a l l near t h e floor (Plan V ) . T o what height they m a y have extended i n the m u d brick part of the wall, whether they are to be understood as rough counterparts to a n d substitutes for the larger and carefully worked recess at the west end of the north w a l l of R o o m 4 A , the destruction of the superstructure makes i t i m possible to tell. The only reasons for associating them w i t h the later phase i n the use of the room are, first, that at the bottom they were gouged i n the rubble work, and, second, that the more southerly of the recesses penetrated to the socket let into the opposite side of the w a l l just above the

The raising of the floor level was accomplished by bringing i n a sizable quantity of earth, beating it down a n d covering i t w i t h a uniform layer of plaster. T h e amount introduced was sufficient i n what h a d been R o o m 4 A t o cover the tops of the benches. Because of a difference i n the earlier floor levels slightly more fill was required i n what had been R o o m 4 B than i n what had been R o o m 4 A , b u t even more was introduced than was needed, for the floor of the Assembly H a l l was somewhat higher (0.07m.) at the west than at the east. Imbedded i n the plaster coating of the floor of the Assembly H a l l was found a coin minted at Nisibis, a bronze issue of Severus A l e x a n d e r and hence dated between A . D . 222 and 235. The floor
2

1. On this socket see above, p. 16. 2. Information supplied by Bellinger. For the type see his F i n a l R e p o r t , VI, pp. 71. This may be the coin seen by von Gerkan and provisionally assigned by him to the year A . D . 241 and thus presumably to Gordian III ( R Q , X L I I , 1934, P- 7)Dura coin inventory
22 T n e

T H E P R I V A T E H O U S E AND ITS A D A P T A T I O N
shows no appreciable signs of wear a n d was presumably covered w i t h plaited reed mats during the period of its use. T h e o n l y notable feature of the room at floor level, a n d i n fact i t s only installation, was a l o w plaster and rubble dais set against the east (end) w a l l of the Assembly H a l l immediately beside a n d thus t o the south of the doorway leading into R o o m 3 (Plan V , P I . V I I . 1). Slightly rhomboidal i n shape, whether b y accident or t o provide better clearance for anyone wishing to enter R o o m 3, i t projected ca.o.gy m . from the wall, was 1.47 m . long a n d rose 0.20 m . above floor level. This would seem to have been the bema upon which the presiding officer of the Christian c o m m u n i t y sat or stood at its assemblies. A t the left of the bema a n d i n the angle between it a n d the east w a l l of the H a l l from which i t projects, there was noted a roughly molded mass of plaster c a . 0.20 m . wide a n d 0.09 m . high set around or containing a n aperture o . 12 m . i n diameter at the top (Plan V ) . Clearly i t served as the emplacement for some object, b u t what the nature of the object m a y have been is u n k n o w n .
1

19

was at least p a r t i a l l y preserved (Plans V a n d V I I ) . W h a t was left i n s i t u here at the demolition of the eastern part of the building was a part of the window sill a n d the entire bedding of the right (west) jamb. T h e sill was placed 1.17 m . above d a t u m , approximately 0.55 m . above the level of the raised floor of the Assembly H a l l , a n d was between 0.90 m . a n d 1.00 m . wide. T h e j a m b bedding showed that the window was 1.75 m . high. W h a t is unusual about the construction is the fact that the t r i m could be seen not t o have been set into an opening properly prepared at the construction of the m u d brick wall, b u t into one gouged out of the wall after its construction. The bricks of the several tiers d i d not abut regularly against the jamb. T h e y ended on an irregular vertical line a n d the space between t h e m a n d the j a m b was filled w i t h stones roughly bedded i n plaster. A pivot hole found i n one corner of what was preserved of the window ledge, directly behind the sill, indicates that the windows h a d wooden shutters that swung i n w a r d like the leaves of doors.

The structural changes made i n the South Suite have a purposeful coherence a n d were undertaken, i t seems, w i t h strict economy of effort and expense. T h e y served t o create here a single large h a l l a l l of 12.90 m . long and 5.15 m . wide (Room 4), w h i c h the ancillary chamber (Room 3) supplemented at the east. T h e h a l l was clearly intended for meetings, hence the introduction at the east of the raised bema or dais. R a i s i n g of the floor to a level above the tops of the benches i n what h a d been R o o m 4 A maximalized the seating capacity a n d served at the same time to reduce dampness. O n the mats spread over the floor as m a n y as 65-75 persons could well have mentions a further coin recorded only as having been been accomodated. F o r such large assemblies the found "stuck in the plaster floor of the back room" of low-level windows supplied the needed additional the Christian Building. It is an issue of Geta minted at Sinope in A.D. 210 and forms No. 2043 of the list in light a n d ventilation. N o one thought of removing F i n a l R e p o r t VI, pp. 97 and 160. Its precise provenience the remaining sections of the decorative Bacchic can obviously not be determined. plaster frieze, for purist or religious reasons. A l l 1. For suggestions of various interpreters see below, that was done t o the walls was t o p a t c h the scars p. 143. Pearson recalled having seen similar sockets in other private houses at Dura, mentioning particularly left b y the removal of the p a r t i t i o n between Rooms two set in corners of a courtyard where they seemed to 4 A a n d 4 B a n d t o extend the piaster of this have been formed around wooden poles. None are patch as a t h i n cover coat around the entire h a l l . recorded in actual house plans. This h a d the effect of brightening the interior and 2. The only recorded instance of a low-level window opening at Dura is in Room 1 of the Praetorium ( R e p . V, of covering the pictorial a n d other graffiti prep. 212 and Pis. I l l and X I , 1.), that is, in the outer wall viously inscribed o n the walls. T h e fresh coating of the main court. A t the north, R o o m 4 was supplied w i t h one or two low-level windows giving on the courtyard of the house. Such windows are not at a l l common at D u r a , especially i n private houses, where the n a t u r a l tendency was, then as now, t o shield the interior of the more important rooms from the noise a n d odors of the c o u r t y a r d . I t is therefore probable a p r i o r i that they were added when the P r i v a t e House was adapted t o Christian use. This is confirmed b y structural details of one such window, the one at the right (west) of the door leading into R o o m 4 from the courtyard, which
2

20

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
though still connected with the m a i n suites. I n houses of moderate size, w i t h a single entrance and a single courtyard, they tend to adjoin each other, giving on adjacent sides of the same court but connecting w i t h each other also without passage through the court. I n the smallest houses they are perhaps represented b y a second room other than the diwan somewhere i n the periphery of the court . Pearson has therefore properly included an adjoining second suite i n the ground p l a n of the t y p i c a l D u r a house. F r o m the w a y such second suites are developed i n the largest establishments and from the existence of means of intercommunication w i t h the m a i n suites without use of the courtyard, it is clear that they form the h a r i m or g y n a i k e i o n , the women's portion of the house, as opposed to the s e l a m l i k or a n d r o n , the men's portion of the house. This was presumably, therefore, the function of Rooms 5 and 6 a n d their association w i t h R o o m 4 B i n the P r i v a t e House under consideration here.
4 6 6 7 3

d i d not, however, prevent a certain P a u l , probably a Christian, from inscribing on the north wall of the hall, at the left (west) of the doorway leading to the courtyard a graffito recorded b y Welles and requesting that he "be remembered". So far as the extensive remains of the second plastering found on the wall or i n the debris on the floor of the room indicate, the Christian Assembly H a l l was never decorated b y the application of color, either to imitate sheathing or paneling or to render pictorial compositions. The walls remained u n adorned throughout the life of the structure.
1 2

G. T h e W e s t S u i t e a n d t h e later B a p t i s t e r y
A second doorway w i t h formal stone t r i m , at the west of the central courtyard, signalizes the presence i n the P r i v a t e House of a second group of rooms, comparable to that at the south, to which the name West Suite can properly be applied. Its central element is R o o m 5, to which the formal doorway gives access (Plans I V and V ) . A t the right, t o w a r d the north, it h a d what was originally a lesser u t i l i t a r i a n appendage (Room 6). A t the left, t o w a r d the south, it shared w i t h the South Suite the use of the store room 4 B . I n effect, this was therefore also a three-room suite, the overlap between the two suites m a k i n g them accessible to each other without passage through the courtyard. Second suites of this type are familiar features of the private houses at D u r a generally. Because they rank i n second place their position is less predictable a n d canonical t h a n that of diwans w i t h their immediate dependencies. There is more v a r i e t y i n the w a y they are incorporated i n house plans. I n the largest a n d most elaborate establishments they have their own separate entrances from the street and their own private courtyards,
1. No. 9, below p. 92. 2. What has been said about the adaptation of the South Suite to Christian use does in our judgement indicate that the date in the graffito on the west wall of what had been Room 4 B refers actually to the building of the Private House. But the matter still deserves separate treatment below to permit the consideration of evidence bearing on the date of the Private House and to take care of the theoretical possibility that the South Suite was first used by the Christians with no changes other than the initial plastering of Room 4 B and that the creation of the Assembly Hall and the second plastering of the entire hall represents a second stage in the Christian use of the premises. See below, p. 38.

T h e chief entrance to the West Suite lies i n the east w a l l of R o o m 5, on the axis of the west side of the central courtyard (Plan I V ) . The doorway and the w a l l i n which it was set were m u c h better preserved than the corresponding elements of the S o u t h Suite, for they l a y well w i t h i n the line of the second embankment that covered the western part of the premises (PI. I, 2, P l a n V I I ) . A single step, 2.50 m . long, 0.45 m . wide and c a . 0.23 m . high, made of rubble covered w i t h plaster, sufficed to lead up from the courtyard to the stone sill. O n the sill, up another o. 23 m . from the step, were set the stone jambs, so spaced as the provide a doorway 1.50 m . wide at the b o t t o m . A p p l y i n g the t y p i c a l proportions of 1:2 i n the relation of w i d t h and height i n formal doorways, it can be inferred that the door was 3.00 m . high. A t lintel height its w i d t h was some 0.10 m . less than at the sill, the effect of the batter being emphasized b y the tapering of the plaster additions to the face of the
8

3. The house in the southern half of Block E 4 ( R e p . I V , PI. II) provides a good example. 4. Examples are House F in Block D 5 R e p . I V , PI. IV) and House C in Block L 7 ( R e p . V I , PL VII). 5. Examples are Houses B and G in Block L 7 ( R e p . V I , PL VIII). 6. R e p . V, PL VI. 7. See Brown in R e p . V I , p. 12. 8. One section of the sill and the upper parts of the jambs were not preserved as PL IV, 1 shows.

T H E P R I V A T E HOUSE AND ITS A D A P T A T I O N

jambs. The stone jamb capitals, and hence also the stone lintel, h a d the t y p i c a l profile of two cavettos set off b y fillets, the w i d t h of the latter and the deep almost angular form of the former stamping them as relatively late i n the series k n o w n from D u r a . Here as elsewhere such molded door frames were covered w i t h a plaster coating to hide the joins, the coating i n this instance being extended some 0.70 m . to the right and left of the jambs m a k i n g a white frame around the entire construction. T h e reveal ceiling was spanned, no doubt, b y the usual poles bedded i n plaster, while the sides and floor of the reveal showed rounded masses of plaster set behind the stone t r i m to anchor them and to hold the sockets and lockbar hole for the door leaves. Floor level i n the room to which the door gives access was only a few centimeters below that of the reveal floor.
1

21

was probably identical i n frame w i t h that leading to R o o m 4 B and the elegant plaster frame was added when R o o m 6 ceased to function i n a purely ancillary capacity to R o o m 5 and became the B a p t i s t e r y of the Christian B u i l d i n g . I t w i l l therefore be described i n connection w i t h the changes which R o o m 5 underwent when the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian use. The opening for the doorway connecting R o o m 5 w i t h R o o m 4 B was prepared b y the builders of the P r i v a t e House i n the m u d b r i c k fabric of the south wall of the r o o m without benefit of support for its lintel from rubble foundation courses stepped u p at its sides. This m a y well have been t y p i c a l of doorways i n p a r t y walls between adjoining rooms i n the interior of the house. T o frame the opening, plaster was applied to its several faces and shaped into simple unmolded strips. These and the l o w plaster sill projected just enough from the faces of the opening to provide the stops against which the leaves of the door could be closed on the side toward R o o m 4 B . O n the side toward R o o m 5 the doorway had one interesting feature. T h i s was the emplacement i n the w a l l just above the lintel of the circular base of a greenish-blue glazed saucer or vessel (PL V I I I , 3). Such ring-bases, identical i n color, are found over doorways elsewhere at D u r a and can sometimes be seen i n contemporary A r a b houses i n small villages. Their function is probably apotropaic, to guard against the 'evil eye', a n d i n this capacity such a n object would be quite appropriate over the doorway connecting the women's quarters w i t h the d i w a n and its dependencies.
2 3

R o o m 5, the central feature of the West Suite, is the second largest among the several chambers of the P r i v a t e House (Plan I V ) . Its northern w a l l followed the slightly diagonal course of the northern house wall, so that the room is not properly rectangular, but the east, west, and south walls do meet at right angles. It h a d a basic w i d t h of 4.22 m . but was 7.35 m . long at the west and7.60 m . at the east. T h e interior was very plain. Its floor was of beaten earth, and its walls, which had never been plastered, h a d only a m u d coating. Its height, however, was constant w i t h that of Rooms 4 A and 4 B , and since the room was windowless toward W a l l Street it is probable that there were windows i n the destroyed upper portion of the east wall, toward the courtyard (Plan V I I , Section I). R o o m 5 connected w i t h Rooms 4 B and R o o m 6 through doorways i n approximately corresponding positions i n its short end walls. Of the two doors, that giving on R o o m 6 was slightly narrower (1.00 m . as compared w i t h 1.10 m . between jambs) and h a d certain irregular features that w i l l be mentioned later, but surprisingly was set out w i t h elegant molded plaster t r i m (PI. V I I I , 1), while the door to R o o m 4 B was much more simply framed .Originally the door to R o o m 6
1. The door opening, which is 2.18 m wide toward the interior, does not, therefore, have the typical splayed reveal faces. The construction of the South Doorway in the Dura Synagogue is similar. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Fig. 7, p. 20.

The changes made to adapt R o o m 5 to the use of the Christian c o m m u n i t y were even simpler i n this instance than i n the South Suite. There seem to have been but two, namely the installation of one low-level w i n d o w i n the w a l l facing the court a n d the application of molded plaster t r i m to the door
2. The destruction of the corresponding walls between Room 4 B and 4 A and between 4 A and 3 prevents verification of the suggestion. The fact that in the north wall of Room 5, the wall containing the opening for the door between Room 5 and 6, the rubble work was carried up to an unusually high level east of the door shows that we are dealing in this instance with an exception. See below, p. 22. 3. A t Dura see for instance the door giving entrance from the street to the House of the Roman Scribes in Block L 8, R e p . V I , p. 265 and PL X .

22

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
chambers. So far as the door opening is concerned this d i d not have i n the foundation course below it the projection usually p r o v i d e d to give support to the sill a n d the jambs, nor d i d it have at the sides the tongues against w h i c h the stone elements of jambs were n o r m a l l y set. The sill, which i n this case was constructed of plaster-covered rubble, therefore overhung the foundations toward the interior of R o o m 5, and the jambs were constructed entirely of plastered rubble masses set against and around the flat sides of the door opening (PlanVI). W h i l e the jamb capitals were each of a piece, the lintel consisted of two elements joined b y morticing, as though it h a d b y this procedure been cut down to the w i d t h of the doorway, instead of having been precast to fit. F i n a l l y , the reveal ceiling had set into it behind the l i n t e l and below the line of the poles spanning the door-opening an exposed quarter-round beam. T h i s received the upper ends of the door posts w h i c h would normally have turned i n sockets let into the reveal ceiling. W h a t a l l these features i m p l y is that originally i n the period of the P r i v a t e House the doorway leading from R o o m 5 to R o o m 6 h a d been much more s i m p l y set out, perhaps faced w i t h plaster shaped into p l a i n strips to provide door stops, like the door connecting R o o m 5 and 4 B , and that the elaborate t r i m is a later addition. A s the proper occasion for the change, it would be h a r d to imagine a circumstance more suitable than the transformation of R o o m 6 from a n ancillary chamber of the West Suite into the Christian Baptistery. T h e red dipinto on the left door jamb, already mentioned, therefore belongs also to the Christian use of the premises, was perhaps done w i t h paint at the occasion of the decoration of the Baptistery, and is i n our judgement also prophylactic.
4 5 3

leading to R o o m 6. The window gave on the southwest corner of the court (Plan V ) . Its sill was 1.535 m . above the floor of the room (1.73 m . above datum) a n d thus i n a plane 0.40 m . above that installed i n R o o m 4. Its left (north) plaster j a m b was preserved, showing that the window was 1.15 m . high, and between the j a m b a n d the coursed rubble work of the wall enough supplementary rubble and plaster filling remained to show that i t had been let i n after the original construction. The removal of the sill and the right j a m b makes it impossible to k n o w how wide the window m a y have been, b u t at the height i n d i cated it cannot b y comparison w i t h the window i n R o o m 4 have been more t h a n 0.80 m . wide. I n general it was therefore both smaller and at a higher level than that i n the Assembly H a l l . T h e doorway connecting R o o m 5 a n d R o o m 6 was found well preserved (PI. V I I I , 1, P l a n V I I ) . Its opening, framed throughout w i t h rubble l a i d i n courses, was 1.35 m . wide and slightly less than 2.00 m . high, the departure from the standard 1:2 proportions no doubt reflecting its original u n importance. Into the opening was set the elaborate t r i m that reduced its w i d t h to c a . 1.00 m . a n d its height to 1.73 m . This consisted of wide tapered a n d battered jambs ending i n molded capitals a n d surmounted w i t h a molded lintel. The profile of capitals and lintel, a n overhanging double cavetto (Plan V I ) , is even more elaborate than that of the t r i m of the door leading from the courtyard into R o o m 5. O n the face of the left (west) door j a m b , at eye level, a dipinto was found, done i n red a n d consisting of four Greek letters a n d a n eight-pointed star.
1 2

A s already indicated, the doorway h a d a n u m ber of structural peculiarities and unusual features. Quite surprising and unusual is the v e r y fact that i n a room of this k i n d an internal connecting door should have been set out w i t h an elaborate molded t r i m at a l l . Such embellishing elements are usually found o n l y i n doors leading into the more important rooms of a house from the c o u r t y a r d or i n doors leading from the diwan into adjacent
1. At the right (east) the coursed rubble was continued at a height unusual for interior walls so as to contain the niche in Room 6, to frame the door leading from Room 6 to the courtyard, and to support the return of the staircase over room 7 B . See Fig. 2. 2. No. 14, see below p. 94; Plan VII and PI. VIII, 2.

I n the original organization of the premises the adjacent R o o m 6 was an ancillary chamber of the West Suite comparable to R o o m 3 or 4 B i n thenrelation to the diwan ( R o o m 4 A ) . If anything, its status i n the P r i v a t e House was inferior to that of R o o m 4 B . T h i s is borne out b y its irregular shape,
3. See the plan of the typical Dura house, R e p . V, Plan V I . 4. The moldings of jamb capitals and lintel were even more elaborate than those of the doorway leading into Room 5 from the court (Plan VI). 5. See below, p. 125.

T H E P R I V A T E HOUSE A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N
its poor ventilation and lighting, i t s lower floor level, its accessibility from the courtyard and b y the presence of the latrine and cesspool just outside the door. Conceivably i t served, under the supervision of the women, to store what was needed for the practical purposes of housekeeping and at the same time provided l i v i n g quarters for the slave or slaves that performed the menial duties. R o o m 6 reflected more clearly than a n y other chamber the irregularity of the plot of l a n d o n which the P r i v a t e House was b u i l t . I n shape i t comes close to being a parallelogram whose northern and western sides meet at a n angle of 94 31'. N o two of the walls h a d exactly the same dimension, that at the north measuring c a . 6.80m., that at the south c a . 6.87 m., that at the east c a . 3.16 m . a n d that at the west c a . 3.132 m . , but the differences are so slight as to be inconsequential.
1

23

T h e room h a d two doors, both i n its south wall, the one connecting w i t h R o o m 5 set 2.37 m . from the west end of the wall, the other giving on the court placed only 0.51 m . from the east end of the wall. Most of what was needed t o describe the former has already been mentioned i n connection w i t h the description of R o o m 5. Here i t remains only to add that i n entering R o o m 6 from R o o m 5 one stepped down over the door sill t o the reveal floor, and from the reveal floor to the floor of the room, that the reveals themselves were not splayed, that the reveal floor was therefore rectangular i n shape, 1.305 m . long and 0.455 m . wide, and that masses of plaster h a d been crudely fashioned around the doorposts i n the inner corners of the floor to provide the lower sockets i n which the door leaves turned. The door connecting R o o m 6 and the courtyard was even narrower than that between R o o m 6 a n d R o o m 5, a n d lacked a l l structural embellishment, so that i t can scarcely be thought t o have provided the chief means of access to the Baptistery i n the Christian use of the premises. T o w a r d the courtyard the door was framed b y simple unmolded plaster jambs that provided a n opening o n l y o. 77 m . wide a n d of u n k n o w n height. O n the left (west) door jamb a graffito h a d been inscribed i n the Christian period acclaiming the one G o d i n heaven. Originally, i n
2

the period of the P r i v a t e House, the door was approached from the court b y a plaster step c a . 0.25 m . high, 0.20 m . wide a n d c a . 1.00 m . long, that led u p to the sill c a . 0.50 m . above datum. This step was subsequently covered b y the plaster bench set around the northwest corner of the courtyard i n the Christian period, and was therefore replaced b y a comparable step set i n front of the bench. Inside one stepped down 0.10 m . to the reveal floor which was of irregular shape because the left (west) reveal, a n d i t alone, was splayed to provide easier access t o the room, and which was 0.43 m . wide and h a d a m a x i m u m length of 1.05 m . Here also, as i n the doorway connecting w i t h R o o m 5, plaster masses set o n the reveal floor provided sockets for the doorposts, but instead of the t y p i c a l vertical lock b a r hole i n the reveal floor there was i n this instance a rough hole i n the side of the left (west) reveal c a . 0.87 m . above the reveal floor, into w h i c h the end of a short pole could be placed. W h e n the other end of such a pole was j a m m e d down against the opposite jamb behind the door leaves i t could effectively bar the door from w i t h i n . F r o m the reveal floor one stepped down into R o o m 6 first only 0.055 m . to a step here 0.41 m . wide a n d 0.26 m . high that continued around the corner of the room a n d along its entire east w a l l as a bench w i t h the same height b u t at a w i d t h of 0.62 m . , and from the step down 0.26 m . t o a floor of beaten earth on a level only 0.085 m . above the level of the court.
3 4 5

1. On the shape of the plot of land see above, p. 9. 2. No. 16, below p. 95.

3. The top of the bench was approximately in the same plane as the sill of the door. 4. The same mechanism was used also to bar from within the door giving access to the staircase in Room 7 A . See below, p. 29. 5. The floor level was thus lower than that of any other room in the house. The room must have been comparably damper in consequence. The existence of the step and bench described here is inferred from the fact that the raised and plastered floor introduced into Room 6 when it became the Christian Baptistery stops at the distances from the east wall and from the door reveal indicated as the width of the bench and step, and that the plaster applied to the adjacent walls at the same time was carried down to a level only 0.22 m. above that of the plastered floor. The bench itself, constructed presumably of rubble and coated with plaster, was probably broken up and removed in its entirety, like other rubble work in the interior of the room, at the occasion of a "treasurehunt" engaged in by those who demolished the structure in the second phase of the development of the embankment, as will be described below. See p. 28.

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
ceremonial use. i n a l l probability the most sacred. The painted decorations of R o o m 6 are described i n detail i n the next chapter. A t t e n t i o n is here given exclusively to the structural changes. T h a t these a n d the addition of the decor were elements of a unified plan for the transformation of the room is a priori l i k e l y a n d can be demonstrated from what is known about the interrelation of its several elements. The first step i n the adaptation of R o o m 6 to Christian use as a baptistery was its division horizontally into two parts, of which the one continues to be referred to here as R o o m 6 while the other is designated the U p p e r R o o m . The division was accomplished b y lodging i n the n o r t h and south walls of the room at a predetermined height a n d at intervals of c a . 0.90 m . a series of heavy beams, l a y i n g across them, w i t h ends imbedded i n the east a n d west walls, at intervals of c a . 0.30 m . a series of smaller rafters, and covering the entire gridwork of supports w i t h reeds or mats upon w h i c h the earth a n d m u d or plaster of the floor for the U p p e r R o o m could eventually be spread. A t the west end of R o o m 6, as the photographs reproduced on PI. X I show, the holes i n w h i c h the ends of beams and rafters were lodged were preserved, indicating that the timbers were introduced after the w a l l h a d been built a n d had received its original m u d coating. The beams did not penetrate a distance of one a n d one half bricks, as i n the case of the roof, nor were they properly bedded i n rubble masses set between bricks i n the construction of the w a l l . Instead the holes gouged into the m u d brick went only far enough on one side of the r o o m to permit the beam to clear the opposite w a l l when being lifted into position, a n d to provide a lodgment of c a . 0.20 m . i n the opposite wall when i t h a d been pulled back into the hole made to receive i t there. The holes were then filled w i t h stones a n d potsherds bedded i n plaster, to hold the beams firmly i n position. T o keep the beams and filHng from breaking out of their m u d brick setting, the w a l l around the beam holes was then reinforced w i t h plaster. Remains of such reinforcing rings still i n position can be seen on P I . X I . This plaster was applied over the m u d coating w i t h which the wall
3

Between the two doorways, the south wall of the room was constructed as a solid pier of masonry 1.64 m . wide to the full height of its preservation. A niche was let into this pier at a height of 1.61 m . above the earthen floor as a part of the original construction of the P r i v a t e House. It was at first rectangular, 0.88 m . wide, 0.60 m . high and o. 43 m . deep and later, i n the Christian adaptation of the room, arcuated (PI. I X , 2). The pier h a d one unusual feature, namely that at the lower right side, above floor level, two of the stones of which it was built project c a . 0.20 m . from its inner face (Plan I I I ) . This is very strange. T h e stones h a d not been pushed out from a n original position inside the face of the pier b y pressure from above during the period when it was engulfed i n the embankment, but were still firmly anchored i n the wall. The w a l l must therefore have h a d a projecting element here, serving as a step or as a ledge or small table. This must have been preserved i n the Christian period of the structure. T h e remainder of the rubble and plaster of w h i c h the ledge or small table was fashioned was, like the bench, probably removed i n connection w i t h the demol i t i o n of the building, on the occasion of the "treasure h u n t " that w i l l be described later, as the large hole i n the paved floor of the Baptistery directly under its location suggests.
1 2

Originally R o o m 6 h a d the same internal height as R o o m s 5, 4 A , a n d 4 B of the P r i v a t e House. The walls had only the same coarse coating of m u d m i x e d w i t h chaff as R o o m 5 had, save at the west where the wall m a y have been coated to a height of 1.45 m . w i t h waterproof plaster to guard against seepage from W a l l Street. If there was a window i t must have been h i g h i n the wall over the door connecting the r o o m w i t h the courtyard (Plan V I I , Section II). W h e n the P r i v a t e House became the Christian B u i l d i n g , R o o m 6 underwent a complete change of status a n d character. T h e changes made here were more extensive t h a n i n any other part of the premises, the new installations more monumental and the decor applied to the walls sumptuous b y local standards. H a v i n g been near the bottom i n the hierarchy of the several chambers, i t now became the most elegant and, as a r o o m devoted to
1. See below, p. 28. 2. See below, p. 28.

3. On the construction of the roof of the House see above, p. 9.

Private

T H E P R I V A T E HOUSE A N DITS A D A P T A T I O N
was finished when the P r i v a t e House was erected. The smaller rafters, placed across the beams, d i d not require the same treatment because, at their size, they were l a i d i n sections each spanning only a part of the length of the room. O n l y the ends of the terminal sections were lodged i n the east a n d west walls i n simple slots created for them. F r o m the grid-work of beams and rafters bundles of reeds were suspended, filling the spaces between the beams. This was done to provide a surface level w i t h the lower edge of the beams to which eventually a coat of plaster could be applied, forming an uninterrupted flat ceiling. The reeds have left their i m p r i n t upon the upper edge of the plaster applied to R o o m 6, where i t turns from the vertical face of the walls to the horizontal surface of the ceiling at the lower edge of the beams (PI. X I , 1). Once the bundles of reeds were i n place the grid-work of beams a n d rafters could receive their covering of mats upon which an earthen floor for the U p p e r R o o m could be spread thinner, no doubt, but of the same construction as the roof of the building. The U p p e r R o o m created b y these measures and about which little is known, m a y be disposed of here before the next steps i n the adaptation of R o o m 6 are considered. Such second story rooms are not common at D u r a , a n d the chances are that i n this case the room is to be understood as a b y product of the desire to provide a lower ceiling for R o o m 6 rather t h a n as something desired i n and for itself. It could have been made accessible from the fourth l a n d i n g of the staircase (Room 7 A ) leading to the roof a n d if the original R o o m 6 of the P r i v a t e House had a window at the east end of its south wall, opening on the court, this would now have helped to light a n d ventilate it. One enigmatic feature of the U p p e r R o o m was the existence i n the western end of its southern wall, above floor level, of two holes for the lodgement of poles. Assuming that the destroyed north wall h a d a corresponding pair of holes, one would be l e d to suppose that two poles h a d once spanned the chamber from north to south, one at a level of 1.00 m . above its floor on a line 0.90 m . from the west end of the room, the other at a level 0.60 m . above its floor some o. 60 m . from the end of the room. W h a t purpose such poles could have served is u n k n o w n . One suggestion would be that the

25

floor of the U p p e r R o o m was left uncompleted while font a n d canopy were being constructed below, and that the poles served those working on the installation below as h a n d a n d foot holds when they began to introduce into the temporary wooden forms erected above the font a n d the columns the heavy materials of which the canopy was constructed. The next steps i n the adaptation of R o o m 6, so far as they can be reconstructed, h a d to do with the preparations for the erection of the baptismal font. Since it was proposed to sink the basin of the font into the floor of the room to approximately one-third of its total height, the first t h i n g required was the excavation of the western end of R o o m 6 to bed rock level. This exposed the foundations of the building at the west to their full height, and, if it h a d not been done previously these foundations were now covered w i t h a coating of plaster m i x e d w i t h red sand, the peculiar function of which was to guard against water seepage, whether from without or w i t h i n . T h e b o t t o m of the area excavated was then filled w i t h stones a n d debris w i t h only a slight admixture of plaster a n d upon this was spread a layer of plaster m i x e d w i t h pebbles some 0.15 m . thick. This provided the overall foundation upon which basin and canopy could eventually be erected. T h e foundation extended into R o o m 6 a distance 0.35 m . beyond the face of the basin, thus giving support also to the step that was to be set i n front of it. The foundation contained no aperture for draining water from the basin above it. The basin a n d canopy of the font constituted a single massive construction of brick and rubble, coated w i t h plaster, that was set against the west wall of R o o m 6 i n such a w a y as to face the interior of the room squarely and at the same time stand clear of the n o r t h a n d south walls of the room at the sides (Pis. X - X I ) . Across the front it measured 2.57 m . This left long, slot-like spaces at the sides measuring c a . 0.228 m . at the n o r t h a n d c a . 0.316 m . at the south respectively. F r o m the west w a l l the construction extended out into the room a distance of 1.583 m . at the n o r t h a n d 1.830 m . at the south, the extra o. 24 m . at the south m a k i n g up for the diagonal course of the wall against which i t was set, as described above.
1

1. See above, p 23.

26

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
1

T h e fabric of the font matches that of the face of t h e basin, so that, i n effect, the rise of the basins found i n the R o m a n baths at D u r a . I t was step continued around three sides of the structure. built of bricks, each o. 30 m . square and 0.035 m . The. construction of the heavy canopy over the thick, set i n a heavy bedding of mortar (PI. X I I I ) . font h a d necessarily to begin w i t h the creation and A t the front and rear, walls of the basin were c a . thorough d r y i n g of the columns that supported i t 0.34m. thick. A t the sides, thickness was i n - at the front and of the pilasters that supported i t at creased to c a . 0.47 m . to receive the columns of the the back. The pilasters were composed entirely of canopy set upon the basin. Inside there was a rubble. F o r the columns unadorned square plaster brick floor 0.078 m . thick, superimposed upon the bases a n d capitals were provided, the latter rubble foundation. I t contained no aperture for perhaps borrowed from elsewhere because they the release of water. T h e floor was fashioned do not extend sufficiently at the rear to receive the simultaneously w i t h a n d of the same material projecting bevel of the column that takes the as an interior step or ledge from o. 170 m . to 0.185 place of the echinus. Column shafts were solid m . wide a n d 0.352 m . high running along t h e masses of rubble and plaster 0.45 m . i n diameter entire forward, that is eastern, side of the basin assembled i n moulds. Including bases and capitals (PI. X I I I ) . T h i s h a d i t s counterpart i n a rubble the columns rose 1.47 m . and 1.44 m . respectively step o . 29 m . wide a n d o . 165 m . high set against from t h e top of the basin. The pilasters, however, the outer face of the basin t o w a r d the interior of were o n l y 1.075 m . high. This means that the the r o o m (PL X , 2). A t the top the forward wall of arched opening of the canopy across the face of the the basin was capped w i t h a single gypsum slab, font was sprung from a higher level t h a n the 1.63 m . long a n d 0.10 m . thick, the edges of corresponding openings at the sides of the font. w h i c h were carefully beveled (PL X , 1). T h e floor, Rubble impost blocks were therefore built into the steps and walls of the basin were found carefully backs of the columns at pilaster height t o receive coated w i t h a fine plaster finish. the ends of the lateral arches. The superstructure set upon these supports was a solid mass of stones, rubble and plaster assembled on a form, which, once i t h a d hardened, h a d weight but no thrust. I t took the form of a barrel vault running east and west w i t h arched openings at the sides. Construction followed the pattern used also i n arched doorways, w i t h unmoulded stones corresponding to voussoirs set i n rows on the form and imbedded i n a mixture of rubble and plaster. Once., the basin h a d been constructed the ex- In fashioning the lateral arches the builders h a d to cavated area at the west e n d of the room, into take account of the fact that the span was 0.12 m . which i t h a d been set, could be filled i n again. longer at the south t h a n at the north. This they d i d T o w a r d the interior of the room the fill was leveled by the simple expedient of t a k i n g two semicircular off at the level of the new floor o . 125 m . above forms w i t h a diameter appropriate t o the arch at the south a n d cutting off one e n d of one of the d a t u m a n d o, 04 m . above the earthen floor of R o o m 6 i n the period of the P r i v a t e House. A t the forms for use at the north. T h i s made the n o r t h sides of the font the excavated area was filled i n to arch less than a semicircle a n d also lowered i t s the height of the rubble step applied t o the outer crown below that of the one at the south. T h e m a i n b a r r e l vault, opening out o n the axis of the r. See Rep. VI, pp. 84-105. 2. Of. the overall depth 0.508 m. represents the rise Baptistery, h a d a radius of 0.871m. a n d thus above the floor level of the Baptistery (floor level of the presented t o the room a n arched opening w i t h a Baptistery being 0.125 m. above datum, as compared span of 1.74m. I t reached i t s crown 0.253 m . with 0.085 - f t floor level of Room 6 in its original below t h e ceiling. A t the front the rubble mass of form), while 0.447 m. represents the extent to which the basin was sunk below floor level. This corresponds to the canopy rose solidly t o the ceiling i n line w i t h 0.322 below datum. (See Plan VII, II). the face of the columns (Plan V I I , II). A t the sides, 3. See above, p. 23.
2 3
m r Q e

T h u s constructed the basin of the font was 1.63 m . long from n o r t h t o south a n d h a d a n overall depth of 0.955 m . T h e w i d t h was o . 948 m . at the n o r t h and 1.065 m . at the south, the e x t r a w i d t h at the south reflecting the additional distance w h i c h t h e assembly of font a n d canopy h a d t o be set out from the west wall of the r o o m there, t o make u p for the diagonal course of the wall, as described above. .

T H E P R I V A T E HOUSE A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N
however, the mass rose t o the ceiling i n planes set back 0.20 m . from the outer edges of the lateral arches. This reduced the t o t a l weight of the canopy a n d at the same time made i t easier t o complete the plaster dressing at the t o p of the slot-like spaces beside the font. B u t i t had the unfortunate effect of m a k i n g the rough extrados of the side arches visible from the front of the installation and from the interior of the B a p t i s t e r y (Plan V I I , 1).

27

heights for 0.55 m . and 0.58 m . respectively from the east (front) face of the basin, and were then stepped down. A t the south, where preservation was good, the top of the ledge could be seen t o have been stepped d o w n to a level 0.18 m . above the bottom of the basin. A t the north the level at which the western end of the corresponding ledge ran could not be determined, but the reduction i n height was evidently greater than at the south, because the eastern end of the ledge overlapped Once the font and its canopy h a d been constructed the western e n d of the ceiling of the the step at the west b y 0.06 m . W h a t the function B a p t i s t e r y and of the floor of the U p p e r R o o m of these supplementary ledges m a y have been is could be completed b y placing the necessary poles unknown. T h a t they served to frame a reliquary i n on t o p of the beams, suspending from them the form of a chest containing the bones of a bundles of reeds, and covering them w i t h straw m a r t y r seems unlikely o n structural grounds mats and earth as i n the rest of the room. T h a t because no effort was made to reduce the trapezthis was done only after the canopy h a d been built oidal area of the basin to a rectangle b y adding also is evident from the fact that the beams and bundles a ledge at the back, along the western side of the of reeds left their impression on the upper surface b a s i n . of the canopy, h a v i n g been put i n place before the P r o b a b l y because of the weight of the canopy mortar was d r y , and that its upper surface showed resting upon its side walls, the floor of the basin no traces of ceiling plaster. The parts of the ceiling eventually cracked. Floor, step and ledges were that closed the slot-like spaces beside the font and thereupon given a final t h i c k coating of v e r y canopy at the t o p were then plastered, as were strong gypsum plaster, the last effort expended the sides of the canopy, b y no means an easy task upon the installation. W a t e r placed i n the basin because of the close quarters as is shown b y after i t was excavated and cleared was retained occasional bits of wet plaster spattered upon the a n d revealed a deposit of dirt and sediment left otherwise smooth surface of the n o r t h a n d south from earlier usage that formed a t h i n film on the walls i n the area i n question. A t the same time the sides and the b o t t o m growing gradually darker i n exposed parts of the west w a l l beside the font and color from the top down. under the canopy were given their first plastering, The last step i n the work of adapting R o o m 6 w h i c h overlapped b y about 0.10 m . the coat of to Christian use was the l a y i n g of the new plaster waterproof plaster previously applied t o the floor 0.04 m . above t h e level of the o l d a n d t h e rubble foundations of the w a l l . The plaster dressing plastering of the ceiling a n d the walls. A p p l i e d of canopy and font were naturally completed at most h e a v i l y at the line m a r k i n g the t u r n from the the same time, the font receiving a special coating ceiling t o the walls, the plaster simulated here a of the waterproof plaster. cove molding, elements of w h i c h were found i n
1

A t some time after the completion of this work extra rubble ledges were introduced i n the bottom of the basin at the n o r t h and the south. T h e fact that they were built upon and against surfaces already plastered shows that they are secondary features of the installation. T h e y were between 0.22 a n d 0.26 m . wide but of different height, that to the south matching the height of the step leading down from the front of the basin (0.352 m.), that t o the n o r t h being 0.06 m . higher and thus overlapping the step at its northern e n d (Plan V I I I ) . T h e ledges continued westward at their unequal

place (PI. X X X I X , 1). T h i s demonstrated that the ceiling r a n at a level 3.20 m . above floor level and i n line w i t h the lower edges of the beams supporting the floor of the U p p e r R o o m . I n connection w i t h the plastering of the walls a change was made
1. See the account of the details and the interpretation given by H . Lietzmann in his review of R e p . V, G n o m o n , XIII (1937), PP- 33f. on the basis of his personal examination of the structure. Lietzmann's sketch plan of the ledges is substantially correct, though he has not noted that they are stepped down toward the west, and that the basin is trapezoidal in shape. On the question of function see below, p. 145.
2

28

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
F o r reasons unknown but possibly related, damage was done to other parts of the room before its ceiling was removed. The step i n front of the font was found damaged b y some heavy blow. W h e n the hole was dug i n the floor below the niche i n the south wall, the rubble masonry of which the ledge or table applied to the wall was built was knocked to pieces, leaving only the two stones projecting into it from the core of the wall still i n place. Similarly, the rubble step and the bench i n front of the door to the courtyard and along the east end of the room were dismantled leaving only the straight line where the plaster of the floor ended, 0.65 m . from the east w a l l , and the broken line some 0.22 m . above the floor, where the plaster of the east wall ends, to show that a bench had once existed here. (Plan V I I I ) The rubble seems to have been used elsewhere i n shoring operations connected w i t h the defense of the city. It was only after these preliminary activities were completed that the valuable timbers forming the floor of the U p p e r R o o m and the ceiling of the B a p t i s t e r y were dislodged for use elsewhere, showering the floor, the holes i n it and the piles of earth beside the holes w i t h fragments of the painted plaster from the ceiling.
3

i n the shape of the niche that h a d been let into the rubble work of the south wall between the doors when the P r i v a t e House was built. It was originally rectangular. B y the addition of rubble and plaster the top of the niche was converted into an arch (PI. I X , 2), accomodating it to the shape of the canopy over the basin. Below the niche the ledge or table dating from the period of the P r i v a t e House was i n a l l probability preserved, for some of its structural elements were found still i n position, as indicated above (p. 24). E v e n t u a l l y the plaster surface of the walls was incised w i t h five graffiti. O n l y one, N o . 16, has a random position, suggesting that the proper name which it records m a y have been inscribed there before the plaster was painted. T h e other four (Nos. 17-20) are contained w i t h i n or aligned w i t h elements of the decoration and were thus executed after the room h a d been painted.
1

I t is clear from the condition i n which the room was found when excavated that it h a d suffered severely i n the period immediately preceding the erection of the embankment that engulfed i t . Once the tenants or owners h a d been dispossessed, t a k i n g their movable effects w i t h them, the workmen charged w i t h erecting the embankment on the premises seem first to have, engaged here i n a hunt for buried valuables. The prime indications of this treasure hunt are two large irregular holes dug into and through the plaster floor of the room, the one immediately i n front of the font, the other before the ledge or table applied to the south w a l l of the room between its doorways (Plan V I I I ) . E a r t h a n d stones excavated from below floor level were found heaped up beside the holes on top of the floor and under a layer of painted plaster fragments belonging to the ceiling. T h e holes h a d therefore been dug before the ceiling was dismantled. I n the pile of earth on the floor beside the hole dug i n front of the font there were found four small bronze coins, a l l illegible. These would appear to be the remains of a small hoard buried and excavated there. Elsewhere on the floor of the room, at a place not otherwise recorded, a small plain silver r i n g was discovered. Perhaps it belonged to another cache.
2

H . Stairwell and Alcove

A t the north of the court the P r i v a t e House had between the original service room (Room 6) and the vestibule (Room 8) one additional structural feature, namely the staircase leading to the roof (Room 7 A ) and the alcove or closet b u i l t under the r e t u r n of its steps (Room 7 B ) . Enclosed stairways of this type are the m a r k of the better houses at D u r a , i m p l y i n g a better than average economic status on the part of the owner. Smaller establishments commonly have only narrow open stairs mounting to the roof i n the courtyard along one of the walls enclosing i t . These do not i m p l y the existence of upper rooms. The stairway i n this instance is similar i n construction to that of the House of the R o m a n Scribes i n B l o c k L j . It was approached from the level of the unpaved courti

1. See below, pp. 95-97.

2. The coins and the ring are listed in the Object Registers of the expedition Series E , as Nos. 1031 a-d and

1032. The ring (Yale accession No. 1932: distinguishing characteristics. 3. On these stones see above, p. 24. 4. See R e p . V I , PI. VII and X L

1446)

has no

THE

P R I V A T E HOUSE A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N

29

y a r d b y two steps leading up over the sill of a narrow doorway w i t h simple stone t r i m to an i n i t i a l landing 0.553 m . above the court (Plan V , Pis. I l l , 1, X I V , 1). Between jambs the doorway was o n l y 0.75 m . wide, and at this w i d t h its height cannot have been more than c a . 2.00 m . A wooden door w i t h a single leaf, whose socket was set behind the right (east) jamb, was hung i n the doorway and this could be barred b y inserting one end of a pole of proper length into a socket behind the left (west) j a m b (PI. X I V , 1) i n the same fashion as the door connecting R o o m 6 w i t h the courtyard . The provisions thus made for barring the door from w i t h i n and of guarding the safety and privacy of those behind and above it has to be understood i n the light of the common use of roofs during hot summer nights b y a l l members of households for sleeping and evening relaxation.
1

was afforded to it. T h i s space was regularly converted into a u t i l i t y room, i n this instance R o o m 7 B . It was t y p i c a l l y not closed b y a door but made accessible through an opening arched at the top. The arching of the opening provided a m a x i m u m of support for the beams of the landing bedded i n the w a l l above it. I n this instance the opening from the court to the alcove was 1.10 m . wide and the unmolded frame was preserved to a level above the spring of the arch spanning it (PI. I V , 1, and P l a n I I I ) . Entrance to the alcove was at the top of a foundation course, some 0.12 m . above the level of the courtyard. Inside the alcove the simple untreated earth floor was probably o . 575 m . below the level of the courtyard, giving a m a x i m u m height to the storage space it provided. A single step l e d down from the sill to the floor.
2

F r o m the initial landing 1.15 m . wide and 1.20 m . deep, successive flights of steps led up to the level of the roof. These were set around a short L-shaped central rubble pier. Poles, the end of which were imbedded i n the central pier and i n the walls enclosing the stairwell on its four sides, provided the support for the rubble steps. The put-holes of the poles and the marks left on the central pier b y the rise of the steps made it possible to follow precisely the arrangement of the lower flights of the staircase. The first flight had five risers each 0.17 m . high, leading up to a second landing 1.40 m . above courtyard level. Here the staircase turned at right angles, a flight of four steps each c a . 0.22 m . high ascending to a t h i r d landing 2.30 m . above the courtyard. B e y o n d this level the stairs were destroyed. A t h i r d flight of five steps ascending toward the south w o u l d have led to a fourth landing some 3.25 m . above the court, and a fourth flight of four steps mounting eastward from the same landing can be thought to have led to the roof over the vestibule and so to the roofs over the other chambers of the building (Plan V I I ) . The rise of the successive flights of steps i n such stairwells necessarily leaves a vacant space under t h e m that becomes increasingly higher as the stairway returns to the w a l l from which entrance
1. See above p. 23. The socket in this instance was 0,90 m. above the sill of the doorway.

W h e n the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian use there was no occasion to make any changes i n the basic structure of the stairs or the alcove. T h e bench set into the corner of the courty a r d and continuing along the base of the northern enclosing wall as far as the vestibule covered a n d replaced the second of the two steps giving access to the door of the stairway (Room 7 A ) a n d made it necessary to step up and then down to the sill of the alcove (Room 7 B ) . A t the west side of the fourth landing of the staircase, a landing presumably 3.25 m . above datum, a door was probably cut into the m u d b r i c k superstructure of the p a r t y wall between the stairwell and R o o m 6, giving access to the U p p e r R o o m over the Baptistery (Plan V I I , II). A single step interposed between the landing and the door opening w o u l d have sufficed to lead up to the floor of this room at a level probably of c a . 3.60 m . above d a t u m .

I. Exterior

Additions

A t some time i n course of its use, two additions were made to the outside of the building. One of these is a rubble flange set against the western perimeter wall i n W a l l Street. It r a n the entire length of the western perimeter w a l l and turned
2. Between the arched opening, at the height of the spring of the arch, and the door leading to Room 6, the west wall of the courtyard contained a round hole fashioned to hold one end of a short stick or peg. What purpose this served is unknown. It might have provided support for the suspension of a lamp.

30

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
the bench was c a . 0.50 m . wide and of approximately equal height, sloping downward from a level 1.82 m . above d a t u m and 1.20 m . above the fill i n the street at the west, to 1.55 m . and 1.00 m . above the d a t u m respectively m i d w a y and at the end of its course. A t the two ends and m i d w a y it had t y p i c a l humps used as elbow or head rests. Benches of this type, while' familiar i n houses and temples, are not commonly found i n streets. Other examples recorded are i n the crowded bazaar section of the city, along the perimeter walls of buildings that have not been excavated, and on the east side of B l o c k L 7, applied to the hostel of the Synagogue. Such a bench added to the Private House under discussion here would seem to belong to the period of its use b y relatively large numbers of persons and hence b y the Christian c o m m u n i t y .
3 4

the northwest corner of the building (Plans I I I , V , V I I , P L X V I , 2). T h e flange has analogies elsewhere at D u r a and was intended to protect the fabric of the structure, i n this case clearly against the continuing rise i n the level of W a l l Street. It had a flat base 0.50 m . wide and angles to a point against the house wall 1.40 m . above the base. T h e important point i n this connection is that when the flange was constructed the level of W a l l Street was 1.95 m . above the bed rock, for this is the plane i n which the base of the flange lies (Plan V I I ) . Since the flange is clearly an addition to the building, the question when i t was constructed can be answered i n general terms from a knowledge of the rate of accumulation of the deposit i n W a l l Street, using the level at w h i c h the street r a n when the building was erected as a base. Indeed a similar calculation offers a theoretical possibility of working back to a date for the erection of the building itself as a check upon what internal evidence there is for its chronological attribution. T o these matters attention w i l l be directed subsequently. A t the northwest corner of the building the flange along W a l l Street was integral w i t h the second exterior addition, namely a bench that, accomodating itself to the diminishing fill i n Street 3, r a n along the n o r t h side of the house to its entrance doorway (Plans I I I , V , V I I , P L X V I , 2). Constructed of rubble and h e a v i l y plastered,
2

/. M o v a b l e O b j e c t s H a v i n g described the fabric of the Private House i n its original and adapted form, it is proper that something be said about the movable objects brought to light i n the course of its excavation. Of such objects there were few indeed, and for obvious reasons. P r i v a t e houses and religious structures destined for entombment i n the embankments erected against the C i t y W a l l were no doubt systematically cleared of movable property before the m i l i t a r y took over, or systematically looted b y the demolition crew before they began their work, or both. W h a t has been said above about the holes dug i n the floor of R o o m 6 of the building i n search of b u r i e d treasure, is an example of the latter. The fact that i n the description of the structure mention has already been made of coins found on the premises does not contradict the general observation just made, because the coins i n question came to light respectively i n the earth excavated from below the floor of R o o m 6 precisely i n the search for buried treasure, i n the protective fill introduced into the doorway
this point in Street 3. No connection between the sump and the interior of the building was found. 3. See R e p . I X , 1, Fig. 78 along the south and west sides of Block G 4 and on the east side of Block G 8, and R e p . V I , p. 213 and PI. VII. 4. The implications of this inference are considered below, p. 155.

1. Von Gerkan has noted the application of flanges of identical shape to certain towers and curtains of the City Wall. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , p. 36 and Figs. 18 and 19, pp. 41 and 43. The flanges in these instances are of the same shape, but significantly higher. They served to protect the base of the City Wall against the eroding action of windborne sand. While the flanges set against the City Wall and against the building under discussion here are analogous in shape and function, it does not necessarily follow that they are therefore of the same period in the life of the city and thus provide a date for the construction or protection of the fabric of the Christian Building, as von Gerkan argues in R Q , X L I I (1934), p. 224. Such flanges could have been constructed for analogous purposes at various periods in various parts of the city. The date of the construction can in the instance under discussion here be determined only by the height to which the level of Wall Street had risen before the flange was applied. 2. The aperture under the plastered bench on the north side of the building visible in this photograph was made in the course of excavation in the effort to ascertain whether any channel built into the wall of the building provided for drainage into the sump known to exist at

THE

P R I V A T E H O U S E A N D ITS A D A P T A T I O N
7

3i

between Rooms 4 and 5, a n d one imbedded i n the plaster floor of R o o m 4 from which its recovery b y anyone other than a trained archaeologist w o u l d have been a miracle. Of other movable objects known t o have come from the P r i v a t e House as excavated, a large crater a n d several ordinary earthenware vessels are mentioned i n the report of Pillet, b u t no further information concerning them exists. The object registers of the seasons of 1931-32 a n d 1932-33 list, besides the coins and the silver r i n g already referred t o above, a small bone ring, a large bronze handle, a b i t of chainmail, a n d a l a m p . Of these o n l y the l a m p can be said to be of potential interest, b u t i t is identifiable only as being a common late R o m a n version of a H e l l e n istic t y p e .
1 2 3

Some mention should be made i n this connection of the two terracotta reliefs found on the premises i n successive years b y Pillet a n d H o p k i n s , to w h i c h attention has been directed i n the Prel i m i n a r y Reports. T h e first is a n imperfectly preserved plaque c a . 0.115 m . high o n which a draped female figure is represented standing under or before an arcuated columnar a e d i c u l a , her right h a n d raised p a l m outward (PI. X V I , 3). T h e second is a circular medallion w i t h a bust of a female figure, c a . 0.05 m . i n diameter (PI. X V I , 4). B a u r identifies the figure o n the first plaque as that of A t a r g a t i s . H o p k i n s considered the possibility that the terracottas were relics of the pagan owner of the P r i v a t e House or were taken over b y the Christians of D u r a as a symbol of the blessing of the church or i t s apostles. B o t h possibilities are utterly remote. A s for the second, it is quite as u n l i k e l y as to suppose that the plaster moulding w i t h the Bacchic symbols preserved o n the n o r t h wall of the Assembly H a l l was left i n
4 5 6

place because i t was endowed b y the Christians w i t h new meaning. A s t o the first, nothing is known about the exact locus of the plaque found b y Pillet, save that i t must have come from the eastern part of the premises, since this is what he dug. The medallion discovered b y H o p k i n s came to fight i n R o o m 5, close to the door leading t o R o o m 6, but was actually found embedded i n the m u d brick of the embankment set into the room b y the defenders of the c i t y or their workmen. I t was therefore not i n a context assignable either t o the original P r i v a t e House or to its Christian adaptation. F o r the fact that two terracottas happen to have been found i n the same general v i c i n i t y H o p k i n s has himself provided the best explanation i n noting that elsewhere i n the city, i n the m u d brick embankments, objects of the same type were occasionally found close together because the materials used t o create the fill were being taken from the same locality, i n this instance possibly from the workshop of a potter.
8

1. See R e p . I V , p. 13. 2. Series E , hos. 1041, 1042, 1043; Series F , no. 1753. The objects bear the Yale accession nos. 1932: 1704, 1516, 1516a and 1933: 361. 3. The lamp is published and reproduced in F i n a l R e p o r t , IV, 3, p. 19 and PI. I l l , no. 60. The semi-circular bronze handle, c a . 0,10m. in diameter, with upturned ends, belonged to a kettle or ewer. The type is familiar from all parts of the Roman Empire. For an analogous handle see Cumont, F o u i l l e s , PI. X C V I , no. 1. 4. R e p . I V , p. 13 (Pillet), pp. 242! (Baur) and PL VIII, 3; R e p . V, p. 253 (Hopkins). 5. R e p . I V , p. 242. 6. R e p . V, p. 253.

[Examination of the second plaque ( F 1752; 1933-313) i n the Y a l e A r t Gallery removes the mystery felt b y H o p k i n s . W h i l e the first plaque, cast i n the left half of Sarre's m o u l d , is unquestiona b l y a goddess i n a shrine, holding u p her right hand, p a l m advanced, as a greeting or blessing, the second does not seem to represent a goddess at all. The clay was impressed into the m o u l d from behind w i t h the fingers, a n d is concave. T h e obverse is i n relatively h i g h relief, a n d shows w i t h i n t w o concentric rings a w o m a n w i t h the dress, posture, and hair-do of a Palmyrene l a d y represented on a sarcophagus a n d published b y Ingholt. She wears a b u n of hair at the top of her head, and her hair otherwise hangs down i n curls over the ears. She is dressed i n chiton and himation, and has a necklace around her neck. H e r bared left a r m and hand, w i t h the i n i t i a l finger extended, rests against her neck, apparently grasping the necklace or the top of the chiton. H e r right a r m is enveloped i n the h i m a t i o n , and hangs at her side as far as the elbow. T h e forearm is horizontally across her breast, the h a n d covered b y and holding the himation.
9

7. See above, p. 14.

8. R e p . V, p. 253.
9. H . Ingholt, S t u d i e r over Palmyrensk Skulptur (Copenhagen, 1928), PL 38. Professor Ingholt has kindly supplied me the date of the sarcophagus. '

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
ment scroll of the D i a t e s s a r o n was found i n W a l l Street, west of B l o c k L 8, near Tower 18, that is n o r t h of the M a i n Gate, m a y be instructive. Objects of such value as sacred scrolls m a y be assumed t o have been removed b y responsible members of the community t o their private quarters elsewhere i n the city, unless, indeed, they were regularly kept there, and t o have suffered i n the t u r m o i l of the city's last days the same fate that overtook the contents of the closets, cupboards, and files of private citizens and m i l i t a r y officials alike, a l l dumped unceremoniously i n W a l l Street.
1

W h i l e the larger plaque m a y well have been an ex-voto from a shrine, or an object of religious value kept b y someone privately, the smaller one is of less obvious utility. Can i t have been a portrait given b y the l a d y t o her husband? I t was the practice t o wear religious portraits or royal portraits i n wreaths, for example. I t cannot, like its Palmyrene counterpart, have been funerary. I n any case, its date, which m a y have a bearing also on the date of the larger plaque, shows that i t h a d no connection w i t h the Christian B u i l d i n g . T h e P a l m y r e n e sarcophagus is dated to A . D . 146-7, to w h i c h period the style of the representation also belongs. T h e D u r a plaque belongs, therefore, to the mid-second century, one hundred years earlier than the building i n which i t was found. This w i l l be formally published i n the volume dealing w i t h sculpture. I m a y a d d only that while the face is crushed, traces of red t i n t i n g remain. C.B.W.] A s t o what m a y have happened t o the paraphernalia and the s a c r a of the Christian c o m m u n i t y itself, the fact that the fragment of the parch-

Before proceeding to bring together a l l the information available for the knowledge of the changes made i n the P r i v a t e House i n connection w i t h its adaptation to the purposes of the Christian c o m m u n i t y of D u r a , and thus t o reconstruct, so far as this is possible, a history of the establishment, i t is necessary first t o record what is k n o w n about the predecessor of the Private House, the E a r l i e r Dwelling that stood on the same parcel of land.

IV. T H E E A R L I E R T h e fact that the Christian B u i l d i n g was i n effect only a n adapted form of the P r i v a t e House made i t desirable t o preserve as much as possible of the latter for the continuing knowledge a n d study of the former. E x c a v a t i o n under the level of the P r i v a t e House was therefore purposely delayed and also restricted i n scope. The work was not undertaken u n t i l late i n the season of 1933-34 and while the finds were meager they had important implications for the chronology of the struct u r a l development of the site. T h e work, the findings and the implications have received no consideration i n a n y of the published accounts of the Christian B u i l d i n g a n d are here made a part of the record for the first time. F o r the reasons set forth, excavation under the level of the P r i v a t e House was limited t o the
1. See C. H . Kraeling, A Greek F r a g m e n t of T a t i a n ' s D i a t e s s a r o n from D u r a , (Studies a n d Documents, ed. K . and S. Lake, III, London 1935), p. 3; Welles, F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, pp. 73 f., No. 10.

DWELLING

courtyard. T h e area excavated and the remains brought t o light are shown o n P l a n I I I . T h e remains comprise three elements. O f these the first was a concatenation of rubble wall foundations. The heaviest of these was a wall, fragmented i n mid-course, running east a n d west under the courtyard a n d turning a corner southward on approximately the line of the right (west) j a m b of the door of the P r i v a t e House leading to R o o m 4 A (PI. X V , 1). I t h a d a spur leading off at right angles t o the north on a line parallel and close t o the stylobate of the portico (Room 2). Another spur, also parallel t o the stylobate but farther t o the west than the first, ran off toward the south. This last contained w i t h i n i t the second of the t w o features of the excavated remains, a plaster door sill (PI. X V , 2). I n the space between the spur and the stylobate of the P r i v a t e House on a line w i t h the side of the doorway a section of the plaster jamb of the door opening came t o light. T h e t h i r d element of the congeries was a mass of

THE EARLIER DWELLING

rubble fashioned a n d plastered to provide two uneven but successi% e steps leading away from the door sill already mentioned (Plan I I I , PI. X I V , 2). The remains are more revealing than they would seem at first sight. The steps beside the doorway, leading u p w a r d along a house wall, are readily identifiable i n terms of the architecture of D u r a as the b o t t o m of a n open staircase leading up to the roof of a building. Such narrow open staircases are t y p i c a l features of houses of modest proportions a n d unpretentious construction. The areas from w h i c h they mount u p w a r d are t y p i c a l l y the courtyards of houses. Hence the structure whose remains excavation has revealed here is probably a relatively small dwelling and the area i n which the first risers of the stairs appear, the northwest corner of its courtyard. F r o m this i t follows i n t u r n that the court of this E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g extended measurably southward under R o o m 4 A and eastward under Rooms 3 a n d 2 of the P r i v a t e House. Keeping i n m i n d what has been said about the tendency of such courtyards to have the rooms of the house grouped about i t , it is logical to conclude that the heavy east-wall a n d its southward extension form two sides of a chamber opening eastward upon the court through the plastered doorway adjoining the open staircase. The r o o m is analogous to R o o m 5 of the P r i v a t e House i n location, a n d m a y have served the same purposes. W i t h this chamber as a starting point i t is possible to project additional rooms for the other three sides of the court.
r

33

Certain general inferences can be drawn w i t h a fair measure of probability from the few data actually available. The first is that the E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g d i d not extend to either W a l l Street or T h i r d Street a n d was not predicated upon the development of the street grid i n this area, for its walls are not i n alignment w i t h the grid. A second is that i t m a y well have extended into a part of the area later occupied b y the adjacent House B of B l o c k M 8. I n other words, property lines were other i n the period of the E a r l i e r Dwelling t h a n they were when the street grid was extended to this part of the c i t y a n d when the area of B l o c k M 8 was divided into the several parcels represented b y the P r i v a t e House and its neighbors to the east a n d south. This would seem to i m p l y that the E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g was destroyed or already i n

ruins when the area of B l o c k M 8 was given its systematic development. The findings under the courtyard of the P r i v a t e House are revealing i n still another way. T o reach the walls of the Earlier Dwelling and to penetrate to their bedding i t was necessary to dig down through an accumulation of sand and debris rising to a level of approximately 1.30 m . at the extreme west, that is toward the area of W a l l Street The debris i n this fill contained m a n y potsherds and showed thick strata of cinders. The potsherds were a l l of the same type, representing R o m a n 'brittle ware'. O n the other hand, the walls of the E a r l i e r Dwelling, w h i c h were bedded so close to bedrock that the door sill giving access to the chamber south of its court was only 0.25 m . above the natural surface of the area, also contained potsherds, but of a different, earlier character. It is therefore necessary on the basis of the findings under the courtyard to distinguish two periods i n the history of the site before the construction of the P r i v a t e House. The first is a period of unspecified duration i n the course of which the terrain remained close to its original level a n d during one part of w h i c h the E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g was built a n d inhabited. T h e second is the period beginning w i t h the disintegration or destruction of the E a r l i e r Dwelling, during w h i c h a deposit of sand a n d debris containing ashes and 'brittle ware' accumulated around a n d over the remains of the E a r l i e r Dwelling, reaching to a depth of over a meter. This period ended locally w i t h the erection of the P r i v a t e House, for i t is precisely through this accumulated fill that the trenches for the foundations of the P r i v a t e House were dug, reaching to bed rock generally over a meter below the d a t u m used for the elevations of the building (Plan V I I , Sections I a n d I V ) . It w i l l be recalled that i n W a l l Street, a n d i n a lesser measure i n Street 3, the
1 2

1. The westward continuation of the rise could be checked in the adjacent Lot J of Block M 8 which was never built up and received its western enclosing wall only at a very late date, as the level of its doorway c a . 3.40m. above bed rock indicates (Plan VII). See R e p . V I I - V I I I , Fig. 18, p. 41 (von Gerkan). Hopkins in R e p . V I , p. 179, had estimated a level lower by almost a meter. 2. The precise nature of these earlier sherds is not specified in the records, only the fact that there was no 'brittle ware' among them. r

34

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
flange a n d when W a l l Street was finally filled i n i n connection w i t h the construction of the embankments a n additional deposit of c a . 0.60 m . h a d already collected there. This, then, represents the fourth a n d last period i n the stratigraphie history of the site. A knowledge of these periods is a matter of great importance for the dating of the successive structures when the relative chronology they represent is translated into absolute terms.

accumulation of fill continued after the construct i o n of the Private House t o the time when the flange was added to protect its western perimeter wall. T h i s accumulation represents a t h i r d period i n the history of the site, contemporaneous w i t h the existence of the P r i v a t e House. I t amounted o n W a l l Street t o 0.65-0.70 m . , as already i n d i cated above. B u t street level outside the premises continued to rise even after the construction of the

V. D A T E S A N D D A T I N G I n all earlier statements concerning the date of i n this connection. O n the other h a n d v o n Gerkan, the Christian B u i l d i n g the graffito o n the west assigning the construction of the P r i v a t e House w a l l of its R o o m 4 B (No. 10, below p . 92), to the first half of the first century of our era, mentioning the year 545 of the Seleucid E r a thinks i t was used unchanged as a place of Christian (i.e. A . D . 232-3), has played a n outstanding role assembly as early as A . D . 165-175, connects the and properly so. This text a n d the year A . D . 256, graffito of A . D . 232/3 w i t h the remodelling operthe date of the destruction of the c i t y of D u r a - ation, b u t associates the decoration of the B a p Europos b y the Sassanians, provide the o n l y tistery w i t h the period after A . D . 241 exact figures associated w i t h the life of the building. T h e detailed examination of the structural B u t while the capture a n d destruction of the city, details of the Christian B u i l d i n g and its decoration, w h i c h the embankments that engulfed the building made i n the season 1932-33 a n d thus after the v a i n l y sought t o prevent, marks the e n d of the preparation of the description provided i n Rep. life a n d use of the structure, there is some doubt V, has already shown that the transformation of and disagreement as t o precisely w i t h what the P r i v a t e House was a single homogeneous period i n the earlier life of the building the graffito process. Below i t w i l l be seen that i n the B a p t i s t e r y of A . D . 232/3 is to be associated. L o g i c a l l y there physical adaptation t o Christian purposes a n d seem to be b u t two alternatives, namely, first that decoration went hand i n h a n d . So far as they i t fixes t h e date of the erection of the P r i v a t e seek either t o subdivide the transformation or t o House, a n d second that i t establishes the point i n separate transformation a n d decoration neither time when the structure was adapted t o Christian H o p k i n s ' nor v o n Gerkan's position c a n be use a n d thus became the Christian B u i l d i n g . maintained. T h e y have therefore t o be discounted A c t u a l l y the adaptation of the Private House t o i n a n y effort to associate properly the graffito of Christian use has previously been treated i n such A . D . 232/3 a n d the construction or transformation a w a y that the year A . D . 232/3 becomes only a n of the building. incident i n a process of longer or shorter duration. T o date the erection of the P r i v a t e House T h u s H o p k i n s has argued that the B a p t i s t e r y correctly i t is necessary to relate what is k n o w n was probably built, a n d decorated a n d used as a about the stratigraphy of the premises w i t h what part of the P r i v a t e House during the reigns of is k n o w n about the structural history of the c i t y Septimius Severus a n d Caracalla, while i t still generally. This history is generally understood t o served also as a dwelling, a n d that the year A . D . have h a d four m a i n periods, the Hellenistic 232/3 is that i n which, under the more benevolent (to 113 B . C . ) , the early P a r t h i a n (113-50 B . C . ) , Alexander Severus, the Christians turned the 1. R e p . V, pp. 243, 245, 248. whole establishment over t o their religious use, 2. R Q , X L I I (1934), PP- 220-221, 226-228. remodelling Rooms 4 A a n d B a n d the courtyard
1 2 3

3. See below, p. 38.

DATES A N D DATING
the late P a r t h i a n (50 B . C . - A . D . 165) a n d the R o m a n (after A . D . 165) . Though its founders h a d visualized its ultimate expansion t o the m a x i m u m Hmits of the R o m a n c i t y and h a d created along those limits the predecessors of the defensive walls enclosing the site, D u r a i n Hellenistic times comprised only a small nucleus of buildings close t o the A g o r a and the Citadel a n d remote from the c i t y wall. A t this time, apparently, the entire area along the w a l l and heiice also the premises upon w h i c h eventually the P r i v a t e House was built were a n open plain. A l r e a d y declining i n the last years of Seleucid hegemony, the fortunes of the c i t y reached a low ebb w i t h the coming of the Parthians and seem t o have remained i n the doldrums throughout the entire early P a r t h i a n period. Sand, borne b y the w i n d across the undeveloped western part of the site, was at this time eroding a weather line along the city's defensive w a l l close to its base, a line that passes uninterruptedly behind the Temple of Zeus K y r i o s , the earliest k n o w n building set against the w a l l just south of the premises of the P r i v a t e House, indicating that the area was still essentially undeveloped.
x

35

later to become W a l l Street. W i t h this period i t seems proper t o associate the construction of the E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g o n the site of the later Private House. This is because of the meager coverage of bed rock below the foundations of the D w e l l i n g (0.25 m.), because of the presence of p r e - R o m a n pottery fragments i n the fabric of the foundations and because, like the other buildings i n this western part of the c i t y territory, i t was built without reference to the c i t y street grid.

E v e n t u a l l y the E a r l i e r B u i l d i n g fell apart or was destroyed and a deposit of 1.30 m . of sand and rubbish developed around i t before the next phase i n the structural history of the premises as indicated above. T h i s represents a relatively long period of time. Precisely when the E a r l i e r B u i l d i n g may be thought t o have disintegrated is unknown, but two other structures i n the still open western part of the c i t y are k n o w n t o have suffered a similar fate. One was the shrine of Epinicus and Alexander w h i c h seems to have been despoiled and perhaps also wrecked b y Trajan's soldiers i n A . D . 117/8 as an inscription recording its rebuilding and the replacement of its doors indicates. The other was the Temple of Zeus K y r i o s whose reconProsperity returned to D u r a i n the late P a r t h i a n struction is associated b y the excavators w i t h its period, not because of a change i n the character destruction b y a n earthquake i n A . D . I 6 O . I t is of the P a r t h i a n regime b u t because S y r i a h a d not necessary that either of these events was meanwhile come under R o m a n domination a n d associated chronologically w i t h the disintegration because there was, especially after A . D . 31, a n of the E a r l y D w e l l i n g , though i t is important t o increasing market i n the West for goods imported realize that other buildings, apparently equally over the Euphrates trade route, as the inscriptions unpretentious, were suffering a similar fate under of P a l m y r a indicate. T h e n e w mercantilism various circumstances. W h a t is decisive for any stimulated c i t y growth a n d the first buildings attempt t o determine chronological implications begin to appear i n the area adjacent to the C i t y of the fill of 1.30 m . i n and around the foundations W a l l . These are t h e Temple of Zeus K y r i o s of the E a r l i e r D w e l l i n g is the fact that the debris near what became the southwest corner of B l o c k included i n i t included ashes and 'brittle ware'. The first suggests the erection of other buildings i n M 8 i n A . D . 28/29, Temple of B e l i n A . D . 50/51 and the Temple of A p h l a d , A . D . 54. A l l of these the neighbourhood, buildings whose owners used are set i n the immediate shadow of the c i t y w a l l the premises for dumping purposes. T h e second without reference to the d e s i r a b i t y of keeping implies that the Romans h a d meanwhile appeared unencumbered there t h e strip of l a n d that was upon the scene, for the ware i n question is re4 s 2 t n e 3

1. See in general Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , Chap. II, and for the distinction between the two Parthian periods, p. 38. For the date of the Parthian occupation of the city see Welles, F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, p. 171 and Bellinger, F i n a l R e p o r t , VI, pp. 199-201. 2. See below, p. 105. 3. For a convenient list of the dated temples of Dura see Rostovtzeff, o p . c i t . , p. 139, n. 10.

4. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , pp. 128-134. location o f the shrine is not known, but since the inscription was found reused in the Middle Mithraeum it presumably also stood near the city wall. 5. For the inscription recording the earthquake see R e p . I I , pp. 861, and for its effect on the Temple of Zeus Kyrios see R e p . V I I - V I I I , pp. 288-290.
T l l e

36

DESCRIPTION: THE STRUCTURE

1

garded as an import at the site of D u r a . Since i t was through this deposit, including the 'brittle ware,' that the trenches for the foundations of the P r i v a t e House were dug, i t is impossible that the P r i v a t e House should have been erected as early as the first half of the first century of our era as v o n G e r k a n , knowing nothing of this evidence, suggested, or that i t was already being used unchanged as a place of Christian worship as early as A . D . 165-175. I n seeking to find w i t h i n the R o m a n period, that is after A . D . 165, the o p t i m u m time for the construction of the P r i v a t e House it is important to observe that i t was erected i n accordance w i t h the lines of the formal street g r i d a n d to inquire what is k n o w n about the extension of this grid into the region of the C i t y W a l l a n d about the process b y which the c i t y blocks it outlined were actually filled up. A p p a r e n t l y the earliest buildings k n o w n to have been aligned w i t h the street grid i n the western part of the c i t y were the T y c h a e u m i n B l o c k L 8 a n d the great caravanserai that i n its later form occupied a l l of B l o c k L 4 . B o t h were extensively rebuilt i n R o m a n times but were probably earlier. T h a t their position should have approximated the alignment of the city's g r i d is n a t u r a l because of their p r o x i m i t y to the M a i n Gate a n d to the natural association of the route b y w h i c h people and animals m o v e d to a n d from the gate w i t h the course of the later M a i n Street. Otherwise, everything k n o w n about construction i n accordance w i t h g r i d lines elsewhere i n the western part of the c i t y belongs to the R o m a n period. Thus the E a r l y M i t h r a e u m i n B l o c k J 7, w h i c h followed grid lines, belongs to the year A . D . 168 . Similarly, the E a r l i e r Synagogue was an adapted version of a house b u i l t as one of a series i n B l o c k L 7 i n R o m a n times. A g a i n i n B l o c k M 7 earlier houses were demolished when the R o m a n B a t h was erected at its northwest corner between A . D . 210 a n d 215. F i n a l l y , a house is
2 3 4 6

k n o w n to have stood at the northwest corner of the same block sufficiently early to have been decorated w i t h a banquet scene i n A . D . 194. The street frontage of a l l these structures was determined b y and aligned w i t h the westward extension of the street grid.
6

It does not necessarily follow, however, that because house construction was a common feature of the developing western part of D u r a i n the period beginning w i t h A . D . 165, entire c i t y blocks were completely b u i l t u p i n d i v i d u a l l y or a l l at one time. T h e w a y i n w h i c h houses were b u i l t against each other, economizing i n construction costs b y using the walls of existing neighbouring structures, shows that growth was a process. Thus the P r i v a t e House itself was built at the east against an earlier building, House B ( P l a n II). Moreover, there are always more desirable a n d less desirable locations. It w i l l be recalled i n this connection that except for the P r i v a t e House a n d House L the entire western side of B l o c k M 8, comprising L o t s J and K , remained undeveloped structurally to the very end of the city's history. T h i s m a y well be because the zone immediately inside the c i t y w a l l was the most poorly ventilated a n d the one where the nuisances of flies and of the accumulation both of refuse and of wind-borne sand were the greatest. T o the extent that the parcel of l a n d occupied b y the P r i v a t e House was among the less desirable i n the western part of D u r a , there can be no cogent argument from general p r o b a b i l i t y for its struct u r a l development u n t i l the t h i r d century. The t h i r d century, p a r t i c u l a r l y the years after A . D . 208, is the period i n w h i c h the strength of the m i l i t a r y garrison of D u r a was greatly increased. I n this connection the R o m a n camp inside the city was greatly enlarged, approximately onefourth of the city being henceforth pre-empted and set apart exclusively for m i l i t a r y usage. A t the same time houses i n the non-restricted part of the c i t y were being expropriated or rented for the use of m i l i t a r y supply officers, as i n the case of the House of the Scribes i n B l o c k L 7, or gave w a y to such installations as R o m a n B a t h s used largely, no
7 8

1. [This is not entirely correct. 'Brittle ware' has occurred in "pre-30 A. D." levels in the Temple of Atargatis, according to the field notes of Professor F. E . Brown. See further the volume of Commonware Pottery, now in final preparation (S. Dyson, F i n a l R e p o r t , IV, i, 3).]

2. See Rep. I l l , pp. 37-39, and the plan on PI. VII.

6. See Rep. VI, pp. 167-169. A r t , pp. 24-28.

7. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, pp. 24L (Welles). 8. See in general Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s and i t s

3. See R e p . V I I - V I I I . pp. 63 f. 4. See F i n a l Report, VIII, 1, Fig. 8 and pp. 26, 33. 5. See R e p . V I , pp. 89L

DATES AND DATING

doubt, b y the military, as i n B l o c k M 7. A t this time, then, space was definitely at a premium at D u r a and one can count on even the least desirable plots being either appropriated b y the military, as were L o t s J a n d K i n B l o c k M 8, or used for private construction. O n general grounds, therefore, the t h i r d century provides the most probable period for the construction of the P r i v a t e House, a n d this finds confirmation i n two particulars about the building itself. The first is the absence of a l l indications of long usage. A s noted above, there are no signs of patches or repairs i n the coating of m u d and chaff applied to the exposed portions of the house walls. Door sills a n d the steps leading t o them are not h e a v i l y worn, those leading into and out of R o o m 6 showing proportionately the greatest amount of wear. T h e cesspool, i t w i l l be recalled, contained only a small accumulation of waste matter when i t was covered over i n the paving of the courtyard. N o t h i n g suggests a n establishment of real a n t i q u i t y , a n d indeed the type of building the P r i v a t e House represents is i n the details of i t s construction precisely that best k n o w n from the last years of the city's history. The second particular to be considered here is the matter of the d r a i n from the R o m a n B a t h i n B l o c k M 7.
1 3

37

the M a i n G a t e . There c a n be a n y number of reasons for the reversal of the drainage from the B a t h , but it is reasonable to suppose that when the system was first installed the area adjacent t o the sump, comprising the western end of B l o c k M 8, was not yet built u p and that when the trenches for the foundations of the P r i v a t e House were dug they were immediately flooded b y water from the drain a n d the s u m p . There could be no more obvious reason for the reversal of the drainage system than the complaint of the owner of the property on which the P r i v a t e House was erected. The relevance of this for the date of the Private House lies i n the fact that the R o m a n B a t h i n B l o c k M 7, from w h i c h the d r a i n came, was built i n a l l probability between A . D . 210 and 215. O n this count, then, the construction of t h e P r i v a t e House would belong t o the period after the B a t h had been erected and h a d been put i n operation.
4 5

A t t e n t i o n m a y now be directed again t o the graffito w i t h the date corresponding t o A . D . 232/3 found i n R o o m 4 B of the P r i v a t e House (No. 10). This, i t w i l l be recalled, was inscribed i n the w a l l coating apparently from a staging, while the plaster was still d a m p . T h e graffito would have no bearing upon the date of the building itself if o n general grounds it seemed l i k e l y that the plastering Mention has been made previously of the fact of the room came later than the original constructhat the street north of the P r i v a t e House, Street tion work. W h a t suggests a n element of caution i n 3, h a d i n i t , just outside R o o m 6, a sump for the this connection is the fact that simple store rooms disposal of waste water. T h e existence of the adjacent t o diwans are n o t commonly found sump occasioned a careful but unrewarded search plastered i n the private houses of D u r a . B u t i t for a connection between i t and the basin of the w i l l be clear from P l a n V that R o o m 4 B was not font i n the B a p t i s t e r y of the Christian B u i l d i n g . just a simple store room for the d i w a n R o o m 4 A . A c t u a l l y , the sump was the terminus of a d r a i n R o o m 3 served i n that capacity and i t , presumably, that has been followed eastward along Street 3 and was not plastered. R o o m 4 B was clearly also then at right angles northward the whole length used to store things, as the row of peg holes i n the of Street A , where i t originated i n the B a t h on the south w a l l a n d the recess i n the western part of the north-east corner of B l o c k M 7. T h e course of this north wall indicate, b u t i t was at the same time d r a i n was found at one time to have been reversed the room through w h i c h the S o u t h Suite a n d the at a catch basin placed at the corner of Street 3 West Suite were connected a n d i t was dignified as and Street A , b y a second lower channel running 3. See R e p . V I , p. 89 (Brown) and pp. 178! (Hopkins). back from this point along Street A past the B a t h In this context Hopkins'comments on the drain need to to M a i n Street and west on M a i n Street through be corrected in accordance with the observations of
6 2

ibid.,

1. On the residents of the House of the Scribes see R e p . V I , pp. 299-304. On the Bath in Block M 7 see

pp. 102-104. 2. See R e p . V I , PI. V I .

Brown who actually excavated the Bath. 4. It will be noted from Plan V I of R e p . V I that the location of the sump is on the south side of Street 3, immediately adjacent to the house walls of the Private House. 5. See R e p . V I , p. 104. 6. See above, p. 17.

38

DESCRIPTION: T H E STRUCTURE
rise. T h a t the fill should have grown so r a p i d l y during the brief period of thirty-five years, between the construction of the P r i v a t e House i n A . D . 232 and the fall of the city, is b y no means as strange as i t seems at first glance. Indeed, i t is only proper to expect that as the insulae of the c i t y came to be completely built u p a n d as, therefore, more people h a d less a n d less space for d u m p i n g their refuse, street level should have risen b y leaps a n d bounds especially along W a l l Street. W h a t is k n o w n about the history of the c i t y i n the period after A . D . 208-210 reflects exactly these conditions. Indeed, i n B l o c k L 7 we have a n analogy t o what happened i n B l o c k M 8, for here also the fill along W a l l Street reached a height of c a . 2.50 m . before the end of the city's life a n d here the efforts of the builders of the L a t e r Synagogue, erected i n A . D . 244/5, to guard against the continued rise b y running their foundation courses up to a height of 3.00 m . above bed rock proved unavailing, water seepage h a v i n g damaged the lower register of paintings i n spite of their precautions.
6 5

the meeting room between the men's a n d the women's apartment b y the windows that gave light a n d v e n t i l a t i o n . N o w i t is k n o w n that the room was already plastered when the partition between i t a n d R o o m 4 A was t o r n down, for the vertical scar o n the north w a l l of R o o m 4 left b y the removal of the p a r t i t i o n received a patch joining the t w o adjacent plaster surfaces a n d i t was the plaster of this p a t c h which was extended around the entire R o o m 4 as a t h i n second coat, covering incidentally the graffito w i t h the date. B u t R o o m 4 B was plastered even while still serving as a repository for family possessions, for the plaster extended evenly around the holes i n the south w a l l that held the pegs upon w h i c h articles were hung. F i n a l l y , R o o m 4 B c a n be said to have been plastered when the plaster required to set the frames i n the window openings high u p i n the west w a l l was applied, for the plaster of the frames is continuous w i t h that of the window casings a n d this w i t h the plaster of the w a l l into w h i c h the casings are set. There is every reason, therefore, to take the date of the graffito i n R o o m 4 B , namely A . D . 232/3, as the approximate date for the actual erection of the P r i v a t e H o u s e .
1 2 3 4

If, then, i t can be safely assumed that the P r i v a t e House was built c a . A . D . 232, the only matter still requiring consideration is the question T w o additional matters still require brief when i t m a y be thought t o have been adapted to consideration. T h e first concerns the rise i n the Christian use and thus have become the Christian fill inside a n d around the site of the P r i v a t e House B u i l d i n g ? The evidence bearing upon this question and the Christian B u i l d i n g . I t w i l l be recalled that is meager. T h e pictorial and other graffiti i n R o o m between the destruction of the E a r l i e r Dwelling 4 covered b y the second t h i n coat of plaster and the construction of the P r i v a t e House, that is (Nos. 11-13) suggest that i t remained for some between the end of the P a r t h i a n period ( A . D . 165) time i n private hands, but do not tell us h o w long. and A . D . 232, the site h a d accumulated a deposit of A b o u t the only t h i n g that would have any relesand a n d refuse c a . 1.30 m . high. I t w i l l also be vance is the flange a n d bench set against the west recalled that between the date of the erection of and the north wall of the building, i f one were to the P r i v a t e House a n d the capture of t h e city i n assume, as would be quite logical, that they were A . D . 256 there h a d accumulated outside the erected when the P r i v a t e House was remodelled building along W a l l Street an additional deposit of to become the Christian B u i l d i n g . O n this assumpbetween 1.25 a n d 1.35 m . divided almost equally tion one could infer that the change i n status h a d between the period before a n d after the creation come some time i n the forties of the t h i r d century, of the protective flange intended to guard the approximately half w a y between A . D . 232 a n d 256, west w a l l of the building against seepage from this since the creation of the flange comes approximately half w a y i n the growth of the deposit of rubbish a n d sand i n W a l l Street above the level 1. See above, p. 16. obtaining when the P r i v a t e House was erected. A 2. See above, p. 18. date i n the forties of the t h i r d century for the 3. See above, p. 17. Christian B u i l d i n g the adapted P r i v a t e House 4. A third-century date for the building is maintained
5. See above p. 30 and Plan VII, Sections I and III. 6. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, pp. 14, 169, and Plan IV.

by Hopkins, R e p . V, pp. 247-248, and Rostovtzeff, D u r a E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p. 130: " not before the early third century."

DATES AND DATING

would be important for the interpretation of the decorations of the Baptistery, for they would i n this case belong t o the same general period that produced at D u r a also the paintings of the L a t e r Synagogue, those of the L a t e M i t h r a e u m and the latest among the additions to the decorations of the pronaos of the Temple of B e l . I t is this large b o d y of material w i t h which the paintings of the Christian B a p t i s t e r y would then properly and i n the first instance need t o be compared.
1

39

T h a t those who i n the days of Gordian, or of P h i l i p at the latest, took such care t o create at D u r a a n instrument of Christian congregational use should have h a d their w o r k come t o naught so rapidly, is a fate they shared w i t h the representatives of the local J e w i s h c o m m u n i t y and w i t h the devotees of Mithras, indeed w i t h a l l those who at D u r a u n t i l i t s bitter end continued i n unbroken l o y a l t y to the immensa majestas pads Romanae.
i . For the Synagogue see F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, i ; for the Late Mitraeum see R e p . V I I - V I I I , pp. 104-116; for the late scenes from the Temple of Bel see Cumont, F o u i l l e s , pp. 74-120, and Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , pp. 73L

O n this analysis of dates a n d dating, the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a served the purposes of a domus e c c l e s i a e only for a relatively short time, not more than from ten t o fifteen years at the utmost.

THE

DECORATIONS

I. E X T E N T A N D P R E S E R V A T I O N Evidence of painted m u r a l decoration came to light i n the Christian B u i l d i n g only i n the B a p tistery (Room 6); indeed, the discovery of the scenes portrayed on the walls of this room was what first established the i d e n t i t y of the structure. There is no ground for beheving that any other part of the building was ever similarly adorned. The interior of room 5 never received the coating of plaster needed to provide a surface for m u r a l decoration, a n d no traces of color were found either upon the standing remains of the twiceplastered walls of the Assembly H a l l (Room 4) or upon fragments of its plaster fallen from the walls and found on the floor of the room. It being idle to speculate what the local Christian comm u n i t y might have done to embellish also the Assembly H a l l if its existence h a d not been cut short b y its destruction of the city, the presumption is permissible that i t h a d its own understanding of which rooms to decorate and why. F r o m the thoroughness w i t h which i t decorated the B a p tistery, leaving not a square centimeter of ceiling and w a l l surface above the p l i n t h unembellished, while applying not a brush stroke to the Assembly H a l l , i t would seem to follow that for the Christians of D u r a the r o o m devoted to the performance of the i n i t i a t o r y rite had a character and importance not shared b y the Assembly H a l l . Fortune has p l a y e d its usual double role of give and take i n connection w i t h the decorations of the Baptistery. The fact that m u c h of the r o o m was entombed i n the embankments along the c i t y w a l l , as explained above, was the occasion for the preservation of those elements of the decoration that remain. V i c e versa, the extent to which the walls were demolished, that is to the line of the gradient of the embankments, is the measure of what is lost. W h a t was preserved or can be k n o w n
1

w i t h some degree of assurance includes three elements. The first a n d most important is slightly more t h a n the half of the w a l l decoration presenting pictoral compositions. The second is the decorative ornament applied to the canopy over the font. T h e t h i r d is the design used to embellish the ceiling of the room. W h i l e the preservation of so m u c h of the m u r a l decoration of the B a p t i s t e r y is a stroke of good fortune, i t must be added that the condition i n which the painted surfaces were found was generally lamentably bad and most difficult to cope w i t h . T h e workmen engaged i n the erection of the first embankment acted under orders to preserve the fabric of the structures affected, a n d hence incorporated the canopy of the font i n their m u d brick construction, but they h a d of necessity to p u l l d o w n the ceiling of the Baptistery, fragments of whose painted plaster were therefore found on the floor of the room under the embankment, so that continuity and solidity of their embankment might be assured. Those who erected the second embankment and, h a v i n g unroofed the buildings, demolished the house walls to the gradient of their o w n construction, n a t u r a l l y gave no consideration to the preservation of anything, letting decorated plaster surfaces of walls crack a n d shear off as t h e y would. Meanwhile, as the brickwork of the first embankment dried out, i t appears not to have given full support to the canopy over the font a n d the pressure of the masses above cracked the canopy and the decorated surface of the wall behind it. The decorated surfaces of the B a p t i s t e r y , as t h e y came to light i n the excavation, were, therefore, a mass of fragments loosely held i n position against the walls of w h i c h they h a d once been part, or pressed out at various angles from the walls into the fill beside them. Before these pieces could be cleaned a n d protectively coated, they needed to lose their n a t u r a l dampness a n d i n
height to which the rubble construction was carried up in the south wall to frame the door openings.

1. See above, p. 6. The gradient of the embankments is indicated on Plan VII, Section II; see also Plan II. The fact that the breakage line is higher on the south wall of the Baptistery than on the north derives from the

40

ORGANIZATION, TECHNIQUE, AND PALETTE

the period of w a i t i n g some fell from their places and were either fragmented or destroyed. F i n a l l y , exposure to even a subdued light brought about the r a p i d fading of some of the colors, and the fugitive nature of the binder originally used reduced the colors to t h i n films of pigment adhering loosely to the plaster a n d threatening to rub or blow off at a n y t i m e . It is obvious that these circumstances presented the excavators w i t h enormous problems. Unfortunately, at the time a n d place of the discovery even the simplest of the materials needed to make the most of a difficult situation were not always available. T h a t the pictorial compositions of the Baptistery, upon w h i c h its importance for the history of Christian art depends, d i d deteriorate noticeably between the time when they were first

41

l a i d bare a n d when they could be removed from their place on the walls of the room, is evident from the difference between those few pictures that could be and were taken immediately upon the removal of the earth from about the plaster, and those that were taken after the compositions were removed and prepared for shipment. T h a t they have continued to fade during the t h i r t y years since their installation i n the Y a l e Gallery of F i n e A r t s at N e w H a v e n is equally clear and unavoidable. The amazing thing is how m u c h the excavators were able to preserve and record under the circumstances which they faced, and how m u c h can be k n o w n w i t h relative assurance about the decorations as the B a p t i s t e r y artist executed them more than seventeen hundred years ago.
1

II.

ORGANIZATION, TECHNIQUE, A N D PALETTE choice of types of material committed them to nothing. Indeed, it provided a familiar and meaningful frame of reference for that which the decorations sought to communicate. W h a t they communicated was, of course, determined b y the subject matter of the decorations and i n the choice predominantly of episodes from Gospel record as the subjects of the pictorial compositions the decorations naturally differed from those of a l l other shrines i n the city. W h e t h e r from what remains of the decorations of the D u r a Baptistery the meaning both of the i n d i v i d u a l scenes and of the entire decorative program of the r o o m can still be determined, is a question that w i l l concern us later. Here i t needs only to be said that if the decorations of the B a p t i s t e r y can be seen to have been organized i n accordance w i t h a formal principle applied also elsewhere i n the city, the presumption is that they were intended to cohere also i n meaning, i f only to permit of differentiation between them and those of other shrines. The technique of composition and rendering used b y the B a p t i s t e r y artist is also comparable to that employed b y those who decorated the other buildings, secular and religious, at D u r a . It has been described i n the P r e l i m i n a r y Reports and i n the F i n a l Report on the Synagogue, and is gen-

F r o m the purely formal point of view the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y are quite i n accord w i t h what is k n o w n about religious wall painting generally i n the c i t y . T h e y follow a long-established local t r a d i t i o n suggesting that the most important part of a religious edifice should be embellished b y wall painting, and adopt the t y p i c a l combination of pictorial compositions and ornamental designs for this purpose. T h e y single out one w a l l of the decorated chamber to serve as a focal area and devote this to a single composition. T h e y divide the other walls of the r o o m horizontally into registers b y formal framing devices and present in these registers successive individual scenes.
2

T h a t the Christians of D u r a should thus have accomodated themselves to local usage i n the way they organized the decorations of their Baptistery and i n the types of materials used is b y no means strange. The J e w i s h c o m m u n i t y of the c i t y d i d the same i n their Synagogue. Organization and
3

1. See e.g. Pis. X X X V I and X X V , showing the contrast between an early photograph of the disciples in the boat in the scene of the Walking on the Water, and a later photograph. 2. For a convenient chronological list of the painted sanctuaries of the city see Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p. 139, n. 10. 3. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1.

42
1

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
holes of the ship's h u l l i n the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r , or those defining the several parts of the great stars i n the Resurrection Sequence. The background too could receive such treatment when it was a matter of showing the waves i n the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r scene, and of supplying the base fines upon which the figures were to be seen standing. T o delineate the faces b y adding brush strokes i n dark brown and black for the eyes, the nose and the mouth, and to indicate the curls into which the hair mass was divided, was part of this same process. T h e n came the fourth and last stage w h i c h provided accent marks where necessary and re-inforced outlines at strategic points, ending w i t h the execution of the solid lines enclosing the composition at its outer borders. E x e c u t i o n of these several steps is often relatively hasty, casual, and elementary i n the Baptistery. Standards of workmanship and of attention to detail are k n o w n to have declined generally at D u r a since the paintings of the Temple of B e l and of the Temple of Zeus Theos i n the first and early second centuries of our era respectively. B u t those of the D u r a Baptistery are b y no means at the highest contemporary level, as that level is illustrated for instance i n the L a t e M i t h r a e u m arid i n the Synagogue. E x c e p t for the canopy over the font the organization of the decorations was not carried through consistently, as w i l l appear below. Figures are sometimes outlined too heavily and sometimes not heavily enough. Details are omitted or unequally distributed. A crude sketchiness characterizes the representation of figures of smaller proportions. O n larger figures parts of bodies are carelessly drawn, arms tending to curve rather than bend, and fingers being summ a r i l y indicated. Whether more t h a n one artist was at work i n executing the pictures of the B a p t i s t e r y is a question of style a n d w i l l be considered i n another context. Suffice it here to say that procedures, techniques of representation, and materials used are the same throughout. This suggests that i f more t h a n one artist was at work, a l l concerned were of the same school or training.
4

. erally well k n o w n . Those elements of the decorations that consisted merely of ornamental designs were executed free-hand, without preUminary guide-lines and without the attempt to achieve geometric regularity. B u t they came out surprisingly well under the circumstances, a clear indication of the fact that the artist was here but repeating familiar conventional materials. I n the case of the pictorial compositions there were several steps i n the process of composition and rendering. The first was the execution on the w a l l of a sketch outlining i n their proper position the various figures and objects belonging to the scene. This was done w i t h a narrow brush and i n a 'wash' of the brown color of the artist's palette. The outlines are still visible at various points on the plaster, especially where the subsequent rendering has not followed the outline exactly. The l i d of the sarcophagus i n the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b is a case i n point (Pis. X X , X X V I I I ) . The second step i n the process was to fill i n the background around and between the several figures and objects delineated, i n the B a p t i s t e r y usually w i t h a 'wash'. Departure from the use of a 'wash' for the background can be significant under these c i r c u m stances. After the background h a d been taken care of at least i n preliminary fashion, the basic colors chosen for the rendering of the several persons and objects were next applied i n full strength. That is, the h u l l of a ship would be painted yellow, the garments of its passengers pink, green, or white as the case might be (so i n the scene of the W a l k i n g on the Water) a n d a sarcophagus white (as i n the Resurrection Sequence). W h e n background, figures, and objects h a d thus received their basic colors, a l l was ready for the t h i r d step i n the rendering. This consisted of adding u p o n the painted surfaces lines i n other colors to indicate outlines and details. Thus i n the case of garments fold lines, belts, a n d ornaments were added, and i n the case of objects features like the lines showing the planking and the port
2 3

i . See R e p .

VII-VIII,

pp. 208-210 and F i n a l

Report,

VIII, 1, pp. 364-366.

2. The room being so much smaller and lower the artist was able to determine the general emplacement of his scenes upon the walls without the benefit of the incised guide-lines that fixed the level of the ascending zones or registers in the Dura Synagogue. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, pp. 65!, 364. 3. See below, p. 57.

A word is i n order at this point concerning the colors that made up the artist's palette and concerning the terms used here to describe them.
4. On this see below, p. 169.

THE CEILING
T h e range of colors is distinctly limited. Mixtures of two colors occur, but they are not common, the artist h a v i n g no thought of achieving tonal effects b y combining and thus v a r y i n g his colors. Rather, diversity is obtained b y changing the strength of the colors used, d i l u t i n g or intensifying as the case might be, and of superimposing strokes of one color u p o n fields of another color. A careful analysis of the materials preserved indicates that the artist had at his disposal a n d used white, black, yellow ochre, pink, r e d ochre, b r o w n ochre, blue copper frit, and a clayey greenearth pigment. F o r his white he often fell back upon the n a t u r a l plaster surface of his field. T h e several ochres and the iron oxide l e n d themselves to d i l u t i o n a n d to the production of 'washes', so that i n describing the colors it is proper to speak of yellow (full strength) and light yellow, p i n k and pale p i n k , red a n d light red, brown and light brown, green a n d light green, as well as of a light brown wash, that is, b r o w n doubly d i l u t e d . M i x i n g of colors is illustrated b y the addition of p i n k to the light b r o w n wash used for the background of scenes l a i d i n the open, i n the creation of the reddish b r o w n used to re-inforce the exposed parts of the h u m a n body and elsewhere, and less comm o n l y i n the preparation of dark b r o w n (brown a n d black). There is no special m i x t u r e for flesh color; indeed, the present state of their preser1

43

v a t i o n suggests that the darker features of the faces were superimposed upon nothing more elaborate t h a n the wash of light b r o w n and p i n k used also for backgrounds. T h e range of the colors used can therefore be said to m a t c h that familiar from the wall decorations of the D u r a Synagogue, being i f anything, somewhat narrower. N o special analysis has been made of the pigments used, but those technically competent i n such matters i n the Department of A r t at Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y indicate that the analysis of the pigments of the Synagogue paintings made b y R . J . Gettens and reported upon b y A . P e t r y n can safely be t a k e n to apply also to the paintings of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y .
2

A s to the procedure used i n a p p l y i n g the color, it is obvious that the decoration of the D u r a Baptistery is not fresco painting a n y more than that of any other structure of the city. The pigment was applied to the w a l l w i t h the help of some simple binding agent, v i r t u a l l y a l l traces of w h i c h have disappeared, leaving o n l y a t h i n film of powder that comes off readily as dust. This has greatly reduced the impresssion of the strength of the colors originally applied. W h a t remains of the colors has now been fixed i n place w i t h a v i n y l coating, the application of w h i c h has further affected the impression they make, and which, i n spite of d i m lighting, has unfortunately not been able to stop entirely the process of failing.

III. T H E C E I L I N G H o w the ceiling of the Baptistery was decorated is k n o w n from the plentiful supply of its plaster found scattered about i n the debris upon the floor of the room, where it fell when the beams supporting it a n d the floor of the upper room were removed at the construction of the first embankment. Pearson, who studied the fragments i n detail, found it possible to infer from the shape of their upper surfaces, which showed what the plaster h a d been applied to, and from the remains of a n uninterrupted plaster cove molding at the
1. Figures and objects are typically first sketched in light brown. 2. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, i , p. 366.

transition from wall to ceiling, that the ceiling had formed a single uninterrupted flat surface. This surface was decorated i n the same manner as that of the vault of the canopy over the font (PI. X X I I I ) . The entire field was painted a dark blue. U p o n the blue field were distributed white stars formed of rings of dots set around a central dot, and alternately w i t h or without lanceate rays projecting from the center of the design between the dots of the ring. I n both instances eight dots make up the ring, so that eight is also the number of rays
3

3. In the reconstruction of the Baptistery in the Yale Art Gallery the ceiling beams are shown exposed and the ceiling is thus broken up into a series of narrow parallel fields.

44

DESCRIPTION : T H E DECORATIONS
1

projecting out from between them. The simpler form of the design, being the more compact, has an overall diameter of only about o . 08 m . The more elaborate form, i n which the dots are spread to allow the rays to pass between them has an overall diameter of o. 18 m . It is characteristic of the decorations of the D u r a Baptistery, as there will be ample occasion to point out i n the course of their description, that they take great care to be explicit and realistic i n the details of what they portray. T h i s holds true, apparently, even of the ceiling. The blue field and white designs spread upon it are not merely reminiscent of but actually meant to represent the star-studded sky. This is suggested b y the

discovery of a fragment of the ceiling found on the floor of the Baptistery preserving part of a further design. The fragment, recorded b y Pearson, had upon it a segment of a n arc d r a w n i n white and outlined i n black. The circle to w h i c h the arc belonged would have h a d a radius of 0.30 m . The design is clearly to be understood as a representation of the moon, and was probably the central motif of the ceiling decoration.
2

T h e whole field of the ceiling is framed b y a black band applied to the continuous cove molding that is formed i n the plaster at the transition from the horizontal surface of the ceiling to the vertical surface of the walls.

IV.

T H E CANOPY OF T H E FONT yellow ground (Plan V I I I ) . A black line encloses this design at a distance sufficiently removed from the. red frame of the field to leave a strip of white plaster showing between it and the frame. The vault of the canopy, diminished at the sides b y the segments cut from it b y the lateral arches connecting the columns and the pilasters, was treated as a single field. T h i s is framed i n a l l four directions b y the wide red bands applied also to the pilasters. Inside the frame the design of the blue star-studded s k y used on the ceiling of the room as a whole was repeated and the area devoted to it enclosed b y a bordering black line (PI. X X I I I ) . O n the soffits of the lateral arches the simple paneling arrangement found on the pilasters was again put to use. The outer edges had the same wide red bands following round them and creating central fields bordered b y black lines. I n this instance, however, the central fields were left white and unadorned. Of the outer faces of the canopy those at the sides were left undecorated, since they were not exposed to view. I n contrast, that toward the front, crowning the entire installation as seen from the room, received an ornate treatment. A g a i n the field was framed i n red, at the top, down the sides and along the edge of the vault between the supporting columns. B u t i n this instance the red b a n d was used twice i n the lower

As the outstanding structural feature of the room the massive font set against the west wall of the B a p t i s t e r y was also decorated. T h e basin, of course, was left white as plastered and so were the plinths and abaci of the columns a n d pilasters set upon it, but the rest of the canopy i n c l u d i n g the column shafts was richly embellished. The fact that the canopy was preserved intact, though i n a ruinous condition, permits of a detailed knowledge of all elements of its ornamentation. Irregular dark green and black lines, representing veins, are applied to the columns to imitate marble. T h e y flare diagonally upward from a line running vertically down the face of the columns, following a pattern appropriate to complementary marble slabs set alongside each other. The pilasters supporting the canopy at the rear are framed at the sides and on their faces w i t h red. The rectangular fields created on the faces of the pilasters by the red bands have an overall grape and leaf design that is executed i n light brown upon a
3

1. The design is similar to that used in the Dura Synagogue in Wing Panel IV ( F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L X X V I I I ) . There, however, the supplementary dots stand at the ends of the rays rather than between them. 2. See the representation of the moon in Wing Panel IV of the Dura Synagogue, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Fig. 61, p. 236. 3. The same design appears on the columns of the Torah Shrine in the Dura Synagogue. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PL L I .

THE
part of the field, once along the edge of the vault as indicated and once on a comparable arc o. 35 m . in from the edge of the vault. The arc along the edge of the field was swung naturally from the inner edges of the abaci atop the supporting columns, that above it from the outer edges. B y this repetition the artist created and set off an arcuated white field that followed the curve of the canopy's vault. T h i s he outlined i n black and decorated i n i m i t a t i o n of a fruit garland. T h e effect was achieved b y two simple devices. Of these the first was the superimposition over the white field and its frame of seven diagonal p i n k bands representing the loops of a ribbon. T h e second was the introduction of fruits into the several segmental fields created b y the ribbon. A l l but one of the fruit designs could be identified. Beginning at the left they were a bunch of purple grapes, a cluster of three yellow pomegranates and a sheaf of three yellow ears of grain. Beginning at the right they comprised a single pomegranate, a bunch of grapes, a cluster of three pomegranates and a sheaf of three ears of grain (Plan V I I I ) . Throughout, then, the rendering of the fruit garland is also analytical rather than plastic. T h e

WALLS

45

spandrels remaining i n the upper corners of the face of the canopy were treated as separate fields whose interior was reduced and set off b y successive black and pink lines. Save for several flakes of red paint all traces of any motif or device that m a y have been assigned to the center of these fields has been destroyed. The decorations applied to the several parts of the canopy over the font m a y cohere more closely and meaningfully than would appear at first glance. A t D u r a the fruit garland, for instance, can be seen again on the T o r a h Shrine of the Synagogue, another cult installation w i t h columnar support and arcuated f a a d e . Perhaps i t has some traditional association w i t h such structures. Its emplacement i n the Synagogue, on the soffit of the arch capping the T o r a h Shrine, is certainly inappropriate and secondary i n comparison with its appearance on the face of the canopy here i n the Baptistery. W h a t , if anything, the decorations of the canopy i n their entirety m a y properly be thought to suggest and what the garland w i t h the fruits of the field m a y have to contribute, w i l l be considered below.
1 2

V. T H E W A L L S

A . Organization and

Framework

T h e walls of the D u r a Baptistery, and them only, the artist decorated w i t h pictorial compositions representing scenes from B i b l i c a l narrative. To present t h e m properly he divided the w a l l surfaces into zones and fields, using a certain amount of framework. This it is necessary to consider before proceeding to the pictures themselves. Of the several walls of the B a p t i s t e r y that to the west not o n l y lent itself most readily to organization but provided for its appropriate development the most fortunate circumstances. The narrow strips at the right and left of the font and canopy the artist could afford to and d i d ignore completely because they were scarcely visible, leaving t h e m
1. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Pl. X V , 2-3. 2. See below, p. 197.

white as plastered (PI. X I I , 1). W h a t was left was the surface i n the middle of the wall, framed at the top b y the v a u l t of the canopy over the font, at the sides b y the pilasters supporting the canopy and at the bottom b y the upper ledge of the basin. This arcuated field permitted of unified pictorial decoration, and a single composition was precisely what the system of decoration used i n other shrines at D u r a called for at this point, because the font made it the focus of the worshiper's attention. The entire field was therefore enclosed in a single continuous frame consisting of a red b a n d c a . 0.08 m . wide defined on either side b y black lines (PI. X V I I ) .
3

The north, east, and south walls of the B a p tistery were l a i d out b y the artist i n such a w a y as to permit of pictorial decoration i n two ascending registers (PI. X X X I I I ) . The total height of the
3. See above, p. 25.

46

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

walls he h a d to decorate was c a . 3.20 m . The base of the walls the artist left blank, their undecorated white plaster serving as a plinth. O n the north a n d the east walls a n d on the south w a l l east of the doorway to the courtyard this plinth was c a . 0.44-0.46 m . high. O n the rest of the south wall, that is between the two doorways and alongside of the font, i t was a l l of 0.86 m . high, a difference of 0.40 m . (PL X X X I I I ) . The reason for the difference seems to be the existence of the rubble ledge or table projecting from the w a l l between the doorways, which the decorations h a d to clear.
1

T o organize a n d divide the three walls horizont a l l y the artist used an ornate register divider. This is a b a n d c a . o . 12 m . high composed of three elements set out between four lines of thinned-out reddish b r o w n paint (Pis. X V I I I - X X ) . The designs representing the three elements were executed i n black and dark b r o w n directly upon the white plaster of the w a l l . The first a n d t h i r d elements are formed b y continuous lines of brush strokes producing the forms of a capital t a n a n d a c a p i t a l g a m m a a n d intended clearly to represent the dentilations of a cornice. The second element is formed b y a continuous w a v y line whose loops, open alternately to the top and the bottom, are filled w i t h short concentric semi-circular lines. This represents a foliage scroll of some land, but whether i n application to a c y m a or to a frieze i t is difficult to say.
2

Clearly intended to portray i n analytical form a structural member of a building, the register divider is of unusual interest as a product of the second quarter of the t h i r d century at D u r a . Dividers a n d frame lines of various kinds are part of the standard decorative repertoire i n the wall paintings of the city, but b y the t h i r d century they h a d quite generally been reduced b y simplification to the ordinary monochrome band. This is the case, for instance, i n the later decorations of the Temple of B e l , i n the M i t h r a e u m a n d i n the Temple of the G a d d e \ Here i n the Baptistery
3

1. See above, p. 24. 2. Baur in R e p . V, p. 255, n. 9, suggests a Lesbian cymatium. 3. See Cumont, F o u i l l e s , PL X L I X (Temple of Bel), R e p . V I I - V I I I , Pis. X I V - X V I and p. 239 (Mithraeum and Temple of the Gadd6). In the Synagogue the monochrome band is surcharged with a design representing a twisted ribbon or a grape meander ( F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, pp. 251 f.).

there still survives a reminiscence of the older structural divider identifiable from its dentilations . as an elaborate cornice and therefore i n the same tradition as the cornices of the early, late firstcentury, decorations of the Temple of B e l . This is not without bearing upon the style and artistic tradition w h i c h the Baptistery artist represents. The one unusual fact about the register divider of the B a p t i s t e r y is that i t was not carried around the three walls of the room at the same l e v e l . O n the north w a l l the upper edge of the divider runs at a level c a . 1.80 m . above that of the floor. A t the western end of the south w a l l i t runs at 2.08 m . . above floor level a difference of 0.28 m . The reason for the change i n emplacement is not entirely clear. It undoubtedly has something to do w i t h the fact that the p l i n t h was higher on the south w a l l t h a n on the north. It m a y also be connected w i t h the desire to have the upper register clear as nearly as possible the tops of the doorways opening through the south wall ( P L X X X I I I ) . W h a t e v e r be the explanation of the difference i n level, the real difficulty is to understand how a n d where the two k n o w n stretches of the register divider, running at different levels, were brought together. It is n a t u r a l to suppose that the divider continued on the east w a l l at the same level as on the north wall, this p a r t l y because of the comparable proportions of the figures represented i n the scenes on the two adjoining parts of the lower register a n d p a r t l y because neither w a l l shows at the northeast corner of the r o o m a vertical frame line such as might be expected if the horizontal register divider began or ceased to r u n here at a different level (Pis. X X V I , X L I I , 1). N o r is there any similar vertical frame line at the south end of the east w a l l (PL X L I I , 1). Perhaps then the divider continued at the lower level the short distance between the southeast corner of the r o o m a n d the doorway leading to the c o u r t y a r d (PL I X , 1). B u t the plaster was not preserved to the height of the divider on this part of the south wall a n d the drawings representing its decorative organization
4 5 6

4. See Cumont, F o u i l l e s , Pis. X X X I - X X X V . 5. See below, p. 161. 6. In the reconstruction of the room in the Yale Art Gallery this fact is obscured, the pictorial compositions being assigned to corresponding positions on the opposite walls.

THE
i n this particular are conjectured, so the question remains unanswered. The t w o zones created on the three lateral walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y b y the register divider are spoken of here as the upper and lower registers. It is these zones that provided for the arrangement of the narrative compositions. B u t the compositions were not arranged i n the registers without further ado. T h e y were set off from the register divider, the ceiling, the plinths a n d occasionally from each other b y frames, but the framework of the pictures falls short of uniformity a n d consistency quite as does division of the walls into registers b y the register divider. The basic element of the framework for the pictorial compositions is the monochrome b a n d t y p i c a l of so m u c h of later wall painting at D u r a , as indicated above. H e r e it is commonly o . 08 m . wide or high. One would expect that bands used to frame opposite sides of the same series of scenes would correspond i n color, but this is not always the case. O n the n o r t h wall the upper a n d lower frame bands of the scenes i n the upper register are known. T h e y consist at the top of a red band, running just below the black applied to the cove molding that marks the transition from ceiling to wall, and at the b o t t o m of a black band, r u n n i n g immediately above the register divider (Pis. X V I I I , X X I V , X X V ) . O n the south w a l l the frame of the upper register m a y well have been the same. This is suggested b y the fact that a darkcolored, presumably black, b a n d r a n along the lower edge of the one scene k n o w n to belong to the area, between i t a n d the register divider (Pis. X X I , X X I X , 1). T h e frame of the scenes i n the lower register on the north wall is different. Here there appears immediately below the register divider a red b a n d of the t y p i c a l width, followed by a somewhat narrower white band, defined at its lower edge b y a black stripe which at the same time forms the border of the pictorial composition (Pis. X I X - X X ) . W i t h this upper frame, that along the b o t t o m of the register appears to be i n accord, at least on the north w a l l . H e r e too the pictorial composition has a black stripe serving as its border, below which runs a white band c a .
1

WALLS

47

0.06 m . wide, followed b y the red b a n d of t y p i c a l 0.08 m . w i d t h (PI. X I X - X X ) . I n other words, the frame at the base of the register reverses the order of the component elements, quite as one might expect. There is, however, this complication at the bottom of the lower register, that the r e d b a n d has below i t another white band set off b y a second black stripe, so that the frame seems here to consist of five elements. This m a y well reflect the desire of the artist to set off his lower register frame properly from the p l i n t h below i t .
2

One additional detail about the register divider' and the bands that frame the registers needs to be mentioned i n this connection. It is this, that the divider a n d the framing bands immediately associated w i t h i t above and below are k n o w n to have been continued past the sides of the canopy over the font to the extreme western ends of the north and south walls. The same presumably holds true also of the bands at the top of the upper register a n d at the bottom of the lower register. P i c t o r i a l composition stopped where the line of vision from the interior of the chamber was blocked b y the canopy. B e y o n d this line the fields of the two registers were painted solidly i n blue.
3

W h i l e there is thus a certain degree of regularity, i n the horizontal framing of the pictorial compositions on the lateral walls of the B a p t i s t e r y , the same is not true of the vertical. J u d g i n g b y what survives of the decorations the artist framed his pictures on a l l four sides only rarely. I n the upper register on the north w a l l there is no vertical band
2. There are naturally various ways of grouping the several bands and stripes that provide the framework for the pictorial compositions. Baur, for instance, has chosen to associate the red and black bands running along the middle of the north wall with the dentilations and the foliage scroll, thus interpreting the register divider as being made up of five elements. See R e p . V, p. 255, n. 9. But this interpretation ignores the bands framing the top of the upper register and the bottom of the lower register and does not work out when applied also to the south wall. We prefer to associate the red band below the lower set of dentilations with the frame of the compositions in the lower register, rather than with the register divider, because the red band, the white band that follows it and the black stripe superimposed upon it reappear in the reverse order at the bottom of the register. The upper register we conceive of as being framed at the bottom by the black band above the upper set of dentilations and at the top by the red band under the black cove molding. 3. The divider shows on the photographs of the canopy over the font that are reproduced on PI. XII.

1. The white band forming part of this frame widens from 0.02 m. to 0.04 m. in its course from west to east on the north wall.

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
to frame either the sequence or its separate scenes vertically. W h e n we t u r n from the east and n o r t h walls to the south wall, and there particularly to the section between the doors leading to R o o m 5 and to the courtyard respectively, the treatment of the lower register is quite different. Here the red band directly below the register divider is continued without interruption down alongside of the door openings, across under the niche and across above the top of the ledge or table set against the lower part of the w a l l . This creates on this part of the south wall three completely enclosed fields, a smaller one on each side of the niche and a larger one across the w i d t h of the w a l l below the niche (PI. X L V I ) . The smaller fields were colored blue (now turned to gray) a n d are reported originally to have been surcharged w i t h diagonal black lines to indicate veining. The small field at the left of the niche was later inscribed w i t h a graffito (No. 17). The large field below the niche and above the ledge or table was used for a pictorial composition (the scene of D a v i d a n d Goliath). T h i s scene was therefore framed on a l l four sides and that not only b y the red b a n d already mentioned but also b y successive green and yellow bands each c a . 0.045 m . wide set off from each other b y black stripes that reduced and defined the field even further. Here, then, the artist's treatment of the B a p t i s t e r y walls changes from that of creating uninterrupted pictorial cycles a n d sequences to one of strict compartmentalization and to the imitation of marble incrustration w o r k .
2 3 4 5

to frame the scene of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c at the left, nor is this scene separated from the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r beside i t (Pis. X V I I I , X X V ) . W h a t is known about the one scene i n the upper register on the south wall (PI. X X X I X , i ) gives the same impression of lack of terminal definition. Conceivably, therefore, the entire register presented an unbroken succession of compositions i n open parataxis. I n the lower register on the east and n o r t h w a l l we seem to have a comparable situation. The entire lower part of the w a l l is used for a single scene a n d the field into which it is set not o n l y lacks vertical frame lines at the end of the w a l l but apparently continued around the southeast and the northeast corners of the room (PI. X L V I ) . O n the n o r t h wall the field carried around the corner from the east w a l l seems to come to an end where the white b a n d that helps frame the lower register at the bottom suddenly turns from the horizontal to the vertical (Pis. X I X , 2, X X V I I ) . A l m o s t a meter farther toward the west a comparable band, similarly outlined w i t h black stripes, cuts the field vertically. Theoretically these bands could be taken to mark the end of the field carried around the corner from the east wall, to frame a separate narrow field near the east end of the n o r t h wall, and to establish the eastern limits of a t h i r d scene continuing westward on the n o r t h wall. Practically, however, this does not w o r k out, for what is shown between the vertical bands is a pair of door leaves (Pis. X I X , 2, X X V I I , X L I I I , 2). T h o u g h they are associated b y the artist w i t h his horizontal register frame, the bands must actually serve to represent the door casing. The decorative treatment of the lower register on the east a n d n o r t h walls can therefore be said more properly to bring three elements i n one continuous sequence, - the element on the east w a l l , the door w i t h its frame near the east end of the north wall, and the composition running westward on the n o r t h w a l l from the door. A s interpreted below, this sequence is understood to present two successive scenes, of w h i c h the first includes the framed doorway. A g a i n the artist has not seen fit
1. At the northeast corner of the room, where the preservation of the painted plaster is continuous, this is certain; at the southeast corner it is hypothetical but probable.

2. A t its western end the scene that occupies most of the lower register on the north wall has a narrow vertical stripe that serves to define properly the line on which the red of its background ends and the blue applied to the field at the side of the font begins. 3. For the structural details of the wall see above, p. 24. 4. See below, p. 95. 5. The green band framing the pictorial composition at the top was used as the locus for the incised graffito that is No. 18. See below, p. 96. How the short section of the south wall east of the door leading to the courtyard was decorated is not clear. Only a small part of the plaster was preserved here at the side of the door opening and along the bottom of the register, and traces of paint on the surface of the plaster were very faint. These sufficed only to show that the doorway was framed at the left (east), as it was on the right, by a vertical red band which turned horizontally to frame the register at the bottom. Pearson recalled discussing with Hopkins whether or not the area enclosed on two sides by the red

THE
A t the western end of the south wall the B a p tistery artist continued his use of vertical framing, bringing the red band below the register divider down along the right side of the door opening a n d returning i t to a horizontal direction at the bottom as part of the lower border of the field (PI. X X I ) . The field thus created between the door opening and the line where visibility is interrupted b y the columns supporting the canopy over the font he used for another pictorial composition (the scene of the W o m a n at the Well). This field also he has reduced a n d defined b y additional narrow bands, here three i n number rather than two, to imitate marble incrustration w o r k . Strangely, however, and for reasons best known to the artist himself, these additional bands were used only on two sides of the field.
1 2

WALLS

49

Baptistery, or that he regarded the separate episodes of his cycles a n d sequence as too closely related to each other to permit their separation b y vertical frame bands.

B . The Narrative

Compositions

The treatment of the lower register on the south w a l l of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y thus gives a quite different impression of the artist's awareness and use of devices for framing pictorial compositions t h a n do the n o r t h a n d east walls of the room. Indeed, i t suggests that not only the register divider but also the elaborate frames at the top and bottom of the two registers are to be understood as being more directly reminiscent of structural w a l l decoration a n d sheathing t h a n are the beribboned bands of the D u r a Synagogue. If, i n spite of this fact, the B a p t i s t e r y artist chose not to compartmentalize his pictorial compositions throughout, b y enclosing each i n a separate a n d complete frame, i t m a y be that he realized how m u c h this w o u l d have detracted from the effectiveness of his work i n a r o o m as small as the D u r a
band had also been veined to imitate marble, as he was inclined to believe, and having to agree that the evidence was insufficient to prove the point. We have none the less reproduced unchanged in this particular as PI. X X X I I I Pearson's drawing showing the field at the east end of the south wall as imitating marble paneling. 1. The bands were probably originally each given a different color, but all traces of pigment have disappeared in this instance. 2. That the artist should have left open the western side of his field, where it is partially obscured by the canopy over the font, is understandable and was the more logical in this instance because he used for the background of his pictorial composition the same blue that was applied to the walls at either side of the font. See above, p. 47. One might, however, have expected him to keep the number of his marble framing bands at two and to have carried them around three sides of his scene.

F r o m the formal a n d the ornamental the discussion turns now to the narrative elements of the decorations. O n what was left of the walls of the Baptistery excavation brought to light fragmented and fragmentary remains of nine narrative scenes. One of these (the A d a m a n d E v e scene) is shown below to be a supplement to the original program of the decorations, h a v i n g been superimposed upon a part of the field on the west wall prepared for and used b y another composition. E i g h t scenes therefore form the sum t o t a l of what can be k n o w n about the original scope of the artist's narrative effort a n d purpose, but what is lacking i n q u a n t i t y is made u p b y favorable distribution. F o r t u n a t e l y the eight preserved include the single composition assigned to the west w a l l of the room above the font. F r o m the upper register, running around the other three walls of the room, three scenes were brought to light, one occupying part of the register on the south w a l l a n d two part of the register on the n o r t h wall. T h e last two are here interpreted and spoken of as part of a M i g h t y W o r k s cycle. Of the lower register four scenes are preserved, two on the south wall, one on the east w a l l a n d one on the north wall. The last two join each other around the northeast corner of the r o o m a n d are spoken of here as the Resurrection Sequence. The discussion of the pictorial material is so organized that matters of style, iconography, meaning a n d historical significance of the compositions are reserved as far as possible for the later interpretative section of this report. Here attention is therefore focused upon the description and identification of the scenes. The fugitive nature of these paintings a n d the vicissitudes through w h i c h t h e y have passed create a wide range of problems for anyone t r y i n g to describe t h e m accurately. T o cope w i t h them the effort has been made to document the descript i o n i n depth. That is to say description has diligently compared what can now be seen on the

5o

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
reference made here to i n d i v i d u a l B i b l i c a l books i n the identification of the scenes is for convenience only, without prejudice as t o the media of information.

original plaster surfaces w i t h every earlier stage of the pictorial and verbal record, going back t o the photographs, the tracings, a n d the descriptions made immediately after their discovery. So far as the pictorial records are concerned, the earlier are always given p r i o r i t y ; as for the written records the earlier are given p r i o r i t y so far as their statements are factual and are not contradicted b y the re-examination of the original paintings. Below, at the beginning of the description of each scene, the reader w i l l find listed the nature and extent of the written and pictorial documentation available for the knowledge of it, together w i t h a brief bibliography of its discussion b y scholarly interpreters. I n the Plates a n d T e x t Figures a l l essential elements of the pictorial record are reproduced. The A p p e n d i x (pp. 228-233) transcribes from private letters, field diaries a n d reports i n the D u r a Archives what is relevant to the knowledge of the scenes. I n the identification of the several scenes reference is made to the i n d i v i d u a l books of the B i b l e i n w h i c h the episodes portrayed are narrated. T h r o u g h what media the subject matter of these books became k n o w n t o the Christians of D u r a is by no means certain. W h i l e b y the t h i r d century of our era the churches of the Mediterranean basin were already well provided w i t h manuscripts of H o l y W r i t , the same does not necessarily h o l d true of congregations at remote outposts o n t h e limes. Moreover, the sacred canon of Mesopotamian Christianity continued t o differ from that of the rest of the Church i n important particulars. Episodes from the O l d Testament represented i n the D u r a Baptistery m a y thus have been familiar locally only from the spoken word of preachers and teachers. A s a source for the direct knowledge of N e w Testament episodes, the community is k n o w n to have had a manuscript of the D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n , a harmony of the four Gospels. Whether at was this, rather t h a n the separate Gospels, that provided the basis for the representation of the events depicted has to be determined separately i n each instance. I n most cases i t is, of course, quite impossible t o tell, n o r is there a n y reason w h y derivation should be made a n issue save where interpretation presents problems. I n a n y event,
1 2

1.

WEST

W A L L : T H EGOOD HIS SHEEP

SHEPHERD A N D

D o c u m e n t a t i o n . W r i t t e n : H o p k i n s , F i e l d D i a r y and Field Report, texts below, p p . 231 f. P i c t o r i a l : field photograph ( P l . X X X I I , 1); tracing o n cellophane; sketch from tracing (Pl. X X X I ) ; reduced a n d sketched reconstruction made for model of the B a p t i s t e r y ; outline drawing of figures i n the tracing (Fig. 4) ; photograph of the scene unmounted (Pl. X X X ) ; hand-tinted reproduction of this, Rf. V, P l . X L I X ; Gallery photograph, scene mounted (Pis. X X I I I - X X I V ) ; Gallery color transparency, scene mounted (PI. XVII). B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, pp. 254.-262 (1934); Seston, " L ' g l i s e " , p . 173 (1937) ; Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p . 131 (1938); J . Quasten, " D a s B i l d des guten H i r t e n , " p p . 220-224 (1939) ; Morey, E a r l y . C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 66 (1942) ; Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtien? p. 14 (1947) ; Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s .
3

1. See below, p. 116. 2. See below, p. 114.

T h e west w a l l of t h e D u r a Baptistery, which the font set before i t brought into particular prominence a n d made the natural focus of attention, t h e artist chose t o embellish w i t h the most familiar of a l l themes of early Christian' art, the allegory of the G o o d Shepherd a n d his Sheep. The B i b l i c a l basis is, of course, the equally familiar passage J o h n 10. 11-16, " I a m the good shepherd", etc. T h e portion of the w a l l enclosed b y the several elements of the font presented here a surface curved at the top, a n d almost half again as h i g h as i t was wide. O n this surface the artist could have represented a single standing figure e.g. that of a criophoros o n a relatively large > scale. T h i s he d i d not do. T h e fct that he chose instead t o compose a scene w i t h m a n y figures required the use of greatly reduced proportions for all of them and left a goodly amount of the space unused at the bottom. T h e amount of space not
3. For full references see Bibliography, pp. xxiif. - -

THE WALLS
used depended u p o n several factors m c l u d i n g the w i d t h of the frame, the number of the sheep, their relation to each other a n d to the shepherd, and the position assigned to the shepherd i n relation to the curving outer edge of the surface defined b y the canopy over the font. A s it worked out, the artist, using as a frame a reddish brown b a n d o . 08 m . wide bordered at the outside and the inside b y h e a v y black lines, created here a field 1.40 m . wide along the base, arid 1.08 m . high from the base to the crown of its arch at the top. T w o zones of non-use result from his handling of the space available vertically. The lower, between the upper edge of the font a n d the lower edge of the picture frame, was left white. It coincides w i t h a l l but the upper 0.10 m . of the portion of the west w a l l covered b y the undercoat of waterproof plaster. T h e upper is a zone some 0.28 m . high inside a n d along t h e bottom of the framed field contauiing the composition. Its upper edge serves as base line for the lower row of figures i n the scene.
1

5i

figures and elements on the unpairited surface of the w a l l i n a light brown wash a n d then filled i n w i t h solid background colors the areas around them before proceeding to render his figures i n detail. H e d i d this here i n the field above the font, using a light brown background color to set off the Shepherd and his Sheep and reddish brown to cover the unused part of the field below. The basic fact about the elements of the A d a m and E v e scene is that they and they alone i n the entire Baptistery are not enclosed b y but are superimposed upon the solid reddish b r o w n of their immediate background. T h i s can only mean that the scene is a n afterthought, a supplement, and not a p a r t of the original program either as regards the treatment of the field or of the room as a whole. Its a w k w a r d emplacement confirms t h i s .
3

A s i n other unused portions of fields elsewhere i n the B a p t i s t e r y , the artist has disposed of it b y covering it w i t h a coating of the same dark reddish b r o w n used i n the frame of the composition. It has been necessary to describe i n such detail the treatment of the upper and lower parts of the field prepared for the composition of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep because the lower part brings also another scene, that of A d a m a n d E v e , relation of w h i c h to the m a i n composition needs to be clarified at the outset. Above, i n connection w i t h the description of the technique of composition used b y the B a p t i s t e r y artist, it was pointed out that i n preparing t h e m he first outlined the
2

1. See above p, 25 and Plan VIII. That it prevented damage to the decorations when water poured over the head of the neophyte in baptism splashed on the wall, is a plausible suggestion. 2. The contrast between the background colors in the lower and upper parts of the field is particularly clear in the field photograph that is reproduced on PI. X X X I I , 1. Another good example of the artist's tendency to treat with solid color unused parts of fields assigned to pictorial composition is provided by the foreground of the scene of the Healing of the Paralytic. See below, p. 58 and PI. X X X I V . In no instance can the treatment of unused parts of fields be interpreted as intended to supply stage-space, because the figures are placed above it, not on its lower edge. For an actual example of stagespace see the scene of the Battle of Eben-ezer in the Dura Synagogue, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L V .

The scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep was executed on a part of the plaster surface of the Baptistery that was found b a d l y cracked, that h a d to be demounted i n fragments andTeassembled, a n d that has suffered also from fading. I t has two m a i n elements, namely at the left the Good Shepherd represented as a criophoros w i t h a huge r a m on his shoulder, and at the right a large flock of rams m o v i n g on before h i m . T h e figure of the Good Shepherd, set i n some 0.30 m . from the side of the field so as. not to appear to be crowded against the frame of the composition, is itself o n l y slightly more t h a n 0.40 m . h i g h . L i k e a l l the other figures, i t was at first delineated i n light b r o w n and is shown facing front, but its pose is properly described as three-quarters front a n d the obvious intention is to indicate m o t i o n t o w a r d the right. O n this account the figure is seen inclined toward the right, the axis of the b o d y passing through its left leg. The treatment of the limbs i s . not clear i n a l l details. A b o u t the arms and hands i t can be
4 5

3. The Adam and Eve scene is therefore discussed separately below. 4. Described in a letter from Hopkins to Rostqvtzeff dated Feb. 8, 1932. 5. The outline of the curving neck of the first ram of his flock Comes to within o. 15 m. of the right edge of the field, so that the picture can be said to have been developed unevenly upon the field, due naturally to the desire to give proper prominence to the shepherd. The space at the left of the shepherd, originally left unused, later provided room for the branches of the trees of the Garden of Eden for the one who added on the area below the scene of Adam and Eve. These are therefore not a part of the Good Shepherd scene.

4*

52

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
distinctly oval. It was outlined i n dark red, the outline being subsequently overlaid w i t h a black b a n d that is widened at the top to represent a.flat mass of hair and that tapers toward the bottom at the left to become an accent line along the neck. A t the chin the dark r e d outline of the head stands out clearly and simply against neck and face, showing that the figure was beardless. T h e color of the face is indistinguishable. The features, added to the face at the same time as the hair, are destroyed save for two black dots representing the large pupils of the eyes and a curving black line representing the upper edge of one eye-ball (rather than an eyebrow). T h e r a m which the shepherd bears upon his shoulders is a huge animal, 0.325 m . from head to tail. E x e c u t e d i n accordance w i t h the same pattern as that used for the flock at the right, it m a y even exceed the largest of them i n size. L i k e a l l the rest it is of the fat-tailed variety still popular i n the Orient and is clearly delineated along the top i n black. These black outlines are probably to be regarded as accent lines superimposed upon basic brown outlines. Where the fore a n d hindquarters were shown passing across the shoulder of the shepherd the outlines were not thus reinforced and are therefore often hard to follow. T h e haunch of the ram's right h i n d leg, outlined i n brown, describes an arc over the shepherd's right shoulder, the shank doubling back to where it is held i n the shepherd's right hand over his right breast. The t i p of the leg and its hoof, accented i n black, make Jits position entirely clear. The left h i n d leg was apparently invisible. B o t h forelegs extend diagonally downward over the shepherd's left shoulder into the space at the right of the figure, where the tips of the hooves, accented in black are preserved. Precisely how the shepherd was shown holding them is not clear. H i s a r m was presumably doubled u p w a r d from the elbow. If a separate color was originally applied to the body of the r a m it has meanwhile merged w i t h that of the background and is indistinguishable. Of the features added i n black, an eye, part of a n ear, and the outline of one of the two horns are still visible. T h e color of the background against w h i c h the figure of the shepherd was seen it is hard to
tion that there is a corresponding though smaller offset in the outline of the garment at the left of the figure.

said that the left arm, sharply bent at the elbow, lies i n a plane w i t h the body at the right, while the right a r m is advanced to a position i n front of the body. T h e placement of the arms is, of course, determined b y the carrying of the r a m , but the point here is that the arms are not shown i n symmertical positions i n relation to the body, as t y p i c a l l y i n some forms of the criophoros. A s to the shepherd's legs, the left is shown projecting from the hem of the chiton at the outer right edge of the garment, while the right leg projects from near the middle of the lower edge of the garment. T h e left leg can therefore be said to be advanced even though the knee is not shown bent. Of the feet a trace of the instep of the left foot is preserved, showing that it was seen i n profile and i m p l y i n g that the sole of the foot r a n at a level not more t h a n c a . 0.02 m . above the base line of the composition. Of the right foot nothing is preserved below the line of the ankle, but the sketch made from the tracing suggests that it was seen frontally, w h i c h is what one would expect of a figure, w i t h its left foot seen i n profile. The toes of the right foot should have reached down to the base line at the upper edge of the unused area.
1

So posed i n the prehminary sketch, the shepr herd's body was subsequently boldly outlined i n dark red. H i s legs, the arms and the right breast are bare. H e wears the short chiton k n o w n as the exomis w h i c h , hanging from his left shoulder, sweeps across the body toward the right hip and reaches below only to mid-thigh. T h e garment was yellow, overlaid w i t h brown fold lines and outlined i n brown. A t the right of the figure, approximately at hip level, the yellow and brown area develops a projection like that of a k o l p o s i n a belted t u n i c . It has been suggested that this represents the shepherd's bag or scrip, sometimes seen on representations of the Good Shepherd, but the b r o w n lines that enclose and reinforce the projecting area do not produce a pattern clearly recognizable as that of a bag, so that the m a t t e r must be left i n doubt. The shepherd's head is
2 3

1. See Baur, R e p . V, pp. 261 f. 2. For examples see F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Plate L X I I . 3. For the suggestion see R e p . V , p. 260. Hopkins' descriptions do. not mention the bag, but this is, of course, not conclusive. Pearson's tracing and the sketch made from it (PI. X X X I ) define the projecting area in terms of a kolpos rather than a bag and suggest in addi-

THE
describe precisely, but i t was certainly not dark. Such backgrounds were usually done b y the application of a light-colored wash. T y p i c a l l y the wash used b r o w n as a base color, to deaden the white of the plaster, a n d h a d p i n k added to enliven i t . There is good reason to believe that this same light-colored wash was used here also.
1

WALLS

53

Of the flock advancing to the right, w i t h but ahead of the shepherd, some details are quite clear, others quite obscure. Best preserved are the black outlines or accent lines which the heads, horns and backs of the rams along the upper edge of the flock received, and those applied to the tips of the legs and the hooves of the animals along the lower edge of the flock, where the short lines defining them are superimposed upon the reddish b r o w n of the unused zone at the b o t t o m of the field. W h a t is i n between is rather indistinct. A l o n g the top, the animals were arranged i n a solid r o w a n d are a l l rams. There was probably also a continuous file along the b o t t o m of the composition, including a number seen grazing, a n d the preservation of occasional horn tips i n this area creates the strong presumption that they too were rams. The number of the rams represented i t is difficult to estimate w i t h absolute certainty. Since all of those along the upper edge of the flock have their heads raised, they can be counted fairly accurately using the c u r v i n g horns as an indicator a n d can be said to number seven. It must be noted i n this connection, however, that proper calculation depends upon careful attention to the convention w h i c h the artist used i n representing the horns. The horns according to this convention are seen frontally though the heads of the rams are shown i n profile. This permitted both horns to be separately and completely represented, the one curving forward and the other b a c k w a r d from the top of the head or along the side of the head. N o t every curved line therefore designates another sheep. T h e rams i n the lower part of the flock are those that m a k e the .total number uncertain. A t least six can be counted here, whose pose a n d emplacement is recorded i n F i g . 4, sketched from the tracing of the scene b y Pearson. B a u r pre1. Hopkins' earliest description of the scene, in his Field Diary under the date of Jan. 19, 1932 (see below, p. 229), speaks of a "light brown background".

sumably counted more, though the preliminary report gives no clue how his t o t a l of a flock of seventeen was arrived at. I n any event, the number must have been higher than twelve and thus becomes relatively unimportant. The flock is actually seen grazing a n d of the rams along the lower edge of the flock more than two were no doubt shown w i t h their heads down. Remains of clumps of grayish green leaves representing herbage can be seen at two points appropriate for cropping b y the rams. The clearest is immediately before the leader of the flock (Pl. X X X I ) . There is no indication of water, as has been suggested, and there is no reason w h y the imagery borrowed from the Gospels should be combined here w i t h that from the Psalms or from the description of paradise as i n later Christian art. Indeed, . the common element of motion i n v o l v e d i n the representation of both the flock and the shepherd indicates that they are at pasture and hence not yet arrived at the well or water hole where a l l w i l l rest.
2 3

One detail of the composition calls for a n additional word of comment, namely the fact that all the animals were i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y represented as rams. T h a t the reason for this can be determined w i t h a n y degree of' certainty is unlikely. A n y number of explanations can.be invented, but none can be shown certainly to apply. N o help can be expected i n this connection from studies dealing w i t h the subject matter of early Christian art i n traditional terms. These tend, w i t h whatever justification, to adopt the so-called " s y m b o l i c " interpretation of t h imagery. T h u s , where the image of the Good Shepherd is said to derive from and illustrate the parable of the lost sheep (Matthew 18, 12-13), there, w i t h the help of patristic evidence, i t w i l l be argued that the . shepherd properly carries a lamb or ewe. Similarly, where the image of the r a m is said to derive from the story of the sacrifice of Isaac (Genesis 22, 13),
1

2. See R e p . V, p. 260.
3. Hopkins' failure to mention water of any kind and his explicit statement that the leader of the flock "iowers his head to pluck at the leaves of a bush" (Field Report, below, p, 231) must outweigh Baur's statement that the rams along the bottom of the composition are axmking at a brook ( R e p . V., p. 260). 4. So J . Wilpert, I sarcofagi c r i s t i a n i , I, Text (Rome,

1929), pp. 68-70.

54

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

OjTW^AlME

QO)

\
l

space i>oqK

..

faotw

Tmees of

mm^l W

Fig. 4.

there i t w i l l be argued that the r a m represents Christ who was sacrificed as a substitute for the sinner, a n d that the representation of a r a m c a r r y i n g Good Shepherd is "nonsense". More helpful are the statistics compiled b y K l a u s e r for the i d e n t i t y of the animals carried b y G o o d Shepherds i n W i l p e r t ' s publication of the sarcophagi referred to above. H e finds that out of 184 instances of the representation of the Good
1

Shepherd there are 49 i n w h i c h he carries a r a m , 57 i n w h i c h he carries a ewe, 27 indistinguishable and the rest fragmentary. H e concludes from this that the sex of the a n i m a l represented was a matter of indifference to the sculptors, which, i n the context of the surely commercial process of producing sarcophagi, m a y be entirely correct. W h e r e i t is assumed t h a t the Christian s y m b o l of the Good Shepherd is derived as a type from the
2

i . So H . Lclrc'q in Cabiol, D i c t i o n n a i r e II, 1, col. 652, s. v. blier.

2. "Studien zur Entsteb.ungsgeschicb.te der christlichen Kunst I"; J f A C ,1 (1958), pp. 37*-. n. 77-

THE

WALLS

55

pagan criophoros, i t is of course n a t u r a l that he should be seen carrying a r a m , a n d if i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y composition i t is as a criophoros that he is associated w i t h the flock, i t is quite n a t u r a l that t h e members of the flock should have been represented as rams also. In. other words, the sex of the animals i n the flock at D u r a m a y have been determined b y nothing more serious or significant t h a n accomodation t o type. Indeed, t o the extent that the emphasis i n the composition i s o n the pasturing of t h e sheep, i t really makes no difference what the sex of the animals m a y b e . Somet h i n g of this same indifference t o the sex of the a n i m a l comes t o expression i n the A r a b i c version of the D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n , where i n the context of the allegory of the G o o d Shepherd of J o h n 10 i n t w o instances the w o r d used t o refer t o the sheep definitely means " r a m s " . T h a t this represents the original text of the D i a t e s s a r o n as the D u r a Christians read i t a n d that the imagery was therefore inspired b y the D i a t e s s a r o n is possible but i n this instance^ doubtful.
1 2 3

B i b l i o g r a p h y . B a u r i n Rep. V, p p . 256-259 (1934) ; Seston, " L ' g l i s e , " p. 173 (1937) ; Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s and, i t s A r t p . 131 (1938); Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , pp. 66 f. (1942); Lassus, Sanctuaires chrtiens, p . 14 (1947); Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s . I n the lower left corner of the field devoted pre-eminently a n d s y m m e t r i c a l l y t o t h e scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep, a sketch of A d a m and E v e is t o be seen. T h e figures are small, for the entire scene is only c a . 0.35 m . wide and save for the tops of two flanking trees is contained i n the o. 28 m . of the reddish b r o w n zone at the b o t t o m of the field. T h e episode depicted is that of the F a l l as described i n Genesis 3,1-7, when b y picking a n d eating the fruit of the forbidden tree the couple transgressed the commandment of G o d and became aware of their n u d i t y . A m o n g the more familiar scenes i n early Christian art, i t takes here the t y p i c a l form of a simultaneous composition, i n w h i c h successive events serving as cause (the picking of the fruit) a n d effect (use of aprons made of leaves) are shown at one a n d the same time.

The scene is framed b y the featureless trunks of two trees rising from a common ground line. T h e y D o c u m e n t a t i o n . W r i t t e n : H o p k i n s , F i e l d D i a r y , give the impression of h a v i n g been done i n gray, , L e t t e r of Jan.: 22, 1932, F i e l d R e p o r t , text but, superimposed as the sketch is upon a reddish brown background, i t is v e r y l i k e l y that this below, p . 229. ; P i c t o r i a l : (largely identical w i t h that of the represents the attenuation of a color intrinsically G o o d Shepherd): field photograph (PI. X X X I I , m u c h brighter, such as a yellow ochre. The tree 1); tracing o n cellophane, reduced photo t r u n k at the right comes to an end at the top of the . g r a p h (PI. X X X I ) ; sketch from t r a c i n g reddish b r o w n zone just below a n d slightly t o the (PL X X X I I , 3); photograph of unmounted right of the right foot of the G o o d Shepherd i n the scene (PL X X X ) ; t i n t e d reproduction of this zone above. The tree t r u n k at the left continues . [ R e p . V, Plate X L I X ) ; Gallery photograph, through the base line of the Good Shepherd scene . scene mounted (Pis. X X I I I - X X I V ) ; G a l l e r y a short distance a n d is brought t o a n end against color transparency, scene mounted (Plate a horizontal brush stroke. A b o v e this, i n the a r a at the left of t h e G o o d Shepherd the area left XVII). bare because he was t o be given as prominent ' I. This does not in our judgment imply that the position as possible under the circumstances composition is for that reason any the less meaningful. are represented the tops of the t w o trees. These are Contrast here the position of J . Kollwitz, R f A C , III nothing b u t groups of generally vertical brush(1957) l - ' - - Christusbild 2, who suggests that the emichment of the type of the "pasturing Good Shepherd" strokes i n a n indistinguishable dark (perhaps by introduction of trees and landscape marks the disoriginally green) color tending t o w a r d two focal sipation of its ideological content. points near the base line. T h e one at the left 2. See A . S. Marmardji, D i a t e s s a r o n de T a t i e n (Beirut, 1935), PP- 35f- t rendering of John 10, 3 and 4. meets the t r u n k to w h i c h i t belongs rather squarely. 3. The meaning of the scene is discussed below, p. 181, The one at the right is completely offset from i t s and its iconography below, p. 214.
2. WEST WALL: ADAM A N D E V E
c I 2 s v m n e

56
1

DESCRIPTION: THE DECORATIONS

near its trunk, toward which the arms are tending (PI. X X X I I , 3). Pearson has also indicated a slight rounding of the outline of the right breast of the figure at the right of the tree of the knowledge of good a n d evil, suggesting that this is E v e a n d the figure at the. left A d a m .
4

t r u n k because the figure of the Good Shepherd interfered. Between the two large trees and arising from the same base line stands a smaller tree done i n the same color, the tree of the knowledge of good a n d evil. Its t r u n k rises to a more compact crown that lies entirely w i t h i n the reddish brown zone a n d that, as H o p k i n s ' description suggests, is rather palm-like i n character. The upper edge of the crown the painter of the sketch thought it advisable to set off i n black, whether to separate i t out from the background of the Good Shepherd scene or for other reasons. H e was an awkward w o r k m a n for some of the paint from his brush r a n d o w n over the face of the figure standing under the tree at the left. The two narrow vertical areas set off b y the three trees are occupied b y the two standing figures of A d a m and E v e . T h e y are each only c a . o. 21 m . high, hence so small as to be indistinguishable except i n immediate p r o x i m i t y to the font. The figures are v e r y faint. A light color, perhaps pink, was used for the bodies, but this has disappeared save for a t o n a l difference i n the reddish b r o w n background on the legs of the figure at the right a n d on the chest of that at the left. The clearest elements of the representation are the d a r k accent lines that m a r k the hair of the head and the outlines of the opposing outer shoulders and arms. Originally the brightest color was that of the aprons of leaves, spoken of as being done i n white when first uncovered. These the couple hold using their opposite outer arms, leaving the inner pair free to reach up toward the spreading top of the tree between them. According t o H o p k i n s ' description the hands holding the aprons were indicated only b y painting the white of the aprons around the space they occupy. Of the inner pair of arms little remains, but Pearson i n the sketch made from the tracing records the existence of two fruits suspended from the branches of the tree
2 3

The t y p i c a l representation of the scene i n the wall paintings a n d on the sarcophagi of the West would show the serpent, the instrument of the F a l l , curled around the trunk of the tree. This is not the case here. Instead, for whatever reason, i t is to be seen i n the foreground, below the ground line used for the emplacement of the trees, where it is set against the reddish brown background, and done i n the same light color used for the trees b y the application of a single brush stroke. T h e entire fore part of the b o d y is erect from the ground, the representation differing markedly i n this respect from that of the serpent i n the M i t h raic h u n t i n g scene at D u r a . The difference suggests the need of an explanation. A n u n expected feature of the sketch is the existence i n the foreground, below the stem of the large tree at the left side, of what seems to be another serpent or a part of one. The detail was noted b y B a u r who suggests that the painter, h a v i n g begun to place the head of the snake too far to the left, began again but d i d not obliterate his false beginning. Speculation is idle, but i t m a y be noted that i n this instance also the head a n d fore part of the b o d y of the serpent are held high off the ground.
5 6 7 8

The position t a k e n here that the sketch is a supplement to the decorative program of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and to the scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep, finds support i n a v a r i e t y of observations. It is, of course, contrived i n an asymmetr i c a l position i n a field already occupied b y another scene, and is the only piece of pictorial decoration k n o w n to us from the B a p t i s t e r y that is so placed. More important as an indication of the secondary
4. That they were actually "two dark red pomegranates (?)" as suggested by Baur, R e p . V, p. 257, is doubtful. 5. See below, p. 215. 6. See R e p . V I I - V H I , PI. X V . In the Dura Synagogue ( F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L X I ) , the serpent in the scene representing the Priests of Baal has its head raised because it is about to strike the figure of Hiel hiding under the altar. See the explanation, i b i d . , p. 140. 7. See below, p. 215. 8. R e p . V, p. 257.

1. The dissociation of trunk and top, here understood as another indication of the secondary character of the Adam and Eve scene, caused Baur to mistake the tree trunks for the walls of Paradise, and the tree tops as belonging to the celestial Paradise surrounding the Shepherd ( R e p . V, pp. 257, 260). This misses the mark on both counts. 2. Of the features of the faces only a few flecks of black remain. 3. Field Report, text below p. 231.

THE
character of the A d a m and E v e scene is the fact that the background color continues unbroken under the elements of the composition instead of merely around them. T h i s is also completely contrary t o the procedure followed i n the rest of the decorations, as described above. S t i l l another indication, of course, is the i n a b i l i t y of the person who sketched the scene t o complete i t properly i n the area chosen b y h i m for it. H e h a d to show the top of his right tree far at the left of i t s trunk because the trunk encountered the right leg of the Shepherd i n the scene above.
1 2

WALLS

57

B i b l i o g r a p h y . B a u r , Rep. V, pp. 262-266 (1934); Seston, " L ' g l i s e , " p. 171 (1937) ; Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p . 131 (1938); Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 66 (1942); Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens p . 14 (1947); Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s . T u r n i n g now t o the decorations applied t o the other three walls of the Baptistery, i t is proper to begin w i t h those of the upper register and i n this register w i t h those on the north wall. Between the ceiling and the register divider and the horizontal framing bands at t o p a n d bottom as described above, the artist had here a field approximately 1.12 m . high and as long as the room. Of this field, there is preserved a trapezoidal section c a . 1.00 m . long at the t o p a n d c a . 1.90 m . long at the bottorn. O n this are visible one whole scene and a large part of a second. The pictures represent the embellishment of the western end of the register. The first scene is a simple composition presenting b u t three figures. T h e y are, the standing figure of Christ, a m a n l y i n g on a bed, and a man seen walking off w i t h his bed w h i c h he carries on his back. T h e three figures are arranged p y r a m i d ally, Christ occupying one plane at the top, the bed-ridden and bed-carrying m a n a second, somewhat lower. N o lateral m o t i o n develops, for the m a n carrying the bed is shown m o v i n g toward the right, that is toward the interior of the composition. M o t i o n i n this direction, which is also away from the font, is entirely appropriate i n the case of a scene serving as the beginning of a series that continues toward the right. . A s to'the subject of the scene there has been a difference of opinion. Most interpreters have favored the episode of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c from M a r k 2, 1-12 a n d parallels. B u t at least Seston has argued for the episode of the Healing of the L a m e M a n at the P o o l of Bethseda, J o h n 5, 2-9, believing t o see i n the heavy brown color masses i n the foreground of the field a suggestion of the pool. H i s assessment of this particular detail can readily be proven to be erroneous, as w i l l be seen below, b u t Seston's argument still has this justification that there are actually two episodes in Gospel story i n which Christ says " R i s e take up t h y bed and w a l k " as the K i n g James Version renders i t , that of the P a r a l y t i c and that of the

It would be incorrect t o suppose that the addit i o n of the A d a m and E v e scene to the B a p t i s t e r y decorations was an act of idle fancy. F o r that, the place t o w h i c h i t was applied was too prominent and not sufficiently easy of access. R a t h e r i t must be inferred from the nature of the subject matter t h a t the supplement served a serious purpose and from the prominence of the location that the addition was made w i t h at least the tacit approval of the authorities. Hence there is implied i n the addition an element of criticism of the program as originally conceived, a criticism that charges at least a n act of omission and, i n our judgement, probably still more. T h e matter w i l l receive attention i n the chapter of the interpretative section that deals w i t h the choice a n d meaning of the decorative materials.
3

3.

UPPER

REGISTER, NORTH OF THE

WALL:

T H E HEALING

PARALYTIC

D o c u m e n t a t i o n . Written: Hopkins, Field Diary, L e t t e r t o Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 18, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below, pp. 228-230. P i c t o r i a l : field photograph of north wall of Baptistery, tinted (Rep. V, Plate X L V I I I ) ; tracing o n cellophane; detail photographed from tracing (Fig. 5); sketch from tracing (PI. X X X V ) ; photograph of scene unmounted (PL X X X I V ) ; Gallery photograph of scene mounted (PL X X V ) ; G a l l e r y color transparency, scene mounted (PL X V I I I ) .
1. See above, p. 42. 2. Such minor matters as the delineation of the hands by the negative procedure of not including the space they occupy in the application of the white paint used for the aprons of leaves may also be noted. 3. See below, p. 202.

58

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

L a m e M a n . I n the D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n , moreover, the two stories are not combined into one but kept separate, if the A r a b i c version is a reliable witness to the original text, so that the question which episode the D u r a artist meant to represent cannot be escaped. I n the Christian art of the catacombs a n d of the sarcophagi the figure of the m a n c a r r y i n g a bed, often, quite alone a n d on the sarcophagi more commonly w i t h Christ gesturing toward h i m , appears v e r y frequently, so m u c h so as to be among the ten most popular compositions. W i t h one familiar exception a l l of these compositions lack even the slightest suggestion of place or circumstance such as w o u l d identify the story represented a n d understandably so, for the purpose was not the evocation of a specific event i n t i m e a n d place but the communication of a religious message. A n d yet interpreters are probably correct i n associating these m a n y examples of the m a n c a r r y i n g his bed w i t h the story of the H e a l i n g f the P a r a l y t i c , partly because the episode looms so m u c h more prominently i n the Synoptic record at the beginning of Jesus' m i n i s t r y t h a n the episode of the P o o l of Bethseda does i n the Johannine, a n d partly because the emphasis w h i c h the Synoptic story places upon the faith of the P a r a l y t i c a n d upon Jesus' declaration to h i m of the forgiveness of his sins lent itself so m u c h more readily to religious instruction along lines favored b y the western C h u r c h t h a n the question of S a b b a t h observance on which the episode of the L a m e M a n of Bethseda turns. That, a n d w h y the same reasons do not automatically justify the same identification at D u r a , is indicated b e l o w . B u t other reasons do, and two are germane to the present context. The first is that the scene marks the beginning of a series that moves on t o w a r d the right, as the direction i n which the m a n c a r r y i n g his b e d is m o v i n g clearly indicates. T h e episode of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c was first given its
1 2 3

prominence i n Gospel story b y t h e ' E v a n g e l i s t M a r k apparently because he regarded i t as particularly suitable to the beginning of his narrative, and the D u r a artist m a y well have h a d the same impression about i t as the beginning of a series of scenes of Christ's " m i g h t y w o r k s " . T h e second i s that the D u r a artist took great pains to make his pictures follow the B i b l i c a l narratives v e r y accurately, as the analysis of his compositions generally shows. Elsewhere i t is argued here that the unusual amount of detail observable i n the representation of the bed-ridden m a n a n d of his bed reflect the artist's attempt to do justice to the meaning of the word designating the object upon which the sick m a n lies. I n the story of the L a m e M a n at the Pool of Bethseda i n J o h n 5, 8 this is described as a " p a l l e t " a n d so properly translated i n the Revised Standard Version. T h e same word; describing little more than a mat, is used also i n the story of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c as t o l d i n M a r k (Mark 2, 4), but i n M a t t h e w a n d L u k e this has already become a " b e d , " an object w i t h a frame, a n d this is the terminology used also, apparently, i n the D i a t e s s a r o n . S t r i c t l y speaking then o n l y the terminology of the Synoptic story satisfies the imagery. T h e scene is therefore interpreted here as that of the H e a l i n g of the Paralytic'.
4

1. See below, p. 208. Baur discusses the material and the iconography in R e p . V, pp. 264f. 2. The familiar exception is that of the mosaic in S.. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna, where in one instance mien are seen lowering the Paralytic through the roof of a house, as the Lukan version of the story of the Paralytic demands (Luke 5, 19). 3. See below in the chapter dealing with the choice and meaning of the decorative subject matter.

The three figures, p y r a m i d a l l y arranged, that together make up the composition were first outlined i n light brown a n d then surrounded with the b ro wn a n d p i n k wash that formed the artist's light background color. A l l told, the section of the large field assigned to them was only c a . 0.75 m . long. A t this w i d t h for the scene as a whole, the proportions at which the i n d i v i d u a l figures h a d to be drawn were necessarily quite small. F r o m the top of his head to the separate reddish brown base line upon w h i c h he stands the Christ of the composition is only c a . 0:29 m . high. T h e entire picture to the reddish b ro wn base line u p o n w h i c h the two representations of the P a r a l y t i c stand is only c a . 0.54-0.58 m . high. Since the head of Christ was set only some 0.10 m . below the top of the register, the artist was left at the b o t t o m w i t h a zone c a . 0.44 m . h i g h that remained unused and that, quite as i n the s c n e of the G o o d Shepherd, he eliminated b y covering i t first w i t h a brown wash. Subsequently, when he added his base lines,
4. See below, p. 209.

THE WALLS
h overlaid the upper part of the unused zone w i t h the reddish brown of the base lines. It is still quite easy to see how, starting w i t h a full brush a n d t y p i c a l bold strokes at the top of the zone, he permitted more and more of the b r o w n undercoat to appear as his brush was emptied. F o r t u n a t e l y i t is the unused zone along the b o t t o m of the register w h i c h i n this instance is most adversely affected b y the cracking and dislocation of the plaster surface of the w a l l .
1 2

59

Of the three elements of the composition the one representing the P a r a l y t i c l y i n g on his bed is proportionately the largest. The bed is seen i n a combination of inverse a n d high perspective, w i t h its farther r a i l raised h i g h and the farther legs lengthened, thus bringing its upper surface a n d the m a n l y i n g upon it clearly into view. The bed rails arid legs were first done i n brown and then strengthened b y being overlaid or, i n the case of the legSj outlined i n reddish brown. Cross bars connecting the pairs of legs were done directly i n the latter color; T h e frame of the bed provides at its head the b r o w n elements of a head rest . U p o n t h frame is placed a coverlet or r u g whose basic color is light b u t no longer otherwise distinguishable, and w h i c h has red fringes prominently displayed at the side a n d t h foot of the bed. A t the head r a i l there is a bright g r e n cushion. U p o n t h bed, close to its nearer r a i l , lies the P a r a l y t i c ; his body, his legs, a n d his right a r m i n straight alignment as befits his physical condition, his left a r m set out from the body and bent upw a r d at the elbow! There are no traces of the h a n d w h i c h presumably supported the head. If the bed w i t h its head-rest, its fringed rug, and its bright green pillow represents an elaborate -possession appropriate to the repose of 'a wealthy person, so does the Paralytic's dress. H e wears a kneelength long-sleeved chiton, bright yellow i n color w i t h p i n k embroidery at the neck. Traces of pirik color everywhere on the surface of the garment, for instance toward the bottom, suggest that originally it was shown embroidered there also. T h e right a r m of the P a r a l y t i c rests on the right
1. It is these brush strokes that made Seston believe he could see in" the foreground the outlines of a pool. 2. See especially Pl. X X V . There are two other lesser areas of breakage, one near the head of t h bed on-which the Paralytic lies and one at the right of Christ; 'beginning with a crack that cuts across his neck.

side of his body, the fingers of the h a n d reaching aliriost to the knees. T h e legs are shown merely as two tapering tubes projecting from the hem line of the chiton, but their outlines have been strengthened w i t h reddish b r o w n and w i t h a black accent line on the near side of the left leg and on the far side of the right leg. The feet are indistinct. B y hunching up the P a r a l y t i c ' s left shoulder and running the neckline of his chiton at a higher level there on that account, the artist made at least a passable transition from the neck to the head. Of the head little remains visible. It was shown full front and held i n a vertical position, provided w i t h a goodly round of brown hair at the top, the chin and the right neckline having black accent lines added simultaneously, no doubt, w i t h the features of the face that have vanished. The P a r a l y t i c is represented a second trine i n the same lower plane at the left, u p o n his return to health. I n this instance the figure is shown i n motion, the body inclined forward, the left leg advanced and bent at the knee, the right leg continuing the inclination ' of the body, its toes turned outward. T h fet are bare. The right a r m is sharply advanced, continuing the emphasis upon the man's forward movement, a n d the left is raised and bent at the elbow as the h a n d grasps one leg of the bed w h i c h he now carries away. The l i g h t brown outlines of the figure have been carefully covered and strengthened, except at the lower edge of the right arm, w i t h reddish brown. T h e m a n wears the same k i n d of chiton as i n his previous appearance but there are here no visible traces of p i n k embroidery. H o p k i n s ' field report describes and Pearson's sketch from the tracing shows t h large staring eyes of the man's face, t y p i c a l l y done i n black but now no longer clearly visible. B u t there remain clear indications of the treatment of the hair mass set around the head that is inclined forward i n keeping w i t h the position of the body, but is none the less seen frontally. This is set around the upper part of the head i n a rather wide reddish brown b a n d w i t h projecting lobes t o w a r d the outside. A t h i n black accent line defines the outer edge and originally probably defined also the inner edge. Short black strokes cross the reddish brown surface, tending like r a d i i toward the center of the face. T h e y 3. See p. 232 and Pl. X X V .
3

6o

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

serve to define further the curls into which the hair mass is divided and i n this particular instance can be seen projecting slightly into the round of the face on the forehead. This is clearly the result of the fact that the cross strokes were very short indeed, m a k i n g it hard to contain them w i t h i n the boundaries of the enclosing accent lines. These details are worth noting here because they help explain the features of faces elsewhere i n the decorations. In his second appearance the P a r a l y t i c is shown carrying away his bed. I n this instance it lacks the head rail, the pillow, and the coverlet, which permits the cording of the frame rendered i n criss-cross black lines to come into view. Otherwise it is quite the same, with its brown rails and legs outlined i n reddish brown. It was carried awkwardly but whether i n the upside down position familiar from other painted representations of the scene, as suggested b y B a u r , is not clear.
1

W h a t B i b l i c a l text or version this reflects, if any, is not evident. It could be that the artist intended to show the bed w i t h its legs away from the figure of the P a r a l y t i c and that when he came to the point of providing a h a n d hold for the bearer he found it necessary to t u r n one leg toward h i m . The alternative and the easier reading of the rendering is to assume that while the bed frame is seen from the bottom, the legs are all to be thought of as projecting forward from the plane of the frame, so that the bed is actually being carried from the side, its r a i l supposedly cutting across the shoulder'of the P a r a l y t i c . A t the apex of the p y r a m i d a l composition but above the P a r a l y t i c on his bed is represented the figure of Christ standing on a separate base line of irregular reddish brown brush strokes. H i s position emphasizes his importance for the event narrated but is at the same time i n accordance w i t h the
i. See R e p . V, p. 264. On the iconography of the scene see below, p. 208. It may be of interest to art historians to note that Ephraem Syrus in his H y m n i de e c c l e s i a , X X X V I I I , 7, e d . Beck { C S C O , 198, SS. 84, i960), p. 94 gives literary support for the upside down representation of the Paralytic's bed. The stanza of the hymn in question reads And the Paralytic, He lying on his bed, Jumping up, arose from it And inverting it (Cod. P: hpk) carried it away.

conventions of ancient Oriental art that assign to the more remote figures places on separate ascending planes. Hence he is to be thought of as standing behind the bed on w h i c h the P a r a l y t i c lies. H e faces full front w i t h his right a r m extended forward across his body and downward as he gestures toward the P a r a l y t i c on the bed. Christ is garbed i n a long-sleeved chiton covered b y a himation. W h a t the color of these garments was is no longer evident; perhaps it was merely the natural white of the plaster. There is a suggestion of p i n k about two lines coming down the front of the chiton where it shows below the h i m a t i o n , verifying the existence here of two c l a v i recorded i n the tracing (PI. X X X V ) . B o t h garments are outlined in brown, the color used also for the fold lines of the himation as it sweeps upward across the body toward the left forearm around which it w o u l d have been seen rolled h a d not the gesture of the right a r m hidden it from view. E v e n so the folded ends of the garment can be seen hanging down properly b y the side of the figure as the rendering of the familiar costume requires.
2 3

In effect the figure of Christ is seen at rest, the left foot shown i n profile, the right foot full front, not w i t h its toes pointed outward and downward. Reddish brown has been used to reinforce the outline of the legs and there are traces of black lines running from the ankles downward t o w a r d toes a n d instep. These represent the thongs of the sandals about w h i c h H o p k i n s reported from the field and which go properly w i t h the costume.
4

A t the top Christ's chiton ends i n a b l a c k accent line, above w h i c h the neck rises symmetrically as a dark b r o w n color mass from the crack i n the plaster that here interrupts the continuity of the outlines. The head is characteristically indistinct, w h i c h is not strange considering the roughness of the plaster surface to w h i c h the colors h a d to he applied. A detailed photograph of it (PI. X X X V I I I , 1) illustrates the point. A c t u a l l y , of course, the head is not more t h a n c a . 0.05 m . high a n d what could be done b y the artist at that scale was very
2. See at Dura F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, p. 367. 3. The costume is, of course, standard for persons of eminence not members of the priestly, military, or royal hierarchy, occurring many times for instance in the Dura Synagogue. See for a close parallel F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L X V I . 4. See below p. 233.

THE
l i m i t e d indeed. I t is therefore prudent not to expect too m u c h from any attempt t o explain its elements. W h a t is visible on the plaster surface is a band of reddish b r o w n set around the top a n d the sides of the head, representing the hair, a n d a n assortment of traces of black both on the face and on the hair. The black o n the face belongs t o the wide staring circular eyes recorded on the line drawing (PI. X X X V ) . B r o w n was set around the eyeballs t o represent the sockets and above t h e m there was a black accent line to indicate the eyebrows. T h e

WALLS

61

T h e y are only about a centimeter long, and if i n this case they project above the round of hair rather t h a n below i t as i n the rendering of the Paralytic, the reason is presumably the same that they were difficult t o apply free h a n d w i t h i n the limits of the coiffure. Their function i n either case was t o m a r k the subdivision of the hair into curls. Of the lower part of Christ's face the extant traces are meager. T h e only t h i n g that c a n be said w i t h a n y assurance is that there is nothing here t o suggest that a solid b r o w n hair mass or a n extra heavy outline was carried around the chin. Hence i t is highly probable that Christ was shown beardless.
2

4.

UPPER THE

REGISTER,

NORTH

WALL :

WALKING

ON T H E

WATER

D o c u m e n t a t i o n . Written: Hopkins, Field Diary (Jan. 18, 1932), L e t t e r t o Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 22, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below,

pp. 228-233.
P i c t o r i a l : F i e l d photograph ( P l . X X X V I I I , 2) ; field photograph t i n t e d (Rep. V, P I . X L V I I I ) ; tracing o n cellophane ; detail from tracing (Fig. 6); sketch from tracing (PI. X X X V I I ) ; photograph of scene unmounted (Pl. X X X V I ) ; Gallery photograph of scene mounted ( P l . X X V ) ; Gallery color transparency, scene m o u n t d ( P l . X V I I I ) . B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, pp. 260-270 (1934); Seston, " L ' g l i s e " , pp. 170-171 (1937); R o s tovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p . 131 (1938); Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 66 (1942) ; Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens, p . 14 (1947); Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s . Alongside of and t o the right of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c , what remains of the plaster surface of the north w a l l brings p a r t i a l knowledge of a second i n the series of scenes belonging t o the upper register. T h e line of breakage, following the gradient of the embankment i n w h i c h the wall was buried, cuts diagonally through the field leaving a trapezoidal section some 0.20 m . wide at the top and c a . 1.00 m . at the b o t t o m o n which, fortunately, the more important part of the
2. The meaning and the iconography of the scene are discussed below, pp. 208 f.

FIG.

hair mass was recorded b y H o p k i n s as being set off above a n d below b y black lines, as i n the case of the P a r a l y t i c carrying his bed. A series of short black strokes, perhaps as m a n y as t e n or eleven, can be seen cutting across the brown hair mass w i t h the center of the face as the focal point t o w a r d w h i c h they tend. H e r e their outer ends project beyond the black outline of the hair, but i t would be incorrect t o attach a n y unusual i m portance t o this or to them o n this account.
i . So for instance, Baur, who suggests that perhaps Christ is shown wearing a crown, R e p . V, p. 263.

62

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS

deck a n d sternpost gives a n idea of the whole. F o u r brails are visible, sloping to the rear as always, and the backstays which are attached t o the knobbed t i p of the sternpost. The r o u n d t i p of the y a r d a r m m a y be seen, possibly. F o u r reddish brown lines r u n the length of the h u l l , one at the water line, one at the top of the r a i l , a n d two i n In accordance w i t h the dramatic possibilities of the story the scene is boldly drawn, brightly between. These are wales, a n d are normally re colored a n d given more space than that of the presented i n ancient ships. Below, a line of white H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c . I t is organized vertically squares appears, each outlined i n reddish: brown. a n d fills the entire register from t o p . t o bottom. Whether they represent the gaps i n the railing of A t the top, as the first of the two elements into the deck or square cabin lights is not certain. w h i c h the composition breaks down, is represented Representations of ships are common i n ancient a large ship i n which are seated several persons. art a n d reveal a great variety of types. T h e T h e y are clearly Christ's disciples. T h e ship rides example shown here is neither a warship, nor a on a n even keel. Below, against the. background of pleasure or fishing vessel, nor the general u t i l i t y a turbulent sea, is shown the meeting of t w o ship of modest proportions shown o n the - D u r a persons who are obviously Christ and Peter. The graffito already referred t o a n d probably seen composition is self-contained,, for whatever lateral quite commonly o n t h e Euphrates. T h e closest motion is developed b y the movement of the ship analogy would seem t o be a ship represented on a toward the right is halted b y the encounter of the bas relief i n the M u s e u m at P a l m y r a w h i c h has two figures that come one from each side at the a h e a v y stern a n d paneling below the r a i l . One bottom. would infer from the analogy that the ship repreIn filling i n the background of the scene the sented i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y is an ocean freighter artist seems t o have continued the scheme used i n of t h e k i n d used i n the Persian Gulf trade w i t h the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c . Indeed, i t is quite India. composition is developed. T h e subject of the scene is not i n doubt. I t represents the story of Christ w a l k i n g o n the water, first recorded i n M a r k 6, 45-61 b u t here portrayed w i t h the supplement relating Peter's effort t o duplicate his Master's feat found i n the version of M a t t h e w 14, 22-34.
3 3

l i k e l y that the background of both compositions was produced i n a single operation. Here as i n the neighbouring scene the field is divided horizontally into a n upper a n d a lower zone. T h e upper is covered w i t h the same fight b r o w n a n d p i n k wash that provides the background for the entire picture of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c , a n d ends at the b o t t o m i n the same place as i n the first scene, passing across the ship at the level of i t s deck. The lower zone has the same b r o w n wash as the neighbouring composition, o n l y instead of remaining unused i t has the h u l l of the ship and the figures of Christ a n d Peter set against i t and is in addition surcharged w i t h h e a v y black lines that represent the waves of the sea. T h e ship i n the upper p a r t of the composition is a massive vessel, m u c h heavier i n construction t h a n that shown i n the graffito i n the House of the Archives at D u r a , a n d originally, i t is reported, v e r y bright i n its coloration. Mast, sail, i f indeed it was shown hoisted, a n d the forepart of the vessel are lost, b u t what is visible of the after1

Of the apostles seated on the deck of the ship four can be seen clearly beginning at the stern. A gap i n the plaster has removed a l l traces of a fifth but part of the buttocks of a s i x t h can be seen farther to the right just before the line of complete destruction. A l l the four who are clearly visible
2. See in general F . Miltner in P W , s . v ; Seeskrieg nnd Seewesen. 3. Reproduced in H . Ingholt, G a n d h a r a n A r t i n P a k i s t a n (New York, 1957), V I , 2. [The technical parts of the description, above, have been furnished me by Professor Lionel Casson, the well-known expert in ancient shipping. The best parallel, from the technical point of view, is not the Dura ship nor the Palmyrene, to which Professor Kraeling calls attention, but an Arab ship represented in a manuscript of the thirteenth century (L. Casson, I l l u s t r a t e d H i s t o r y of S h i p s a n d B o a t s , New York, 1964, p. 149, Fig. 189), presumably a late survival of a regional type. The absence of steering oars suggested to Professor Kraeling that the fore part of the s.hip was preserved, but this is not unusual. The slope of the brails and the attachment of the stays to the top of the sternpost show that the stern of the vessel shown. For further pictures of ships, cf, Casson's TJie A n c i e n t M a r i n e r s , (New York, 1959). Professor Casson also points out a parallel representation of the scene on a gem illustrated in Cabrol, D i c t i o n n a i r e , VI, 1, p. 846,

1. See R e p . I V , p. 222 and PI. X X I I I , 1.

Fig.

5085. C.B.W.], .

THE
wear long-sleeved chitons, l i k e that of the P a r a lytic,, ah have their hands raised high i n a gesture of astonishment and all face forward toward Christ and Peter i n the lower zone. T h e artist was at pains to enrich his composition b y v a r y i n g the colors of the garments w o r n b y the disciples. T h a t of the first, counting from the left, is p i n k outlined i n red, that of the second white outlined i n yellow, that of the t h i r d p i n k outlined i n r e d and that of the fourth green outlined i n b r o w n . A l l are compactly drawn a n d at a v e r y small scale only slightly more than 0.10 m . high. T h e field photograph t a k e n almost immediately u p o n discovery clearly records the features of the faces (PI. X X X V I I I , 2). T h e y have the same staring circular eyes w i t h large pupils as the P a r a l y t i c i n the previous scene, a n d the same r o u n d of b r o w n hair w i t h black strokes set across it to indicate curls. P r o p e r l y speaking, the disciples are i n the position of oarsmen, but no oars are shown a n d the chances are that this is not so m u c h a m a t t e r of the storm i n progress or of the amazement registered as it is of the size and character of the vessel.
1

WALLS

63

T h e lower part of the composition brings the figures of Christ and Peter as they meet on the open water. B o t h are understandably drawn at a larger scale, but even so only c a . 0,32 m . high. B o t h were first sketched i n light brown, the outlines later overlaid i n dark brown. T h e color of the garments they wear is reported to have been white i n b o t h cases upon discovery. A l l traces of white have since disappeared. T h e figure at the right is placed higher than that at the left. It lacks the head b u t the right a r m can be seen extended outward at shoulder level and the left hanging at rest b y the left side, the h a n d outlined against the garment at h i p level. T h e garment w o r n is a longsleeved knee-length chiton. The feet are planted firmly, the right i n profile, the left full front, but the left leg is inclined slightly to the right side of the picture, indicating movement from that direction. Of the sandals w o r n on the feet sections of b r o w n lines representing the. thongs that held t h e m i n place can be seen running up the middle of the left foot and across the leg at the ankle.
:

c a . 0.10 m . of the b o t t o m of the field. It has its right a r m stretched u p w a r d across its body to the right, high above shoulder level, so that the h a n d at face level can encounter here the outstretched h a n d of the figure at the left extending toward it at shoulder level. T h e position assigned to i t has hitherto caused the figure to be identified b y a l l interpreters as that of Peter. This is not o n l y i n accord w i t h the pattern of the " s i n k i n g P e t e r " familiar from the religious art of the nineteenth century but permits of the h a p p y suggestion that the purpose of the scene was to w a r n against the littleness of faith that caused Peter to come near drowning. Unfortunately the interpretation is ruled out b y one simple fact. T h e lower of the two figures i n the lower part of the composition wears the costume of chiton and h i m a t i o n a n d the higher that of long-sleeved chiton. Of these we have already encountered the former as the dress appropriate to Christ i n the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c and the latter is precisely that worn also b y the disciples i n the ship. There can be not the slightest doubt under the circumstances that the artist meant the lower of the two figures i n the lower part of his composition to represent Christ. H e is to be thought of as having come from the left, while Peter has come from the bow of the ship at the right. The figure of Christ deserves an additional word and can best be studied w i t h the help of the tracing originally made directly from the plaster (Fig. 6). Clearly visible are the w a y i n w h i c h the right arm reaches h i g h up across the body a n d the costume of long-sleeved chiton and h i m a t i o n . T h e left h a n d is suggested rather than executed, but is i n its proper position at the left side of the body where the a r m receives and holds the ends of the himation rolled about it. The tips of the garment are shown properly hanging at Christ's side. O n his feet he c a n be seen to wear the sandals that go w i t h the costume. Across Christ's b o d y a series of diagonal lines sweep u p w a r d to the right. Some of these are fold lines of the himation, whose lower edge tending u p w a r d to the left a r m can be identified most easily on the Gallery photograph (PI. X X V ) . Others, however, m a y possibly be parts of the h e a v y black brush strokes that were superimposed upon the brown background t o w a r d the end of the process of composition, to indicate

T h e second figure i n the lower part of the composition, the one at the left, is placed appreciably lower t h a n the first, the soles of its feet w i t h i n
1. The garment of the sixth figure was outlined in red.

DESCRIPTION: THE DECORATIONS

upper of the two b r o w n lines instead of between them. Hence the appearance of the pompadour. More important is the relatively heavy and irregular brown b a n d of reddish b r o w n w i t h w h i c h the lower part of Christ's face is surrounded. If this was "obviously intentionally made uneven", as H o p k i n s ' F i e l d Report suggests, i t would i m p l y that the artist i n this case intended to show Christ bearded.
1

the waves of the sea. W h e t h e r if they are such, this was an inadvertence on the part of the artist or a n attempt to make Christ's mastery over the hostile element the more graphic, it would be hard to say. A p p a r e n t l y the figure of Peter was not similarly affected.

These unusual features of the composition, the obvious absence of the drowning Peter motif a n d the bearded Christ, greatly enhance its importance, but i t is b y no means clear how they are to be understood. If the artist passed u p the opportunity to show Peter almost drowning and w i t h i t the most graphic w a y of illustrating the importance of a strong faith, he must have meant his composition to make some other point. W a s i t to show how Christ's own powers over the elements are communicated b y h i m to his disciples so that they too can successfully perform his wonders ? A s for the bearded Christ, does his appearance here reflect the use of a different source for the iconography, or is i t that the image is still so fluid that bearded and beardless Christs can occur side b y side, or is i t that some echo of pagan mythology here enters the field m a k i n g i t proper that the god of the deep, so to speak, is shown bearded ? The answers are not obvious. A t the extreme left end of the upper register a section of the n o r t h w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y only about 2 m . long provided the artist w i t h sufficient room for the presentation of two episodes from Gospel story. The scenes are not separately framed but are permitted to r u n into each other, so m u c h so that the waves of the sea i n the second scene extend almost to the foot of the bed on w h i c h the P a r a l y t i c is l y i n g i n the first. I n addition, the scenes are severely compacted, so m u c h so that at the proportions used for the height of the figures i n the scene of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c the artist h a d about one t h i r d of the space available to h i m vertically i n the register left over at the bottom. B e y o n d the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r the upper register continued on the north wall for about 3 m . , a n d if, as seems likely, the register division was maintained also on the east w a l l , a similar amount of space was available there
i . See the text below, p 232.

FIG.

U n u s u a l interest attaches to the rendering of Christ's head because of two peculiar features. The first is the surprisingly h e a v y r o u n d of hair shown on the head (Pl. X X X V I ) . This does seem to be an instance of inadvertence. I n l a y i n g out his composition the artist, as usual, sketched the outlines of a l l his figures i n brown, details to be filled i n as the work progressed. A t the top of the head of Christ two such curving b r o w n lines can still be seen, which should represent the area supposed later to have been filled i n w i t h reddish, b r o w n to indicate the hair mass. This additional element has been supplied, but actually i n the area just above the

THE
horizontally. The way i n w h i c h the scenes that are preserved are crowded together suggests that others followed i n equally close juxtaposition. T h e same inference can legitimately be d r a w n from the respective. positions assigned to the figure of Christ i n the s u r v i v i n g scenes, first at the very top of the field i n the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c and then i n the foreground at the bottom of the field i n the : W a l k i n g ; on the Water. T h i s k i n d of alternation has the effect of bringing variety into a series of compositions i n each of w h i c h Christ is the most important figure. If the artist proceeded w i t h the same economy i n his use of space, he would have h a d room for four more scenes of the same type on the balance of the n o r t h w a l l and for an equal number on the east wall, assuming that his series continued unbroken around the northeast corner of the room. W h a t good fortune has preserved for us m a y therefore well be part of a cycle of as m a n y as ten scenes. It is important to note i n this connection that the two scenes preserved represent miraculous episodes from Gospel story. If they were part of a series, it would be proper to speak of the series as a M i g h t y W o r k s cycle. That they were indeed part of such a cycle and that t h cycle began at the left end of the north wall is suggested b y the fact that the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c is indeed the first of the miracles performed i n public b y Christ i n Synoptic story. T h e inference thus d r a w n from the subject matter a n d composition of the two scenes prer served i n the upper register on the n o r t h wall of the B a p t i s t e r y confront us w i t h a phenomenon that is at first glance rather surprising at this early period i n the history of Christian art. The sustained effort necessary to the creation of a cycle w i t h a possible number of as m a n y as ten scenes requires c l a r i t y of purpose on the part of anyone creating it and the ready a v a u a b i l i t y of a goodly repertoire of patterns. W h a t this means for the development of Christian art w i l l concern us later. Suffice i t to say here that Gospel story abounded w i t h episodes of the M i g h t y W o r k s category and that scenes representing these episodes are among those most frequently port r a y e d also i n the early Christian art of the West!
1

WALLS
5. UPPER REGISTER, SOUTH WALL: GARDEN

65
SCENE

(THE

PARADISE

O F T H E B L E S S E D ?)

D o c u m e n t a t i o n . W r i t t e n : H o p k i n s , L e t t e r to Rostovtzeff, dated J a n , 22, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below; p. 230. P i c t o r i a l : field photograph ( P l . X X X I X , 1). B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, p . 256, mention only

(1934)Of the scenes i n the upper register on the south wall of the B a p t i s t e r y only one is k n o w n and this v e r y imperfectly. Its existence was referred to i n the P r e l i m i n a r y Report ; it was described sum-i m a r i l y twice b y H o p k i n s i n his field communications; it was photographed once while still i n position. W h e n last mentioned it was being shored up so that it might d r y out. sufficiently to be cleaned. W h a t happened to it subsequently is unknown. It was never brought to the U n i t e d S t a t s w i t h the other decorations; it was not brought to the N a t i o n a l M u s e u m at Damascus and is not preserved there. I f i t broke apart or was found faded when the shoring, was taken down to permit the removal of the scenes i n the register below, there is no mention of this i n the records and no memory of it o n the part of those concerned. A n important addition to the repertory of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations, the first of several here presented for the first time, the scene can be described o n l y w i t h i n the limits of the one photograph and of H o p k i n s ' brief accounts.
2

A s the field photograph shows a n d the diagram that is P l . X X X I I I helps indicate, the Garden. Scene occupied the western end of the upper register, oh the south wall. T h e column, abacus, and superstructure of the canopy over the font at the western end of the room are visible at the fight on the photograph: T h e scene began, no doubt, on the same fine as that of the W o m a n at the W e l l i n the register below, namely the line along which the: surface of the w a l l became visible beside the superstructure of the font. F r o m this line i t canbe followed leftward above the top of the register d i v i d e r a n d along the top of the doorway leading to R o o m 5, w h i c h i n the photograph is shown still:
. 2. M . Bacquet who removed the scene of the Woman, t t h Well from the wall below at t h end of the season of 1931-32 was not available for questioning.

1. See below, p. 207.

66

DESCRIPTION: THE DECORATIONS

the base line a n d should have been even more clearly visible. Second, the field report of H o p k i n s speaks of the plaster as showing a "mass of green, trees a n d bushes". Of these the trees have not been identified on the photograph and since they are mentioned as so prominent an element of the composition the chance is that this is what vertical masses represent, a n d appropriately so. There are, therefore, no identifiable indications of the presence of h u m a n figures i n the scene a n d the fact that none was noted i n the description made i n the field must be regarded as strong evidence of their absence. T h e t e r m "garden scene" applied to the composition i n the earliest mention of i t should therefore be continued.
2

blocked w i t h m u d brick from the covering embankment. Several things are noticeable on the h e a v i l y fragmented tapering plaster surface of the scene. The first is a series of vertical streaks running down i t at the right. These represent dirt deposited upon the plaster b y water leaking down from above during the rains of which the F i e l d D i a r y speaks a n d against which, apparently, the emergency covering of Decauville rails and tents proved unavailing. Such leakage would at the same time have carried away m u c h of the pigment of the colors applied to this area. Of the composition itself only two elements are visible on the plaster surface. T h e first is a long undulating base line. T h e detail is thoroughly i n telligible because another example of precisely such a line can be seen on the scene i n the lower register on the east w a l l (PI. X L I I , i ) . B y analogy w i t h this other example the base line i n the G a r d e n Scene can be seen to rise to its first h u m p at the extreme right. After what looks like a second h u m p above the line of the door reveal i t enters a long depression as i t moves along the top of the doorway a n d begins to rise again where the plaster ends. T h e detail has a bearing upon the question how long the scene m a y be supposed to have been. T h e implication of the rise at the left is that there was at least one more h u m p before the line made its t y p i c a l term i n a l descent at . the end of the composition. If the surface above the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l available for decoration was approximately 0.60 m . long, as calculated i n connection w i t h the treatment of that scene, a n d the door opening as indicated elsewhere was 1. 35 m.. wide, i t is clear that most i f not a l l of the total distance must be allowed for the length of the Garden Scene here.
1

T h e base line provides for the emplacement of what the scene was supposed to portray. I n this instance what is visible on the photograph as the second element of the composition is a succession of clusters of rather long leaves. One believes to be able to see four such clusters. I n addition there are d a r k vertical masses somewhat above the base line. It is not l i k e l y that they represent the legs of h u m a n beings for two reasons. F i r s t , there are no indications of the outlines of the corresponding feet that would have been placed immediately on
1. See above p. 22. and below, p. 210.

The subject a n d the function of the scene w i l l , of course, remain problematical, but to its identification there are at least two v a l i d clues. The. first is connected w i t h the fact that what is commonly called. "landscape p a i n t i n g " was not among the products of the art of D u r a . This means to say that when a n artist took occasion to introduce into his compositions plants and trees i t was because they were essential to the meaning of the. composition. Thus the plants i n the scene of the Good Shepherd are essential to the demonstration that the shepherd is successful i n pasturing his flock, a n d the trees i n the A d a m a n d E v e scene a part of the artist's attempt to show that the tree of the knowledge of good a n d evil stood i n a garden. It follows thus, whereas i n the G a r d e n Scene under discussion here a "mass of green trees a n d bushes" is the most notable feature of the composition, that there a garden p a r e x c e l l e n c e is being represented, w h i c h i n a B i b l i c a l context should be the Garden of Paradise, as H o p k i n s originally suggested. The second clue to the identification of the scene is connected w i t h the representation of the A d a m and E v e scene at the bottom of the field devoted to the G o o d Shepherd a n d his Sheep. I n the discussion of the scene the point was made that as a secondary addition i t implies a criticism a n d correction of at least an error of omission. The episode of the F a l l of M a n was therefore i n .all probability not represented elsewhere i n the regular program of the decorations. This, then, was . probably not the
3 4

2. See below, p. 230. 3. See below, p. 214. 4. See above p. 56.

THE
purpose of the Garden Scene under discussion here, a n d w i t h this inference the absence of recorded traces of h u m a n figures i n the composition is at least t a c i t l y i n accord. There being little point to the representation of the original earthly Garden of E d e n without A d a m a n d E v e , i t seems better to fall back o n the alternative possibility and to suggest that the scene represented was intended t o represent the Paradise of the Blessed i n the hereafter. T h e use of this theme i n early Christian art a n d the existence of parallels l a c k i n g h u m a n figures is discussed b e l o w . Here i t needs only t o be added that i f the upper register on the n o r t h a n d east walls presented a cycle of M i g h t y W o r k s b y which Christ rescued those who believed on h i m from the jeopardies of life i n this world, the cycle might conceivably have concluded on the south w a l l w i t h the scene of the H e a v e n l y Paradise to show his provision for their welfare also i n the life to come.
1

WALLS

67

by two doorways. These cut the lower register into three, sections of w h i c h the one at the extreme left (east), between the doorway t o the c o u r t y a r d and the end of the w a l l , seems t o have been left plain and t o have been treated as part of the field continuing along t h e eastern w a l l of t h e r o o m . The other two sections of the south wall, the one between the two doorways and the one between the door to R o o m 5 a n d the west <;nd of the room were each used for a single independent pictorial composition.
2

6.

LOWER THE

REGISTER, SOUTH AT THE

WALL:

WOMAN

WELL

D o c u m e n t a t i o n , Written. Hopkins, Letter to Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 22, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below, pp. 230-233, no details. P i c t o r i a l : field photograph (PI. X L , 1) ; tracing on cellophane ; sketch from tracing (PI. X L , 2 ) ; new tracing to show additional details (Fig. 7) ; photograph of scene unmounted ( P l . X X I X , 1) ; Gallery photograph, scene mounted (PI. X X I I I ) ; Gallery color transparency, scene mounted ( P l . X X I ) . B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, pp. 277-281 (1934); Seston, " L ' g l i s e " , p p . 173-176 (1937); R o s tovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p . 132 (1938) ; Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 66 (1942); Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens, p . 14 (1947) ; Grabar B e g i n n i n g s . The upper portions of the north, east a n d south walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y provided a continuous surface appropriate to the development of a cycle of decorations, b u t the same is not true i n equal measure of the lower portion of the walls. Below, the east a n d n o r t h walls permitted continuity of pictorial decoration, but the south wall was interrupted
1. See below, p. 210.

Between the doorway t o R o o m 5 a n d the west end of the room the framework described above provided i n the lower register a field c a . -0.70 m . high a n d c a . 2.37 m . l o n g . Of this field the greater (westerly) part was p a r t l y obscured b y the canopy over the font a n d not used for pictorial embellishment b u t simply painted blue. T h e line along which the smaller (easterly) part of the field can be said t o have been visible from the interior of t h e r o o m can i n this instance be said t o have been as much as o . 23 m . behind a n d to the west of the outer face of the font. The artist therefore h a d at his disposal here for pictorial purposes a section of the lower register w i t h a m a x i m u m length of 0.73 m . of which, however, he used the first 0.23 m . beside the doorway for his vertical frame, leaving c a . 0.50 m . for the picture. O n this surface he port r a y e d the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l .
3 4

For the background of his scene the artist used the same blue w i t h w h i c h he coated the remainder of the register beside the font, to the v e r y end of the w a l l . D u e to oxidization i t appears t o d a y as a gray so dark as t o render obscure some details of the composition. Most clearly visible is the figure of a woman leaning forward from the hips, her arms extended o u t w a r d a n d downward. She wears a long-sleeved, ankle-length women's chiton wide open at the neck a n d w i t h the suggestion of a h e m near the bottom. T h e garment, like the rest of her figure, was first outlined i n light b r o w n and subsequently more firmly delineated i n brown. Its
2. See above p. 46, and PI. X X X I I I . ' 3. O n the framework see above, p. 46. Only the upper 0.61 m. of the field are preserved. 4. On the calculation of the line of visibility see below, p. 84. A t the south of the font more of the wall may: have been visible and usable than at the north because the distance between font and wall was greater here than at the north. . . . . . .

5*

68

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

color was probably the natural white of the plaster. The garment is analogous to that worn b y the women i n the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b (PI. X L V ) , save that it is not belted, hence lacks fold lines, and is not here w o r n w i t h a veil. The obvious reason for these omissions is the fact that the woman is shown at work, drawing water from a well. The one unusual part of her costume is the five-pointed star, large i n its proportions, that is represented on the woman's breast (Fig. 7). Whether it is a design embroidered on the garment of a pectoral worn w i t h it, is not clear.

be gently lobed both on top and along the forehead and ends i n curls above the shoulders. F u n d a m e n t a l l y , therefore, it is analogous to the coiffure of the women i n the scene on the opposite w a l l (PI. X L V ) . The woman's feet, placed on a heavy base line, are both pointed t o w a r d the left, showing that she is standing rather t h a n moving, but involved i n action toward the left. O n her feet she wears the soft women's boots that go w i t h the dress and a r familiar from representations of female figures i n the D u r a Synagogue.
1

B e n d i n g over from the hips, the woman holds a heavy black rope i n her extended hands. The rope describes a long loop, coming upward from her feet, running around through her hands and down into the m o u t h of the well. I n other words, it is a long rope that is not entirely p a i d out even though the vessel attached to the end of it has disappeared from view and is presumably at water level i n the well. T h e well i n the lower left foreground is done i n dark brown and outlined i n black. I n the P r e l i m i n a r y Report it was suggested that the frame h a d the shape of a p i t h o s , but this rests upon a n . incorrect interpretation of the slight i n w a r d curve of the curbing at the bottom, for the curve does not reverse itself and flare out again at the end as i n other representations of a p i t h o s buried i n the ground. R a t h e r the m o u t h of the well should be said to be framed b y a low perforated curbstone whose cylindrical shape is shown i n a combination of horizontal and v e r t i c a l perspectives used to make visible the opening through which the rope and its vessel have disappeared. T h e woman's pose is appropriate to the motion required to give the rope the tug that w i l l flip the vessel attached to it over on its side i n the well, allowing i t to fill.
2

FIG.

T i p p e d to the left i n accordance w i t h the pose of her body, the woman's head is none the less seen full front. The features of the roundish face h a d already a l l but disappeared when the scene was uncovered, but not so the h e a v y r o u n d of hair set about the head. Its basic color is reddish brown a n d presumably it originally had black accent lines along the top. T h e mass can be seen to

. A s to the B i b l i c a l episode which the composition m a y be said to represent interpreters have had no doubts. A l l have referred to the story of the conversation between Jesus and the Samaritan W o m a n as t o l d i n J o h n 4, 5-42, and this w i t h good reason, for the episode is mentioned i n early Christian literary sources that deal w i t h baptism (Tertullian, de b a p t i s m o 9). and is represented i n
1. See F i n a l LXVII. R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Pis. X X I X , L X I I I ,

2. See Rep,

V, pp. 278-279.

THE
1

WALLS

69

the other baptisteries such as that of S a n G i o v a n n i in F o n t e . The only question that has been raised i n this connection is whether the D u r a Baptistery artist had sufficient r o o m to depict also the figure of Christ or not, a n d whether the. absence of Christ from the composition is due t o circumstances or t o the use of a particular iconographic t y p e . Relevant to the consideration of this point are the precise details concerning the size a n d nature of the field i n the lower register at the right (west) of the doorway leading to R o o m 5 that have been given above. Since the field was left open a n d unframed at the right end, a n d since the artist h a d used only c a . 0.30 m . of i t for the woman a n d the well, i t must be said that so far as space , is concerned the artist could indeed have added a figure of Christ h a d he so chosen. W h a t is doubtful is whether, h a v i n g assigned the left side of his field t o the woman and the well, he. would have wanted t o add a representation of Christ at the right, for this would have given Christ a position of lesser prominence and would i n effect have made the W o m a n at the W e l l t u r n her b a c k toward h i m . Such a n arrangement would seem quite improbable. I t w o u l d appear t o follow that since the B a p t i s t e r y artist d i d n o t represent Christ at the left i n his composition, immediately beside the doorway t o R o o m 5, he d i d not p l a n t o represent h i m at a l l i n the scene. N o r was the figure of Christ necessary i f what is said below about its probable meaning is correct.
2 3

but they m a y have some bearing upon the locus of the episode portrayed.* More important is the unexplained detail of the large star-shaped design on the breast of the woman (Fig. 7). Whether as embroidery or as a pectoral, i t is not at a l l t y p i c a l of women's costume either i n the w a l l paintings of D u r a , or i n the sculptures of P a l m y r a or i n the mosaics of H a t r a , so far as we k n o w them today. One would assume that the artist h a d some reason for representing i t , but what the reason m a y be is obscure. These unexplained details i t is important t o record because there is at least one other B i b l i c a l narrative that might deserve consideration as the possible subject of the composition. This is the episode of Rebecca at the W e l l , when she watered the camels of Eleazar,. as. told i n Genesis 24,10-21. Of course, neither. Eleazar nor his camels are shown, but neither i s Christ. The story of Rebecca at the W e l l is l a i d i n Mesopotamia, at H a r r a n , R o m a n Carrhae riot far from Edessa, where according to Christian legend the house of L a b a n was still being shown t o pious pilgrims i n the fourth a n d fifth centuries. The story of Rebecca does introduce the subject of jewelry given to her by E l e a z a r i n appreciation of her services, though the B i b l e speaks of rings a n d armbands rather than of a pectoral, and local interest could conceivably have suggested the representation of this episode as a further scene from the O l d Testament alongside that of D a v i d a n d Goliath.
5

Though the composition has been taken universally t o deal with t h e episode from the Gospel of J o h n , this identification of the subject should not just be taken for granted. T h e representation has certain details that are as yet. unexplained. Some of them are structural. T h e y include , a n e x t r dark zone, not part of the frame, running vertically d o w n the left side of the composition, and what seem to be two curving black lines that run upward a n d to the right from the woman's back. The former can be seen.particularly well on the photograph that is reproduced o n P L . X L , 1, and the latter are indicated On the tracing that is Fig. 7. W h a t they signify, if anything, is not clear,
' 1. See below, p. 222. 2. Baur in R e p . V, pp. 256, 278, takes the position that the artist lacked space for the figure of Christ and cites parallels' from catacomb painting. 3. On the meaning of. the scene see below, p. 186.

7.

LOWER

REGISTER,

SOUTH

WALL:

DAVID

A N D GOLIATH

D o c u m e n t a t i o n . W r i t t e n : Hopkins, Field Diary (January 20;. 1932), L e t t e r t o Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 22, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below, pp. 229-231.
4. The curving lines behind the figure of the woman, if they are not an illusion, would seem to require the continuation of the composition beyond t h line at which M . Bacquet cut the plaster in demounting the scene. That the dark gray, of the background brought about by the oxidization of the lighter color may have led him .to cut t h surface, too short in preserving only 0.60 m. of the field, is entirely possible. 5. See below, p. 108. The poems of Ephraem. Syriis about Carrhae are full of allusions to Laban and Rebecca. See his C a r m i n a N i s i b e n a , X X X I - X X X I V , e d . Beck

[CSCO,

218, S S 92), pp. 90-103.

70

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS

have been a shepherd's exomis, b u t there is not enough of i t t o tell, most of the upper part of D a v i d ' s body having been lost when the large piece of plaster from the middle of the field was destroyed. A b o v e the line of breakage a part of the crown of D a v i d ' s head w i t h a round of reddish brown hair about i t can be seen crowding into the yellow b a n d that frames the field.- T o the left of the head, D a v i d ' s forearm outlined i n reddish brown projects upward from below also into the framing band. I t has the name " D a v i d " incised upon i t s surface. The h a n d is clenched as i t holds a sword whose longish blade runs horizontally to the right Proceeding along the south w a l l from right t o left the next scene i n the lower register of the i n the framing b a n d above D a v i d ' s head. T h e B a p t i s t e r y decorations is that between the t w o sword i s raised ready to be brought down upon the doorways. I t is set apart from everything else not neck of the prostrate Goliath below. F r o m the only b y the doorways but also b y the frame b a n d absence of a n y indication of fingers i t m a y be that encloses it and the additional strips i n d i c a t i n g necessary t o conclude that the forearm w i t h the marble incrustration that surround i t . T h e field incised name D a v i d is actually the left forearm, contained w i t h i n this elaborate setting is c a . 1.28m. and that the shadowy mass running parallel to i t long, b u t o n l y c a . 0.35 m . high a n d on the latter i n the field photograph is the outline of part of the score so unsatisfactory for pictorial development other a r m , so that D a v i d would i n effect have been that the artist had to r u n his composition over into shown holding the sword i n his two clenched fists the incrustration work. W h a t he chose t o present i n order t o bring i t down w i t h more force upon here has never been i n doubt even though pre- Goliath's neck. servation is at i t s poorest, w i t h only some of the B e l o w the break i n the plaster the hem line of outlines d i m l y visible a n d a large section of the D a v i d ' s chiton can be followed and below this i n plaster surface destroyed, right i n the middle of t u r n i n reddish b r o w n the . outlines of his legs are t h composition. Identification was i n this case d i m l y visible, the right leg advanced and slightly made simple b y t i t u l i incised into the plaster a n d bent at the knee and the foot certainly i n profile giving the names of D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h i n Greek though o n l y a suggestion of the instep remains. (Nos. 19 and 20, below, p. 97). T h e story, then, is The left leg can be traced b y the outlines of the that of I Samuel 17. calf alone and b y a darkish smudge that probably P i c t o r i a l : field photograph (Pl. X L I , i ) ; tracing on cellophane; sketch from tracing (PI. X L I , 2) ; Gallery photograph, scene mounted (PI. X X I X , 2) ; Gallery color transparency, scene mounted ( P l . X X I I ) . B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, pp. 275-277 (1934); Seston, " L ' g l i s e " , p. 176 (1937); Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p . 132 (1938); Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 65 (1942) ; Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens, p . 14 (1947); Grabar, B e g i n n i n g s .
2 1

The scene, so. far as i t can be reconstructed, was set against a light background, certainly a wash and .presumably the same wash of light brown and. p i n k used elsewhere i n the B a p t i s t e r y as already noted. I n t h center of. the composition the artist has placed D a v i d , facing front. H e is dressed i n a short chiton of indistinguishable color outlined i n reddish brown, which does not quite reach his knees, and does not. cover his forearms. I t m a y
1. What suggested the use of t i t u l i in this one instance and in no other in the Baptistery is not clear. Perhaps it was the awkwardness or the martial character of the composition. Perhaps the tituli were merely a bit of officiousness on the part of the person responsible for the commemorative inscription incised in t h frame of the scene, as indicated above. See p.-28 and No. 18, below, p. 96.

represents the toes of the foot pointed downward. B r o w n paint outlines a n elliptical area extending downward from the hem line of the chiton at the. right of the figure. T h i s might be part of the " b a g " from w h i c h D a v i d took the stone w i t h which he laid t h e giant l o w (I Samuel 17, 49), or again David's "sling". I n t h e left part of the field was shown the prostrate f o r m of the fallen Goliath. D i m traces particularly of the upper part of the figure are a l l that r e m a i n here. T h e y consist largely of a n undulating upper outline and of a series of slightly curving lines running downward from t h e upper

2. Hopkins' letter to Rostovtzeff, "holding a sword in raised right hand."

however, says

THE
1

WALLS

7i

edge of the figqre. T h e first curve of the upper outline, adjacent to D a v i d ' s right side, marks the upper (right) side of Goliath's head, shown pres u m a b l y i n a frontal position. This is the lobe above which the t i t u l u s " G o l i a t h " appears. D a v i d would thus be seen coming up from behind toward his fallen opponent, as. he decapitates h i m . If Goliath's head was shown frontally the further curves of the upper outline, toward the left, should represent the right side of Goliath's b o d y and one of the curving lines r u n n i n g downward from i t should represent G o l i a t h ' s l i m p right arm. T h e other fines m a y well have defined his body armor, probably, a cuirass. H o w , w i t h Goliath's body shown i n such large proportions, the artist m a y have contrived t o include i n the left half of . the field his legs also, is no longer evident. One faint line i n the tracing suggests that they were doubled u p in.front of the body, w h i c h would be sensible. . B e h i n d the prostrate figure of G o l i a t h yellow lines outlining bands can be seen against the fight background. T h e one b a n d describes an arc, the other intersects the arc r u n n i n g across i t toward the center of the circle t o w h i c h the arc belongs. This is clearly not part of Goliath's b o d y or of his b o d y armor, a n d is i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y t o be taken as representing Goliath's shield. If this is so, its appearance i n the composition suggests a n interest i n the giant's armament as a part of what the artist was t r y i n g t o communicate. A . s e c o n d element of this armament is the sword which D a v i d is using, for according t o the story i n I Samuel 17, 50-51 D a v i d h a d no sword of his own and " t o o k his (Goliath's) s w o r d " a n d cut off his head. W i t h the eye sharpened for the search i t is. possible t o see o n the field photograph a n d o n later photographs, toward the extreme left end of the composition, traces of Goliath's, spear or j a v e l i n stuck into the ground ( P l . X L I , 1). This detail has therefore been added t o the sketch made from the tracing of the. scene (PI. X L I , 2). The artist has therefore t a k e n pains t o contrast the extent of Goliath's armor a n d that of D a v i d , as the B i b l i c a l account itself does, when i t has D a v i d s a y t o Goliath, " Y o u come t o me w i t h a
2 :

sword a n d w i t h a spear a n d w i t h a javelin, b u t I come t o y o n i n the name of the L o r d of H o s t s " (I Samuel 17, 45). I t w i l l be noted that i n the text as we have i t i n H e b r e w no shield occurs, mention being made instead of two weapons that seem to be of the same general type, namely "spear" a n d " j a v e l i n " . I t w o u l d be interesting to know whether versions of the narrative used locally, targurnic or otherwise, substituted " s h i e l d " for either "spear" or " j a v e l i n . " I n a n y event i t is clear that the artist was attempting t o be accurate i n his representation of the B i b l i c a l narrative. The description thus given of what can be seen of the D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h scene leaves one question still i n h a n d t o w h i c h no positive answer can be given. That question is, w h a t , i f anything, d i d the artist do w i t h the right half of the field he h a d at his disposal? D a v i d , i t w i l l be recalled, he h a d placed i n the middle of a field that was 1.28 m . long. T o D a v i d ' s right c a . 0:50 m . of the field remain unaccounted for. W a s anything more shown here ? T h e plaster surface, where i t resumes, shows nothing. Considering the b l a n k spaces found elsewhere, covered w i t h a monochrome coating but not developed pictorially, the chances are that here too part of the surface was left unembellished.
3

8.

LOWER

REGISTER,

EAST

A N DNORTH SEQUENCE

WALLS:

THE

RESURRECTION

1. The tracing records traces of black, brown and red pigments in the area. 2. See the parallel in the picture of the Battle of Eben-ezer in the Dura Synagogue, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Pl. L V , lower left corner.

D o c u m e n t a t i o n : W r i t t e n : Hopkins, Field Diary (Jan. 20 a n d Mar. 4, 1932), Letters to Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 22, M a r . 5, A p r . 18, 1932, F i e l d Report, texts below, pp. 229-232. . P i c t o r i a l : field photographs, east w a l l (PL: X L I I ) , n o r t h w a l l (Pis. X L I I I , 1; X L I V ) ; tracings on ceUophane,:third element of composition only, sketch from tracing, of t h i r d . element (PI. X L V , 1); G a l l e r y photographs, scenes mounted: (PL X X I V , X X V I - X X V I I I ) ; Gallery color transparencies, scenes mounted (PL X I X - X X ) . See also supplementary tracing of second element, consolidated sketch of t h i r d element, a n d isometric projection of the sequence of a l l three elements (Pis. X L I I I , 2 ; XLV, 2;XLVI).
3. On the choice and meaning of the scene see below,,

pp. 188-190.

72

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

these later finds were not included, and when i n the summer of 1932, during the course of a stay i n B e r l i n , B a u r prepared the description of the decorations of the B a p t i s t e r y that was published in Rep. F covering the w o r k of the season 1931-32, he d i d not include t h e m . N o r were these supplementary materials, which came t o Y a l e i n 1933, mentioned i n Rep. V I covering the finds of 1932 33, being eclipsed i n their importance b y the paintings of the D u r a Synagogue. T h e y have therefore remained unpublished officially u n t i l the present except that the assembly of a l l the decorations i n a reduced model of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y in the G a l l e r y of F i n e A r t s at Y a l e i n 1933 a n d photographs of a l l the decorations subsequently supplied t o interested scholars gave rise to hypotheses casting doubts upon the v a l i d i t y of B a u r ' s interpretation of the t h i r d element. I n presenting The composition to w h i c h we now t u r n , a n d whose elements are here brought together for the all of the material here for the first time, we first t i m e ; is the most sustained a n d the most propose to begin w i t h the description of the several important of a l l those decorating the walls of the elements i n what we regard as their proper order, D u r a Baptistery. A s we undertand i t , i t combines starting w i t h the unpublished material from!the in one continuous sequence well over 5 m . long, east wall and the east end of the north w a l l and three pictorial elements that follow one another concluding w i t h the material dealt w i t h b y B a u r from right t o left. The first occupies a l l of the in Rep. V. After the description attention w i l l be lower register o n the east w a l l of the r o o m and, paid t o the problems of identification. B i b l i o g r a p h y : B a u r , Rep. V, p p . 270-275 (1934); Casel, " l t e s t e christliche K u n s t " , pp. 73-74 (1934); A u b e r t , " L e s fouilles de D o u r a E u r o p o s " , p . 399 (1934); Millet, " D u r a et el-Bagawat", p p . 1-8 (1934-35); Seston, " L ' g l i s e , " pp. 168-173 (1937) ; Pijoan, " T h e Parable of the V i r g i n s " , pp. 592-595 (1937) ; Rostovtzeff, D u r a E u r o p a s a n d i t s A r t , p. 132 (1938) ; Grgoire, " L e s b a p t i s t r e s de C u i c u l et de D o u r a " , p . 593 (1938); Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p . 66 (1942) ; Lassus, Sanct u a i r e s chrtiens p p . 13-14 (1947) ; ' Vilette, "Que r e p r s e n t e l a grande fresque", pp. 398 413 (1953); Louis " L a v i s i t e " , p p . 109-122 (1954) ; Grabar, " L a fresque des ' saintes femmes," pp. .9-26 (1956); i d e m , B e g i n n i n g s .
1 2

running around the corners, also short sections of the same register o n the two adjacent walls. The second adjoins the. first o n the .eastern part of the north wall and the t h i r d continues from the second along the north w a l l t o a line beyond the face of the font installed i n the western end of the chamber. " The remains of this extended composition, all of it fragmentary, have had a checkered history, some knowledge of which is not '.without bearing upon the successive attempts at t h e interpretation. A s the F i e l d D i a r y shows, i t was the bulk, , b u t not a l l , of the t h i r d element that was brought to light first. The first element, the second and. the attached corner of the t h i r d were l a i d bare some six weeks later. T h e difference i n time was sufficient t o prevent these later finds from being photographed, lifted and included among the objects of the season of 1931-32 that were subject t o division!between Y a l e U n i v e r s i t y and the Department of Antiquities of the F r e n c h M a n d a t o r y Government of S y r i a . W h e n , therefore, the paintings of the Christian B u i l d i n g were assigned to Y a l e i n the division,

"'' a . D e s c r i p t i o n (1) F i r s t Element, E a s t W a l l (Pis. X I X , 1; X X V I ; XLII). . W h a t the embankment covering i t preserved of the inner face of the east w a l l of the Baptistery is a strip of plaster not more than meter high above floor level, extending the full length of the, w a l l (3.16 m.). T h i s contained at the bottom the undecorated white p l i n t h that r a n around the entire room, next the elaborate set of colored bands forming the lower border of the lower register of decorations and above this the b o t t o m of the entire narrative composition t o which the register was here devoted. A t no point does what
1. The time lag between the preparation of Ba'ur's description, composed in 1932, and the appearance of R e p . V in 1934 provided Baur with an opportunity to introduce into the proofs ( R e p . V, p. 270): an obscure reference to the existence of the additional material but the information is inaccurate and the reference pointless. 2. See the'articles of Millet written in 1934-35 i f Pijoan published in 1937.
a n (

THE

WALLS

73

shows that we are dealing with a scene representing five homogeneous a n d analogous figures paratactically arranged, rather t h a n a composition w i t h one large figure i n the v a n and four lesser, figures following or one important figure i n the center and pahs of lesser figures at either side. The spacing of the figures is also relatively stable, ranging from 0.22 m . to 0.33 m . between pairs a n d leaving spaces of 0.44 m . a n d 0.42 m . between the terminal figures a n d the ends of the wall. The wall surface available would be filled exactly if we were to assume that at elbow level each figure h a d a w i d t h of c a . 0.50 m . w i t h intervals of c a . 0.05 m . between them and c a . 0.23m: between the t e r m i n a l figures a n d the ends of the wall. This is by. no means unreasonable of .itself and approximates the scale a n d spacing of the women approaching the sarcophagus i n the t h i r d element of the sequence. W h a t e v r else is implied in the analogy thus suggested between the t w Coming now to the scene executed i n the lower groups of figures, i t is l i k e l y that they were of register, on the east w a l l , the first t h i n g to. be said approximately the same proportions and that the is that the colors a n d details of what , has been register i n which they were represented continued preserved are exceptionally bright a n d clear. F o r at the same height of 0.975 m . on the east a n d the background the artist used here the reddish north walls. brown brightened w i t h p i n k that has already been The convention used for the representation of described as h a v i n g been used i n the upper register the five pairs of feet is one of several familiar from on ithe n o r t h wall a n d i n t h e scene of the Good the pictorial art of D u r a . One foot,, here the right Shepherd, a n d his Sheep. O f what was represented one, is shown i n profile, the other, i n this cas ithe against this background only t w o elements are left, is seen frontally w i t h the tip'. p r o j c t i n g k n o w n . T h e first is a heavy b r o w n bas-line that downward a n d slightly outward, below, the-level traces a w a v y course along the entire length of the of its mate. I t can be seen again i n m a n y scenes of wall. The second is a row of five persons symmet- the D u r a Synagogue a n d i n the. paintings of the r i c a l l y distributed across the length of the wall, Temple of B e l . T h i s is not the convention for all facing full front. O n l y their feet and the lower r a p i d motion, nor does i t necessarily i m p l y - t h a t ends of their garments are preserved. The position motion is a c t u a l l y ' i n progress, though i t . m a y o h of the several pairs f feet, the w i d t h of the gar- occasion do so. F u n d a m e n t a l l y i t is the convention m n t s at their hems a n d the. spacing of the five indicating the results o f previous motion arid figures:must be carefully observed. The fact that hence the involvement of the person i n a situation all five pairs of feet are sen. i n the same pose a n d or event before h i m or her. I n this, instance, that a l l five garments have at their lower hem a 4. The point at issue here can be readily verified .'by standard w i d t h of between. 0.22 a n d 0.25 m . remains of the lower part of the .composition exceed a height of 0.28m., b u t preservation is continuous horizontally, m a k i n g i t clear that o n this w a l l the entire lower register was devoted to a singl composition. Continuity of preservation makes i t possible to say also that the fild used for this composition was not framed vertically a n d thus set apart at either end of the east wall. Indeed, the field continues without interruption on the adjacent portions of the north a n d south walls to the second element of the sequence t the north a n d to the doorway leading f r o m . the Baptistery to the c o u r t y a r d at the south. It Would therefore not be inappropriate to say that th' field which contained the composition on the east w a l l as its central element was set around and filled the eastern end of the B a p t i s t e r y quite as the font a n d its canopy was set into a n d filled the western end of the room, thus giving are element of symmetry to the interior appointments.
1 2 4 5 3 6 7

- i . The proportions of the figures whose fet appear in what is preserved of the composition make it probable that the register had the same height as on t h adjacent north wall and hence that there were in fact two registers of-decorations here as on the lateral walls of the room. 2. T h distances ar 0.24 m. at the north and c a . 0.51 m. at the south.

3. Seeabove pp. 50-65.

comparing the position of the feet and the spacing of the figures in such scenes of the Dura Synagogue paintings as .that of the Exodus, and of -Samuel annointing David in the midst of his brethren. F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, i , Pis-. LII and L X V I . 5. See below p. 78. ;. ' . : . 6. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, e.g. PI. LIII, and Cumont-, F o u i l l e s , Pis. X X X I - L V I . 7. So for instance in F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PL. LIII, the position of the feet reflects the fact that the figure of

74

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

therefore, it is proper to say that, judged b y the position of their feet, the five persons are represented as coming or h a v i n g come from the right and of being involved i n something developed farther at the left. A l l the feet are i n this instance outlined i n brown a n d shown i n the same light color, which may be only the natural white of the plaster. There are no lines to represent the toes and to show that the feet were bare. There are also no black lines on the ankles or below the soles of the feet to indicate that sandals were a part of the costume. It follows, therefore, that the feet are shown encased i n soft high boots, t y p i c a l l y done elsewhere i n white. Such boots are represented frequently i n the art of D u r a i n connection w i t h two different costumes. The one is the costume of soft boots, trousers, a n d short tunics belted at the waist and provided w i t h long sleeves. Common to the art of D u r a and P a l m y r a a n d w o r n b y men, i t is ultimately Iranian i n origin. This is clearly not the costume shown here, for no trousers are indicated. The other costume i n connection w i t h which such boots are shown is that of the long chiton worn b y women. This is, of course, precisely the garment represented i n the composition under discussion here; The inference is that the five figures i n the scene oh the east wall of the B a p t i s t e r y are women.
1 2 3 4

rather t h a n the preliminary delineation o f . the figures. A l l garments were light-colored a n d the absence of any trace of other pigment m a y i m p l y that, like the boots, they were indicated b y the white of the natural plaster surface only. N u m erous vertical brown lines are to be seen running down the front of the garment, but these are.so distributed that they cannot represent clavi. Rather, they are fold lines whose frequency suggests that the garments are full but gathered closely above. The height of the hem line above ground level can unfortunately not be checked against that of the women i n the T h i r d Element, where the lower parts of a l l figures are missing, but it does m a t c h that of the W o m a n at the W e l l (PI. X L ) , a n d i n general is appropriate to a situation i n w h i c h action a n d movement are supposed to have t a k e n place.
5 6

The garments of the five figures i n question are identical. T h e y are a l l h e a v i l y outlined i n brown w i t h a wide brush, this being the second and final,
Moses at the left is involved in the events at his own right, and the figure Of Moses at the right is involved in the events at his own left. i . The wash used for the background can occasionally be seen , running over into the area set aside by outline for the feet. 2 . F o r examples see F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, i , e.g. PI. LXV, arid H . Seyrig, "Armes et costumes iraniens de Palmyre", S y r i a , X V I I I (1937), PP- 4~ 6, where also its origin is discussed. 3. For parallels see the reprsentation of women in the Dura Synagogue, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, e.g. Pis. L X V I I , LXIII, X X I X . 4. That the garment shown is not a man's chiton, such as is worn with a himatidn, is shown by the absence of clavi on the garment, the absence of the sandals that go with the costume of chiton and himation, and the absence of the ends of the himation hanging at the left sides of the figures represented. The costume of chiton and himation is never found associated with soft boots and the only chiton worn without himation or sandals is the short chiton girded up at the waist and reaching scarcely to the knees.
z

The same wide brush a n d brown color that gave the final outlines to the garments of the women has been used, finally, to execute i n b o l d strokes the long base line for the figures. It is adjusted to their feet, that is, added after completion o f the figures, and develops i n a series of lobes or of humps a n d depressions. T o be noted for future reference is the fact that the base line rises from arid descends to its. lowest points at its beginning and end. Precisely such a l o n g base line has already been encountered i n the Garden Scene ;f the upper register ( P l . X X X I X , .1). Indeed from the regular appearance elsewhere of similar shorter counterparts i t would appear that its use is characteristic of the style of the B a p t i s t e r y artist. (2). Second Element, E a s t e r n P a r t of the N o r t h W a l l (Pis. X I X , 2; X X V I I ; X L H I ) . T h a t the field on the east wall containing the figures of the five women continued around the northeast corner of the Baptistery onto the n o r t h
5. The hem of the garment is in each case shown returning from its outer edge to the line of the lgs projecting from it, as in the case of the Woman at the Well (PI. X L ) . The return of the garment is not continued between the legs. 6. In the Dura Synagogue high hem lines are to be seen on women in action, see F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Pis. X X I X , X X X I , L X I I I , L X V I I , and low hem lines where court costume is worn, i b i d . , Pis X X V I I I (Queen of Sheba), L X V (Esther), L X V I I (court attendants of Pharaoh's daughter).

THE
wall was pointed out above. The fact that there is no break i n the plaster surface between the north end of the east wall and the east end of the north wall makes this thoroughly evident. W h i l e preservation proceeds o n the n o r t h w a l l at approximately the same height above floor level as on the east wall, the plaster of the continuing field shows on the north wall n o signs of figures or objects depicted upon i t and no real traces even of background color. Colorwise a l l that is clearly visible here is the lower border of the register, framing the continuing field a t the bottom and carrying on from the east wall its central red b a n d set between white bands and finished at top and bottom w i t h black stripes.

WALLS

75

that the second element in. the sequence of scenes under discussion here begins 0.24^. from the east end of the north wall a n d occupies the next 0.88 m . of the lower register o n that wall, consisting of a central element and a frame set around it at the sides and at the top. A further description of what was depicted inside the frame will make apparent the appropriateness of the frame.
r

Of what was shown inside the enclosing frame only about 0.25 m . along the b o t t o m of the field are preserved. Described i n geometrical terms the lines a n d color masses here clearly defined show the lower ends of two opposed parallelograms that face each other across the central axis of the field and whose lower sides slant diagonally upward Some o. 24 m . from the east end of the north from the axis toward the frame at either side. w a l l the uppermost of the t w o white bands The entire area occupied b y the parallelograms belonging t o the lower border of the register; as well as the two centimeters that separate t h e m together w i t h i t s black stripe, turns from a along the axis of the field is rendered i n yellow, i n horizontal t o a vertical direction (PI. X L V I ) . the same color used also for the h u l l of the ship i n This marks the end of the field belonging t o the the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r . The.outer first element of the sequence of scenes and the edges of the parallelograms, both those running beginning of the second. I n its u p w a r d course the diagonally u p w a r d toward the enclosing frame and white band receives a second black stripe at the those running vertically u p along the axis of the left, becoming thus a properly balanced vertical field are outlined w i t h heavy black lines. Identical framing member, 0.07 m . wide, a n d while its black lines parallel to those at the outer edges course can not be followed more than c a . 0.15 m . m a r k off inside the larger parallelograms smaller it is a fair assumption that it continued u p w a r d the areas of the same shape and these, like the outer full height of the register t o join the white band edges at the b o t t o m have t h i n b r o w n lines set forming the lowest element of the register divider, beside them. B e l o w the yellow parallelograms thus and turning here once more i n a . horizontal described and between them and the red and lower direction. W h a t validates this assumption is the white b a n d of the register border that delimits fact that on a line o. 735 m . farther to the west, the the' field at the bottom, the two triangular areas north w a l l shows a comparable b a n d framed b y that remain are painted a. solid brown, so dark as to two black lines a n d 0.075 m . wide descending vertically through the register and connecting w i t h border as at the right. Faced with these inconsistencies, one' has either to give up entirely the idea of making the white b a n d of the lower border. This c a n sense of the representation, or to assume that the original scarcely be anything but the t h i r d side of a frame intent of the artist who laid out the design has been carried around the second element of the pictorial obscured by errors of execution and by practical necessities. The latter is clearly the easier. We suggest here sequence and dividing the second element from that the continuation of the black stripe through the the t h i r d , even though there are inconsistencies i n white band- of the register border is an error of execution. the treatment of the b a n d i n its return t o the For the application of red to the left side of the door frame several possible explanations are offered below, bottom of the register. W e take i t , therefore, p. 85.
2 1

1. Two inconsistencies are to be noted, namely first that the surface of the descending band, between the black stripes that outline it, is red as far down as the top of the lower border of the register rather than white.and second that the black stripe outlining the band at the left is carried down across the white of the register border instead of turning the corner at the top of the

2. It would be incorrect, in our judgement, to infer from the yellow color of the objects shown that they are to be thought of as being made of wood, like the ship in the scene of the Walking on the Water. Rather, it seems proper to associate the use of the yellow color here with the element of polychromy in the artist's handling of the backgrounds of the lower register, which is discussed below, p. 162.

76

DESCRIPTION: THE DECORATIONS

(3) T h i r d Element, N o r t h W a l l (Pis. X X , X X V I I I , X L I V , X L V , i). Of the t h i r d element of the sequence three separate pieces have survived. One of them, hitherto unpublished a n d no more than 0.23 m . long a n d o .12 m . high, is of a piece w i t h the second element; continuing from the door toward the left. A b o v e the lower border of the register, a l l the several bands and stripes of which are seen returning to their horizontal course, i t shows the field assuming the opaque red background color that characterizes i t throughout. Indeed this color is carried across what remains of the left jamb of the door frame as noted above.* I n the extreme lower right corner of the composition which this piece represents the red background has painted upon i t sections of two heavy brown lines. The upper is short a n d of indeterminate character, but the lower, first running a horizontal course a n d t h e n sloping downward to end just inside the corner of the frame, is readily intelligible. It is the end of just such a base, line for the imposition of figures and objects as appears also under the feet i n the first element of the sequence on the east wall arid i n the Garden Scene i n the upper register on the south w a l l . The preservation of this detail of the composition i s . not without significance as w i l l appear presently. T h e other two pieces of this t h i r d element of the sequence are those published i n the Rep. V a n d hence already thoroughly familiar from Barir's description. The larger, coming to us as a part of the same piece of, w a l l surface that shows the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d the W a l k i n g o n the W a t e r i n the upper register, is all.. of 2 ; 815 m . lorig a n d gives us the larger, part of the last: scene i n the sequence, beginning at its extreme left e n d . The smaller, a n isolated fragment o n l y c a . 0.35 m . long a n d 0:27 m . high, can, because it contains a part of one of a series of figures represented also on
5

be almost black. I n effect these dark areas represent sections of the background against which the parallelograms are set. . W h a t it was that the B a p t i s t e r y artist intended to represent i n the second element of the sequence becomes thoroughly evident when the lines of what remains of his composition are projected upward and when the geometric figures described are completed i n proper fashion as i n PI. X L I I I , 2. Clearly he was portraying two corresponding paneled objects, and these lend themselves most readily to interpretation as the leaves of a paneled door. The fact that the representation of a paneled door requires provision also for a frame from which the leaves are hung justifies the position taken above that i n spite of inconsistency i n the handling of . detail the band forming the top of the lower register frame was turned into a vertical course to provide the jambs of this frame a n d presumably met the corresponding b a n d of the register divider at the top of the field, using i t to provide the lintel of the doorway.
1

.', The only question remaining i n the present context is whether the position of the door-leaves indicated i n the composition has any special significance? Doors are common features 'of ancient representational a r t ; they are t y p i c a l l y shown w i t h paneled leaves as here, but for the position of the leaves there: is apparently a limited number of standard conventions. A t D u r a i n the paintings of the Synagogue we have examples of two of these conventions. One w i t h the leaves set squarely i n their frame represents the doors; shut t i g h t l y . The other, representing the door wide open, shows the leaves t h r o w n back outside the line of the jambs,; the upper a n d lower edges running diagonally upwards, rather t h a n downward as here.
2 3

1. The fact that the yellow color used to represent the leaves is spread also across the . narrow interval between them should not. be taken as an argument against the interpretation offered. It merely reflects the tachygraphy or carelessness of the artist in first applying his base color to the entire central part of the field, then superimposing the black panel lines upon it and neglecting to carry the dark brown of his background down the harrow space between the door leaves. 2, F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, PI. L V I I . 3. I b i d . , Pis. X X X I (Elijah and the Widow at the Gate), LII (Exodus), L X V I I I (Infancy Of Moses). [It may perhaps be suggested that since these doors appear hereinafter to be those of a subterranean tomb, the

perspective toward them is from the top, ' and so the lower edge of : the doors appears to- drop as they are opened. C.B.W.] 4. See above p. 75. Possible reasons for the inconsistency in the rendering of the door frames are suggested below. 5. Because in one section, under' the sarcophagus, it contains also a part of the black band that completes the lower border of the register at the top, it fixes the height of the.lower register at 0.975 m. .

THE WALLS
the larger, be assigned b y analogy to an appropriate place i n the destroyed right part of the field. A s the background for the scene represented i n this t h i r d element of the sequence, the Baptistery artist has chosen a deep opaque red ( r o u g e fonce), whose value as a "magnificent setting" was already noted b y H o p k i n s i n a letter to Rostovtzeff dated J a n . 22, 1932. Against this background he has set, beginning at the right, a file of stately women bearing torches and Open bowls and moving toward the left. A t the left, as the object toward which they move, stands a gable-roofed sarcophagus at either side of the cover of which is represented a large multi-rayed star. Planned w i t h great economy i n the choice and representation of subject matter, the scene is on that very account . of great effect.
1 3

77

I n the total composition the sarcophagus is clearly intended to p l a y a most important part, for while it is seen from its narrow, hence gabled, end, it actually occupies1.420 m . of the field, an exceedingly large proportion. The limited height of the register might well have urged more modest proportions, but rather t h a n reduce them the artist actually carried the peak of the l i d up into the /upper register frame, as he d i d also w i t h the rays of the stars at the corners of the l i d . The sarcophagus is white, its two elements sharply outlined i n black. The body is unadorned but the l i d was decorated at its end w i t h a vine design i n light brown, the branching elements of w h i c h spread irregularly to the right and the left from a stock at the apex of the gabled l i d ( P l . X L V ) . A s he d i d w i t h everything else, the Baptistery artist first outlined the sarcophagus i n light brown before filling i n the colors of the object and of the background and before supplying the final black delineation. I n this instance a portion of the original light b r o w n sketch line is still visible along the upper edges of the l i d , where it follows a course different from that of the black lines eventually added. The sketch l i n e shows that the original intention was to give the l i d a concave profile, w h i c h accounts for the fact that some of the solid red background color (applied after the sketch was completed) now appears inside the
2

straight black diagonal line w i t h which the l i d was finally defined. This fact it would not have been so important to point out were it not for the question whether the l i d had acroteria at its outer corners and whether the stars might not be understood as belonging to t h e m . A s the renderings of the tracings and the photographs of the composition show, execution differs at the two corners of the l i d , but i n neither case can a convincing case for acroteria be made. Neither corner shows the remains of any sketch lines outlining such acroteria and what both corners do show can best be understood as slipshod execution i n filling i n background color i n the narrow spaces between the l i d and the rays of the stars, as well as i n the application of the final black l i d outlines. Thus at the left the diagonal black line defining the top of the l i d stops at the first ray of the star that it encounters, and the line defining the vertical face of the l i d continues on to the solid circular mass of the star, leaving an irregular white field but certainly no properly defined acroterion. A t the right the diagonal descends continuously through the rays of the star to meet the vertical line of the face, which latter continues beyond the junction to the core of the star. Here two small white areas are left outside the l i d between the rays of the star; through the upper area the curving sketch line of the l i d as originally defined appears to trace its course to a natural peak at the corner. It was the practical difficulties created b y the immediate juxtaposition of stars and sarcophagus that produced here the semblance of acroteria, not the intention of the artist.
4 5

3. On the procedure of the artist in developing his compositions see above, p. 42. 4. That there were acroteria is stated by Baur in R e p . V, p. 270; that they were adorned with the stars was suggested by Grabar, "La fresque des saintes

femmes," (1956), pp. 9-26.

5. That the artist did indeed react to such difficulties by leaving his work unfinished can be illustrated from his handling of the black line that defines the outer edge of the field. These lines, naturally, were done last and took up any unevennesses in the application of the background color. In the upper left corner of the scerie under discussion here the black line separating the field from the register frame is properly executed from the peak of the sarcophagus lid as far as the first ray of the star at the left of the sarcophagus. From this point leftward it is missing. In all probability this is because the care required to execute the short strokes of the brush that would have continued it between the'rays'

1. See below p. 229. 2. It will be recalled that in the David and Goliath scene the composition also runs over into the frame.'

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
T h e y h o l d torches i n their extended right hands and i n t h e i r left, at waist level before them, bowls of unguent. The missing feet presumably formed just such a series as has already been encountered on the east wall, the right foot seen i n profile the left turned downward and outward, indicating the result of m o t i o n from the left and involvement at their right, that is i n the sarcophagus and the stars. Save for minor variations, caused b y slight inequalities i n their emplacement, such as the change i n the angle at which the second figure holds its forearm and torch, they are repetitions of the same basic pattern. This repetition emphasizes the d i g n i t y a n d solemnity of the figures and of the occasion, giving weight to that which b y their presence they attest. W i t h the top of the figures close to the upper edge of the field and their feet presumably placed on the same line as the bottom of the sarcophagus, their total height of between 0.86 a n d o . 88 m . made them especially impressive and gave t h e m almost heroic proportions compared to the 0.29 m . and 0.32 m . high representations of Christ i n the upper register. A l l of them wore the same costume of long-sleeved white chiton belted at the waist a n d of long white veil. T h e rendering of the several figures was apparently done w i t h no little care, though fading has reduced c l a r i t y of outline and color i n comparison w i t h the scene on the east wall. The white garments have wide openings at the neck, are embroidered or decorated w i t h a b a n d at the cuffs and are gathered at the waist b y a wide belt or sash, the loops of whose knots are clearly outlined against the m i d riff while the ends hang down below the belt. T h e cuffs are done i n b r o w n ; the belt of the first woman is p i n k and those of the second and t h i r d are green. T h e light brown outlines of the garments are now indistinct, b u t they can still be seen d i m l y at the curve of the shoulders, at the neck line of the chitons a n d along the sides of the arms holding the bowls. V e r t i c a l fold lines, naturally used sparingly on the upper part of the figures, m a y have been more pronounced at the lower ends of the garments, w h i c h are not preserved. F a m i l i a r elements of women's apparel, the long-sleeved chitons represented here are more commonly seen worn under a n overgarment and therefore normally unbelted. I n Palmyrene funerary sculpture, however, there are examples of women's

A b o u t the stars little need.be said. T h e y are large, c a . o . 30 m . i n diameter, and intentionally prominent. E a c h has a central disc represented b y three concentric , circles. The innermost and outermost are done i n yellow, the intermediate i n white. A l l three, like the yellow rays, are outlined i n brown. The one at the left is reported b y H o p k i n s , followed here b y B a u r , as h a v i n g twelve rays, the one at the right eleven. The surface of the plaster and the sketch made from the tracing show but eleven i n each case. However, there is certainly room for an additional ray at the left, where the white of the sarcophagus l i d extends unbroken to the disc of the star, and it m a y well be that due to the superimposition of successive layers of paint the r a y . originally seen here has flaked off. There seems no reason for m a k i n g any point of the difference i n the number of the rays.
1

T h e entire right part of the composition, as indicated above, was t a k e n up w i t h the representation of a file of women. Parts of three of them are preserved, two on the plaster surface continuous w i t h that showing also the sarcophagus a n d the stars, and the t h i r d on the unconnected fragment. The lower extremities of the women are lost i n a l l three instances, the upper part of the head i n the case of the second and all but a portion of the figure at waist level i n the case of the t h i r d (Pis. X X , X X V I I I , X L V ) . I n addition, the pressures exerted b y the fill of the embankment responsible for the destruction of so m u c h of the surface here have caused what plaster remained firm to buckle severely, especially on a line running through the face of the first woman, which is disfigured thereby, and i n the area of the left shoulder of the second woman. The colors become increasingly indistinct on the lower part of the second woman and on the unconnected fragment showing part of the t h i r d .
2

T h e figures of the women are stiff, rigidly frontal and posed i n hieratic calm and detachment.
of the star that here extend into the area of the register frame was more than he was ready to take. So he merely gave up and left his line incomplete. 1. See Hopkins' Field Report, below p. 232 and R e p . V, p. 270. 2. The fingers of the extended right hand of the second woman have suffered by an abrasion of the broken surface. '

THE
1

WALLS

79

of dark b r o w n remain t o show the position and rendering of the eyebrows. The attention originally paid to the faces can be estimated from the arrangement of the coiffure, of w h i c h the figure of the first woman affords a n excellent example. I t has already been discussed b y B a u r i n Rep. V, who interprets i t as identical w i t h that introduced b y J u l i a Mamaea into the fashion a n d hence into the sculpture of the W e s t . T h i s m a y well be so, but i t should be pointed out that the arrangement is fundamentally identical w i t h that used throughout the Baptistery compositions for both men and women, except that i n the present instance i t is more carefully executed. Projecting from the white of the veil around i t , the hair mass . A s for the members of the body, the arms and of the first woman is carefully divided into s i x hands are rather s u m m a r i l y treated. The extended lobes, clearly separated from each other, and falls right a r m of the first woman, instead of being to the v i c i n i t y of the neckline i n full curls at i t s sharply bent at the elbow, describes a n arc; that ends. Three colors are used i n rendering i t , light of the second woman is wider from wrist t o elbow b r o w n as the base color, reddish brown for t h e t h a n from elbow t o shoulder. T h e fingers that upper outlines, and dark brown for the lower outclutch the torches are. sketchy i n outline a n d the lines. The same dark brown is used also for the left hands, while more carefully executed, c a n most characteristic feature of the coiffure, namely more properly be said t o be set i n front of the the lines l a i d across i t i n pairs t o separate i t s bowls of unguent than holding them. I n contrast projecting a n d receding elements, distinguishing the heads seem t o have received more care. T h e y between wave and trough. L i k e the waves that are well rounded i n shape, mounted o n a short they define, these lines are set around the entire neck that leads over nicely into the sloping head, always at approximately right angles t o t h e shoulder line. T h e profile of face a n d chin is curve of the head. T h e y correspond, thus, t o the indicated i n curving, light brown lines that stop short black strokes already noted i n the H e a l i n g of short of the neck at the right, thus providing a the P a r a l y t i c and the W a l k i n g o n the W a t e r as highlight that extends from the cheek to the upper crossing the hair masses of the men and projecting shoulder. The same light color was applied i n two sometimes into the r o u n d of the face, sometimes t h i n strokes t o the area of the m o u t h a n d i n beyond the outline of the head. I n the rendering of broader strokes t o the left side of the neck and the! women i n the scene under discussion here the along the shoulder there t o the neckline of the ears remain hidden behind the hair mass. There is chiton. I n a l l these areas the light brown was no indication of jewelry either i n the v i c i n i t y of the finally reinforced w i t h reddish brown, including ears or around the neck. the t i p of the chin i n the case of the second woman Of the objects which the women carry, the bowls and along the upper edge of the hps i n the case of have rounded bases, wide mouths a n d broad the first. The nostrils were apparently handled i n flaring rims. T h e r i m is i n each case outlined along the same manner. Breakage of the plaster surface the top i n black, p a r t l y on the outside, p a r t l y on has obscured the treatment of the eyes, but traces the inside. P a r a l l e l strokes of reddish brown inside,
2 4 3

busts on w h i c h the belt appears. Where one end of the overgarment is brought around over the t o p of the head i t n a t u r a l l y replaces the v e i l ; so for instance t y p i c a l l y i n Palmyrene art. Where i t is merely wrapped around the waist a veil is worn, usually a long one, as i n the scene under discussion here. A t P a l m y r a , however, as also i n the mosaics of .Edessa, i t is clear that a bolster is inserted between the hair a n d the covering garment or v e i l . T h e way i n which the veil is set high around the head of the first woman beside the sarcophagus here makes it appear that i n this particular, as also in the length of the veil, the fashion represented is identical w i t h that of the neighbouring cities, especially Edessa.

tur (Copenhagen, 1928), PL XIV, 1.

1. See e.g. H . Ingholt, S t u d i e r over

Palmyrensk Skulp

the bowls show the unguent w i t h which they are filled. T h e torches, done i n brown and outlined i n
4. See R e p . V, pp. 274-275. "Whether this permits any dating of the compositions may be doubted, for presumably Julia Mamaea's style was one current in Syria gen*, erally in the period to which she belonged.
;

2. So for instance in the Dura Synagogue, see F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, Pis. L X I I I , L X V I I , L X V I I I . 3. - For the mosaics of Edessa see J . B . Segal, "NewMosaics from Edessa", A r c h a e o l o g y , X I I (1959), pp. 150 and 153 and I L N , 21/2, 1953, PL IV, opposite p. 287.

8o

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
w i t h "other w o m e n " who go t o t h e tomb w i t h them (Luke, 24 1-11), only M a r k limits himself to three women (Mary Magdalene, M a r y the mother of James, and Salome) and at the same time has them provided w i t h materials to anoint Christ'sb o d y (Mark 16, 1-2). Of the incidental details of the representation only the stars and the torches carried b y the women are explained, they being t a k e n as details imaginatively added b y the artist to indicate that the visit occurred " v e r y early on the first day of the week" (Mark 16, 2) or as B a u r says "before break of d a y " . A s for the place of the composition i n the iconographie tradition, this i s discussed i n Rep. V largely i n terms of the treatment of details v i z . the absence from the composition of the guards at the tomb a n d the angel announcing the resurrection (an omission otherwise said to be due always to a lack of space), the representation of bowls of unguent rather, t h a n incense burners or bottles as i n the e a s t m tradition, or to absence of all portable parapher- nalia as i n the western. One has the impression that the scene is portrayed here because i t was a favorite subject of east Christian art but that the rendering is fundamentally different from a l l other k n o w n east Christian examples, since they all presuppose and use the imagery of the C o n stantinian Anastasis at Jerusalem.
: 2

dark brown, have trumpet-like mouths b u t taper visibly toward the bottom. F l a r i n g outward i n all directions, like the petals of a flower as H o p k i n s puts i t , the flames of the torches are strangely rendered i n black rather than i n yellow. This would seem to call for an explanation. b. Identification

W h i l e the consideration of iconographie matters belongs to another context, i t c a n properly be said here that as B a u r contended, but for reasons Specifically, Rep. V suggests that the t h i r d more cogent than differences i n detail, the D u r a element i n the sequence under discussion here B a p t i s t e r y composition does indeed differ fun-: the only one of which B a u r had direct knowledge damentally from the representation of the Resur was intended to illustrate M a r k 16, 1-8. T h e rection i n east Christian art. This is because both reasons given are that while J o h n mentions only the t y p i c a l east Christian scene showing t w o ori woman (Mary Magdalene) coming to the women confronting the angel seated on the stone tomb a n d says nothing about ointments (John 20, that was rolled away from the tomb and its sequel, i~i8), while Matthew describes how two women the scene showing the women meeting Christ (Mary Magdalene a n d "the other" Mary) come i n the Garden and t a k i n g h o l d of his feet, depend merely " t o see" the tomb also saying nothing directly on Matthew (28,1-8,9-10). B o t h M a t t h e w about unguents i n this case because the tomb and J o h n are ruled out completely as sources for h a d been sealed and is guarded (Matthew 28,1-10) the D u r a imagery for obvious reasons. The case for the inspiration of the t h i r d element a n d while L u k e does refer to the preparation of "spices", but has three women (Mary Magdalene, of the sequence b y the Gospel of M a r k is not Joanna, and M a r y the mother of James) associated 2. Rep. V, pp. 270-275.
3

The identification of the compositions thus described has been fraught w i t h difficulties because of the incomplete and often inexact knowledge of their s u r v i v i n g remains, a n d continues to be difficult because of the fragmentary preservation of the material and the necessity of coping w i t h unusual iconographie conventions and forms of the B i b l i c a l tradition. A t the very beginning, when i t first became possible to remove the earth filling the Baptistery from along the lower part of the north w a l l , revealing a star and the heads of a file of standing figures, there was speculation whether the scne portrayed here d i d not represent the V i s i t of the M a g i to the Christ C h i l d at Bethlehem (Matthew.2, 1-12). A s more of the scene was laid bare this identification was quickly abandoned i n favor of the Visit of the W o m e n to the T o m b of Christ o n Easter M o r n i n g . I n Rep. V B a u r adopted the identification a n d attempted to establish both the B i b l i c a l source of the representation a n d its place i n the history of Christian iconography.
1

1. See the entries in the Field Diary below p. 231. The entries show that it was actually Henri Seyrig -who first proposed the proper identification.

3. So far as Matthew is concerned this seems strange considering the fact that only he recounts the detail of Peter joining his Lord in the Walking on the Waterepisode, as it is portrayed in the upper register. '-s

THE
convincing either, at least not as stated b y B a u r . H i s contention that the stars a n d the torches carried b y the women i n the scene represent the M a r k a n reference t o the early hour of the day, "before the break of d a y " as he puts it, is definitely contradicted b y the affirmation of the Evangelist that the sun h a d risen (Mark 16, 2). N o r is i t easy to understand w h y the celestial visitor should have been omitted i f the artist was following M a r k , where the visitor is described so simply a n d graphically as a " y o u n g m a n clad i n a white robe" (Mark 16, 5). This should automatically have suggested t o a D u r a artist a t y p i c a l figure i n chiton a n d himation.

WALLS

81

the scene on the north wall can not be the house of the bridegroom but must under a l l circumstances be a sarcophagus. Grabar and Lassus are therefore entirely right i n maintaining that the identification must be rejected once and for a l l . T h r o w n back as we are, therefore, upon the resurrection narratives for the identification of the scenes on the north and east wall, i t is important t o begin w i t h certain general observations and not t o neglect certain incidental contributions to the interpretation of the imagery that have been made i n other discussions of the material. T h e point at which to begin would seem to be the large sarcophagus i n the scene on the north wall. A s already indicated above, the assembly of a l l N o doubt because of the presence of the stars i n the the material from the D u r a Baptistery i n the scene, i t has never been explicitly maintained, Y a l e A r t Gallery i n 1933 caused doubts to arise though i t has occasionally been implied, that i n about the v a l i d i t y of B a u r ' s interpretation and sug- depicting a sarcophagus the B a p t i s t e r y artist gested for the combined elements of the sequence meant t o indicate that M s composition o n the a new a n d different identification. The suggestion north wall portrays the interior of a tomb chamber. Y e t this is a necessary corollary of his imagery, for was that they represent the Parable of the Foolish burials are not normally made i n sarcophagi and the W i s e Virgins (Matthew 25, 1-13). Responding largely to the desire to cope w i t h the scene casually distributed about the landscape where on the east w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y showing the they would be subject to looting and disfigurement. lower extremities of a file of five female figures, the Rather, sarcophagi require the protection of and identification takes i t s cue generally from the are t y p i c a l l y found i n underground contexts familiar scene i n the Bagawat fresco that has seven where they are sometimes hewn out of the native women bearing torches and proceeding toward a rock. O n the assumption that the scene is l a i d large temple-like structure, a n d that has often underground, as a l l Gospel narratives actually been taken to represent the parable i n question. i m p l y , the use b y the women of torches is selfIt has the obvious advantage of t y i n g together explanatory. T h e y were necessary if the women the imagery o n the east and north walls of the were t o perform i n the darkness of the tomb the room a n d i t s proponents have been b o l d to say rite of anointing Christ's body. B u t what, then, of that given the fragmentary preservation of the the stars which manifestly are not appropriate t o scene on the north wall, i t is justifiable t o suggest an interior setting ? that there m a y have been room here for five figures O n the subject of the stars there has already carrying torches, that is, two more than we actually been m u c h speculation and comment. Some have know about. Intriguing as i t is, the identification without further ado adopted B a u r ' s hypothesis runs afoul of two obstacles that are insurmountable. that w i t h the torches they emphasize the nocturnal The first is that the door forming the second character of the event. More interesting is the element of the sequence is not shut, as i t should be suggestion that they are to be understood as part if its function was to show that the five women on of the acroteria of the sarcophagus itself, after the east w a l l were excluded from the marriage the analogy of those represented over the corners feast of the bridegroom, b u t p a r t l y open. T h e of the pediment decorating the face of a rock-cut second is that the large object i n the left part of
3 1 2 4

1. See the articles of Millet and Pijoan in the Bibliography above, as well as O. Casel's footnote to J . Kollwitz, "Beziehungen zur christlichen Archologie", J a h r b u c h fr L i t u r g i e w i s s e n s c h a f t , XIII (1935), p. 311, n. 1. 2. How true this actually is, will appear later. 6

3. Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens, pp. 13L; Grabar, "La fresque des saintes femmes", pp. 9-26. 4. See e.g. H . Lietzmann's review of R e p . V in G n o m o n , XIII (1937), P- 33; - Mle, R o m e et ses v i e i l l e s glises,
2 E

(Paris, 1942), p. 48.

82
1

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS
intertestamental period the evidence for the association of angels and astral powers and has even culled from early Syriac patristic writings relevant passages, like those i n the h y m n s of E p h r a e m that identify the angel of the A n n u n ciation a n d the star that guided the three wise m e n . I t is not necessary t o t r y to m u l t i p l y the evidence from the S y r i a c Church Fathers i n support of M i l e . Villette's thesis, b u t i t m a y be worth p o i n t i n g out that i n the passages she quoted the word used for " a n g e l " is the Syriac ' i k d , that is "watcher", a technical t e r m applied to a special category of stars, perhaps the 30 stars of the Chaldeans of w h i c h Diodorus speaks, w h o m he calls (3ouAaioi 6EO, a n d of w h o m he says that "they watch over the affairs of men and at the same time also over the things that happen i n h e a v e n " . I n this connection i t m a y be helpful t o refer to a passage i n the Syriac D o c t r i n e of A d d a i which says,
8 9

tomb at Jerusalem. B u t the suggestion is necessarily ruled out if we are correct i n maintaining that the B a p t i s t e r y artist d i d not i n fact show the top of the sarcophagus lid t u r n i n g up at its ends to provide the emplacement for such decorative elements, b u t was merely careless i n failing t o carry the diagonal lines of the lid down between the rays of the stars t o their natural end a n d i n not applying his background color t o the narrow spaces between the rays and the l i d . Other suggestions have gone still farther afield for their inspiration, interpreting the stars as a convention borrowed b y the artist from contemporary funerary art and intended either to emphasize the cosmic importance of the event portrayed or to relate it to current conceptions of apotheosis. None of these, however, c a n compete i n their propriety to the religious beliefs of early Mesopotamian Christianity w i t h the suggestion of Jeanne Villette that the stars actually represent the angels of the B i b l i c a l empty tomb stones, whose absence other commentators have found so strange. The suggestion may seem bizarre to those accustomed to deal w i t h the monuments of early Christian art from the Mediterranean environment, where no examples of a similar iconography for angels have as yet been spotted. B u t i t is only relatively recently that we have learned from the D u r a Synagogue how the Jews of Mesopotamia represented angels, as members of the celestial court hierarchy. G i v e n the much stronger influence of astrological lore upon the Christians of Mesopotamia, t o which attention has been called above, there is a priori no reason w h y they should not at this early time have fallen back upon and been satisfied w i t h a star i n t r y i n g to get a n artist to represent what they meant when they spoke about an angel. Mile. Villette has marshaled w i t h great care from the Jewish religious literature of the
2 3 4 5 6 7

"Those who guarded the grave (the watchers set there b y t h e Jewish authorities according to the B i b l i c a l narrative) saw not how he (Christ) went forth from the grave; b u t the watchers of the heights ('ir drm) were those who announced a n d proclaimed his resurrection (to the w o m e n ) " .
10

The interpretation of the two stars i n the scene on the north wall of the D u r a Baptistery, proposed by Mile. V i l l e t t e , we are thus inclined to accept. I t has several implications, as w i l l appear i n due
8. The most important of the passages from Ephraem is that in which the Virgin Mary and the Wise Men engage in the following dialogue: Mary says, Angelus revelavit mihi quando concepi Filium meum regem futurum sse. Signicavitque mihi sicut et vobis Eius diadema ex alto esse et solvi numquam posse. The Magi reply, Angelus igitur de quo loquaris Ipse est qui venit sub forma stellae Et apparuit nobis atque nuntiavit Puerum tuum sideribus majorem at gloriosiorem fore. H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , X V , 40 f., e d . Lamy, I, coll. 139L 9. Diodorus, B i b l i o t h e c a histrica, II, 30, 6. Daniel 4, 13 speaks of Nebuchadnezzar seeing a "watcher, a holy one" come down from heaven in a dream. In the pseudepigraphic B o o k of E n o c h . , 20, 1 the term "watcher" is applied to archangels. 10. E d . Phillips, p. 18.

1. Grabar, " L a fresque des saintes femmes," pp. 9-26. 2. See above p. 77. 3. See Seston, "L'glise", pp. 168-170, and R. du Mesnil du Buisson, "Un symbol du ciel infrieure: le croissant boulet", B u l l e t i n de l a Socit n a t i o n a l e d e s

antiquaires

de France

(1941), pp. 240L

4. "Que reprsente la grande fresque", pp. 398-413. 5. See Th. Klauser's article s . v . Engel in R f A C , IV

(i960), coll. 258-322.

6. See F i n a l R e p o r t , VIII, 1, pp. 73-74. 7. For the role of astrology in Mesopotamian Christianity see below p. 125.

THE

WALLS

83

course, two of which should be mentioned here. The first concerns the unusual color used b y the artist for the flames of the torches carried b y the women. The color is black, not the yellow that one might expect, indeed the one color one would not have expected h i m t o use i n a n y case. F o r this detail also the early Christian religious literature of Mesopotamia offers a n explanation. I n the popular hagiographic literature of the region stories of epiphanies are b y no means uncommon. One, recounted i n the Syriac Acts of Thomas, deserves special attention here. T h e epiphany occurs at the occasion of a b a p t i s m which, as usual in the practice reflected here, occurs at night and i n this instance i n a public bath. The nocturnal performance of the rite is made possible b y the use of lamps lighting the chamber. W h e n the celestial visitor enters the room the light of the lamps is said suddenly to be rendered d i m , i n contrast of course t o the visitor's own superior brilliance. We suggest that i n the scene under discussion here the artist rendered the flames of the torches black precisely to show the contrast between the brilliance of the stars as celestial visitors whose raiment is said b y L u k e t o "flash like l i g h t n i n g " (24, 4: EV EoOfjTi &oTpanro\>OT|), and the mundane light of the torches.
1

space used b y the artist i n composing the t h i r d element of the sequence of scenes under discussion here. O n this point B a u r l a c k e d precise information because what he learned about the first and second elements of the sequence came to h i m after the composition of his interpretation, as indicated above, and i n an inexact and garbled version of the facts.
2

The second implication t o be mentioned here is that i f the identification of the stars as the angelic visitors of the B i b l i c a l empty tomb stones is correct the Gospel of M a r k can not have been the source and inspiration of the artist's composition as B a u r maintained, for M a r k mentions only one angel at the tomb, n o t two. Indeed, as we have already noted above, the description of the angel given b y M a r k , " a young m a n clad i n a white robe", is among those used b y the several E v a n gelists the one least l i k e l y t o have suggested representing h i m b y a star. To proceed from this negative inference t o a positive appraisal of the f o r m of the B i b l i c a l tradition used b y the artist i n the representation of the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ it is necessary first to point t o another particular i n w h i c h B a u r ' s interpretation is misleading, namely that of the number of women represented i n the scene. This is a question of the amount of
1. E d . Wright, A p o c r y p h a l A c t s of the A p o s t l e s , II, p. 167.

In describing the Christian B u i l d i n g as a structure, we stated that the north w a l l of the Baptistery ( R o o m 6) was 6.80m. long. A t the right (east) end of that wall, where the preservation of the painted plaster surface is continuous from the t u r n of the corner, i t is possible t o account for 1.120 m . of that length as having been used for the end of the field on the east w a l l carried around the corner (0.24 m.), andforthe representation of the "door" (0.735 m.) w i t h its vertical jambs (o. 070 m . and o. 075 m . respectively) . This leaves a balance of 5.68 m . A t the left (west) end, the surface of the n o r t h wall was p a r t l y obscured b y the font and its canopy, w h i c h on this side of the room projected 1.583 m . into the chamber at a distance of 0.228 m . from the surface of the w a l l . The columns supporting the canopy of the font were set back 0.02 m . from the face and the side of the font, as is natural. I n decorating the room the artist painted the n o r t h and south walls to their extreme western end, even where they were partially hidden b y the font and its canopy, but he deemed it sufficient here to continue the register divider a l l the w a y a n d t o a p p l y t o the zones above a n d below i t a solid blue color. The important question i n the present context is how much of the west end of the n o r t h w a l l was thus painted blue and how far from that end of the w a l l d i d the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b begin? O n this point exact information is unfortunately missing, but the distance c a n none the less be calculated fairly accurately. T h a t the scene d i d not begin on a line w i t h the outer edge of the font b u t continued beyond i t is clearly shown on the photograph that is P I . X X X I X . 1. This is only natural because
3 4 5 6

2. See above p. ix. 3. See above p. 73. 4. See above p. 26. 5. See above p. 47. 6. In setting the left end of the scene out from the face of the font the reconstruction of the Baptistery in the Yale Art Gallery has made it more visible to museum

6*

DESCRIPTION: THE DECORATIONS

If the north w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y was 6.80 m . long a n d we subtract from this 1.120 m . for the separate decorative development of the east end of the w a l l and c a . 1.388 m . for the west end of the wall that was painted blue, the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b can be said to have h a d a n approximate length of 4.29m. N o w the space occupied b y the several elements of the composition beginning at its left end and running as far as the left elbow of the second woman is k n o w n because of the continuous preservation of the plaster surface and can be tabulated as follows: 1. F r o m the left end of the composition to the left side of the sarcophagus, r e d background providing for emplacement of a star o . 225 m . 2. The Sarcophagus 1.420 m . 3. F r o m the right side of the sarcophagus t o the fingers of the extended right h a n d of the first woman, r e d background providing for the emplacement of a star 0.210 m . 4. F r o m the fingers of the right h a n d of the first woman t o the t i p of her own left elbow 0.510 m . 5. F r o m the left elbow of the first w o m a n to the left elbow of the second w o m a n 0.445 m . Total 2.810 m .

from the interior of the room and b y reason of the round column shafts, set back as they were from both faces of the font, a certain portion of the wall beside the font and canopy was always clearly i n view a n d would therefore naturally have commended itself for the continuation of the type of decoration applied to the rest of the chamber. The diagram of Pearson made i n 1932-33 a n d showing the organization of the decorations applied to the n o r t h a n d south walls of the B a p t i s t e r y confirms this and indicates that the artist placed the vertical left face of the sarcophagus a few centimeters out from the line of the columns supporting the canopy of the font (PI. X X X I I I ) . N o w we k n o w that the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b continued 0.225 m . beyond and to the left of the left face of the sarcophagus, where the red background ends i n a d a r k vertical line or stripe. If we assume that the left face of the sarcophagus was placed as m u c h as 0.05 m . out from the line of the columns supporting the canopy, this implies that the red background providing room for the representation of the left star continued o. 175 m . b e y o n d and to the west of the line of the column a n d that the scene therefore began c a . 1.388 m . from the west e n d of the north w a l l . F i g . 8, showing the approximate line of v i s i b i l i t y

Tomb. In keeping with the diagram of Pearson (PI. X X X I I I ) this has been set out 0.05 m. from the place, indicated by Point B where a line projected along the face of the columns supporting the canopy of the font would meet the west wall of the Baptistery. Point C, o. 175 m. farther along, marks the line along which the red background of the scene of the Women at the Tomb, known to continue 0.225m. beyond the end of the sarcophagus, would on this emplacement terminate. The line projected from Point C past the face of the adjacent column toward the center of the room shows that the left end of the scene of the Women at the Tomb, so emplaced, would be visible even to one standing v\s\S\\\\ at the foot of the step leading to the font. Points D and E indicate the gap 0.228 m. wide across which the scene is seen. The distance from Points C to D, which the diagram FIG. 8 helps us ascertain, is 1.583 m., the distance the font projects from the west wall of the room, less 0.02 m., the for the left end of the scene thus emplaced, w i l l distance the columns are set back from the face of the help to elucidate and justify the general propriety font, less 0.175 m., the distance the red background continues beyond the face of the columns, or 1.388 m. of the calculation m a d e . On the south wall of the room, where the background of the scene of the Woman at the Well was done in the visitors but is clearly in error. Cf. the field photograph, same blue color that was used to paint the registers at Pl.XLIV. 1. In Fig. 8 Point A indicates the line on which the the sides of the font, the question of scene emplacement sarcophagus ends in the scene of the Women at the does not arise in the same fashion.
;

THE WALLS

85

Since the fingers of the extended right hand of the toward the north wall. T h e north wall starts t h i r d woman are preserved on the same piece of w i t h the b o t t o m of a door, of which I have sent plaster w i t h the left elbow of the second, since you no picture, then has a personage or two, the left elbow of the t h i r d woman happens to be then the three w i t h torch and bowl, finally the shown on the separate piece of plaster forming the white building [the sarcophagus] w i t h the two second element of the composition preserved, a n d stars." since the figures are generally homogeneous i n representation i t is possible to calculate the space Once i t is recognized that the scene of the used as far as the t h i r d woman. F o r this calculation W o m e n at the T o m b on the north w a l l of the D u r a it would seem fair to a d d approximately 0.50 m . Baptistery h a d room for a n d probably showed to the t o t a l given i n the tabulation above, this five women approaching the sarcophagus, certain being a possible average for the individual figure features i n the decoration of the lower register suggested b y what we know of the first two and b y begin to become intelligible. I n the first place i t the spacing of the figures i n the scene o n the east becomes understandable and l i k e l y that the scenes w a l l . Of the approximately 4.290 m . available for on the east and north walls are parts of a continthe scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b 2.810m. uous sequence i n which the same figures appear plus 0.50m. m a k i n g a total of 3.310m. is thus twice. Indeed, using the feet and lower extremities accounted for. B u t this leaves almost a meter, not of the figures on the east wall to supply what has less than 0.98m., unaccounted for at the right been destroyed of the figures on the east wall, and end of the field! Can i t be that the artist left so completing the upper part of the figures o n the large a part of this field blank ? That the answer to east w a l l b y borrowing what the north w a l l has this question has to be negative is clearly demon- preserved, i t is possible to reconstruct the sequence strated b y the small t h i r d element of the compo- hypothetically i n a l l its basic elements as suggested sition, hitherto neglected, which is preserved i n one i n PI. X L V I . I n addition, i t becomes possible to piece w i t h the representation of the door and has offer alternative explanations for the inconsistency been described above. This, it w i l l be recalled, i n the rendering of detail noted above, namely the forms the lower right corner of the field and shows fact that the area outlined b y black bands to on the r e d background the beginning of a brown provide the left j a m b of the door that forms the base line such as was used also on the east wall for second element of the sequence is painted red the emplacement of figures. I t would be difficult rather than white as the right jamb i s . E i t h e r the to escape the inference that the almost meter-long artist has permitted himself this inconsistency to section of the field beginning at the left of the door show that the door is to be associated both w i t h and left unaccounted for beyond the t h i r d of the the interior of the tomb chamber a n d w i t h the women showed other figures or objects set on this exterior location of the scene on the east wall, or base line. A p p l y i n g the proportions used above the else he continued the background color of the space available would provide almost exactly for scene i n the interior of the tomb to its m a x i m u m two additional figures m a k i n g a total of five! extent to avoid giving the impression of having That there were thus originally five women w i t h crowded his five women into too narrow a space. torches beside the sarcophagus i n the scene on the F i n a l l y , i t becomes possible on the strength of a north wall, as G . Millet and J . Pijoan had guessed, more complete knowledge of the compositions i n the was also the impression of H o p k i n s at the time the sequence to come to grips w i t h the question of the east wall and the east end of the north wall were narrative used as the source of the representation. excavated. T h i s is set forth i n the letter of H o p k i n s H a v i n g abandoned B a u r ' s interpretation of the to Rostovtzeff dated A p r i l 18, 1932, which says i n scene on the north w a l l as representing the "three part, M a r y s " at the T o m b of Christ, and h a v i n g thus " A s y o u know, o n the east wall of the chapel discounted not only J o h n a n d M a t t h e w b u t also there are the feet of five personages heading M a r k as the inspiration of the composition there
3 1 2 4

. 1. See above p. 73. 2. See above p. 75.

3. See below p. 231. 4. See above p. 75.

86

DESCRIPTION: THE

DECORATIONS

story is still i n matters of detail an enigma. A l l the supposed western versions, especially the L a t i n of V i c t o r of Capua a n d the D u t c h , as well as the actual A r a b i c version, are late a n d have been revised t o bring the treatment of the material more closely into line w i t h the text of the canonical Gospels. E v e n Ephraem's C o m m e n t a r y o n the D i a t e s s a r o n , a priori the most promising source for our knowledge of the harmony, comes t o us i n the A r m e n i a n and permits only incidental insights into the wording of individual passages, namely i n so far as i t is possible t o infer from the A r m e n i a n what the Syriac text was like that E p h r a e m used. U n d e r the circumstances i t is too m u c h t o expect that we should be able t o recapture from the surviving versions of Tatian's work precisely what is required to explain fully either the five-fold number of the women i n the D u r a scenes or the exact reason for the concatenation of more than one scene i n the series as the artist has constructed it. T h e A r a b i c D i a t e s s a r o n , for instance, follows A t this point the reason for the fundamental L u k e 24, 10 closely i n mentioning " M a r y Magdadifference between the scenes of the Resurrection lene, Joanna, M a r y the mother of James a n d the Sequence i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and the related rest of those (women) that were w i t h t h e m " . scenes i n a l l of later Christian art must begin to But we k n o w from the Greek fragment that these become apparent. Whether they show two women "other women who h a d followed h i m from Galilee" encountering a seated angel outside the tomb as i n and who appear previously i n L u k e 23, 49-50 the eastern ironography or three as i n the West, were transformed b y T a t i a n into "the wives of whether they show Christ meeting two women i n those who had been his disciples since Galilee".* the garden as i n the xalpETe compositions of the This means that the "other w o m e n " really belong E a s t or only M a r y Magdelene as i n the n o l i me to a category other than that of those mentioned t a n g e r e compositions of the West, the scenes i n the by name, which includes mothers of disciples, such familiar repertory of Christian art a l l derive from as the mother of James a n d the mother of the sons and represent episodes of one or another canonical of Zebedee. I n the several canonical Gospels we Gospel. I f the D u r a sequence is different, must i t actually have a total of five women mentioned b y not be because i t represents a harmonization of name i n the complex of the Passion and ResurGospel narratives rather t h a n some one i n d i v i d u a l rection stories, namely M a r y Magdalene, M a r y the Gospel ? A s the source of such a harmonization i t is mother of James and Joseph (or Joses), the mother not necessary t o postulate some especially en- of the sons of Zebedee, Salome and Joanna. I t is dowed member of the D u r a congregation. T h e commonly assumed b y N e w Testament commentext of a harmony was directly at h a n d i n the 2. From the extensive literature on Tatian's D i a t e s D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n w h i c h is known to have been s a r o n it will suffice to refer here to T. Zahn, F o r s c h u n g e n read at D u r a from the fragment of the Greek z u r G e s c h i c h t e des n e u t e s l a m e n t l i c l i e n K a n o n s I (Erlangen, original discovered there, a n d which was probably 1881); for the older material, to D. Plooj, A p r i m i t i v e the only form i n w h i c h the local congregation t e x t of the D i a t e s s a r o n (Leyden, 1923), A . S. Mamardji's edition of the Arabic D i a t e s s a r o n (Beirut, 1935), and knew Gospel s t o r y . L. Leloir's edition of Ephraem's E v a n g e l i i c o n c o r d a n t i s would seem to remain only L u k e . L u k e 24, 1-4 does indeed provide for a group of women to come to the tomb equipped w i t h unguents, to enter the tomb a n d to encounter there two angels clad i n rayment that "flashed like lightning", but to regard h i m as a source for the five-fold number of the women is difficult. I n listing the members of the group L u k e does add t o the three mentioned b y name (Mary Magdalene, J o a n n a and M a r y mother of James) a reference t o "the other women with t h e m " (24, 10), from which one might conceivably deduce a t o t a l of five b y supposing that the artist added t o the three named the m i n i m u m number (two) that would satisfy the p l u r a l of "the other women". B u t this k i n d of calculation would seem foreign t o the procedures of artistic composition because too artificial a n d scholastic. N o r does L u k e provide any tangible basis for the development from his narrative of a sequence of two successive scenes portraying the same group of five at two junctures i n the unfolding of the action.
2 3 1

A b o u t the D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n the one most obvious fact is that its original rendering of Gospel
1. See above p. 32.

e x p o s i t i o , ( C S C O 145, S A 2, 1954).

3. E d . Mamardji, p. 505-507.

from

4. Kraeling, A Greek F r a g m e n t of T a t i a n ' s D i a t e s s a r o n D u r a (London, 1935), pp. 23-30.

THE

WALLS

87

If, therefore, no one i n d i v i d u a l canonical Gospel provides two successive episodes needed to explain the construction of the Resurrection sequence, i t is again logical t o look to a h a r m o n y of their narratives as the source of the representation. In the A r a b i c version of the D i a t e s s a r o n , which as indicated above is b y no means a completely trustworthy rendering of the original of Tatian's harmony, we do have none the less approximately the fusion of Gospel narratives required to account for the artist's imagery. The unified narrative as T a t i a n constructs i t does bring i n succession first the episode of the removal of the stone from the sepulcher, using Matthew's circumstantial account, Proceeding from the five-fold number of the and second the visit of the women t o the interior of the tomb chamber. W h a t is more important, i t women t o the question w h y they were represented is explicit i n saying about the women not merely twice i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , i t must be obvious that the artist h a d a more cogent reason than that t h e y found the stone removed, b u t also that merely that of showing his characters before and they found the angel seated over (i.e., "above", not "on") the stone. This, then, is the first exafter they entered into the tomb. Something about perience of the women at the tomb, one that occurs the sequence of Gospel narrative as he knew i t must be supposed t o have provided a basis for outside. T h e narrative of T a t i a n then continues depicting t w o successive episodes i n v o l v i n g the w i t h the statement that " w h e n he (the angel same persons b u t each contributing something seated over the stone) h a d left, the women entered significant t o the sequence he was at such pains t o into the sepulcher" where next they encountered organize. N o w the i n d i v i d u a l canonical Gospels, the other angelic visitors. This, then, forms a each t a k e n b y itself, cannot be said t o provide a second episode i n the experience of the women at satisfactory reason for the construction of such a the t o m b . sequence. M a r k reports the women as being It is precisely this k i n d of a succession of worried about r e m o v i n g the stone from the door of episodes, each forming a significant, separate and the tomb a n d finding i t already removed, b u t has direct part i n the experience of the women o n nothing happen u n t i l t h e y enter the chamber where they encounter the y o u n g m a n dressed i n alone to the tomb, flees at once when she sees the stone rolled away, leaving it to Peter and "the other disciple" white (Mark 16, 1-8). L u k e , who is even briefer i n to investigate the situation. To assume that the first his reference t o the stone rolled away, places his scene of the sequence represents the women watching emphasis s t i l l more fully o n what happened i n how Christ's body was laid in the tomb on the day of the Crucifixion (Luke 23, 55) would seem to require either the tomb (Luke. 24, 1-11). O n l y M a t t h e w recounts the representation of more persons, or the tomb with the i n detail how the angel descended from heaven, door closed or both, and scarcely adds significantly to rolled away the stone a n d sat upon i t , terrifying the what the sequence of scenes could contribute in a Baptistery, where the purpose of the decorations was cerguards, and announcing Christ's resurrection to the tainly not to prove the fact of Christ's resurrection by women, b u t M a t t h e w says nothing about a sequel showing that the same persons who had seen Christ's inside the chamber of the tomb, even leaving i t body put in the tomb had later witnessed to its disappearance. unclear whether the women availed themselves 3. Arabic D i a t e s s a r o n , LII, 45-LIII, 4, e d . Mamardji, of the angel's i n v i t a t i o n t o take a look inside the pp. 505-507. The Arabic version has one unexpected feature in the development of its narrative in this context, t o m b before they left the scene i n fear and great namely that it follows Mark in attributing to the "young joy (Matthew 28, 1-8). man in white garments" inside the tomb the words which tators that the group is reducible t o four, Salome and the mother of the sons of Zebedee being one and the same, M a t t h e w h a v i n g substituted the latter for the former i n 27, 56 i n reproducing M a r k 15,46. B u t here the Greek fragment again comes t o our help b y showing that T a t i a n included i n his list of those who witnessed Christ's death b o t h the mother of the sons of Zebedee a n d Salome, keeping the t w o d i s t i n c t . I t is therefore a fair assumption that as a harmonist t r y i n g to bring into accord the diverse strands of Gospel tradition T a t i a n m a y well have come out w i t h the five-fold number of the W o m e n at the T o m b as the D u r a artist represents them.
1 3 2

1. Kraeling, o p . c i t . , p. 12. So also the Arabic. 2. John 20, 1 is, of course, even less satisfactory as a source of the imagery because Mary Magdalene, coming

Luke has the angel seated on the stone outside the tomb utter. Since this causes a duplication of events inside the tomb it may well be that the Arabic version here suffers from a transposition of elements.

88

DESCRIPTION: T H E DECORATIONS
the stone. It says "removed", and speaks alternately of the stone being removed "from the door" and "from the sepulcher". B u t this is scarcely satisfactory or decisive. Perhaps it is more to the point to say that tombs the opening of which was closed b y heavy stone discs rolling i n a groove are not common, if they existed at a l l , i n the environment of the D u r a Baptistery artist, and that he or those who commissioned his work m a y have been h a r d put to it to visualize such a n arrangement. One could imagine that under the circumstances the artist fell back upon the heavy stone doors, paneled i n i m i t a t i o n of wood, that were and are familiar parts of chamber tomb installations i n the area, being satisfied to come that close to the representation of an object that would have required a special show of strength to t u r n on its hinges. Perhaps, however, the substitution of the stone doors for the stone that was removed is of a piece w i t h the sarcophagus as a feature of Christ's entombment and represents a conceptualization and \dsualization of the events and circumstances whose origin escapes us entirely. It w o u l d scarcely be proper, however, to let the unintelligibility of such detail interfere w i t h the proper appraisal of the compositions on the east and north walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y i n the lower register as a sequence of closely corresponding scenes jiistifying the twofold representation of the same h u m a n participants and depending on a harmonization of Gospel record.

Easter morning that is required for the construction of the Resurrection Sequence i n the D u r a B a p tistery. I n the first episode the women are the witnesses of the tomb having been opened b y the angel charged with this special task. Hence they are shown approaching the entrance to the tomb whose doors are ajar. A l l that is needed to make the separate importance of the episode evident is to supply " a b o v e " (not "on") the p a r t l y open leaves of the t o m b door, i n the part of the scene that is destroyed, just such a star (that is an angel whose "appearance was like lightning") as appears also i n the second scene. I n the second episode, after the angel " a b o v e " the stone has left, the women become the witnesses of what the celestial visitors inside the tomb chamber have to communicate. W i t h the succession of episodes and the repetition of the figures of the women thus accounted for, it remains to ask o n l y w h y i n the Resurrection Sequence the half-open leaves of the tomb door should have replaced "the stone that was rolled a w a y " and that forms such a regular feature b o t h of the stories i n the canonical Gospels and i n the scenes of the women outside the tomb i n ancient Christian art. It is doubtful whether a thoroughly satisfactory answer can be given to this question at the present state of our knowledge of the D i a t e s s a r o n and of early Christian religious beliefs i n Mesopotamia. A s a matter of fact the A r a b i c version of the D i a t e s s a r o n does not say "rolled away", anymore t h a n it has the angel sit " o n "

GRAFFITI A N D DIPINTI
T w e n t y texts or drawings were found scratched or painted o n the w a l l plaster of the Christian building. F o u r of these, a l l from R o o m 4, occurred on a n undercoat and h a d been covered b y a t h i n additional layer of plaster subsequently. One of these (10) is reported b y the excavator, Hopkins, to have been impressed into the plaster while wet, and thus dates the application of this undercoat to A . D . 232/3. The other three, an alphabet (11) and two drawings of cavalrymen (12-13), must have been scratched somewhat later, a n d a l l t o u r would precede i n date the remaining graffito from the room, 9. Since no evidence of replastering elsewhere i n the building was reported b y the excavator or noted b y me when I studied the then cleared portions i n M a r c h of 1931, the texts found there m a y be earlier or later than those i n R o o m 4, but there is nothing to suggest that any of these is earlier t h a n the last two or three decades before the siege of 256/7.
1

a conical helmet with facepiece. I n conformity w i t h the requirements of light and heavy cavalry respectively, the lancer's horse is mail-clad, the archer's horse not. B o t h show o n shoulder a n d haunch circles which Rostovtzeff interpreted as brands, but which m a y better be taken for metal plates or phalarae which served both as decoration and as fastenings for the harness. There is nothing to indicate specifically whether the artist represented the Iranian nobles or mounted troops of the Persian army or R o m a n q u i t s of the garrison. The presence of a Semitic graffito on the flank of the horse i n 12 is not decisive i n either direction.
4 5

F i v e of the texts i n the building are Greek alphabets and one is a Syriac alphabet. A l l but one (11) of these occur i n the Court. There is no clue to the date of a n y except that 11 occurs o n the undercoat of plaster i n R o o m 4. This is far the largest concentration of alphabets found i n a n y building at D u r a , where they are i n general O n l y two of the texts i n the building supply common. Other t h a n these, five L a t i n and eleven (or twelve?) alphabets i n v a r y i n g degrees of dates, and one of these (2) gives only a month and day. T h e other (10) gives a year according to the completeness and correctness have been found i n Seleucid E r a which corresponds t o the period the c i t y , a l l dipinti or graffiti but showing every variety of composition from the roughest scratching October 232 September 233 . The two drawings of cavalrymen (12-13) were to the formal a n d monumental. T h e alphabet described i n detail b y Rostovtzeff and later dis- from the Temple of B e l . was a formal painted cussed b y B r o w n i n connection w i t h the armor border to a fresco of the pronaos. Another Greek found i n the excavations, a n d there is no need alphabet occurred i n the Temple of the G a d d to repeat their technical remarks. B o t h riders and one i n the Temple of A z z a n a t h k o n a , where; wear b o d y armor of plates, rings, and scales; 12 may show also armor of chainmail. The rider of region, but the examples have never been collected and 12 is a n archer, armed w i t h the compound bow. studied. Plutarch called this style T O v&aiKhov from the adjective meaning "with up-swept hair" which has H i s head is protected only b y a mass of hair or occurred in papyri of the third century B.C. (Preisigke, w i g . H i s counterpart i n 13 is a lancer, and wears Wrterbuch, s . v . ) , and explained, it as Scythian and
6 2 3

1. For Professor Kraeling's comments on these texts,

see above, pp. 12-38.

2. See my summary, E o s , X L V I I I , 3 (Symbolae R a p h a e l i T a u b e n s c k l a g D e d i c a t a e , Warsaw, 1957), pp.

designed to impart terror (Life of C r a s s u s , 24, 2). 4. E . Saglio in Daremberg-Saglio, D i c t i o n n a i r e d e s Antiquits G r e c q u e s et R o m a i n e s , IV (1907), pp. 425-427;

F.

Lammert in P W , X I X , 2, (1938), 1659-1662. A

47^-4733. Rostovtzeff ( R e p . I V , p. 214) interprets in the former way: "The coiffure . . . is typically Parthian, the hair being drawn surrounding the head in the fashion of a halo" (also Y a l e C l a s s i c a l S t u d i e s , V , 1935, p. 265, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , 1938, p. 96). Various styles of this coiffure have appeared at Dura and elsewhere in the

number of bronze objects identified as phalarae have been found at Dura and published by N . Toll, F i n a l R e p o r t , IV, 1, pp. 8-10. 5. The cavalry elements in Dura at this time were the five turmae of the Twentieth Palmyrene Cohort (R. O. Fink in F i n a l R e p o r t , V, 1, pp. 28-30). 6. These are listed, R e p . I X , 3, p. 40, n. 42. Probably R e p . V I , p. 485, no. 807 should be added.

go

DESCRIPTION: GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

alphabets played later o n i n the dedication of churches. The two acclamations, both specifically Christian, occur i n the baptistery. 18 is an apparently new example of the well-known type T O V 6EOV aoi, of which m a n y instances have been collected a n d discussed b y W i l h e l m and Robert. I t is followed, as elsewhere also not infrequently, b y the wish that the writer m a y be remembered favorably b y the god. T h e other (15) is a rare a n d specifically Christian variant on the familiar ET$ 0E6$; slogan.
5

however, i t probably belonged to the period when the temple h a d been taken over b y the R o m a n a r m y for m i l i t a r y purposes; this was certainly true of the two L a t i n alphabets found i n the same building. Otherwise the alphabets have all occurred in secular buildings, two i n the Palace of the D u x and the rest i n private houses. W e know the large role played b y the alphabet i n antiquity i n religion and m a g i c and although there is nothing to compel such an interpretation of the D u r a examples, there is also no obstacle t o i t . Astrology is well represented at D u r a and the letters p l a y a large part i n astrology. A p a r t from the alphabets, there are otherwise meaningless collections of letters, some of which m a y have a hidden meaning. I t is natural t o regard these alphabets as intended t o produce good luck or avert evil, and it is impossible to suppose that a l l of them, at least, were mere exercises i n calligraphy, especially when i n one case t w o L a t i n alphabets are followed b y the formula, uvr|cr9fj 6 y p a y a s .
1 2 3 4

Names occur i n five of the texts, but except for the t y p i c a l l y Durene ZICTCUO$ of 17, they are a l l foreign types i n the c i t y . T h e AcopoOEos of 10 has occurred once before at D u r a , i n a p a r t l y restored text on a fragment of pottery, but it is not t y p i c a l . The solitary HpS$ of 16 is also common elsewhere, though new at D u r a . B u t TTctuAos; (9) and TTpoKAoS (18, if that is correctly restored) are of L a t i n origin, and are borne at D u r a only b y members of the garrison.
6 e 7

The same m a y w i t h equal force be argued i n the case of the alphabets i n the Christian building, although none occurs i n the demonstrably Christian part of i t ; and the high concentration is suspicious. Particular interest attaches to the Syriac alphabet (3) because this is unique, I believe, not only for D u r a b u t elsewhere as well. B u t northern Mesopotamia a n d notably Edessa was Christian at this time, as is discussed elsewhere i n this volume. There is, of course, no hkelihood that any of these alphabets had such a liturgical function as
1. The basic study remains that of F . Dornseiff, D a s A l p h a b e t i n M y s t i k u n d M a g i e (Leipzig, 1925). Cf. also Cumont's discussion, F o i c i l l e s , pp. 119L The operation of an alphabetical weeja-board is described in Ammianus Marcellinus, X X I X , i , 30. 2. Notably in the text published by Kraeling, R e p . V, PP- 93-97. and in the horoscopes, of which the most recent publication is that of O. Neugebauer and H . B. Van Hoesen, Greek H o r o s c o p e s (1959: The American Philosophical Society), nos. 176, 219, 1, and 250, 1; cf. also p. 162.

The names i n 19 and 20, D a v i d and Goliath, are only labels attached to the fresco. Three texts are of doubtful significance a n d reading: 14, 6 and 7. 1. Courtyard, scratched on a detached fragment of masonry. Copied b y me i n 1931 and published from a tracing which is now lost. A p p a r e n t l y a n incomplete a n d inaccurate alphabet. L e n g t h , 18 cm., height, 5 cm., letters 1.5-2 c m . Rep. I V , p . 177, no. 368. ABA! K (or P) E H 0 Z

2. Courtyard, a graffito on the west wall south of the door leading into R o o m 5. Copied b y me i n 1931 a n d b y H o p k i n s later i n the same year. Height above floor, 1.69m., length 9.5 c m . , letters 2.5 c m . Rep. I V , pp. 175L, no. 361.
8

3. So for example Rep. I V , pp. 130-132, nos. 261, 262, 265, 269; p. 168, 110. 340; R e p . V, p. 125, no. 439. The

well-known device of the palindrome occurs in R e p . V, p. 93, no. 413 (ABAANA0AABA). Enigmatic but very suggestive is Rep. V, p. 158, no. 477: C<0TC( O T TplCOU. dO [ T r EEE AA ZZ TTICTT"

4. R e p . V, 158, no. 480; cf. R e p . V I , p. 485. Cf. also the Greek alphabet found at Naples followed by the words, KeAsforccv(Tos) T O O 6eo0. ( R E , Suppl. I l l , 1918, 85 f.; Keune).

5. In the dedication of churches, the bishop drew a Greek and a Latin alphabet in a cruciform arrangement in ashes spread on the floor (the references are given by Cumont, F o u i l l e s , p. 120, n. 2). 6. On the demography of Dura as revealed in the names of various periods cf. my "Population of Roman Dura", in P. R. Coleman-Norton, S t u d i e s i n Roman E c o n o m i c a n d S o c i a l H i s t o r y i n H o n o r of A l l a n C h e s t e r

Johnson

(Princeton, 1951), pp. 251-274.

7. F i n a l R e p o r t , V, I, Indices, p. 437. 8. Above, p. 89, n. 2.

GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

Aeiou i

91

FIG. a

b y me i n 1931 and b y H o p k i n s later i n the same year. A n incomplete alphabet. Height above floor, 1.12 m., length, 34 cm., height, 14 cm., letters, 5-6 c m . Rep. I V , p. 176, no. 363.

T h e t e n t h of D i u s would correspond to the tenth of September i n the R o m a n calendar i n use i n D u r a i n the t h i r d century. H o p k i n s reports traces of an illegible second line. 3. C o u r t y a r d , a graffito on the west wall south of the door leading into R o o m 5, below 2. Copied b y me i n 1931, but not published. Height above floor 1.30 m . , length 26 cm., height 8 cm., letters 1-1.5 c m .

ABrAEZH 9IKAMN20
6. Courtyard, a graffito on the west j a m b of the doorway leading into R o o m 4. Copied b y me i n 1931. H e i g h t above t h r e s h o l d , ^ i . 39 m . , length, 14 cm., letters, 1-2 c m . Rep. I V , p . 176, no. 364.

FIG. C

-^

02
1

^ I reproduce the tracing made i n 1931. Since the original publication, no explanation of this and its companion text, 7, has appeared, B o t h are w r i t t e n rather t h a n scratched i n a practiced, graceful, sloping hand. T o be expected w o u l d be a name, a n acclamation, a date, or other topical reference. T h e beginning could be read T or FIO (for this as an abbreviation cf. Rep. I V , p. 125, no. 247, and p . 140), perhaps surmounted b y A and followed b y A . A t the end, APT&) seems unavoidable. A dative or a verb is equally difficult. 7. Courtyard, a graffito on the west j a m b of the doorway leading into R o o m 4, below 6. Copied b y me i n 1931. H e i g h t above threshold, 1.26 m . length, 20 cm., letters, 2 c m . Rep. I V , pp. 176 f., no. 365.

FIG. b

T h e t r a i n e d eye of Professor K r a e l i n g recognized a S y r i a c alphabet i n the rough copy reproduced here, a n d made b y me w i t h no knowledge of the subject. T h e letter forms m a y conveniently be compared w i t h those of inscriptions dating respectively A . B . 6, 73, and 165, reproduced b y A . M a r i c q i n S y r i a , X X X I X (1962), p. 94. The resemblance, while not high, is closest to the latest of these, as w o u l d be expected, but later mosaics from Edessa are quite different. Certain letters are clearly recognizable: he, v a v , zayin, mem, samekh, a y i n , pe, qoph, shin (this is part i c u l a r l y striking), tav. Most of the others are unrecognizable. 4. C o u r t y a r d , a dipinto on the south wall west of the door leading into R o o m 4. Copied b y me i n 1931 and b y H o p k i n s later i n the same year. A n incomplete alphabet. Height above floor, 1.28 m., length, 17 c m . , letters, 1 c m . Rep. I V , p. 176, no. 362. A B T A E Z H G I K A M N I O T T P Z 5. C o u r t y a r d , a graffito on the south w a l l west of the door leading into R o o m 4, below 4. Copied

FIG. d

T h e w r i t i n g is clearer than i n 6, but has also not yet been read. I t is almost possible to recognize KEporrotpopou, whatever that would mean here:

93

D E S C R I P T I O N : G R A F F I T I AND

DIPINTI

" c u c k o l d , " or literally a " h o r n e d " a n i m a l ; bearing in m i n d that the horned animals would be clean according to the provisions of Leviticus X I . B u t at the end, i t would be easier to read O Y P O Y or O K P O Y , and before that, P rather than A n d the genitive case would be a problem. 8. Courtyard, a graffito on the west jamb of the doorway leading into R o o m 4, below 7. Copied b y me i n 1931. Height above threshold, 1.06 m . , length, 8.5 cm., letters, 2 c m . Rep. IV, p. 177, no. 366.
BAEZHG

such a deity might also be ETrr)Koos, "heedful," and ready to help, and the same situation prevails in the B i b l e . I n the O l d Testament i n Greek, G o d is described as ETrioKOTroj a n d the same term is used of Christ i n the N e w Testament. W h i l e the phrase is unparalleled, i t must be accepted as entirely possible, and perhaps probable.
2

incomplete a n d incorrect alphabet. Rep. V, pp. 239I, no. 593. Cf. A . v o n G e r k a n , 9. R o o m 4, a graffito on the noi t h Avail west of the RQ, X L I I (1934), pp. 226f. doorway leading into the Courtyard. Copied b y me in '1931 and b y H o p k i n s i n . 1931/2. I reproduce "ETOUS 5|ji<p'. here m y copy. H e i g h t above floor, c a . 1 m . , Mv(T|o-8fj) Acop68sos. length, 80 cm., height, 17 c m . , letters 5 c m . T h e plaster is broken away on the left. The year is A . D . 232/3. W h i l e the name D o r o theus is of a type favored b y Christians, i t was Rep. I V , p. 177, no. 367. popular and wide-spread i n the Greek world from the fourth century on, a n d particularly i n Africa. Cumont restored i t ( F o u i l l e s , no. 133a), doubtless correctly, i n a graffito found on a potsherd somewhere i n the "champ de ruines". 11. R o o m 4, south wall, o n a n undercoat o f plaster. Seen b y H o p k i n s i n 1931/2, who gave no dimensions, a n d mentions only (Rep. V, p . 239) "a large abecedarium." V o n G e r k a n (RQ, X L I I , 1934, p . 226), o n the other hand, speaks of " z w e i Alphabete u n d nichtssagenden W a n d i n s c h r i f t e n " here. 12. R o o m 4, on the south w a l l but further to the. east, a n d so seen b y me i n 1931. O n the undercoat of plaster, later plastered over. Traced b y Pillet i n 1931/2. I reproduce his t r a c i n g of the whole figure, and his a n d m y copies of the text. The figure, was 26 c m . long, 31 cm. high. The t e x t : height above floor 1.15 m . , length, 9 c m . , letters 0.5 c m . F i g . 9. The figure a n d its companion below (13) were published b y Rostovtzeff w i t h extensive commentary i n Rep. I V , pp. 215-221, and P i s . X X I , 3 and X X I I , 2; cf. Rep. I V , pp. 12 f a n d Rep. V I , 440-452 (Brown) w i t h a discussion of the similar
2.. For references and discussion see K T W , II, pp. 6iof. It should be noted that Hopkins read the second line of the graffito differently: KOIIOTYKA. I have reasonable confidence in my reading, but the text no longer exists as a check.

An

10. R o o m 4, on the west wall between the windows, a n d scratched o n the first layer of plaster while still wet. I t was later covered b y a second thin coat of plaster. Seen and copied i n 1931/2 b y H o p k i n s a n d v o n Gerkan, who have supplied this information. H e i g h t above floor, 2.5 m . Letters 5.6 cm. PI. V , 2.

FIG-,

The first line offers no serious difficulty, a n d one may restore and read a familiar formula: nvr)0-]6ri TTaOAos K[al uios (e.g.)] TJauAou. T h e sentiment, however, cannot have r u n on into the second line, unless one is prepared to restore and read : TTp TV TriJoKoiTov rai AiO^v. I n such a context, evidently, smaKOTrov could refer neither t o the c i v i l officials of this title well k n o w n i n the ancient w o r l d nor to the church officials of a later date. The noun is used commonly i n Classical Greece of a "watcher" god, one who sees what happens;
1

1. The nearest analogy would be R e p . V, p. 1221., no. 426: uvncrflfj "AppoOis . . . irps T6V 'AyahaBov 8e6v, but cf. also two texts from the fortifications with the formula, |ivr|cr6eT|S Sevoc -rrps 8eos rai v6pcbirou; (Rep. I I , p. 144, no. D139; R a p . V., pp. i6f., no. 375. An interesting variant on this formula occurs in a Byzantine tomb-stone of. the Christian period, published by N. Firatli, L . Robert, Stles funraires de B y z a n c e , (Istanbul, 1964), p. 177: 'ApoKovaoc 9(e)c5 KCCI v8pcbtrots.

GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

93

presumably a daleth, could be the end of *T3, "he m a d e " ; the expression occurs commonly, i n texts from D u r a a n d elsewhere, a n d often at the beginning . F o r the rest, no connected text can be made out, where we should look for the name of the artist. Twice one m a y recognize a t a v , a n d elsewhere he a n d m e m seemingly written backwards, but nothing more.
1

FIO.

13. R o o m 4, on the south wall, eastern half, below 12, a n d also on an undercoat of-plaster,

FID. 9

armor found i n the excavations. This is a mounted archer w i t h b o d y armor, b u t whether R o m a n or I r a n i a n is u n k n o w n . A t a l l events, the w r i t i n g is apparently A r a m a i c . B o t h C.C. T o r r e y a n d W . B . H e n n i n g have assured me that i t is not Iranian. The latter has suggested that the first clear letter,

later plastered over. T h e dimensions of the figiire are length, 31 c m . , height, 40 c m . I reproduce
1. So, in the simplest formula of nas followed by a . name, R e p . I,pp. 6 x i . ; R e p . II,pp. i^i.;.Rep. Vri/Vlil, p. 281, no. 911. It may be noted that in all cases where lax is used in dedicatory texts at Dura, the object in question is an altar or relief, not a picture.

94

DESCRIPTION: GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

Studied b y H o p k i n s i n 1931/2, photographed, and copied b y Pearson. Height above threshold, c a . 1.15 m . , length and w i d t h c a . 20 c m . (estimated from drawing). Rep. V, p . 239, no. 592. Cf. R . d u Mesnil d u Buisson, S y r i a , X X (1939), p . 33. It is unsafe t o transcribe this text. The photograph (PI. V I I I , 2) shows its appearance at the

the tracing of Pillet. F o r the references see under 12. F i g . 10. A heavy-armed lancer, whose horse is also protected b y armor. I c a n a d d nothing t o the discussions of Rostovtzeff and B r o w n , mentioned above. 14. R o o m 5, a dipinto on the west doorpost of the doorway leading into R o o m 6, the B a p t i s t e r y .

FIG.

10

G R A F F I T I AND
time of discovery. A b o v e , the letters A a n d B are clear, a n d traces of a t h i r d letter which H o p k i n s read as A and which appears i n the same form i n Pearson's copy. D u Mesnil, however, read this as E. S l i g h t l y lower at the left is a large triangle surmounted b y a vertical, which H o p k i n s regarded as a A . Slightly lower again at the right appears t o be a six-stroke cross, wherein the horizontal stroke is longer t h a n the others a n d the top of the vertical is thickened, as i f forming the apex of a chrism. Star or cross, the location suggests some Christian significance, and K r a e l i n g w o u l d r e a d the whole as an alphabet: A B r A . I do not venture a n opinion. 15. R o o m 6, the Baptistery, on the west j a m b of the doorway leading from the C o u r t y a r d . Copied a n d traced b y H o p k i n s i n 1931-2, a n d reputed t o have been brought to Y a l e , b u t I have not been able t o find i t . Letters 1.5 cm. Rep. V, p. 240, no. 594. ETs 6E6$ EV opavcb. This is a Christian form of the acclamation QEOS, used commonly under the E m p i r e b y b o t h pagans a n d Christians. This has occurred twice i n the Palace o n the Redoubt (Rep. I V , p. 150, nos. 291 a n d 292), a n d the companion acclamation, ETS Z E O J ZeponriSi has occurred once, i n a private house (Rep. V I , p . 45, no. 623). The longer form here is cited only once b y E . Peterson, ETs QEOS (1926), p . 78, i n a Coan inscription read b y the editors as eis QEGOE ( E shaped like Z i n the r o u n d form) Iv oOpavcp, a n d called b y them " c e r t a i n l y Christian, b u t of early date."
EIS

DIPINTI

95

occurrences otherwise limited to the omission of the final Y i n genitive endings and the w r i t i n g of O for OY i n genitive singulars of the Z-stem declension a n d i n accusative masculine plurals. 16. R o o m 6, the Baptistery, o n the n o r t h wall, scratched t o the right of the head of the first woman. I n the Y a l e A r t Gallery, read a n d traced by me. L e n g t h , 6 cm., letters, 2 c m .

FIG.

'Hpas Missed b y the excavators, this graffito was discovered b y K r a e l i n g i n 1963. T h i s common Greek hypocoristic name has not occurred previously at D u r a . There is no reason t o suppose that it has a n y connection w i t h the fresco which i t defaces. 17. R o o m 6, the Baptistery, o n t h e south w a l l between the doorways, at the left of the niche. Copied b y H o p k i n s i n 1931/2 a n d traced a n d revised b y me i n the Y a l e A r t Gallery. A deep, coarse, graffito, length, 29 cm., height, 8 cm., letters, 1-2 c m . Rep. V, pp. 241 f., no. 595.

The w r i t i n g of O for OY is a phenomenon of late FIG. h Greek, but i t is not well understood. Commentators explain some instances as dialectic, some as errors Tv Xpicr(T6v). lavficrKEcrrE in w r i t i n g or engraving, b u t are troubled b y the Ziafov T6V TCOTIfrequency of the phenomenon, which involves not v6v. only a change i n vowel q u a l i t y but i n q u a n t i t y as The sense of this text is supplied b y its counterwell. Mayser suggested that there was a tendency part, 18. T h e accusative is a n acclamation, w i t h to pronounce omicron i n a more closed fashion, [)Xv or the like understood: " T h e Christ w i t h but omega, always a n open vowel, was confused y o u . " The verb uvr|OKEcrrE (read b y H o p k i n s as w i t h O Y also . A t D u r a , K o t z e v a l o v found the
3 1 2

1. E . Mayser, G r a m m a t i k der g r i e c h i s c h e n P a p y r i a u s der P t o l e m a e r z e i t . I (Leipzig, 1923), pp. 99!, u6f. Cf. also the comments of E . Nachmanson, L a u t e u n d F o r m e n der M a g n e t i s c h e n I n s c h r i f t e n (Diss. Uppsala, 1904), p. 61. 2. The late Dr. Andrew Kotzevalov has prepared a

Grammar of the Dura Inscriptions, which will be published as part of F i n a l R e p o r t V, 2: The Inscriptions. I quote from the manuscript, which is subject to revision as improved readings of t h texts take place. 3. See below on 18.

6
is for

DESCRIPTION: GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

HV^OKECTQE (as in 18); the re-

UVTIO-KETE)

Christians adopted early the practice of referring to themselves as TcrrrEivoi, " h u m b l e , " a n d the locution became a standard form which affected Western epistolary practice down t o recent times 18. R o o m 6, the Baptistery, scratched i n large, coarse letters on the south w a l l between the doorways, below a n d t o the right of 17, above the The name Sisaeus occurrs i n one of the D u r a scene of D a v i d and Goliath. T h e letters follow a n d accounts ( P . D u r a , 47, 3) b u t not elsewhere, so far are fitted to a decorative green b a n d forming part as I have observed. ZEICTCC; (or ZEicrs), however, is of the frame of the composition. R e a d b y H o p k i n s k n o w n as a Jewish name from Josephus, who in 1931/2; revised a n d traced b y me i n the Y a l e reports i n A n t . Jud. V I I , v , 4, n o that D a v i d A r t G a l l e y . L e n g t h , c a . 1.30 m . , letters, 4-5 cm. made a m a n of this name his secretary. (The R e p . V, pp. 2411, no. 596; pp. 283-285.
3 6 4

placement of 0 b y T i n Hellenistic Greek is especially common after 1, a n d several other instances have been observed at D u r a b y K o t zevalov. The omission of the i n i t i a l reduplication is also a Hellenistic phenomenon, and has occurred i n other instances at D u r a . More remarkable is the construction w i t h the accusative case instead of the genitive, as correctly i n 18; this confusion of cases is also a feature of later G r e e k The writer here uses the usual instead of the Christian form of abbreviation of the h o l y name (cf. the more normal X(pior6)v i n 18).
1 2

manuscripts give a variant Eicrocs also, which is supported b y the L a t i n Isas). Other names beginning ZEICT- or Sia-are k n o w n , a l l presumably deriving from the root i p s : "to be b r i g h t " or "shining". T h e form is a hypocoristic, w i t h the deity's name o m i t t e d .
5

KA 0

.i

Tv X(pio-r)v 'l(r|cro)v v/iMv. My[f|]aT<Eo-6E [ . . . TTp]KAou. The verb was complete when seen b y H o p k i n s ; I show the present state of the plaster. E a c h
1. Above, 17. Cf.. Mayser, op. c i t . , p. 179. 2. Kotzevalov, op. c i t . Cf. also Mayser, op. c i t . , pp. 339 341; K . Dieterich, U n t e r s u c h u n g e n z u r G e s c h i c h t e der g r i e c h i s c h e n Sprache ( B y z a n t i n i s c h e s A r c h i v , I, 1898), p. 215. 3. Kotzevalov, op. c i t . , has found a number of examples of the use of the accusative for the genitive at Dura, and the gradual disappearance of the genitive and dative cases has reached its final stage in Modern Greek. 4. There is no need to multiply references on the "nomina sacra," for the situation is well known. I may refer to the standard handbooks of W . Larfeld, G r i e c h i s c h e E p i g r a p h i k (Munich, 1914), p. 280, and of W. Schubart, G r i e c h i s c h e P a l a e o g r a p h i e (Berlin, 1925), p. 170. More recent studies are those of M . A v i Yonah for Palestine (Abbreviations i n Greek I n s c r i p t i o n s , 1940, pp. 26-28) and of A. H . R. E . Paap, N o m i n a S a c r a i n the Greek P a p y r i (Leiden, 1959). 5. B y inadvertnce, the name was not discussed in F i n a l Report, V , 1, although there seems to be no difficulty about it. The meaning would be "(Such-and-such a deity) is bright" or "makes bright." 6. Cf. for example A. T . Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek N e w Testament i n the L i g h t of H i s t o r i c a l R e s e a r c h

letter occupies about 3-4 c m . of lateral space, and if the plaster fragments are correctly assembled, there should be r o o m for no more than three letters before TTpKAou: possibly only the article. The name is probably m i l i t a r y ; both Proclus and Proculus occur i n the m i l i t a r y records i n the city. The. formula T O V 6E6V CTOI has already been discussed. Originally pagan, i t became v e r y popular i n one or another of m a n y variants among Christians. This particular formula is unique, so far as I know, although the type is fairly c o m m o n .
7

(New York, 1919), p. 115.

7. The explanation of the common formula, T O V 6EOV (701* nf) SiKi'iaTjs, was due to Adolf Wilhelm, "Griech ische Grabinschriften aus Kleinasien," Sitzungsberichte der B e r l i n e r A k a d e m i e , 1932, pp. 847-859, but the paper remained relatively unknown to scholars, and Jeanne and Louis Robert have had numerous occasions to correct published texts and their interpretations in this sense (cf. their "Bulletin Epigraphique" in the R e v u e des tudes Grecques, 1939, p. 518, no. 451 ; 1952, p. 30, no. 72). Cf. also L . Robert, H e l l e n i c a , I (1940), pp. 33! ; II (1946), pp. 155L; X I I (1965), p. 102. The dative has been explained by K . Latte, Glotta, X X X I I (1953), pp. 34*The shorter and not necessarily Christian formula has occurred once at Dura in a text from the Palce of the

GRAFFITI AND DIPINTI

19. R o o m 6, the Baptistery, o n the south w a l l between the doorways, read b y H o p k i n s i n 1931/2 and reviewed and traced b y me i n the Y a l e A r t Gallery. D e e p l y cut letters o n the raised right forearm of D a v i d , Length, 5.5 c m . , letters, 1 cm.

97

The deeply cut letters are on the background above the head of the prostrate G o l i a t h , a n d slant u p sharply. L e n g t h , 5 c m . , letters, 0.7-1 c m . Rep. V, pp. 242 f., no. 597 b.

R e p . V, p. 242, no. 597a.

FIG. 1 FIG.

ro7u65 This is neither a n attested or a correct transcription of the H e b r e w n ?S, w h i c h appears as roAiocQ i n the L X X a n d as ToAiaQos i n Josephus. A parallel, however, exists i n the text which occurs o n a Christian l a m p i n the Stoddard Collection at Y a l e , cited i n the publication of the graffito i n Rep. V., p . 243, where we have, i n mirror image a n d v e r t i c a l c o l u m n of letters except for the last two, w h i c h are o n the same
,l

AaouiS One of the common transcriptions of the H e b r e w name, w i t h AaoueiS and Aa(3i5. 20 R o o m 6, t h e Baptistery, on the south w a l l between the doorways, read b y H o p k i n s i n 1931/2, revised a n d traced b y me i n the Y a l e A r t Gallery.
Dux which is quite parallel to this one ( R e p . I X , 3 , pp. 3if., no. 947): EIT' dcyctOcp []
T O V 0E6V a o t [ uvr -]
-

a95 no|iTrr)iav[6s ]
TES. E 0 T 6 X E I 6 <4[votyEivci)crKcov.]

level, rbv/AiocS.

Formulae similar to the one here discussed by Robert are TOV n-ocvTOKp&Topoc ooi 6EOV from Constantinople, and TOV i r a v T O K p i r r o p o c a o i ml fiyiov 6E6V K E T T | V Ttiyriv a o i from Beroea. The locution T O V Xpiorov 'IncroOv, while not common in the New Testament, occurs a number of times in the Acts and Epistles (Acts 5. 42; 18. 28; Galatians 5. 24; Ephesians 3 . 1).

1. Not noticing that this was a "negative "impression of a "positive" inscription in the mold, the editor understood the text as ToOAiSa. The lamp is published by Paul V. C. Baur, Catalogue of the R e b e c c a D a r l i n g t o n Stoddard C o l l e c t i o n of Greek and I t a l i a n Vases i n Y a l e

University

(New Haven, 1922), pp. 288L, no. 6 5 3 , and has

the Art Gallery accession number 1913-453-

P A R T II

INTERPRETATION

F r o m description, this account of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a turns now to interpretation, that is, to the attempt to set the building a n d its decorations into the historical context to which t h e y belong a n d thus to appraise their importance. Since the discovery of the structure was first announced i t has been widely hailed as a m o n u ment of outstanding significance a n d certain aspects of that significance have been discussed i n scholarly and popular publications, especially i n the fields of art a n d archaeology. B u t the discussion has been sporadic a n d was severely handicapped b y the fact that the full range of the evidence for the knowledge of the b u i l d i n g a n d the decorations h a d not been made available. I t is therefore i n order here to deal w i t h the subject i n comprehensive fashion, using a l l the immediate information a n d keeping i n m i n d also what is k n o w n of the art a n d religious life of D u r a i n particular and of contemporary Mesopotamia i n general.
1

i . T h e important titles are given i n the bibliography on p p . x x i i f .

Several topics suggest themselves for consideration under the heading of Interpretation. One is the beginnings of Christianity i n the TigrisEuphrates basin as a whole a n d especially at D u r a , so far as these can be k n o w n f r o m the sources available. A second is the Christian B u i l d i n g as a structure, its importance for our knowledge of the pre-Constantinian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , a n d the function of its several chambers a n d installations. A t h i r d is the organization and style of the decorations applied to the B a p t i s t e r y of the b u i l d i n g a n d their place i n the history of ancient decorative wall painting. A fourth is the choice of the scenes a n d designs used i n the decoration of the B a p t i s t e r y and what they m a y be supposed to have meant i n the context i n w h i c h they appear. A fifth is the contribution w h i c h the decorations of the D u r a Baptistery make to the knowledge of the beginnings of Christian art as judged b y subject matter, treatment of the m a t e r i a l a n d programs for the embellishment of baptisteries used i n other parts of the ancient world. These topics are to be explored here i n the order of their mention.

IOI

EARLY CHRISTIANITY IN T H E TIGRIS-EUPHRATES BASIN A N D AT D U R A

To place the Christian B u i l d i n g and its decorations into the historical context to which they belong requires i n the first place some appraisal of the beginnings a n d the nature of Christianity i n the relatively remote part of the ancient w o r l d i n which they were brought to light. H o w , we m a y therefore properly ask, d i d Christianity spread into this region, a n d how a n d , when c a n i t be thought to have established itself at D u r a ? W h a t elements of the regional population m a y first have been attracted to the new faith, a n d what can be said about the recruitment, the strength a n d status of the Christian c o m m u n i t y at D u r a ? Is there evidence for the presence of Christians at D u r a from other parts of the site t h a n the Christian B u i l d i n g itself ? W h a t is the range a n d the nature of the scriptural documents that can be assumed actually to have been available to the congregations of Mesopotamia i n the t h i r d century of our era ? W h a t c a n be said on general grounds about the faith of the Mesopotamian Christians i n the preConstantinian period? W a s it Gnostic? If not, how does i t relate to and compare w i t h that of the better-known Mediterranean regions? D o the alphabetic graffiti of the Christian B u i l d i n g tell us anything about the faith of the local community ? A l l these are questions the answers to w h i c h p l a y a part i n the interpretation of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a a n d to which attention must therefore be directed here at the outset.

I. T H E E A S T W A R D E X P A N S I O N O F C H R I S T I A N I T Y A N D I T S A P P E A R A N C E A T D U R A A m o n g the several reasons for the importance of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a the most fundamental is undoubtedly the fact that i t has revealed the existence of a hitherto u n k n o w n community of Christians l i v i n g on the banks of the M i d d l e Euphrates i n the second quarter of the t h i r d century of our era. T o state this fact is to recognize that the discovery of the b u i l d i n g bears first of a l l upon the eastward expansion of Christianity to and across the frontiers of the R o m a n E m p i r e , into P a r t h i a n a n d Sassanian lands a n d across the Oxus into T u r k e s t a n . A s compared w i t h the expansion of Christianity westward across the Mediterranean basin, this movement eastward can as yet be followed only i n its broadest outlines, and the attempts to describe even that part of i t that deals w i t h the penetration of the Tigris-Euphrates basin, a n d that alone concerns us here, are few and meager.
1

W h a t makes the subject so poorly k n o w n a n d so infrequently discussed is the nature a n d condition of the source materials. Of archaeological evidence that gives plasticity and objectivity to any subject there is v i r t u a l l y none, though m u c h is surely still there, h i d d e n i n the mounds a n d ruins of ancient settlements. Most of the information available comes f r o m written sources a n d these are not only scarce, spotty, often legendary, a n d usually late, but largely written i n languages other t h a n Greek and L a t i n , a n d thus t y p i c a l l y more w i t h i n the competence of the Oriental philologist t h a n of the Church historian. A m o n g the documents important for the reconstruction of the historical picture i n Mesqpotamia three categories deserve mention i n this context. The first is that of the diocesan chronicles. Here the two most important works are
la d y n a s t i e S a s s a n i d e (Paris, 1904); E . Sachau, Z u r A u s breitung des C h r i s t e n t u m s i n A s i e n {Akademie der Wis senschaften, Berlin, Abhandlungen, phil.-hist. Kl., 1919, N o . 1). F o r the region east of the Oxus see A . M i n g a n a , " T h e early Spread of Christianity i n Central A s i a a n d the Far E a s t " , J o h n R y l a n d s L i b r a r y , B u l l e t i n , I X (1925), PP- 2 9 7 - 3 7 1

i . F o r the expansion of Christianity i n the P a r t h i a n and Sassanian area see F . C. B u r k i t t , E a r l y E a s t e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y (London, 1904); i d e m , C A H X I I , p p . 492 514; J . L a b o u r t , L e c h r i s t i a n i s m e d a n s Vempire Perse sous

102

THE

E A S T W A R D E X P A N S I O N OF C H R I S T I A N I T Y
Mesopotamia i n the t h i r d century i n other p a r ticulars, w h y not also i n the matter of the Christian faith ? Indeed, where else would the Christians of D u r a have been more l i k e l y to be. able to obtain their manuscripts of the D i a t e s s a r o n } B u t the supposition that Christianity at D u r a actually derives from Edessa rests u l t i m a t e l y on the conception that Edessa was the focal point for the dissemination of the faith i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin, and this is problematical. Of course, this is the position t a k e n i n the missionary legends produced b y Edessa, especially the D o c t r i n a A d d a i which rehearses an older t r a d i t i o n k n o w n to Eusebius of Caesarea ( H i s t . e c c l . 1,13). The tradition in question is the one that brings the famous exchange of letters between Jesus a n d A b g a r the B l a c k ; k i n g of Osrhoene, and has the apostle Thaddaeus (locally k n o w n as Addai) convert the entire kingdom shortly after Pentecost. Clearly those who produced this amazing piece of promotional literature claimed for Edessa precisely the pre-eminence as the hearth of Mesopotamian Christianity that is under consideration here, a n d clearly also Edessa actually played such a role i n the fourth century i n those parts of the region that came again under R o m a n j m i s d i c t i o n after the campaigns of Shapur I. B u t i n our judgement anyone offering suggestions about the origin of the Christian c o m m u n i t y at D u r a w i l l do well to be quite as sceptical about the claims of this legendary tradition as about its details, lest he become another of the m a n y victims of its fantasy.
6 7

the Syriac C h r o n i c l e o f E d e s s a and the Syriac C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a . D e r i v a t i v e are such chronicles as the A r m e n i a n H i s t o r y o f A r m e n i a b y Moses of Chorene but almost of equal value as the best diocesan records is the Syriac narrative of the " A c t s of the M a r t y r s of K h a r k a ( K i r k u k ) " . The second category is that of missionary legends. This includes the Syriac D o c t r i n a ddai a n d the Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s ? R e l a t e d to these, finally, is the t h i r d category, that of m a r t y r acts, of which there are two series. T h e first series consists of the acts of those who suffered under Sassanian domination a n d the second of the acts of those supposed to have suffered at the hands of the Romans.
1 2 4

There being no mention i n any of these sources of the particular area that concerns us here, at least not w i t h respect to the period before A.D. 256, anything that can be said about the circumstances under which and the date at which Christianity m a y have come to D u r a is necessarily hypothetical. Those who have ventured a n opinion on the subject have supposed or i m p l i e d that i t came from Edessa a n d at a relatively late date. O n the face of it the suggestion seems quite unobjectionable. Since D u r a is k n o w n to have had connections with the metropolis of the neighboring province of
5

1. T h e former has been edited b y L . Hallier, U n t e r s u c h u n g e n ber d i e \ e d e s s e n i s c h e C h r o n i k , T U , I X , 1 (Leipzig, 1892), the latter b y E . Sachau, D i e C h r o n i k v o n A r b e l a ( A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, Berlin, Abhandlungen, phil.h i s t . K l . , 1915, N o . 6). 2. F o r the former see V . Langlois, C o l l e c t i o n s d e s histo r i e n s a n c i e n s et m o d e r n e s de l ' A r m e n i e , II (Paris, 1869); for the latter see G . Hoffmann, Auszge a u s s y r i s c h e n A k t e n persischer Mrtyrer ( D e u t s c h e Morgenlndische Gesell schaft, A b h a n d l u n g e n fr d i e K u n d e d e s M o r g e n l a n d e s V I I , 3, L e i p z i g , 1880), p p . 43-60. 3. F o r the former see G . Phillips, T h e D o c t r i n e of A d d a i the A p o s t l e (London, 1876); for the latter see W . W r i g h t , A p o c r y p h a l A c t s of the A p o s t l e s (London, 1871). T h e scene of the latter is, of course, laid i n India, b u t they are more valuable for the Mesopotamian area of their origin t h a n for anything more remote. 4. F o r the former see the w o r k of G . Hoffmann quoted above. T h e latter series includes the A c t s of S h a r b i l and the A c t s of B a r s a m y a , b o t h largely apocryphal (ed. W . Cureton, A n c i e n t S y r i a c D o c u m e n t s , L o n d o n , 1874) a n d the A c t s of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a and the A c t s of H a b b i b , the D e a c o n , ed. F . C. B u r k i t t , E u p h e m i a a n d the Goth (London, 1913). 5. So F . C. B u r k i t t i n C A H X I I , p p . 495-496, who suggests a date at the v e r y end of the second century, a n d H . L i e t z m a n n , G e s c h i c h t e d e r a l t e n K i r c h e , II (Berlin, 1936), p. 272.

A c t u a l l y , another category of the sources mentioned above, that of the diocesan chronicles, provides the basis for a quite different conception of the dissemination of C h r i s t i a n n y i n the TigrisEuphrates basin i n the period before Shapur I ,
6. D u r i n g the years 195-251 A . D . a good deal of the " s m a l l c h a n g e " used at D u r a was minted a t E d e s s a ( F i n a l R e p o r t , V I , p p . 205-209) a n d the S y r i a c deed of sale found at D u r a deals w i t h the purchase at E d e s s a of a female slave b y a certain L u c i u s Aurelius T i r o between 243 and 256.D., w h o m her master probably brought from there to D u r a ( F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, p p . 142-149). 7. T h e p r i m a c y of E d e s s a as the center for the dissemination of Christianity i n Mesopotamia has been attacked b y W . Bauer, R e c h t g l a u b i g k e i t u n d K e t z e r e i i m altesten C h r i s t e n t u m (Tubingen, 1934), pp- 6-27. S i m i l a r l y E . Kirsten in R f A C s . v . Edessa, properly opposes the attempt to salvage some p a r t of the A b g a r legend b y transferring to A b g a r I X ( A . D . 179-214) what the legend says about the conversion of A b g a r the B l a c k .

104

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

H a b b a n , to work for K i n g G u d n a p h a r . The second reason is that there were actually three major arteries of communication between the lands of the eastern Mediterranean and the TigrisEuphrates basin giving upon the several areas i n question. T h e first a n d most northerly of these routes, m u c h used b y the Romans during the long struggle over A r m e n i a , crossed the Euphrates at. Melitene a n d led over to the fertile and wellpopulated regions of Sophene, Arzanene, Z a b dicene and Adiabene on the northern T i g r i s . T h a t is, i t feeds precisely into a n d m a y well be associated w i t h the origins of Christianity i n the upper Tigris region. The second led up the valley of the A f r i n R i v e r from A n t i o c h to Cyrrhus, Doliche and Zeugma, where i t crossed the Euphrates, and went on to Carrhae, Edessa a n d S i n g a r a . This feeds into Osrhoene and m a y therefore well be associated w i t h the origins of Christianity at Edessa. B u t there is also a t h i r d route into Mesopotamia, the most southerly of the three a n d the most i m p o r tant for our purposes, for i t follows or runs parallel to the Euphrates and leads to the cities along the Persian Gulf, from w h i c h the ships sailed to Scythia (India). Its northern connections were those l i n k i n g Beroea a n d Chalcis w i t h Syrian Sura, and those l i n k i n g Damascus a n d E m e s a w i t h
4 5 8

when i t is properly associated w i t h what is k n o w n about the arteries of communication that afforded access to the several parts of the region. A m o n g these sources the C h r o n i c l e o f E d e s s a gives i m p o r tant information about the beginnings of the faith in that c i t y . The C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a provides evidence about the origins and existence of two other widely separated groups of Christian communities.. T h e one is located i n the extreme n o r t h eastern end of the basin along the upper Tigris i n Zabdicene a n d Adiabene, stretching from B e t h Z a b d a i i n the n o r t h to B e t h G a r m a i i n the south. The other is at the opposite end of the basin at the mouth of the Euphrates i n Mesene, and stretches down the Persian Gulf to B e t h K a t r a y e (Bahrein). There is nothing i n the respective documents to show t h a t Edessa had anything to do w i t h the origins of either of these two groups of Christian communities or that the churches of Zabdicene and Adiabene were established b y the same missionary agents who worked i n Mesene.
1 2

It has been suggested above that the existence of these three separate groups of churches i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin should be associated w i t h what is k n o w n about the major thoroughfares giving access to the area. This is proper for two reasons. T h e first is that Christian missionary agents t y p i c a l l y moved along such thoroughfares and i n a n d under the protection of caravans. So i n the C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a itself, M a z r a , the bishop of B e t h Z a b d a i , comes from Zabdicene to Adiabene to do missionary work there " w i t h a caravan of m e r c h a n t s " . T h e Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s employ the m o t i f fictionally when they have the apostle brought f r o m Palestine to I n d i a b y the merchant
3

1. D i e C h r o n i k von A r b e l a , e d . Sacb.au, p p . 60-62 for the text, p p . 17-27 for Sachau's commentary. 2. T h e A d d a i who appears without fanfare i n the C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a has no connections i n this document w i t h E d e s s a . It m a y be of course that i t was his name that was borrowed b y the inventors of the A b g a r legend. T h a t the churches of Zabdicene a n d Adiabene i n the n o r t h a n d those of Mesene and the Persian G u l f i n the south constitute two separate groups seems to follow f r o m the existence between t h e m of a large region w i t h out churches. T h e C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a itself recounts how one p a r t of this gap was filled after the war between Shapur I a n d the R o m a n s , when at the request of an Iranian soldier a bishop of A r b e l a went down and preached for two years at Seleucia-Ctesiphon (ed. Sachau, pp. 64I). 3. E d . Sachau, p. 43.

4. E d . W r i g h t , op. c i t . , II, p. 159. T h e C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a has a n instructive account of what could happen when the protective covering of a caravan was not used. T h e three missionaries who answered the call to work t Seleucia-Ctesiphon, travelling alone, were taken prisoners b y beduins a n d escaped only after four months (ed. Sachau, p. 64). T h e D o c t r i n a A d d a i says that persons identifiable b y their dress as merchants carried the faith across the T i g r i s into Abiabene (ed. P h i l l i p s , p. 35). T h e suggestion here serves a n apologetic purpose, for it comes i n a context i n which k i n g A b g a r of E d e s s a refuses to let A d d a i himself go across the T i g r i s and thus implies that the faith of that region was based upon information obtained at second hand. 5. O n the Asiatic connections of the route see D . G . H o g a r t h and J . A . R . M u n r o , " M o d e r n and ancient Roads i n eastern A s i a M i n o r " . R o y a l Geographical S o c i e t y , S u p p l e m e n t a r y P a p e r s , III, 5 (1893), p p . 678-718, and for the Syrian connections H o n i g m a n n i n P W , s . v . Syria, coll. 1666-1668. F o r the trans-Euphrates course of the route see L . Dillemann, H a u t e Msopotamie orientale et p a y s adjacents (Paris, 1962), p p . 147-194. 6. O n the S y r i a n connections of the route see H o n i g m a n n i n P W , s . v . S y r i a , c o l l . 1656-1658, i668f., 1675-1677. On the trans-Euphrates section see D i l l e m a n n , op. c i t . , pp. 147-194. O n the T i g r i s connections of the route see D . Oates, " A i n S i n u : a R o m a n F r o n t i e r Post i n northern I r a q , " I r a q , X X I , 2 (1959), p p . 207-242, esp. F i g . 1, p. 209.

THE
1

E A S T W A R D E X P A N S I O N OF C H R I S T I A N I T Y
3

105

P a l m y r a . W i t h this route i t is proper to associate the beginnings of Christianity i n Mesene a n d down the Persian Gulf, but w i t h this route also i t would be entirely fitting to connect the appearance of Christians at D u r a a n d possibly at other cities along the course of the M i d d l e Euphrates. T o what has been said about diverse arteries b y which C h r i s t i a n u y can be thought to have reached separately each of the three regions i n which congregations are known to have existed according to the diocesan chronicles, a word must be added about the evidence for their use a n d disuse. A b o u t the route into Mesopotamia that crossed the Euphrates at Zeugma several facts are known. In Seleucid days it h a d been a life line of empire, connecting A n t i o c h a n d Seleucia on the Tigris. It was the route that Crassus used i n 53 B . C . when he made the disastrous foray into the region, ending in one of the greatest m i l i t a r y defeats the Romans ever suffered. The Romans d i d not again use i t for m i l i t a r y purposes u n t i l the second campaign of T r a j a n a n d merchants m a y well have avoided it because the charges levied u p o n them b y the local chieftains of the region were notorious. The route became a major artery again only i n the days of L u c i u s Verus.
2

b y a second under Vespasian. The most southerly of the three routes, the one down the Euphrates, seems to have been largely commercial i n its use. Of the two tracks that joined at H i t , the one that came from E m e s a a n d P a l m y r a a n d kept to the desert is k n o w n from inscriptions to have been i n use from the period of H a d r i a n on, though P a l myra's commercial relations w i t h the Persian Gulf area.go back to a still earlier date. The use of the riverine track, coming from Beroea and Chalcis, is reliably dated as early as c a . A . D . 50 b y the economic upswing i n the life of D u r a itself. B o t h tracks were under the protection of detachments of the Palmyrene camel corps i n p r e - R o m a n times, which later became a u x i l i a of the R o m a n army.
4 5 6

If we discount as unreliable the legendary tradition so far as i t deals w i t h origins, the remaining source material available can be said to be in fundamental agreement w i t h what can be inferred from the development and use of the routes of communication about the beginnings of Christianity i n Osrhoene a n d i n the upper Tigris area. F o r Osrhoene there is available a number of independent testimonies on this score, a l l of which relate to the period A . D . 195-201. A t that time,
7

T h e most northerly of the three routes into Mesopotamia h a d a quite different history. As an extension of the highroads leading westward through A s i a M i n o r i t h a d been repeatedly used b y the Romans i n the course of the M i t h r i d a t i c wars. Once S y r i a a n d Palestine h a d passed into R o m a n hands a n d especially after the annexation of Commagene i t received a new southern terminus at A n t i o c h , was graded and provided w i t h bridges b y R o m a n engineers and was protected at the river crossing of Melitene b y one legion under T i t u s and
1. F o r the S y r i a n connections see H o n i g m a n n i n P W , s . v . S y r i a , coll. 1657-1662, R . Mouterde and A . Poidebard, L e l i m e s de C h a l c i s (Paris, 1946), p p . 124-136 and R . D u s s a u d , Topographie historique de l a S y r i e antique et mdivale (Paris, 1927), p p . 247-276. F o r the desert track f r o m P a l m y r a to H i t see A . Poidebard, " L a voie antique des caravans entre Palmyre et H i t au H e sicle aprs Jesus C h r i s t " , S y r i a , X I I (1931), p p . 101-105. F o r its relation to D u r a see Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 18-22. 2. Strabo comments upon these charges ( X V I , 27) and P l i n y , H i s t . N a t . V , 19, par. 79 gives the list of the 17 tetrarchies w i t h barbaric names among which authority along the banks of t h e river was divided, complicating transit for the traveler.

3. O n the Syrian connections of the route and the part they played i n preparing the w a y for Trajan's campaigns see Cumont i n C A H , X I , p p . 608-609. F o r the assignment of the X I I F u l m i n a t a a n d the X V A p o l l i n a r i s to Melitene see Ritterling i n P W , s . v . legio, and S y m e i n C A H , X I , p. 141. 4. See A . Poidebard, " L a voie antique des caravans entre Palmyre et H i t au I l e sicle aprs Jesus C h r i s t " , S y r i a , X I I (1931), p p . 101-105. F o r P a l m y r a ' s mercantile relations w i t h the Persian G u l f area see J . Cantineau, " T e x t e s palmyrniens provenant de l a fouille d u Temple de B l " , S y r i a , X I I (1931), p p . 116-142, a n d i d e m , I n v e n t a i r e des i n s c r i p t i o n s de P a l m y r e , I X , 1 (1936). T h e earliest text is dated A . D . 17. 5. See Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A rt, p p . 18-22. 6. F o r the control of the desert track see the article of Poidebard cited above and for the riverine track see F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, p. 24. 7. T h e y include 1) Eusebius' statement (Hist, eccl., V, 23, 4) that several of the parishes and cities of the region communicated their opinion about the proper date for the celebration of E a s t e r b y letter to a synod held at Rome i n connection w i t h the Paschal Controversy between A . D . 195 and 199; 2) the information about the standing of Bardesanes at the royal court of E d e s s a provided b y E p i p h a n i u s ( P a n a r i o n , Haeresis L V I ) ; 3) the reference to the destruction of the church at E d e s s a b y a flood of the R i v e r D a i s a n i n A . D . 201 i n the C h r o n i c l e of E d e s s a (ed. Hallier, p p . 86-87, H . ) - 4) account of the return of P a l u t from A n t i o c h to E d e s s a after his ordination b y
6 t h e

io6

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

of the places where there were Christian communities i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin and which includes those at the southern terminus of the Euphrates road relates to the overthrow of the Parthian regime b y A r d a s h i r i n A . D . 224.2 W h i l e there was clearly much seasonal traffic along the Euphrates road since the earliest days of the Christian C h u r c h , i t is clearly unwise to c l a i m too early a use of it b y Christian missionaries. Traffic on the road fed into and was fed by cities of CoeleS y r i a such as E m e s a , Chalcis and Beroea, where there m a y well have been Christian communities in the early second century, but this again is not a compelling reason for its use b y itinerant missionaries. One special event is suggestive of the possibility of such use, namely the Second Jewish Revolt and the campaign of H a d r i a n i n Palestine in A . D . 135. T h e extent of the pressures which this war m a y have brought to bear upon those who i n any way associated themselves with the Jewish or Christian heritage is u n k n o w n , but seems to be reflected i n what the A c t s o f the M a r t y r s o f K h a r k a ( K i r k u k ) tells about "shepherds and leaders i n the W e s t " who fled eastward as the result of a " p e r secution under H a d r i a n " . Clearly the Euphrates road offered the quickest escape for any refugees from Palestine who fled northward. E v e n so, the period beginning w i t h L u c i u s Verus (A.D. 165) offers the best setting for Christian missionary efforts along the M i d d l e Euphrates, for from this time on the road was under the continuous protection of the R o m a n m i l i t a r y and i n the Antonine days its traffic reached its highest peak.
3

we learn, there were already several well established congregations, there was diversity of religious belief among their members, there were connections w i t h court circles on the part of educated i n d i viduals and at least one b u i l d i n g devoted to the assembly and worship of the faithful. This state of affairs implies that the faith h a d already t a k e n firm root and that its antecedents should certainly be thought to go back a generation, which would bring them to the period of L u c i u s Verus, when, as we indicated above, the route from A n t i o c h to Carrhae and Edessa v i a Zeugma once more came into regular use. If the period from A . D . 165 to 195 were to seem insufficient for the developments presupposed, it might be permissible to go back to the years after Trajan's second campaign, but probably not earlier. For the region along the Tigris the C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a attests the presence of Christian missionaries at an even earlier date, namely at the very end of the first century and: the beginning of the second. Though its chronological implications have been questioned, i t must be said that the account which the Chronicle gives is circumstant i a l and not propagandistic, that missionary efforts i n this region can well be understood as an extension eastward of the m u c h earlier work done b y Christian preachers i n A n a t o l i a , and that the improvement and protection of the road A n t i o c h Germanicaea - Melitene i n the days of Vespasian was precisely the k i n d of circumstance that could well have encouraged Christian missionaries to move out i n this direction.
1

For the date at which Christianity m a y properly be thought to have been established i n the cities along and at the end of the Euphrates river route including D u r a there is no comparable information, but what has been said about the beginnings of the faith i n the other areas provides the proper perspective for a reasonable suggestion. The comprehensive list which the C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a gives
Serapion of A n t i o c h (Doctrina A d d a i , ad. Phillips, p. 50 as confirmed b y the A c t s of B a r s a m y a , ed. Cureton, A n c i e n t S y r i a c D o c u m e n t s , p. 71); 5) the statement of Abercius i n his famous inscription to the effect that he found fellow believers as far east of the Euphrates crossing as Nisibis (see most recently H . Strathmann and T . Klauser i n R f A C , I (1950), s . v . Aberkios). i . O . de U r b i n a , " I n t e r n o al valore della cronaca d i A r b e l a " , O r i e n t a l i a Christiana p e r i o d i c a , II (1936), p p . 5 32.

The picture of the dissemination of Christianity in the Tigris-Euphrates basin which the diocesan chronicles suggest is, therefore, not one of diffusion from one central locus such as Edessa, but of separate impulses originating i n the several adjacent areas, i n A n a t o l i a , i n S y r i a and i n C o e l e - S y r i a Palestine, impulses that created separate groups of churches i n different parts of the great basin as the
2. E d . Sachau, pp. 6if. commentary p p . 21-27. 3. Hoffmann, A u s z i i g e a u s den syrischen Akten per sischer M a r t y r e r , p. 46. A comparable story is told i n the C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a (ed. Sachau, p. 50) about a certain N o a h , presumably of Jewish origin, whose parents h a d left their home i n A n b a r i n lower Mesopotamia and h a d moved to Palestine where their son had been converted to the Christian faith, and who subsequently came to A r b e l a across the T i g r i s , where he became bishop of the church in A . D . 166.

R E C R U I T M E N T OF C O N V E R T S
result of the work of different missionary agents undertaken at different times. Such a picture is i n closer accord w i t h and indeed necessary to an understanding of the diverse forms of the Christian faith current i n the region. I n point of time the group of churches i n Zabdicene and Adiabene m a y have been the earliest, w i t h those of Osrhoene following chronologically. B u t Christianity m a y well have h a d adherents i n lower Mesopotamia and along the road leading there almost as soon as it did i n the area between the rivers. The communities in the region of the upper Tigris seem to have had their own intellectual life quite as early as those of Osrhoene. I n the late second century they h a d T a t i a n , who as " t h e A s s y r i a n " certainly belongs here rather than i n Osrhoene, and i n the late t h i r d they h a d the sage Aphraates. Christianity at Edessa was, of course, particularly favored i n its development b y the contacts of some of its representatives w i t h the local court and b y the
1 2

107

formation of the Province of Mesopotamia. W h a t happened subsequently to give Edessa unique importance was the fact that i n the restoration under A u r e l i a n , following the disastrous campaigns of Shapur I , Edessa became the center of the sphere of R o m a n influence, the other cities a n d regions remaining under Sassanian domination. It is therefore w i t h the period beginning i n A . D . 165 that we would hypothetically associate the beginnings of Christianity at D u r a . The n u m ber of converts m a y at first have been small, no more than a family or two, and i t is b y no means implied that from the outset the local group h a d any special facilities for assembly a n d worship such as the Christian B u i l d i n g later supplied. T h a t development presupposes a large increase i n the size of the community. H o w this increase came about and whence the additional converts were recruited is the next question to concern us here.

II.

RECRUITMENT OF CONVERTS A N D T H E D U R A CHRISTIAN

COMMUNITY

Of races a n d religions the Tigris-Euphrates basin presented as varied a mixture as could be found i n any part of the ancient world. N o r could it have been otherwise considering the cultural and political history of the region, which, always open to infiltration from the west, h a d been repeatedly invaded b y strong peoples from the north a n d east seeking to possess the fertile plains, a n d was i n t u r n stocked b y them w i t h groups of exiles from conquered neighboring regions or dotted w i t h colonies of retired mercenaries. Semites of various tribes including Jews on the Tigris-Euphrates canals a n d i n Adiabene, A r a b s i n Mesene and Arameans i n the rolling plains east of the Middle Euphrates, Iranians from Phars, from P a r t h a v a and
1. See below, p. 116. 2. T h e meaning of the designation " t h e A s s y r i a n " , resting as i t does u p o n Tatian's description of himself as h a v i n g been " b o r n i n the land of the A s s y r i a n s " (Oratio 42), should be understood i n the light of its use b y Christians of Mesopotamia, as for instance i n the D o c t r i n a A d d a i (ed. Phillips, p p . 35-37). There it applies to the region beyond the T i g r i s . E x c e p t for the fact that it mediated the general local acceptance of his D i a t e s s a r o n there is nothing positive associating T a t i a n personally w i t h E d e s s a . See also P . K a h l e , T h e C a i r o G e n i z a h (Oxford, 1959). P- 284.

A r m e n i a , and Macedonians and A s i a t i c Greeks lived here side by side w i t h or served successively as members and assistants of a ruling class over peoples whose racial i n d i v i d u a l i t y h a d long since been submerged. A m o n g these various elements of the population where d i d Christianity find its earliest nuclei of adherents ? It is commonly supposed that the spread of Christianity i n the Tigris - Euphrates basin was due i n no small measure to the conversion of elements of its Jewish population. T h a t there were Jews i n a l l the major cities of the region is evident a n d that there were large concentrations of Jews i n Adiabene and along the canals between the Euphrates a n d the Tigris i n B a b y l o n i a is attested b y Josephus and i n the B a b y l o n i a n T a l m u d respectively. I n the Syriac Christian sources we
3 4

3. See e.g. Sachau, C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a , p. 30; H . L i e t z m a n n , Geschichte der alien K i r c h e , II (Berlin, 1936), p. 273. 4. F o r the several cities see J . Juster, L e s j u i f s d a n s Vempire r o m a i n , I (Paris, 1914), p p . 199-202; for the Jews of Adiabene see Josephus, A n t i q u i t a t e s , X X , 2 a n d E . Schiirer, Geschichte des j i i d i s c h e n V o l k e s , 4 . . e d . , I l l (Leipzig 1909), pp. 169-172; for lower Mesopotamia see J . Obermeyer, D i e Landschaft B a b y l o n i e n (Frankfurt, 1929).

io8

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

Mesopotamia b y the Assyrians, these communities, which i n the t h i r d century produced the great Jewish academies of Nehardea and P u m b e d i t h a , were sedulous i n the preservation of their racial and religious inheritance and m a y w e l l have resisted more effectively any attempts of Christian missionary agents to establish nuclei of believers there. F o r conditions i n the basin as a whole, the fact that the analysis of the proper names of Christians mentioned i n early Syriac documents made b y T h . Noldeke m a n y years ago showed only a surprisingly small proportion that indicated a Jewish origin of the persons i n question, m a y be more i m p o r t a n t .
8

hear of a J e w Tobias, the son of Tobias, as the man at whose house A d d a i first lodged when he came as a Christian missionary to Edessa, of Jewish silk merchants there who became Christians and of 'bishops' w i t h Hebrew (Old Testament) names at A r b e l a . Mesopotamian Christians showed pious visitors antiquities and sites connected w i t h patriarchal Israelite history, such as the original tent used b y the patriarch Jacob exhibited at Edessa, and the houses of A b r a h a m and L a b a n and Rebecca's W e l l at Carrhae (Harran), which might be thought to perpetuate local Jewish legends . F i n a l l y , the Syriac version of the O l d Testament, the Peshitta made i n the fourth century, is known to incorporate Targumic material and midrashic lore i n its readings, which m a y mean either that it was taken over from Syriac-speaking Jews or composed w i t h the help of Jewish scholars. In certain parts of Mesopotamia, for instance i n Abiabene where the earliest Christian 'bishops' have O l d Testament names, and where Jewish influence is known to have been very strong, early churches m a y well have recruited a great part of their membership from Jewish circles. B u t this must not be universalized. The gap that existed i n the t h i r d century between the churches on the upper Tigris and those i n the cities along the Persian Gulf a n d i n what had been E l y m a i s is suggestive i n this connection, for the d i v i d i n g line corresponds to the line of the solidly J e w i s h settlements along the N a h r M a l k a canal connecting the Euphrates and the Tigris between A n b a r at the west and Ctesiphon at the east. Representing a group of exiles other t h a n that settled i n northern
1 2 3 4

I. See the D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ad. Phillips, p p . 6, 32-33 and for A r b e l a the C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a , ed. Sachau, p p . 43-54 2. F o r the tradition of the tent of Jacob, said to have been shown until i t was destroyed b y a bolt of lightning i n the reign of Elagabalus, see Georgios Syncellos ( P G , X , coll. 69-72), who quotes Julius Africanus as the source of his information. Africanus, a n informant also of Eusebius, h a d been at Edessa w i t h Septimius Severus. F o r the houses of A b r a h a m and L a b a n and the well of Rebecca see the P e r e g r i n a l i o S . S i l v a e of c a . 383 A . D . ed. P . Geyer, I t i n e r a H i e r o s o l y m i l a n a in C S E L , X X X I X (Vienna, 1898), p. 65. 3. See A . Baumstark, Geschichte dar s y r i s c h e n L i t e r a t u r (Bonn, 1922), p p . 23-24 and more recently A . Levene, " P e n t a t u c h a l Exegesis i n early Syriac and R a b b i n i c a l Sources", S t u d i a P a t r i s t i c a , I (1957), PP- 484-491. 4. F o r the line of settlements see the map at the end of Obermeyer's Landsckaft Babylonian.

So far as D u r a is concerned, the existence there of a strong Jewish community would seem to make this an ideal situation for the k i n d of recruitment supposed to have swelled Christian ranks elsewhere. B u t the evidence does not support such a n interpretation. The Jewish c o m m u n i t y was strong locally and, as the rebuilding of the Synagogue shows, continued to grow i n wealth and numbers to be accomodated. W h i l e the Christian c o m m u n i t y also continued to grow it h a d not b y the end of the city's history achieved a n y t h i n g like the size and, presumably also, the financial competence of the Jewish. The inscriptions of the Synagogue are i n A r a m a i c , Greek a n d P e h l e v i , a n d the resident officials whose names they g i v e , Samuel, A b r a h a m , Joseph, Silas, are a l l potent i a l l y J e w i s h . Those of the Christian B u i l d i n g are in Greek a n d Syriac and contain no names that are necessarily Jewish. Indeed, the religious beliefs of the community that worshipped i n i t , as reflected i n the decorations of the B a p t i s t e r y and interpreted below, do not place p r i m a r y emphasis upon the k i n d of issues that loomed large in Jewish-Christian circles, such as the L a w , the faith of A b r a h a m , ceremonial and festival observance a n d eschatological expectation. The apparent absence of converts from J u d a i s m among D u r a ' s Christians may reflect the association
6 7

5. S e e H a m a c k , M i s s i o n u n d A u s b r e i t u n g , II, p p . 150 151. 6. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 322-339 and inscriptions 1, 2, 12-17, 20-22. 7. F o r the inscriptions of the Christian B u i l d i n g see the section o n Graffiti and D i p i n t i b y Welles i n this report above, p. 89. F o r interpretation of the decorations see the chapter on the meaning and choice of the decorations, below, pp. 177 ff.

R E C R U I T M E N T OF C O N V E R T S
of D u r a ' s Jewish community w i t h the strong and highly energetic Jewish centers i n lower Mesopotamia, whose haggadic lore the decorations of the Synagogue share, but m a y also be more t y p i c a l t h a n is commonly believed. The Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a provides but two indications of the constitution and recruitment of the local community of believers. The first is supplied b y the few proper names that the graffiti properly assignable to the Christian phase of the history of the P r i v a t e House record. Of these, as Welles has pointed out above, Siseos is t y p i c a l l y Durene, the others foreign, w i t h P a u l and Proclos belonging to the type otherwise borne at D u r a only b y members of the garrison. The second is supplied b y the dimensions of the Assembly H a l l that, was created out of Rooms 4 A and 4 B of the P r i v a t e House when the premises were adapted to Christian use. The dimensions permit an estimate of the size of the group for which i t was provided. W i t h an overall length of 12.65 m. and a w i d t h . o f 5.15 m . i t could have accomodated between 60 a n d 70 persons on its 65 square meters of floor space. N o t counting those who used the benches i n the courtyard a n d R o o m 5, this was the size of the worshipping congregation for which the local Christian c o m m u n i t y needed to provide i n the forties of the t h i r d century.
1 2

IO9

T r a j a n w i t h Samosata, the I I I Cyrenaica since Marcus Aurelius at least w i t h B o s t r a , the capital of the province of A r a b i a , and the X Fretensis since the Jewish Revolt w i t h A e l i a Capitolina (Jerusalem). I n other words, the detachments come from places and regions that were subject to much more intensive Christian missionary propaganda t h a n the m i l i t a r y outposts along the Euphrates, and whez-e Christian communities are in general k n o w n to have been more numerous. It is therefore a reasonable hypothesis that the size of the Christian group at D u r a for which larger provision was being made i n the creation of the Christian B u i l d i n g precisely during the years when the m i l i t a r y garrison was being built up, was swelled b y members of that garrison. T h e same thing was happening, as the inscriptions show, w i t h the cults of Mithras and of Juppiter Dolichenus. D u r a ' s Christians were therefore probably i n large part converts from paganism rather t h a n from Judaism.
4

. T h e combination of these two bits of inform a t i o n suggests the desirability of a closer look at the growth and constitution of the D u r a garrison. As the picture is developed b y Welles from the m i l i t a r y archives of the c i t y , i t shows a sizable increase i n the strength of the garrison from about A . D . 208 to the end of the city's life. T o a company of Palmyrene archers a n d the Cohors I I U l p i a E q u i t a t a that h a d been stationed there since the R o m a n occupation of the c i t y , there were added in this later period the Cohors X X P a l m y r e n o r u m and vexillations of the I V Scythica, the X V I E l a v i a F i r m a , the I I L C y r e n a i c a and perhaps the X Fretensis. Of these the I V Scythica is associated after Corbulo's campaigns w i t h northern S y r i a , where i t m a y have been stationed first at Cyrrhus and later at Zeugma, the X V I F l a v i a F i r m a after
3

No one of the persons whose names appear i n the graffiti of the Christian B u i l d i n g identifies himself as an officer of the group. N o r is this strange considering the informal nature of the texts. B u t it leaves us without any idea of the congregation's administration. A s reflected i n the Syriac source material the designation for the head of a local congregation i n a c i t y varies widely. H e m a y be called bishop or priest or more commonly "governor and overseer". B e l o w him i n r a n k come elders, then deacons, then "those who pronounce the scriptures" or scribes. Villages are sometimes said to have h a d elders as their highest officers. One has the impression that in early times the higher clergy was only loosely attached to specific localities and spent a great

1. O n the haggadah i n the decorations of the D u r a Synagogue s e e F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 351-360. 2. See above, p. 90. 3. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, p p . 24-26.

4. See R i t t e r l i n g in P W , s . v . Legio. 5. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , p. 85 and R e p . I X , 3, p p . 107 120. O n the spread of Christianity among the m i l i t a r y see H a r n a c k , M i s s i o n u n d A u s b r e i t u n g , II, pp. 47-50. Celsus, whose attack o n Christianity Origen rebuts, is quoted b y the latter as speaking of presumably Christian " p r o p h e t s " who make pronouncements not only i n cities b u t i n m i l i t a r y encampments of Phoenicia a n d Palestine (contra C e l s u m V I I , 9). T r a d i t i o n has. it that the R o m a n soldiers captured at the occasion of Shapur's defeat of V a l e r i a n and settled at Gundeshapur established the Christian c o m m u n i t y there. See L a b o u r t , L e c h r i s t i a n i s m e d a n s l ' e m p i r e P e r s e , p p . i8f.

110

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

1

deal of its time as itinerant missionaries or served congregations i n widely separated localities. T h e fact that some interpreters of the Christian B u i l d i n g have been inclined to regard the install a t i o n i n its R o o m 6 as a m a r t y r ' s tomb rather t h a n a font a n d that others have pointed to the offset in its entrance passageway and to the blocking of certain windows as responding to a need for secrecy suggests that some consideration should be given here also to the general question of the relation between the Christian communities of the region a n d the sovereign states i n whose territory they l a y . T h a t any Christians at D u r a i n P a r t h i a n times w o u l d have had anything to fear from the religious or secular authorities of P a r t h i a is most unlikely. I n d i v i d u a l mobeds are k n o w n to have caused trouble for and even to have brought about the death of Christian preachers i n Adiabene who p u b l i c l y denounced the cult of the fire temples, but such provocative behavior created exceptional situations from which no generalizations can be d r a w n . Generally speaking, while the official religion of the P a r t h i a n court was Mazdaism a n d the k i n g supported the priesthood a n d the cultic institutions that expressed it, there was no tendency to impose a state religion upon the rank a n d file of the subjects, something that would have been impossible i n any case. If Christians were secure i n P a r t h i a n D u r a , what about R o m a n ?
2 3 4

There exist Syriac acts of martyrs w h i c h c l a i m to represent official proceedings at Edessa i n the reign of T r a j a n , but they are either entirely legendary or must be assigned to the persecution
1. T h e subject is quite unexplored. T h e best sources of information are the S y r i a c D i d a s c a l i a (ed. R . H . Connolly, O x f o r d , 1929), the D o c t r i n a A d d a i and the apocryphal acts of martyrs. A s for itinerancy, the C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a says that one bishop of the city, N o a h , spent a whole year teaching at a small hamlet and that another, Shahlupha, spent two whole years preaching at Ctesiphon (ed. Sachau, p p . 53 and 64). E v e n the deacon H a b b i b of the church at Tel-she, a village near Edessa, could absent himself f r o m his charge and preach for a period of time at Zeugma. See the A c t s of H a b b i b the D e a c o n , e d . B u r k i t t , p. 114. 2. B a u r i n R e p . V, p. 255 and L i e t z m a n n i n G n o m o n , X I I I (1937), PP- 3 3 3 4 . r e the chief proponents of the martyr's t o m b hypothesis which is discussed i n full below, p. 145, a n d has more recently been quite universa l l y discounted. O n the supposed need for secrecy see e . g . Mle, R o m e et ses v i e i l l e s glises (Paris, 1942), p. 48. 3. See C h r o n i c l e of A r b e l a , e d . Sachau, p p . 43-59. 4. See Rostovtzeff in C A H , X I , p p . 124-125.
2 _ 2 a

under Maximianus which, like that under Decius, is irrelevant to the present purpose. I n any event T r a j a n was too briefly a n d at too early a date at D u r a to have affected the situation so far as any Christians there are concerned. N o r does the period that begins w i t h L u c i u s Verus and especially that beginning w i t h Septimius Severus give any reason for apprehension. Trajan's own policy concerning the Christians, i.e. c o n q u i r e n d i n o n s u n t , was basically still i n force, a n d the creation of a " l a n d e d " and hence locally i n v o l v e d a r m y b y Severus, his tendency to give the provincials w i t h their varied interests a n important place i n the E m p i r e , a n d the orientalism of the S y r i a n dynasty that followed h i m , a l l these suggest that the Christian community at D u r a w o u l d have been permitted to exist and grow without official interference even though, or perhaps more properly because, i t m a y have been composed increasingly of members of the local R o m a n garrison. There is therefore no reason to suppose that the community had to veil its meetings i n secrecy, a n d the suggestions that the windows i n the west wall of R o o m 4 of the Christian B u i l d i n g were blocked and that the Baptistery was placed i n a relatively obscure corner of the building because of the need for concealment are unnecessary a n d uncalled for. The only question that might properly be raised is how a n d under what conditions the local Christian c o m m u n i t y could hold title to the P r i v a t e House once i t h a d become the Christian B u i l d i n g ? Of course, if the erstwhile owner of the P r i v a t e House had himself become a Christian a n d h a d agreed to its adaptation, the question would not need to arise, for title might be supposed to continue to rest i n h i m . Parallels from N o r t h A f r i c a indicate that even if the Christians of D u r a h a d h a d to b u y the P r i v a t e House from its owner for purposes of adaptation, a n d even though as a religious comm u n i t y without franchise they h a d no standing before the law, R o m a n magistrates would have upheld t h e m i n their possession of property rightfully acquired against anyone t r y i n g to take i t
5

5. T h e acts are those of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a . O n the proper dating of them see B a u m s t a r k , " D a s Todesjahr der edessenischen Mrtyrer G u r i a u n d S h e m o n a , " A t t i del I I " congresso i n t e r n a z i o n a l e d i archeologia c r i s t i a n a , 1900, (Rome, 1902), p p . 23-27.

RANDOM E V I D E N C E FOR T H E P R E S E N C E
from t h e m . I n the absence of any such attempt the magistrates would not have been inclined to raise the question of title. N o temple at D u r a was
1

in

ever expropriated for m i l i t a r y or defense purposes, so far as the available evidence goes, u n t i l the final extreme emergency of A . D . 256.

III.

RANDOM EVIDENCE FOR T H E PRESENCE OF CHRISTIANS AT DURA knob at the top supporting a crescent w i t h a disc between its horns, goes well w i t h the text as precisely the k i n d of monument a pagan from the region of Carrhae, a center of the worship of the moon god and where the estrangelo script was first developed, might have set up i n the temple of Atargatis, the consort of H a d a d , at D u r a , where actually the stele was found.
4

Because of its potential bearing upon the problem of the size a n d recruitment of the local congregation, i t m a y be i n order here to consider the question whether the excavations of D u r a have brought to light evidence for the presence of Christians there from parts of the c i t y other than the Christian B u i l d i n g . T h e argument from analogy makes this unlikely, for the presence of J u d a i s m was not suspected u n t i l the Synagogue was actually found, just as the discovery of the M i t h r a e u m gave the first indications of the presence of the Mithras cult. B u t the case of the Christians deserves separate consideration, and several categories of material from the site should be considered or have already been pointed to as capable of providing relevant evidence. Proper names such as appear i n graffiti everywhere could conceivably provide clues, but those actually recorded cannot be said to be enlightening in this respect. The inventories include names like 'IOKO|3O$ a n d l<5a<a(3os, but there is no more reason for regarding t h e m as Christian t h a n as Jewish, especially since they come from pagan shrines. T h e same thing holds true of the so-called " S e m i t i c S t e l e " w i t h the Estrangelo inscription, which Torrey read " K h a l i s a son of Sennaq, of Qarha(?) disciple of R a m a . M a y he be remembered before G o d " . This Torrey regarded as Christian because he understood the absolute 'alalia to i m p l y a monotheistic belief a n d because he took the word read t a l m i d a to identify K h a l i s a as a member of a new religious sect. The stele itself, showing a filleted pillar w i t h a stepped base a n d a spherical
s 2 3

Another supposed indication of the presence of Christianity at D u r a is the so-called Sator Rebus, of which three complete a n d one fragmentary examples have come to. light i n the excavations. That the text of this rebus d i d eventually come into use b y Christians and i n Christian contexts is amply documented from evidence running down into late mediaeval times. The only question at issue is whether the rebus was created as a Christian cryptogram after the hypothesis of F . Grosser, who has suggested that i t was composed of the opening words of the L o r d ' s P r a y e r and two alphas and omegas.' T h e discovery of examples of the same rebus at P o m p e i i , that is from the period before A . D . 7 9 , caused a stir among those who favored its Christian origin, though properly i t
5 6 3

1. See K r i i g e r D i e Rechtsstellung der vorkonstantinischen K i r c h e n (Kirchenrechtliche A b h a n d l u n g e n , 115-116, Stuttgart, 1935), esp. p p . 175-191, 243-272. W h i l e not legally res sacra church property was none the less treated b y magistrates i n N o r t h A f r i c a as property rightfully held. 2. See R e p . I V , p. 174 no. 357, from the Temple of B e l , and R e p . V , p. 148. no. 458, from the T e m p l e of A z z a n athkona. 3. R e p . I l l , p p . 68-71, PI. X I X , 1.

4. O n the provenience of the stele see R e p . I l l , p. 10. T h e stele has been placed i n its proper religious context b y H . Ingholt, P a r t h i a n Sculptures from Hatra (Connecticut Academy of A r t s a n d S c i e n c e s , M e m o i r s , X I I , New H a v e n , 1954), p. 22. Between Carrhae and Edessa, too, the name M a r i l a h a i.e. " M y L o r d , G o d " , as the name of the supreme god, has recently been established. See J . B . Segal, " P a g a n Syriac Monuments i n the V i l a y e t of U r f a " , A n a t o l i a n S t u d i e s , III (1953), p p . 97-119. 5. See R e p . V , p p . 159-161 (no. 481) a n d R e p . V I , p. 486 (no. 809), where also some of the bibliography on the subject of the rebus is cited. Three of the D u r a examples are i n L a t i n and one i n the Geek alphabet. 6. M u c h of the material will be found i n G . de J e r phanion, " L a formule magique 'Sator A r e p o ' ou 'Rotas Opera', vielles theories et faits n o u v e a u x " , which originally appeared i n Recherches de science religieuse, XXV (1936) and is reprinted i n his L a v o i x des m o n u m e n t s (Rome, 1938), PP- 3 - 7 7. " E i n neuer Vorschlag zur D e u t u n g der S a t o r F o r m e l , " A r c h i v filr Religionswissenschaft, X X I V (1926), pp. 165-169.
8

112

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

W h i l e the context i n which the D u r a examples of the Sator Rebus were found a pagan temple makes their interpretation as evidence of the presence of Christians i n the c i t y unlikely, the same argument cannot be said to apply to other epigraphic materials that D u Mesnil du Buisson has endeavored to marshal. This evidence comes from m a n y different parts of the c i t y a n d , if the interpretation proposed for it is accepted, would give Christianity a wider attestation at D u r a t h a n any other form of religious belief. The evidence adduced consists largely of graffiti incised upon, of d i p i n t i applied to a n d of stamps impressed into the fabric of clay vessels, especially of large storage jars. There is also at least one stamp used for m a k i n g impressions upon the clay of such jars before firing. The material can be classified under the following headings:
4

should have led to the rejection of the hypothesis, if only because at this early date neither the simultaneous use of the L a t i n and Greek i d i o m nor the expression P a t e r N o s t e r are likely to have been current among Christians i n I t a l y . The existence of similar pagan j e u x d ' e s p r i t i n Greek, L a t i n and Hebrew points the proper context for the Sator Rebus and the fact that the letters of the word square can be regrouped hypothetically to produce combinations of words other t h a n the P a t e r N o s t e r of Grosser places his solution i n its proper light as co-incidental a n d too good to be t r u e . But the fact that the rebus appears at P o m p e i i on a column of the portico of the palaestra makes it thoroughly reasonable that i t should have been brought as far east as D u r a b y R o m a n soldiers, who m a y well have regarded i t as highly mysterious a n d potent, and that it should have been inscribed on the walls of a pagan temple, i n this instance the Temple of A z z a n a t h k o n a .
1 2 3

i . O n the discovery see M . dlia Corte, " I I crittogramraa del ' P a t e r Noster' rinvenuto a P o m p e i i " , Accademia Pontificiz d i Archeologia, Atti, Series III, R e n d i c o i i t i , X I I (1937), PP- 3 9 7 - 4 - F samples of the discussion see D . A t k i n s o n , " T h e Sator F o r m u l a and the Beginnings of C h r i s t i a n i t y " , J o h n Rylands Library, B u l l e t i n , X X I I (1938), p p . 419-434; F . V . F i l s o n , " W e r e there Christians at P o m p e i i " , B i b l i c a l Archaeologist, II, 2 (May, 1939), p p . 13-16; M . Burrows, W h a t m e a n these S t o n e s (New H a v e n , 1941), p p . 33f.; H . L a s t " T h e PvOtas-Sator Square e t c . , " J T S , N . S. I l l (1952), p p .
r

1. T h e Greek letter c h i or a sign resembling i t . The sign itself is said to be pagan i n origin a n d to have been used inscribed i n a circle as a "signe celeste" to represent the universe. Used previously in this sense at P a l m y r a , i t is said perhaps to have come from there to D u r a where i t appears i n various contexts, sometimes w i t h proper names, and where i t should be interpreted as either X(picrrs) or X(piariav6$).
B

92-97 2. F o r other ancient word squares see Leclercq i n Cabrol, D i c t i o n n a i r e , s . v . Amulettes; E . D i e h l , Pomp e i a n i s c h e W a n d i n s c h r i f t e n , 2. ed. (Berlin, 1930), no. 856, p. 65 and J e w i s h E n c y c l o p e d i a , s . v . Acrostic. F o r an alternative " s o l u t i o n " of the rebus, intended as a r e d u c t i o a d a b s u r d u m , see m y article " T h e Sator A c r o s t i c " , C r o z e r Q u a r t e r l y , X X I I (1945), p p . 28-38. 3. [Discussion does not stop, and the bibliography is endless. O n the Pompeian example see also C. W e n d e l , " D a s Rotas-Quadrat in Pompeji, N a c h t r a g , " Z N T W , 40 (1941-42), p p . 138-151, 255; T . Valentiner, " A r e p o , " R M , 57 (1942), p. 250. J . Carcopino would find the origin of the square i n Gallic C h r i s t i a n circles, " L e Christianisme secret du carr m a g i q u e , " M u s e u m H e l v e t i c u m , V (1948), p p . 16-59, a n d " E n c o r e le carr m a g i q u e , " C R A I , 1955, p p , 500-507. P . L . Couchoud and A . A u d i n would find i n the square a device for calculating the winds ( " L e carr magique. U n e interprtation g r a p h i q u e , " L a t o m u s , X V I I , 1958, p p . 518-527). T w o scholars have recently argued for a Jewish origin : F . M . Heichelheim, " M i n d a n d S p a d e , " T h e J e w i s h S t a n d a r d , 1 A p r i l 1955, a n d D . F i s h w i c k , " O n the O r i g i n of the Rotas-Sator S q u a r e , " H T R , 57 (1964), pp. 39-53. Others still regard it as C h r i s t i a n : H . H o m m e l ,

2. T h e " c h r i s m e " consisting of the Greek letter c h i or a sign resembling i t , w i t h a vertical bar running through the intersection of the lines and sometimes w i t h a small r o u n d s i g m a or its equivSchdpfer und Erhalter. Studien z u m Problem Christenlum u n d A n t i h e (Berlin, 1956), and H . L . B o d m a n , J r . , " T h e Sator-Formula. A n E v a l u a t i o n , " S t u d i e s W . E . C a l d w e l l (Chapel H i l l , 1964), p p . 131-141. C . B . W . ] 4. R . du Mesnil du B u i s s o n , " C o m m u n i c a t i o n sur u n chapiteau syrien symboles chrtiens dcouvert a Selimiy", Socit n a t i o n a l e d e s a n t i q u a i r e s de F r a n c e , B u l l e t i n , 1939-1940, p p . 190-203; i d e m , " S u r quelques signes chrtiens", R A C , XXIII-XXIV (1947-1948) pp. 313-325; i d e m , "Inscriptions sur jarres de D o u r a E u r o p o s " , Mlanges de l'Universit S a i n t J o s e p h , XXXVI (1959). PP- i - 5 5. "Inscriptions sur j a r r e s " , p. n , no. 9; p. 21, no. 58; pp. 3 5 ! , nos. 120-122 where the cross with vertical and horizontal arms is said to be used interchangeably w i t h the c h i ; p p . 3 9 ! ; p p . 42-45, nos. 136-142. T h e items listed o n p p . 3 9 ! include a t e x t said to have b e e n " a t the entrance to the Christian c h a p e l " at D u r a reading X B and interpreted as X(piaTs) B(OT)66S). Conceivably this is inscr. no. 14 as listed b y Welles, above, p. 94. Of the group listed o n p p . 42-45, no. 138 is a text read C B + and resolved o-(coTrip) f (onQos) X(p!crr6s). >

RANDOM EVIDENCE FOR THE PRESENCE

alent at the right. This is resolved l^o-ous) X(picrr6s) or X(picrr6)s. 3. T h e Greek letter c h i or a cross w i t h horizontal and v e r t i c a l arms, w i t h which is combined the letter r h o or its equivalent.
1 2

" 3

4. Combinations of various letters, e.g.

MXIXG

resolved M(viiur)s) X(dpiv) 1(TICTO0S) X(picnrd$) 0(E6S), of letters and signs, e.g. the stamp seal I + H resolved 'ITI(CTOUS) X(pioTos) or of concatenations of alternate vertical and horizontal lines interpreted i n the same manner as the stamp seal.
3

5. Graffiti or d i p i n t i said to be Christian b y subject matter, e.g. Io-cre(6$) Nsofrros supposedly a recent convert, or 0IAT)T6S Trp(eaj30Tepot;), supposedly an Elder. D u Mesnil's efforts to cope w i t h this random material from D u r a must be seen i n the light of the parallel efforts of P . E . Testa and B . B a g a t t i to interpret graffiti a n d d i p i n t i from Palestine a n d A n a t o l i a associated i n their v i e w w i t h the m y s t i c a l religious beliefs of Jewish Christians, of the efforts of E . Sukenik to identify a n early R o m a n tomb near Jerusalem as Christian, of the discussion of the T-shaped "cross of H e r c u l a n e u m " and of M . Guarducci's work on the graffiti near the Shrine of St. Peter under St. Peter's at R o m e . A l w a y s difficult and, i n a sense, thankless, work w i t h this k i n d of m a t e r i a l has the disadvantage of failing to c a r r y conviction, not b y reason of any l a c k of i n d u s t r y on the p a r t of those performing i t , but because of the natm-e of the evidence itself.
s 4 5

T h e m a r k i n g of pottery i n a n t i q u i t y b y its manufacturer, owner or user for any number of obvious reasons identification, condition,
1. "Inscriptions sur j a r r e s " , p p . 42-45, nos, 143, 151,

capacity, use or location is a common feature of ancient social a n d economic life a n d one t h a t , no matter how m a n y of its facets are intelligible, still leaves a r a n d o m fringe of signs a n d symbols unintelligible to us, largely perhaps because the signs and symbols i n question needed from the outset to be intelligible only to the i n d i v i d u a l who made them. I t is of course a p r i o r i possible that of the graffiti a n d d i p i n t i on the pottery of D u r a a whole series consisting of crosses, concatenations of lines, " c h r i s m e s " and of letters m a y have been intended to proclaim faith i n Christ or the fact that the marker or owner was a Christian. B u t that the texts d i d i n fact have this meaning seems most dubious. A distinction has necessarily to be made i n this connection between markings on the walls of religious structures, on tombs or ossuaries, where the signs have at least a fair chance of common intelligibility because the physical context is specific i n nature, a n d marks on r a n d o m objects found i n r a n d o m locations. Of the former some m a y under proper conditions of t i m e a n d place even deserve to be regarded as Christian i n origin and meaning. B u t there seems to be no reason w h y the makers, owners, or users of jars, especially large storage jars, should have singled out the surfaces of these vessels to p r o c l a i m the i d e n t i t y of their L o r d or the nature of their faith. A n d clearly all the several types of marks on the jars of D u r a supposed to be read " C h r i s t " or " J e s u s C h r i s t " or " C h r i s t i a n " have possibly alternate meanings. The whole b o d y of evidence marshalled b y D u Mesnil seems therefore to offer little assurance of providing reliable evidence for the presence of Christianity at D u r a .
8 7

152, 153 2. Inscriptions sur jarres", p p . 42-45, nos. 144-150. 3. " S u r quelques signes", p . 315, no. 1, see also R e p . V, p. 293, no. 606; "Inscriptions sur jarres", p. 45, no. 154; see also Cumont, F o u i l l e s , p. 470, and PI. C X X I V , 5. 4. "Inscriptions sur jarres" p. 18, no. 42; p. 36 no. 123. 5. P . E . T e s t a , " T h e graffiti of T o m b 21 at B e t h phage", L i b e r A n n u u s , X I (1960-61), p p . 251-287; i d e m , I I s i m b o l i s m o d e i G i u d e o - c r i s t i a n i (Jerusalem, 1962); B . B a g a t t i , " T r a c c e Iudeo-cristiane nella regione delle sette chiese dell' apocalipse", L i b e r A n n u u s , X I I (1961 62) p p . 177-220; E . Sukenik, " T h e earliest Records of C h r i s t i a n i t y " , A J A , L I (1947), p p . 351-365, see esp. Ossuary no. 8, PI. L X X X I ; A M a i u r i , " L a croce d i Ercolano", P o n t i f i c i a a c c a d e m i a r o m a n a d i archeologia, R e n d i c o n t i , 1939, Series III, X V (1940), p p . 193-218; M . G u a r d u c c i , I graffiti sotto l a confessione di S .Pietro i n V a t i c a n o (Vatican C i t y , 1958). 8

This leaves as the only v a l i d piece of evidence for the presence of Christians at D u r a found outside
6. Of the extended combinations of letters that taken from R e p . V, p. 293 can h a r d l y be interpreted as suggested b y D u M e s n i l (see above item 4) because uvrjuns X&piv is a funerary formula a n d is scarcely appropriate to a jar. Similarly i t is h a r d to believe that the stamp seal published b y C u m o n t i n F o u i l l e s , PI. C X X I V , 5, would have escaped the attention of so great an authority o n symbolism if i t really merited attention as a witness to Christianity. ["Inscriptions" on jars have also to be judged according to whether they were impressed or cut, and whether added before or after firing. C. B . W . ] 7. [There is nothing to prevent the two Els E6S acclamations found i n the Palace of the R e d o u b t being Christian ( R e p . I V , p. 150, nos. 291-2), although t h e y need not have been. C. B . W . ]

ii4

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

whether they had taken the roll from the Christian B u i l d i n g itself or from some private dwelling, it is impossible to t e l l . T h e fact that the text of the document is Greek underscores what the proper names i n the graffiti of the Christian B u i l d i n g tell us about the membership of the local Christian community as one d r a w n from the Hellenized element of the city's population.
2

the Christian B u i l d i n g the fragment of the D i a t e s s a r o n . The fact that i t was found i n the fill i n W a l l Street near Tower 18, that is north of the m a i n c i t y gate and west of B l o c k L 8, tells us v e r y l i t t l e . T h e scroll to which i t belonged h a d obviously fallen into the hands of those who were wrecking and looting houses i n preparing the c i t y to w i t h stand the imminent siege. T h e y h a d done w i t h it what they wished, leaving only this scrap. B u t
1

IV.

CHRISTIAN OF

SCRIPTURES AVAILABLE IN T H E E A R L Y MESOPOTAMIA. T H E E L E M E N T OF VARIETY

CHURCHES

Reference to the D i a t e s s a r o n suggests that a w o r d be added here about the extent of the scriptural material that m a y be thought to have been available to the Christian communities of Mesopotamia i n the first half of the t h i r d century of our era, a subject that is b y no means irrelevant to the understanding of their religious beliefs. T h a t certain groups of oriental Christians have always differed and still differ from the Catholic and Orthodox churches i n what they accept as canonical scripture is well k n o w n to students of the B i b l i c a l text a n d canon. The extent of the difference has varied from period to period. W h a t is k n o w n about this v a r i a t i o n makes i t possible to say about the early Mesopotamian church that the range of the N e w Testament scripture read a n d accepted locally was notably less than that current elsewhere a n d to describe the departure i n three particulars. The first particular is the absence of the B o o k of R e v e l a t i o n . The second is the absence at this early date of a l l seven of the so-called Catholic E p i s t l e s . T h e t h i r d is the use of the
3 4

1. R e p . V I , p. 416. 2. T h e Gesta a p u d Z e n o p h i l u m ( C S E L 26, ed. C. Ziwa, V i e n n a , 1893, p p . 186L), representing the proceedings of R o m a n officials searching for Christian scriptures i n A . D . 303 at Cirte in N o r t h A f r i c a , show that such documents, even though congregational property, were sometimes kept elsewhere t h a n i n the d o m u s ecclesiae, in the hands of members of the local clergy. 3. I n common w i t h the churches of A s i a . See J . L e i p o l d t , Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons, I (Leipzig, 1907), p p . 88-95. 4. A l l seven are omitted from the Sinai S t i c h e r a r i o n and f r o m the list of the books to be read i n the churches as given in the D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. Phillips, p. 44, though

single D i a t e s s a r o n i n place of the four separate Gospels. T h e real question is whether the Mesopotamian churches h a d i n the early t h i r d century a collection of Paul's letters. The later tradition, as represented b y the D o c t r i n a A d d a i , declares that Paul's letters came to Mesopotamia from the Apostle Peter, who sent them directly from R o m e . The actual process of their introduction was, of course, quite different. T a t i a n certainly knew them because he quotes t h e m i n his O r a t i o , but whether he brought the collection w i t h h i m on his r e t u r n to A s s y r i a is not k n o w n , because i t is not clear if his efforts to improve their style b y paraphrasing t h e m belong to the period of his sojourn at R o m e or to the period after his departure from the capital c i t y . Certainly the Marcionite schismatics at Edessa can be assumed to have h a d a collection of the nine accepted b y their founder at the beginning of the t h i r d century. Critical scholarship concludes from the nature of the text of the letters used i n E p h r a e m ' s C o m m e n t a r y on them a n d i n the Peshitta version of the letters that i t represents the Greek form used at A n t i o c h i n S y r i a at about A . D . 200. T h i s would suggest that P a l u t who, as
5 6 7 8

the three larger letters were taken into the Peshitta i n the fifth century. See W . Bauer, D e r Apostlos der S y r e r (Giessen, 1903), p p . 40-69. 5. E d . P h i l l i p s , p. 44. 6. Eusebius, H i s t . eccl. I V , 29, 6 is the source of the information about T a t i a n ' s efforts i n this direction. 7. O n the presence of Marcionites at Edessa at this time see below, p. 117. 8. See J . Molitor, D e r P a u l u s t e x t des h e i l i g e n E p h r a e m (Monumento, bblica et ecclesiastica, I V , R o m e , 1934), pp. 42L

CHRISTIAN SCRIPTURES AVAILABLE

we have seen, came to Edessa at this time as the exponent of A n t i o c h i a n Christianity m a y have supplied the company of his followers i n Mesopota m i a w i t h a copy of the collection. B u t the extent to w h i c h the possession of larger or smaller collections of Paul's letters b y these groups m a y have affected their general avaability and circulation is quite uncertain. W h a t provides the element of uncertainty is not so m u c h the fact that non-Marcionite a n d n o n - P a l u t i a n communities m a y have hesitated to adopt the scriptures of sectarians and schismatics, but rather the peculiar circumstances reflected i n what is k n o w n about the collections used b y Aphraates a n d E p h r a e m . Neither of these two Mesopotamian fathers h a d the letter to Philemon i n their collection a n d E p h r a e m had i n his collection a spurious I I I C o r i n t h i a n s . The disuse of P h i l e m o n seems to represent a point of view associated w i t h some c i t y of the S y r i a n tetrapolis other t h a n A n t i o c h , a n d the acceptance of I I I C o r i n t h i a n s , derived apparently from the A c t s o f P a u l , reflects influence from some part of A s i a . W h a t seems to follow from these bits of information is that the introduction of the Pauline letters into Mesopotamia was a complicated process i n w h i c h personal a n d group relations to various parts of the outside w o r l d played important parts over a relatively long period of time. T h e process was still going on i n the fourth century without benefit of a n y t h i n g like a regional n o r m or standard. It would be quite hazardous to suppose, therefore, that when Christianity was first introduced into Mesopotamia, or even shortly thereafter, the i n d i v i d u a l congregations could or did readily come into possession of a n " A p o s t l e " . If t h e y had, the later picture of the use of P a u l ' s letters w o u l d have been quite different.
1 2 3

115

Version of the " E v a n g e l of the Separated Ones" requires that i n d i v i d u a l Greek manuscripts of Matthew, M a r k , L u k e , and J o h n existed somewhere i n Mesopotamia as early as the t h i r d century of our era, h a v i n g come apparently from A n t i o c h i n S y r i a . B u t i t w i l l not be surprising i n view of what has been said above about the " A p o s t l e " that they were not widely quoted. The basic fact is that what was quoted universally through the fourth century was only Tatian's h a r m o n y of the Gospels, the D i a t e s s a r o n . A n d here we confront a phenomenon without direct parallel i n any other part of the ancient Christian world, namely the fact that a scriptural innovation produced b y a writer of the second half of the second century should have obtained i n a short space of time such currency i n a n entire region as to m a i n t a i n complete control there u n t i l forcibly rooted out i n the fifth.
4

T h e doubts that have been expressed about the early regional a v a i l a b i l i t y of collections of P a u l ' s letters can only be said to be multiplied b y what is k n o w n about the nature and regional distribution of the " E v a n g e l " . The existence of the O l d Syriac
1. O n P a l u t a n d his followers see below, p. 117. 2. Bauer, D e r Apostlos der S y r e r , p p . 22-24, 31-33. E p h r a e m ' s C o m m e n t a r y follows the Marcionite order i n the arrangement of the major letters. See B a u r , op. c i t . , p. 28. 3. F o r Philemon see L e i p o l d t , Geschichte des n i l . K a n o n s , I, p p . 208-212 and for I I I C o r i n t h i a n s see Bauer, op. c i t . , p p . 31-33. 8*

U n t i l the discovery of a Greek fragment of the D i a t e s s a r o n at D u r a i t could be argued that the work owed its success to the use of the Syriac vernacular. T h i s is no longer a cogent argument and what requires explanation is w h y the D i a t e s s a r o n available from a n early date i n both Greek and S y r i a c should have h a d the success i t d i d . The simplest suggestion, for which the w a y has been paved above, is that when the D i a t e s s a r o n became available regionally the area was still one i n which scriptural manuscripts were scarce a n d i n w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l congregations counted themselves fortunate to be able to acquire a n d afford even one scriptural text. The same condition h a d clearly existed at one t i m e also i n the Mediterranean churches, as the p o p u l a r i t y attaching to M a t t h e w i n the early days indicates, but i t h a d been overcome there b y the t h i r d century due to the p r o x i m i t y to centers for the production of copies a n d to the introduction of the papyrus codex. I n Mesopotamia, where parchment was still preferred down to the t h i r d century a n d where procurement from the outside was a matter of complicated personal and group relations, as we saw i n the case of the " A p o s t l e " , the condition can w e l l be thought to
4. See F . C. B u r k i t t , E v a n g e l i o n d a - M e p h a r r e s h e , II (Cambridge, 1904), p p . 206-212; A . H j e l t , D i e altsyrische EvangelienUbersetzung, (Forschungen z u r Geschichte des n i l . K a n o n s , V I I , L e i p z i g , 1903), p p . 162-166 a n d A . V66bus, E a r l y V e r s i o n s of the N e w T e s t a m e n t (Stockh o l m , 1954), p p . 73-88.

II6

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

1

have survived m u c h longer. If indeed a n i n d i v i d u a l congregation of third-century Mesopotamia like that of D u r a can be thought still to have regarded itself as fortunate to obtain and own a copy of the D i a t e s s a r o n , i t m a y be that this was indeed the only scriptural document i t actually possessed, a n d that for a l l else including P a u l ' s letters, the L a w a n d the Prophets i t h a d to depend upon what i t learned b y word of m o u t h from those who were its local leaders or who as missionary agents came to visit i t from elsewhere. T h e possibility that has to be faced here is not without bearing upon the question of the nature of the local Christian faith and that of the choice and meaning of the decorations applied to the walls of the D u r a Baptistery. W h a t the nature of the Christian faith m a y have been i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin generally and at D u r a i n particular i n the period of the Christian B u i l d i n g is the last a n d most important of the questions to be considered i n this context. Obviously the best evidence for what was believed at D u r a is provided b y the decorations of the D u r a Baptistery. B u t there are also the installations of the Christian B u i l d i n g a n d the graffiti a n d d i p i n t i on the walls of the B u i l d i n g . A l l these w i l l be considered i n their own appropriate context, but for the appraisal of the evidence as a whole there is needed some general frame of reference that w i l l bring its i n d i v i d u a l i t y into relief. This there must be some attempt to supply. The nature of Christian thought i n the TigrisEuphrates basin takes on recognizable form i n the mid-fourth century beginning w i t h the period of A i t a l l a h a , bishop of Edessa from 325-345/6, a n d of E p h r a e m Syrus (ca. 300-373). T h i s is because a n d to the extent that i t reflects the issues posed b y the Council of N i c e a . A t first it is only i n the reconstituted Province of Mesopotamia, where the Patriarchate of A n t i o c h now claims supremacy, that we can follow the battle between Nicene orthodoxy a n d the Homoiousians. B u t beginning w i t h the Nestorian controversy, w i t h the m i s fortunes of Ibas of Edessa a n d the subsequent transfer of the hearth of Nestorianism from Edessa
1. O n the preference for parchment at D u r a u n t i l the t h i r d century see Welles i n F i n a l R e p o r t , V , 1, p. 4. T h e D u r a D i a t e s s a r o n fragment is actually p a r t of a p a r c h ment scroll.

to Nisibis, the field of vision broadens out to include the greater part of the l a n d of the two rivers. I n comparison w i t h this later period, that of the second a n d t h i r d centuries of our era, which alone concerns us here, is still v e r y obscure so far as the nature of the Christian faith held locally is concerned. W e are t h r o w n back i n this connection upon scattered items of incidental information about conditions and circumstances i n the several parts of the region at Edessa i n Osrhoene, i n the trans-Tigris area, a n d i n the district of Mesene along the Persian Gulf and upon what can be inferred from a few p r i m a r y sources, some contemporary a n d some of later date. B o t h deserve careful consideration. W h a t is k n o w n or can be inferred about conditions at Edessa c a . A . D . 200 furnishes our first real insight into Christian religious beliefs i n any part of Mesopotamia. T h e restoration of the Osrhoenian d y n a s t y at the occasion of Severas' second visit i n 197 a n d the i n i t i a l steps t a k e n i n the development of the vassal kingdom's system of defense seem to have m a r k e d here the beginning of a real, though brief, period of prosperity a n d efflorescence. F o r the local Christians i t w o u l d seem to have been a period of growing selfconsciousness, if, as we would propose, this was the juncture that saw the creation of the A b g a r legend a n d the tradition about A d d a i (Thaddaeus) as the founder of the local c h u r c h . A c t u a l l y , there seems at this time already t o have been a number of different parties, factions, conventicles or even communities i n the make-up of the local Christian church. A m o n g the Christians of the c i t y the outstanding i n d i v i d u a l figure was that of B a r d e sanes, a local convert of high social standing w i t h connections at the local court, a n educated m a n , the author of a number of philosophical, historical
2

2. W h a t suggests this period as the occasion for the codification of the legend is a combination of c i r c u m stances. T h e first is the visit to Edessa i n the E m p e r o r ' s p a r t y of Julius Africanus, through w h o m the text of the legend could have come to Palestine a n d have become available to the church historian Eusebius. T h e second is the occasion for the self-recommendation of the faith and of the A b g a r i d dynasty that the document gives a n d the visit of the E m p e r o r provides. A t h i r d is the formal analogy between the letter of A b g a r to Jesus and similar fictitious letters of benevolent monarchs to Greek p h i l o sophers i n the work of Diogenes Laertius. I hope t o develop this train of thought further at another occasion.

CHRISTIAN SCRIPTURES A V A I L A B L E
and astronomical works of w h i c h one, the d e j a t o , has been preserved, the writer of a large collection of religious poems or hymns a n d apparently a person who h a d both influence and a following i n local Christian circles. H i s following perpetuated itself locally for centuries a n d was among the groups w h i c h E p h r a e m opposed i n his polemical treatises. The sense i n which he was and should be called " h e r e t i c a l " is debated. Of immediate importance for our purposes is the fact that he is reliably reported b y Eusebius to have composed dialogues against the Marcionites, who can thus properly be regarded as h a v i n g played a part i n the life at Christian Edessa at this t i m e . Of similar importance, though indirectly, is the suggestion made b y Eusebius i n the same context a n d echoed b y E p i p h a n i u s a n d Jerome that Bardesanes h a d been trained i n V a l e n t i n i a n circles but h a d later abandoned these associations. Such suggestions are necessarily suspect because of the common tendency of the early Fathers to create a system of filiation for a l l representatives of doctrines regarded as heretical. B u t that there is ample justification for the presence of Valentinians at Edessa at this time is shown b y the associations between Valentinian texts found i n E g y p t and anonymous documents belonging to the Mesopotamian region, as w i l l be seen l a t e r .
1 2 3 4 6 6

117

W h a t we know about the presence of various types of Christian religious belief at Edessa at the beginning of the t h i r d century is enhanced a n d i n a sense clarified b y what we learn about a certain
1. T h e source material available for the knowledge of Bardesanes is made conveniently accessible and is discussed b y F . N a u i n P S , 1, 2, coll. 492-535, i n connection w i t h his edition of the Syriac de fato, as well as b y H . H . Schaeder, "Bardesanes v o n E d e s s a i n der ber lieferung der griechischen u n d der syrischen K i r c h e , " Z K G , L I (1932), pp. 21-73. 2. See C. W . Mitchell, S t . E p l w a e m ' s P r o s e Refutations, I (London, 1912), II (A. A . B e v a n a n d F . C. B u r k i t t , L o n d o n , 1921). 3. T h e modern appraisal of Bardesanes begins with F . C. B u r k i t t ' s E a r l y E a s t e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y (London, 1904). See more recently W . Bauer, Rechtgldubigkeit u n d K e t z e r e i i m altesten C h r i s t e n t u m (Tubingen, 1934) ! L . Cerfaux i n R f A C s . v . 4. H i s t . e c c l . I V , 30, 3. 5. E p i p h a n i u s , P a n a r i o n , haer. 56, 2, G C S X X X I p. 340; Jerome, de v i r i s i l l u s t r i b u s 33, P L X X I I I , coll. 681-682. B y emending the reading of a name i n H i p p o l y tus Refutatio V I , 35, 7, G C S X X V I , p. 165 i t is possible to date this tradition still farther back. 6. See below, p. 120.
a n <

P a l u t . According to the D o c t r i n a A d d a i a n d the M a r t y r d o m o f B a r s a m y a this P a l u t , h a v i n g served among the lesser clergy of the c i t y , went from Edessa to A n t i o c h , was there ordained b y Serapion, the bishop of A n t i o c h ( A . D . 190-210), and returned to become one of the successors of A d d a i a n d A g g a i as " G u i d e a n d R u l e r " of the local c h u r c h . Whatever be true of P a l u t ' s actual status as bishop or priest, i t is clear that through his relation to A n t i o c h still another interpretation of the Christian faith was added to the v a r i e t y already established at Edessa, namely that representing at this time the orientation of the great metropolitan see of S y r i a i n its relation to the Christian faith of the Mediterranean w o r l d . W h a t justifies this inference is the fact that i n the fourth century E p h r a e m , the great defender of Nicene orthodoxy, counted himself among those who shared P a l u t ' s views a n d continued his tradition at Edessa. F o r our purposes, however, the most important feature of Ephraem's testimony is his complaint that even i n his d a y those sharing these views were s t i l l dubbed " P a l u t i a n s " b y the other Christian groups of E d e s s a . T w o conclusions follow from Ephraem's observations. T h e first is that for a l l his connection w i t h A n t i o c h P a l u t did not succeed i n r a l l y i n g to himself the support of the Christian m a j o r i t y at Edessa, b u t became merely the head a n d founder of another sect or faction, thus adding to the v a r i e t y of Christian religious beliefs held there. The second is that the faith i n relation to w h i c h the m a j o r i t y of believers at Edessa chose to differ was that w h i c h obtained at this time at A n t i o c h a n d w h i c h later became the faith of the orthodox E p h r a e m .
7 8 9

W h a t incidental intelligence tells us about Christian religious beliefs at Edessa at the beginning of the t h i r d century is that they took m a n y different forms, were, espoused b y different groups
7. D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p. 50; M a r t y r d o m of Barsamya, e d . Cureton, A n c i e n t Syriac Documents (London, 1864), p. 71. T h e chronological attribution of the D o c t r i n a A d d a i is manifestly wrong. 8. See B u r k i t t , E a r l y E a s t e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y , p. 35; Bauer, Rechtgldubigkeit u n d K e t z e r e i , p p . 25-29; E . K i r sten i n R f A C s . v . E d e s s a , coll. 569-570; H . Koester, r N Q M A l AIA<DOP01, H T R , L V I I I (1965) p. 305 9. H y m n i contra haereses, X X I I , 5-6, C S C O 170, S S , 77, p p . 78-79. T h a t the designation " P a l u t i a n s " goes back to Palut's own d a y is expressly indicated b y Ephraem.

n8

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

writers have i n common a n d what is a feature of the local Christian belief that they represent is the radicalism of the ethical demands calling not only for abstinence of the Nazorite type but also for sexual continence on the part of a l l Christians, married a n d u n m a r r i e d . T h a t this was once a feature of the Christian ethic i n the entire TigrisEuphrates basin has been argued, questioned, a n d more recently reaffirmed but the earliest evidence for its appearance is i n the trans-Tigris region.
3 4

W h a t c a n be k n o w n about Christian religious belief i n the early commivnities i n southern Mesop o t a m i a along the edge of the Persian Gulf is It does not follow that what the incidental limited to inferences made from later sources. Of intelligence reveals represents the full range of the basic importance for these inferences is the fact types a n d varieties of Christian belief established that i n the syncretistic religion which M a n i founded at Edessa i n the early t h i r d century, a n y more and preached i n this region during the years 242 t h a n i t guarantees the appearance of the same 273, the person a n d work of Jesus c a n now be forms i n equal number i n a n y other part of the seen to have formed an element of such importance Mesopotamian basin. T h e fact that, beginning i n that i t is necessary t o t h i n k of M a n i h a v i n g been the days of Septimus Severus, Edessa became a closely identified w i t h Christianity locally during c i t y of outstanding regional importance makes the his formative years. A t r a d i t i o n to this effect is proliferation of Christian factions or groups there preserved i n the F i h r i s t of a n - N a d i m . I t dates entirely natural. T h e same varieties of belief a n d Mani's contacts w i t h Chrisianity back to the days the same degree of proliferation cannot be ex- of his father, recounting how his father P a t e k was pected at the same time i n the trans-Tigris region, constrained to move from Ctesiphon to Mesene, i n southern Mesopotamia a n d at a s m a l l frontier where we know there were Christian communities c i t y such as D u r a . B u t as between t h e several at this time, because of a heavenly voice he heard parts of the Mesopotamian basin diversity of belief while worshipping i n a pagan temple a n d how seems none the less to have been part of the picture. he associated himself there w i t h a community W h a t we k n o w about Christian beliefs i n the of believers which the A r a b i c author designates as trans-Tigris region consists largely of what can be m u g h t a s i l a , literally "those who b a t h e " , a name learned f r o m the writings of T a t i a n a n d Aphraates. applied t o baptizing groups such as the Mandeans, T h a t the christology of the former should have but equally applicable also to Christians because been docetic, is not surprising, considering his of a Syriac text which he argues is the lost work of relatively early date. T o call h i m a Gnostic is a n T a t i a n o n Perfection a c c o r d i n g to the S a v i o r . unfortunate misappHcation of the t e r m for he 3. F o r Aphraates see his D e m o n s t r a t i o , V I I , 23, P S , I, seems to have made every effort to preserve i n - 1, coll. 345-346 a n d D e m o n s t r a t i o , X V I I I , 1, P S , I, 1, violate the u n i t y a n d transcendence of the divine coll. 819-820. 4. T h e thesis was first presented b y B u r k i t t , E a r l y principle while at the same time keeping his faith E a s t e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y , p p . 118-154. F negative reaction rooted i n the scriptural t r a d i t i o n . T h a t Aphraates see R . H . Connolly, " A p h r a a t e s and M o n a s t i c i s m " , J T S , should seem the more biblicistic of the t w o is a n V I - (1905), p p . 522-539. F o r the recent reaffirmation see A . V o o b u s , C e l i b a c y a R e q u i r e m e n t for A d m i s s i o n to impression that would be subject to modification i f B a p t i s m i n the e a r l y S y r i a n C h u r c h (Stockholm, 1951), more of T a t i a n ' s writings, once familiar i n Palestine and i d e m , H i s t o r y of A s c e t i c i s m i n the S y r i a n O r i e n t , I and E g y p t , h a d been preserved. W h a t the t w o (Lou v a i n , 1958).
8
r a

or factions a n d ranged from beliefs accepted at a major see i n the Church of the Mediterranean basin to t h e doctrines of schismatic Marcionites and of syncretists like the Valentinians. A t the same time we learn to suspect that there is some sense i n w h i c h local Christian religious belief generally, or as held b y the m a j o r i t y , differs from that dominant on the Mediterranean l i t t o r a l . I t is entirely possible, i n v i e w of his outstanding importance, that at Edessa Bardesanes' interpretation of the Christian faith comes closer to representing the religious beliefs of the local m a j o r i t y t h a n that of any other group or sect.

1. O n T a t i a n see more recently M . E l z e , T a t i a n u n d s e i n e Theologie (Gottingen, i960). 2. R . H a r r i s has published i n the B u l l e t i n of the J o h n R y l a n d s L i b r a r y , V I I I (1924), p p . 15-51, the translation

5. See H . J . Polotsky in. P W , S u p p l e m e n t b a n d V I s . v . Manichaismus, coll. 266-269 a n d the fundamental treatment of the subject b y E . W a l d s c h m i d t a n d W . Lentz, D i e S t e l l u n g J e s u I m M a n i c h a i s m u s (Ahademie der Wissenschaften, B e r l i n , A b h a n d l u n g e n , N o . 4, B e r l i n , 1926).

G N O S T I C OR G N O S T I C I Z I N G T E N D E N C I E S
of their use of the rite of baptism. B o r n i n Mesene, it was through his father's relation to the local communities of baptizers that M a n i came to demand abstinence from wine, meat and sexual intercourse on the part of those who would qualify for admission to the company of the "elect". Whatever the value of this tradition m a y be, i t is clear from the Manichean texts that M a n i h a d become familiar w i t h Christianity as a n established system of religious belief which he endeavored to incorporate i n his syncretism so far as his premises permitted, that the christology of this f o r m of Christian belief was docetic, that i t worshiped Christ as the great Redeemer, as the conqueror of demons and the doer of miracles, regarding h i m as the one who b y his teaching enlightened m a n through giving h i m knowledge, understanding his crucifixion and (apparent) death as an event
1

119

that actually brought death to "the enemy", and looking to h i m as the one who u l t i m a t e l y revives the dead and gives eternal l i f e . A further clue to the religious beliefs i n lower Mesopotamia w i l l no doubt eventually be found i n the t r a d i t i o n concerning itself w i t h the missionary a c t i v i t y of the Apostle Thomas D i d y m u s . Because of its interest i n a n d knowledge of I n d i a as a field of endeavor, because of the knowledge of Thomas in Manichean texts, and because of the associations of the Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s w i t h Manicheism, one w a y or another, this t r a d i t i o n must belong originally to the region of the Persian Gulf rather than to E d e s s a . W h a t these A c t s have to tell us about the Christian faith of the lower Tigris-Euphrates basin can best be considered i n connection w i t h the question whether Gnosticism was the dominant common element i n the faith of the region.
2 3

V.

GNOSTIC OR GNOSTICIZING

TENDENCIES

Wherever incidental intelligence, p r i m a r y source or inferences from later evidence have permitted insights into Christian religious beliefs i n Mesopotamia d u r i n g the t h i r d century of our era, we have encountered the presence of sects, groups or factions that are commonly characterized as Gnostic or heretical. This was true of the M a n i c h eism that appeared i n lower Mesopotamia i n the period immediately after the D u r a Christian B u i l d i n g , of T a t i a n on the upper Tigris, whose
1. F o r the text, translation and commentary see conveniently, G . Flgel, M a n i , s e i n e L e h r e u n d s e i n e Schriften (Leipzig, 1862), p p . 83-85. T h e material is put to use contemporaneously b y H . C. Puech, L e M a n i c h isme (Paris, 1949), p p . 39-42. 2. See Waldschmidt and L e n t z , op. c i t . , p p . 13, 15, 20, 22, 23, 24-25, 30, 37 and F . C. B a u r , D a s Manichische R e l i g i o n s s y s t e m (Gttingen, 1831), p p . 368-404. 3. W h a t is at issue here is only the missionary t r a d ition, not that of the Gospel of T h o m a s . O n T h o m a s the missionary i n Manichean texts see e.g. C. R . C. A l l b e r r y , A M a n i c h e a n P s a l m - B o o h , II (Stuttgart, 1938), p. 192, 1. 15. O n the associations of the A c t s of T h o m a s w i t h Manicheism see G . B o r n k a m m i n Hennecke-Schneemelcher, N e u t e s t a m e n t l i c h e A p o k r y p h e n , II, (Tubingen, 1959), p p . 300-308. It cannot well have originated at E d e s s a during the period when A d d a i was still celebrated as the founder of local Edessene Christianity, but could well have found its w a y northward to E d e s s a from the Persian G u l f after the great campaigns of Shapur, when the balance of power and the center from which it was administered shifted from north to south.

teaching Irenaeus and Eusebius associated w i t h that of the Gnostics Satornilus a n d Valentinus, and of Bardesanes and the Valentinians t h e m selves at Edessa. The question must necessarily arise on this account whether Mesopotamian Christianity as a whole was not fundamentally Gnostic i n character. F r o m what has hitherto been said about the faith of Mesopotamian Christianity one p r i m a r y source relevant to the knowledge of i t has purposely been omitted. T h i s is the collection of Christian hymns passing under the name Odes o f S o l o m o n . N o w k n o w n to have been read i n a n t i q u i t y i n Syriac, Coptic, and Greek a n d composed probably i n the second century, this collection was used among others b y E p h r a e m Syrus i n his baptismal H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e (the importance of which for the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y w i l l appear later) and has affinities backwards a n d forwards w i t h the Christian religious beliefs of S y r i a a n d Mesop o t a m i a . The critical discussion of the Odes has
4

4. A Greek form of O d e X I has come to light i n the Bodmer p a p y r i of the t h i r d century. See M . Testuiz, Papyrus Bodmer X - X I I (Cologne-Genve, 1959)- F r the use of the Odes b y E p h r a e m a n d others see especially the second edition of H a r r i s and M i n g a n a II, p p . 16-60. F o r suggestions that the O d e s were actually composed at Edessa or b y Bardesanes himself see J . de Zwaan,

120

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

provide additional suggestions about the channels through w h i c h the inheritance reached the Christian author. N e x t , i t is important to recall the debt of the author of the Odes to the W i s d o m literature a n d the importance of the sapiental factor i n any comprehensive treatment of his christology. Salvation i n the O d e s , i t must also be recalled, is distinctly of Christ a n d of grace, not of the k n o w ledge of self a n d of the origin of the self. A n d while there is no strong echo of the Pauline doctrine of redemption b y the blood of the cross a n d the vicarious sacrifice, but rather of redemption b y the revelation of t r u t h a n d mercy i n and b y Christ, the change i n emphasis is what is reflected i n the theology of Ignatius and what derives ultimately, i t would seem, from the Gospel of J o h n .
3 4 5

had three stages. T h e y were first studied i n the relation to post-Biblical Jewish h y m n o d y . T h e y were caught up together w i t h the A c t s o f T h o m a s and the newly published M a n d e a n and Manichean texts i n the discussion of a pre-Christian Gnostic religion of redemption, the I r a n i s c h e s Erlsungsm y s t e r i u m , supposedly introduced into S y r i a and Palestine from the east. More recently the m a n u script discoveries at N a g H a m m a d i (ancient Chenoboskion) i n E g y p t have focused attention on the relation between the Odes o f S o l o m o n a n d the V a l e n t i n i a n E v a n g e l i u m V e r i t a t i s on the one h a n d a n d the A c t s o f T h o m a s a n d the G o s p e l o f T h o m a s on the other. I n the flood of literature currently being produced on the subject of these relationships the tendency has been to label the older sources, both the Odes a n d the A c t s , Gnostic and at least the Odes as V a l e n t i n i a n . T o the extent that both these sources are properly to be associated w i t h the Christian religious beliefs of Mesopotamia in the t h i r d century, i t w o u l d follow that that faith was fundamentally Gnostic.
1

Obviously the issues raised cannot be discussed in detail i n the present context, nor can i t be said that debate has as yet reached the point where t h e y have been clarified sufficiently to permit a definitive judgement. I t m a y , however, not be inappropriate here to call attention to some points made i n the earlier discussions about the A c t s a n d about the Odes i n particular, which are so readily forgotten i n the heat of contemporary debate. A b o u t the Odes i t is important to recall in the first place the extent of their continuous dependence upon the imagery a n d the piety of traditional Hebrew and Jewish psalmody. T h e y dominate the entire manner of the Odist's expression. T h i s reflects a measure of traditionalism and of the author's being rooted i n a specific t y p e of religious inheritance that is a n y t h i n g but common in Gnostic sects. The discovery of the Essene h y m n s i n the Q u m r a n caves m a y ultimately
2

As for the A c t s o f T h o m a s , i t is clear that the tradition about Thomas as the missionary to I n d i a was already current and authoritative i n Mesene on the Persian Gulf before A . D . 240, because i t provided the p a t t e r n which M a n i followed i n initiating his own missionary enterprise. A s the tradition was transmitted northward, i t m a y weE have been Gnosticized and have absorbed Manichean elements. B u t the written precipitate of this t r a d i t i o n that we have i n the later A c t s o f T h o m a s cannot be Manichean i n origin because M a n i rejected b a p t i s m , one of its recurrent themes, a n d i t does not have the earmarks of a
6 7

"The Edessene O r i g i n of the Odes of S o l o m o n " , Q u a n t u l a c u m q u e , S t u d i e s presented to K . L a k e (London, 1937), pp. 285-302 and W . R . Newbold, " B a r d a i s a n a n d the Odes of S o l o m o n " , J B L , X X X (1911), p p . 161-204. 1. T h e basic publications are those of A . Guillaumont et a l . , edd. E v a n g e l i u m V e r i t a t i s (Zrich, 1956) and M . . M a l i n i n e et a l . , edd. T h e G o s p e l according to T h o m a s (Leiden, 1959). 2. See J . R . H a r r i s and A . M i n g a n a , O d e s a n d P s a l m s of S o l o m o n (Manchester, 1920), II, p p . 106-138.

3. See now J . Carmignac, " U n Qumranien converti au Christianisme: l'auteur des Odes de S a l o m o n " , Q u m r a n P r o b l e m e , e d . H . B a r d t k e (Berlin, 1963), p p . 75-108. pj 4. See H a r r i s a n d M i n g a n a , op. c i t . , II, p p . 72-84, and R . A b r a m o w s k i , " D e r Christus der Solomooden", Z N T W , X X X V (1936), p p . 44-67 5. See the excellent treatment of the subject b y F.-M. B r a u n , J e a n le thologien, I (Paris, 1959), p p . 226 251 6. A c c o r d i n g to his own testimony i n the K e p h a l a i a , c.l, M a n i after his " c a l l " i n the later years of Ardashir's reign proceeded at once to India to preach there the hope of L i f e (ed. C. Schmidt, Stuttgart, 1953, P- *5)- T h e m o t i v a t i o n of his journey was, of course, quite different from that of Apollonius of T y a n a . A c c o r d i n g to other reliable sources (e.g. A c t a A r c h e l a i 64 a n d the F o r m u l a of A b j u r a t i o n ) a m a n named or renamed T h o m a s was among M a n i ' s v e r y first disciples. 7. See G . B o r n k a m m i n Hennecke-Schneemelcher, op. c i t . , II, p p . 300-308. If not before, the transmission could have occured during the period of Shapur's ascendency over the R o m a n s or while Odenath held the Euphrates line d o w n to A r a b i a , and while M a n i was preaching i n Adiabene and o n the edges of the R o m a n territory as he reports i n the K e p h a l a i a passage already referred to above.

G N O S T I C OR G N O S T I C I Z I N G T E N D E N C I E S
Gnostic creation because i t is clearly not dualistic. R a t h e r , the basic conception of the apostle as an indentured servant of Christ, an itinerant preacher and exorcist, whose preaching leads directly to baptism, whose performance of the rite occurs under the most simple a n d primitive conditions, and who b y v i r t u e of his work becomes involved in a l l manner of personal jeopardy, a l l this gives itself n a t u r a l l y as an unsophisticated and nontendentious extension of the theme developed i n the B i b l i c a l A c t s of the Apostles. The great manuscript discoveries of the past fifty years that have brought about a reappraisal of such familiar texts as the Odes o f S o l o m o n and the A c t s o f T h o m a s a n d that have suggested i n i t i a l l y to examiners of superficial resemblances that a l l hei-e is Gnostic, are already producing other and more significant results at the hands of the more competent. T h e careful analysis of such documents as the new G o s p e l o f T h o m a s a n d the E v a n g e l i u m V e r i t a t i s is leading to the re-examination of Gnosticism i n the depth of its own conceptual stratification and is showing that such texts, far from being the products of a specific sect often represent materials that once h a d a separate existence and that are being imperfectly accomodated to sectarian a n d Gnostic purposes i n the form i n which they have now come to our knowledge. A t the same time that we are thus learning to be extremely cautious about what the terms Gnostic and Gnosticizing can properly be applied to, we
2 1

121

are also learning on the other h a n d to be careful i n distinguishing between orthodoxy, so called, a n d heresy, so called. Applicable i n one sense where there was a relatively uniform body of a u t h o r i tative scripture, a closely k n i t ecclesiastical organism and an established vegula fidei, the t e r m orthodox a n d the distinction between orthodoxy and heresy can for a m u c h longer time be relatively meaningless and even misleading i n other areas where these criteria of the Church could not establish themselves so readily a n d where the diverse traditions of the apostolic age such as the Jewish Christian a n d the Johannine or A s i a t i c h a d an opportunity to perpetuate themselves. So far as the A c t s o f T h o m a s a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y the Odes o f S o l o m o n are concerned, and as regards the Mesopotamian Christianity to which they witness, i t seems wisest not to speak of them as Gnostic but as regionally t y p i c a l and as representative of a form of Christianity p a r t i c u l a r l y exposed to exploitation and capture b y those who h a d s y n cretistic a n d divisive or sectarian purposes i n mind.
3

1. T h e A c t s demand celibacy on the part of the baptized, which is paralleled i n Aphraates a n d T a t i a n , and is motivated not b y the belief that the flesh being material is e v i l , b u t b y the idea that sex tends to create a second focus of interest, responsibility, a n d authority, used b y S a t a n to enslave people, where there should be only one, namely absolute dedication to G o d . See also below, p . 124. T h e importance of b a p t i s m i n the T h o m a s t r a d ition and i n the A c t s is i n accord w i t h what a n - N a d i m tells us about the Christians of Mesene w i t h w h o m M a n i ' s father associated himself, when he describes them as m u g h t a s i l a , i . e . those who bathe. See above, p. 118. 2. T h e treatment of the apocryphal gospels b y H . - C . P u e c h i n Hennecke-Schneemelcher, op. c i t . , 1, p p . 158 271 is exemplary i n this respect.

T o go beyond this point a n d to attempt to describe a n d to infer from earlier and later a n d positive and negative evidence what were the common factors that gave early Mesopotamian Christianity its particular character, remains one of the more important uncompleted tasks i n the study of early Christian thought generally. T h a t it cannot be undertaken i n the compass of this volume is obvious. B u t the subject cannot be dismissed entirely here and some effort, however tentative, must be made to characterize at least some aspects of what concerns the doctrine of salvation.
4

3. See now not only Brauer, Rechtglubigkeit u n d K e t z e r e i , but also Koester, TNQMAI A1AO>OPOI, i n H T R , L V I I I (1965), p p . 279-318. 4. J . L e i p o l d t , Frhes C h r i s t e n t u m i m O r i e n t , H a n d buch der O r i e n t a l i s t i k , ed. B . Spuler, V I I I , 2 (Leiden, 1961), p. 8 is o n the right track when he suggests that the u l t i mate causes of the Nestorian schism are not yet fully clarified.

122

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

VI. E L E M E N T S O F A R E G I O N A L D O C T R I N E O F S A L V A T I O N

B y w a y of introduction it can be said that on general principles we should not expect the Christian religious beliefs of third-century Mesopotamia to reflect that combination of rationalism and moralism that characterizes the contemporary thought of the Church of the R o m a n West. Salvation here is, therefore, not a forensic and juridical process. It does not t u r n on the contrast between the old a n d the new L a w a n d give p r i m a r y attention to the search for justification before G o d . R a t h e r i t associates itself fundament a l l y w i t h the mystical conception of c o m m u n i cation w i t h or participation i n the being or nature of the divine that plays so important a part i n the theology of eastern Christianity a n d that was receiving a classic platonizing formulation at A l e x a n d r i a at this v e r y time. B u t the association in Mesopotamia is w i t h the basic type rather t h a n w i t h the A l e x a n d r i n e formulation, for the p h i l o sophical presuppositions are other than P l a t o n i c and there is not the same inclination to systematize a n d to look for B i b l i c a l proof-texts.
1 2

are aware. It is deliverance from the effects of the control which astral powers exercise over certain aspects at least of man's fortunes on e a r t h . A t the same time i t is also deliverance from sin a n d i n the last analysis from man's personal enemy Satan, who seeks to enslave h i m , and from D e a t h , whose victims those become who obey the creature rather t h a n the creator.
4 5 6

In explaining how m a n came to be i n the distressing a n d dangerous situation from w h i c h he requires deliverance the Syriac documents and writers begin, of course, w i t h the B i b l i c a l account of A d a m ' s creation a n d fall as the result of which God decreed the " d e a t h of n a t u r e " for a l l sons of A d a m . M a n as G o d created h i m h a d free w i l l and it was b y the exercise of this free w i l l that he went astray. This brought about a change of relationship between m a n a n d his " f e l l o w " w h o m G o d h a d created a n d who henceforth became his enemy so that he is now subject to h i m . B u t man's
7 8 9

Salvation as the early Christian Syriac documents interpret i t is salvation from a number of tilings. I t is deliverance from a l l fear of those who reduce m e n to the state of beasts of burden a n d who require of them acts of reverence before the images of kings and idols. I t is deliverance from possession a n d persecution b y the omnipresent demons who entice a n d compel m e n to perform sinful a n d shameful deeds a n d of whose existence and presence only those who have the eye of faith
3

1. A s a disciple of J u s t i n , T a t i a n is something of a n exception i n his doctrine of salvation, so far as the evidence of the Oratio ad Graecos is concerned. H e shares the view of the Christian apologists generally i n t h i n k i n g that the revelation of the divine Reason i n Christ leads to the achievement of the new higher morality, and believes that the union of the soul and the H o l y S p i r i t gives i m m o r t a l i t y to the former. 2. A m o n g the early Syriac writers Aphraates is the first of the Biblicists. T h e range and quantity of his B i b l i c a l knowledge is extensive and it would be interesting to know how he acquired i t . T y p i c a l l y ignoring R e v e l a t i o n and among, the Catholic E p i s t l e s , I and II Peter, he is exceptionally Pauline i n his conception of salvation. 3. F o r release from the fear of enslavement see A c t s of T h o m a s , ed. W r i g h t , II, p. 219. Release from the fear of those demanding the performance of idolatrous acts of worship occupies the m a r t y r acts generally.

4. T h e length of T a t i a n ' s discussion of demons i n his Oratio is i n some sense a measure of their importance i n a representative of Mesopotamian Christianity. T h e A c t s of T h o m a s has the apostle continuously i n v o l v e d w i t h persons possessed b y demons, a n d Christ is understood i n this document as one who struggled against the nature of such e v i l powers " t o the e n d " . See A c t s of T h o m a s e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 172. 5. T h a t the stars do determine some aspects of man's life is maintained b y Bardesanes. See his de fato, 18-22, P S , I, 2, coll. 564-579. T a t i a n also plays w i t h the idea b u t concludes that the d a t a u p o n which the claims of astrology rest are contrived b y the demons associated w i t h the stars, who use t h e m to deceive. See his Oratio 9. 6. S i n is understood sometimes as attachment to the physical processes as i n fornication, covetousness, and service of the belly (Acts of T h o m a s , ed. W r i g h t , II, p. 167), and sometimes as attachment to pagan religious practices such as divination, sooth-saying, and necromancy ( D o c l r i n a A d d a i , ed. P h i l l i p s , p. 34), or sheer idolatry (Acts of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a , ed. B u r k i t t , p. 96). O n S a t a n and D e a t h as man's enemies see A c t s of S h m o n a and G u r i a , ed. B u r k i t t , p. 96 and D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. P h i l l i p s , P- 43 7. F o r the " d e a t h of n a t u r e " as distinct from the " s e c o n d d e a t h " see e.g. A c t s of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a , ed. B u r k i t t , p p . 102-103. 8. So i n common w i t h ancient C h r i s t i a n writers generally T a t i a n , O r a t i o , 7; Bardesanes, de fato, 9, P S , I, 2, coll. 546-549. 9. A c t s of T h o m a s , ed. W r i g h t , II, p . 174. T h e passage about the other creature whom G o d placed alongside of A d a m as " h i s fellow" (kanatha), so that he might strive against h i m with his free will, and who became his enemy

E L E M E N T S OF A R E G I O N A L D O C T R I N E OF S A L V A T I O N
"going a s t r a y " was due to the fact that he " f o r g o t " or "became u n m i n d f u l " or " e r r e d " i n his free w i l l , and d i d not change his nature, so that he can still do what is good, because doing the good is a matter of the operation of the m i n d (reyana) and what transcends the power of the body is still w i t h i n the will of the self or soul. S i n and the doing of the good are therefore voluntaristic a n d intellectual.
1

123

H e is also the divine W o r d , not i n a speculative philosophical sense, commonly, but rather as the spoken W o r d or Utterance of G o d , i n which i t is easy to make intelligible i n B i b l i c a l terms his role i n creation, his incarnation and his function as revealer of t r u t h . A s healer he is the great P h y s i cian a n d as opponent of the demons the great Athlete.
3 4

The one who delivers m a n from these manifold jeopardies external a n d internal is " G o d " , " o u r G o d " , the " S o n of G o d " , " G o d C h r i s t " , the " G o d who became m a n " , the " G o d who took on a b o d y " , the " G o d who was crucified for a l l m e n " , or the " W i s d o m , Power, Knowledge, and W i l l of G o d " .
2

is difficult. T h e same thought is expressed also b y Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , V , 6, P S , I, i , coll. 265-266 a n d E p h r a e m , H y m n i de fide L X I I , 1, e d . B e c k C S C O , 155, S S , 74, p. 167. It is natural to t h i n k of E v e as the " o t h e r creature", b u t it would make even better sense to suppose that Satan, also one of God's creatures, was the " f e l l o w " who became the " e n e m y " , this because man's acceptance of Satan's a u t h o r i t y over t h a t of G o d h a d given Satan the ascendency over m a n . Acceptance of the authority of creature (including particularly the astral powers) a n d the created order of things (including the body, children, wealth, a n d the like) is fundamental for the understanding of sin-as blasphemy against G o d . O n sin as blasphemy see e . g . D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. Phillips, p. 25. 1. See e . g . Bardesanes, de fato, 11, P S , I, 2, coll. 550 551, where Bardesanes' p u p i l complains that the ethical injunctions given b y his teacher are no doubt the best b u t are precepts w h i c h m e n are not able to fulfill, a n d where Bardesanes replies, N a m ecce haec o m n i a p e n d e n t e m e n t e h o m i n i s , i t a u t s u b potestate c o r p o r i s n o n s i n t sed i n a n i m q e v o l u n t a t e . See also below, p. 124. 2. C h r i s t is spoken of as 6 8E6S (with the article) a p parently only where analogous or alternative designations are used seriatim. See e.g. A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 187: " J e s u s , G o d , Son of G o d , e t c . " ; A p h r a a t e s , D e m o n s t r a t i o , X V I I , 2 P S , I 1, coll. 787-788: t e n e m u s I e s u m , D o m i n u m n o s t r u m , esse D e u m , F i l i u m D e i , R e g e m , f i l i u m R e g i s , e t c . ; A c t s of S h a r b i l , e d . Cureton, p. 43, " W h o p u t on flesh is G o d , the Son of G o d , e t c . " . I n his letter to Jesus (Eusebius, H i s t . e c c l . I, 7) A b g a r declares, " e i t h e r you are G o d a n d have come d o w n from heaven, or the Son of G o d . " Celsus (Origen, contra C e l s u m , V I I , 8-9) speaks of " p r o p h e t s " i n the Palestinian-Phoenician region w h o m he has heard declare, " I a m G o d , the Son of G o d , the D i v i n e S p i r i t " . F o r " o u r G o d " see e.g. D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . Phillips, p. 29 a n d A c t s of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a , e d . B u r k i t t , p. 93. So already Ignatius, E p h e s i a n s , 18, 2, R o m a n s , 3, 3. F o r " G o d C h r i s t " see e . g . A c t s of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a , e d . B u r k i t t , p. 93, A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 204 " I believe i n thee Jesus, the Messiah G o d , t h a t thou art the L i v i n g , e t c . " . So already Ignatius, S m y r n e a n s , 6, 1, T r a l l i a n s , 7, 1 (codd.). F o r Christ as G o d i n contexts i n v o l v i n g a verb see D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . Phillips, p. 27 "confess G o d who became m a n , " i b i d . , p. 20 " G o d was

crucified for all m e n " , A c t s of H a b b i b the D e a c o n , e d . , B u r k i t t , p. 122, " t h e G o d who took on a b o d y a n d became m a n I w o r s h i p " . C h r i s t as God's W i s d o m , Power, etc., see A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 245, 207-208, A c t s of S h a r b i l , e d . Cureton, p. 43, D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p. 19. 3. T a t i a n , of course, uses the word Logos i n the speculative sense. Syriac writers employ various expressions, m e l t a , m e m l a l a , p e t h g a m a a n d q a l a to refer to Christ as the W o r d , the first-mentioned being used i n the masculine gender, rather than the proper feminine, when there is direct or indirect reference to J o h n 1, 1. T h e v o c a l character of the W o r d comes to expression i n contexts where it is paired w i t h V o i c e (e.g., Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , V I I I , 15, P S , I, 1, coll. 389-392 i n a rendering of J o h n 1, 1), or is said to proclaim its coming i n or proceed f r o m Silence (e.g. A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . , W r i g h t , II, p. 248 a n d Ignatius, M a g n e s i a n s , 8, 2). B y way of contrast G o d himself can therefore be described as " u n u t t e r e d B e i n g " , i t h i y a d e l a m e t h m a l a l (Actsof Thomas, e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 245). T h e point at which a n d the c o n text i n w h i c h the d i v i n e W o r d appears o n the scene as creator is t h a t of G e n . 1, 3, where i n describing the process of creation the B i b l i c a l author writes for the first time, " a n d G o d s a i d " . T h e distinction between what went before a n d what followed these words P h i l o h a d already used i n Platonizing fashion to distinguish between the creation of the world of ideas a n d their material counterparts (de opificio m u n d i , V I I , 29). If E p h r a e m ' s testimony can be trusted, Bardesanes used i t i n distmguishlng between the pre-existence of the four elements a n d the creation of the W o r l d . See E p h r a e m ' s a d v e r s u s haereses s e r m o n e s , O p e r a , e d . Assemani, II, p p . 443-444. W h e r e the pre-existent W o r d is v o c a l i n this sense i t is clearly possible to say t h a t " t h e r e was when he was n o t " , as the A r i a n s later d i d . T h e W o r d is utterance i n the incarnation context when M a r y is said to have conceived through her ear at the moment of the A n n u n c i a t i o n . See E p h r a e m , H y m n i d e beata M a r i a , X I , 6, O p e r a , e d . , L a m y , II, p. 570 a n d Isaac of A n t i o c h , O p e r a , e d . B i c k e l l (Giessen 1873), I, p. 60. T y p i c a l l y i n the incarnation C h r i s t " p u t s o n a b o d y " (lebaS p a g r a ) as one puts o n a garment (lebSa). See e . g . , D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p. 1 8 , A c t s of S h a r b i l , e d . Cureton, p. 43, A c t s of H a b b i b the D e a c o n , e d . B u r k i t t , p. 122, A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 207. T h i s lends itself naturally to a Docetic christology. C h r i s t is utterance i n the process of revelation where he is spoken of as the W o r d of L i f e or the W o r d of L i g h t . So frequently i n the O d e s of S o l o m o n a n d elsewhere, e . g . , A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 245, 248. 4. F o r C h r i s t as P h y s i c i a n see Ignatius, E p h e s i a n s , 7, 2, D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p. 18, A c t s of S h m o n a a n d G u r i a , e d . B u r k i t t , p. 93, A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 288. F o r C h r i s t as Athlete, see e . g . . A c t s of T h o m a s , e d .

124

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

The new higher Life which the Christian begins w i t h baptism makes unusual demands upon h i m , namely demands of complete and absolute devotion to i t . " Y e cannot be children of everlasting L i f e " , says the Apostle Thomas, "unless y o u separate yourselves a m a n from his wife and a woman from her h u s b a n d " . The demands are echoed b y Aphraates and T a t i a n . T h i s is not because sex is associated w i t h any enticement of the flesh and thus p a r t i c u l a r l y sinful, but because i t is a n i m a l and filthy i n character, and, i n v o l v i n g men i n personal relations to children and their misfortunes, creates a divided allegiance between the believer, his family, and God. U n u s u a l though they are, the demands for complete abstinence do not rest on a dualistic premise nor confer upon h i m who fulfils t h e m the special virtue of monastic sanctity. N i h i l e s t e n i m h o m i n i b u s i m p e r a t u m , n i s i i d quod f a c e r e p o s s u n t , says Bardesanes, F a c i l i u s e s t b o n u m f a c e r e q u a m a m a l o se a b s t i n e r e . B o n u m enim p r o p r m m est h o m i n i s . . . m a l u m a u t e m -proprium est o p t i s i n i m i c i . Similarly i n the A c t s o f T h o m a s the apostle can say, "we are not commanded to do a n y t h i n g which we are unable to do but something which we can d o . " T h e ethical optimism that comes to expression here stands i n sharp contrast to the Pauline complaint of R o m a n s 6, " t h e good that I would I do n o t " , a n d seems to take us back a l l the w a y to the period of Greek ethics that preceeded the critique of Carneades. A c t u a l l y , however, i t is regionally documented i n the first century B . C . at Arsameia i n the S t i f t u n g s u r k u n d e of Mithridates of Commagene, where the k i n g h a v i n g arranged for the cult of the h i e r o t h e s i o n remarks i n general that "alles F r o m m e ist leichte T a t , aber die Gottlosigkeit fhrt zwangsweise hinterdrein z u schwerer N o t " . W h a t the high-flown ethics seek to do is to r e t u r n to the life
5 6 7 8

W h a t Christ d i d to provide salvation for men is described i n various ways, sometimes w i t h the use of terms originally associated w i t h the doctrine of the vicarious atonement. B u t i n m a n y instances it is noticeable that the traditional formulations are adapted to other purposes, as when the Good Shepherd giving his life for the flock (John 10, n ) is interpreted to apply to overcoming the wolf (Death), or when the whole purpose for which Christ came into the w o r l d is not said to be " t o save sinners" (I T i m . i , 15) but " t h a t creatures might not again be worshiped", or when the same reason is given for man's redemption instead of redemption from the curse of the L a w . F o r what Christ really does is to give men a "secret p o w e r " to withstand the tortures of their persecutors, to provide them, sometimes through the cross, w i t h the "secret " o r the "clear eye of the m i n d " so that they know that to worship creature rather t h a n the creator is wrong, and to endow t h e m w i t h L i f e , which is eternal but begins now, because as Savior (mehayana) he is b y definition the giver of L i f e ( h a y a ) . I n this context Christ's death, instead of being that which he endured for our sake as the Paschal L a m b , is the instrument and the occasion for his great v i c t o r y over D e a t h , when, descending to H e l l , he broke down the w a l l of p a r t i t i o n a n d delivered the captives w h o m he took w i t h h i m to H e a v e n .
1 2 3 4

W r i g h t , II, p p . 180-181, 189, N a r s a i , X X I H o m i l y , ed. Connolly, T S , V I I I , 1, p. 53. Related are such designations as " m a n of p o w e r " (e.g. D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. P h i l l i p s , p. 7) and " G e n e r a l " (Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , V , 24 P S , I, 1, coll. 233-234, a n d E p h r a e m , H y m n i de e c c l e s i a , X I I , 4, ed. Beck, C S C O , 199, S S , 85, p. 34). 1. So e.g. Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , X I V , 31, P S , I, 1, coll. 651-652, (Christus) p r o rebellibus mortuus est, eosque c u m P a t r o s u o r e c o n c i l i a v i t ; D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . Phillips, pp. 18-19, "(Christ) gave himself and was crucified for all m e n " ; A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 210, " O u r L o r d who didst give thyself for us and b u y us w i t h t h y blood." 2. F o r the first see A c t s of T h o m a s , ed. W r i g h t , II, p. 181, for the second D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p. 42 and for the t h i r d A c t s of H a b b i b the D e a c o n , ed. B u r k i t t , p p . 119-120. 3. O n the secret power see A c t s of S h m o n a and G u r i a , e d . B u r k i t t , p p . 91, 96, A c t s of S h a r b i l , ed. Cureton, p. 52. O n the " s e c r e t " or " c l e a r e y e " see Aphraates, D e m o n stratio, I, 1, P S , I, 1, coll. 5-6, E p h r a e m , H y m n i de fide, 5, 18, e d . Beck, C S C O , 155 S S , 74, p. 17, D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. P h i l l i p s , pp. 28, 40, A c t s of S h a r b i l , ed. Cureton, pp. 45-57, A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 193. 4. See Ignatius, T r a l l i a n s , 9, M a g n e s i a n s , 92, E p h e s i a n s , 19; O d e s of S o l o m o n , X V I I , 8-16, X L I I , 11-20;

Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , X I I , 8, P S , I, 1, coll. 513-514 and p a s s i m ; D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. Phillips, p p . 9, 43; A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 154-155 and i n general J . K r o l l , Gott u n d Hlle (Leipzig, 1932), p p . 1-125. 5. See A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 233; for T a t i a n ' s Encratite demands see Eusebius, H i s t , e c c l . , I V , 29, 2-3; Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , X V I I I , 1, P S , I, 1, coll. 819-820 and D e m o n s t r a t i o , V I I , 23, P S , I, 1, coll. 345-346. 6. D e F a t o , 11 and 14, P S , I, 2, coll. 550-551, 554-555. 7. E d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 219-220. 8. F . K . Doerner a n d T . Goell, A r s a m e i a am N y m p h a i o s (Berlin, 1963), p p . 44t.

THE

STRUGGLE AGAINST THE ASTRAL POWERS

125

of m a n i n Paradise before the fall and thus to anticipate now the conditions of the future i n keeping w i t h the conception that the new Life of the future begins i n the present. If what has thus been said about the elements of Christian thought entering into the regional doctrine of salvation comes anywhere near to a description of what was commonly believed i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin i n the t h i r d century of our era, i t should be helpful i n several respects. It would show that while local Christianity was not fundamentally dualistic or Gnostic i n character, its interest i n the power struggle between Christ a n d the believer and the demons, its intellectualistic formulation of the benefit of salvation, and its demands for t o t a l abstinence made i t particularly amenable to Gnosticizing adaptation. It would i m p l y that the origins of this interpretation of the Christian faith go back over the Odes o f S o l o m o n

and Ignatius ultimately to the interpretation of the Gospel that we associate w i t h the name Jo hannine and i n w h i c h the self-communication of the revealer Christ looms relatively larger than the self-sacrifice of the redeemer Christ. It would suggest that there was an element of continuity between the earlier phases of the regionally S y r i a n and Mesopotamian Christian convictions and those particular points of doctrine that were argued so strenuously b y the theologians of the School of A n t i o c h and their successors i n Mesopotamia i n the T r i n i t a r i a n a n d Christological controversies of the later centuries and which i n the last analysis always turned about what was needful for man's salvation. A n d i t would make i t imperative, finally, to give precedence to source material representing the eastern Christian point of view in appraising the meaning of the D u r a Baptistery decorations.
1

VII.

T H E STRUGGLE AGAINST T H E ASTRAL POWERS AND T H E OF T H E CHRISTIAN BUILDING

ABECEDARIA

One element of the process of salvation as i t has been described i n the fore-going pages i t is possible to illustrate b y specific evidence from the Christian B u i l d i n g itself. This is the deliverance from the evil demonic forces that not only surround m a n on earth but threaten h i m from the region of the stars, where they p l a y some part at least i n determining his earthly circumstances. H o w i m portant this belief i n the power of the stars was i n R o m a n Mesopotamia is amply attested b y the literary t r a d i t i o n and b y excavations at Edessa, at H a t r a , and at D u r a itself. W h a t provides the
2

1. See i n general R . V . Sellers, Two a n c i e n t Christologies (London, 1940), esp. p p . 114-115; J . Rivire, L e dogme de l a redemption (Paris, 1905) ; H . E . W . T u r n e r , T h e P a t r i s t i c D o c t r i n e of the R e d e m p t i o n (London, 1952); J . N . K e l l y , E a r l y C h r i s t i a n D o c t r i n e s (London, 1958), p p . 163-188. 2. P l i n y , H i s t , n a t . , X X X , 2, 123 gives the names of three cities of Mesopotamia still functioning as centers of astronomical and astrological learning i n R o m a n times. For the general picture see F . Cumont, L e s r e l i g i o n s orientales d a n s le p a g a n i s m e r o m a i n , 4. d., (Paris, 1901), C h a p . V I I . F o r evidence from the excavations near Edessa see J . B . Segal, " P a g a n Syriac Monuments i n the V i l a y e t of U r f a " , A n a t o l i a n S t u d i e s , III (1953), p p . 97 119; for H a t r a see H . Ingholt, " P a r t h i a n S c u l p t u r e s from H a t r a " (Connecticut A c a d e m y of A r t s a n d S c i e n c e s , M e m o i r s ,

opportunity to observe the Christians at D u r a embroiled i n the struggle against them is the a b e c e d a r i a inscribed on the walls of the Christian Building. Alphabet inscriptions or abecedaria are b y no means uncommon i n the temples and private houses of D u r a , but, as Welles has pointed out above, the number found i n the Christian B u i l d i n g is larger t h a n that of any other structure i n the c i t y . N o t a l l of t h e m belong to the period d u r i n g which the house served Christian purposes. So No. 11, w h i c h was seen on the first coat of plaster in R o o m 4. B u t N o . 14, w h i c h should i n m y judgment be read A B r A ^ , is applied to the j a m b of a door frame introduced into R o o m 5 when R o o m 6 became the B a p t i s t e r y and must therefore belong to the Christian adaptation of the b u i l d i n g . Nos. 3 and 4 should be assigned to the same period.
3 4

X I I , 1954); for D u r a see Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 60-67. 3. See above p. 90. Welles counts six, namely N o s . 1, 3, 4, 5, 8, 11, to which i n m y judgment N o . 14 should be added as a seventh. 4. See above, p. 94.

126

INTERPRETATION: EARLY CHRISTIANITY

That the Christians of D u r a followed the lead of Bardesanes and regarded h u m a n life as determined i n part at least b y the conjunctions of the stars is possible but seems unlikely, for if they h a d we would have expected them to t r y to conciliate the astral powers. If instead they adopted magical devices to assist i n protecting themselves against these powers i n the performance of their cult, this should be interpreted as an act of prudence suggested b y the influence which the powers might be thought to exert i n a c i t y i n which they had so m a n y pagan worshipers. T w o other bits of inform a t i o n provided b y the Christian B u i l d i n g serve to put the use of these protective devices i n its proper perspective. The first is the representation of the angels at the tomb of Christ b y stars representing the "watchers on h i g h " , as indicated above. T h i s implies that the D u r a Christians believed they could also count upon the existence of favoring powers among the heavenly creatures, so that their position i n relation to such creaturehood was b y no means hopeless. The second is the text of the graffito that is N o . 15 acclaiming as one the G o d who is i n heaven. This expresses the conviction that even though the created order places m a n into an intermediate position between hostile a n d favoring powers, faith visualizes as one and supreme the G o d who is the author of creation and who is revealed i n the L o r d of the Christian cult.
4 5

T h a t a l l the m a n y a b e c e d a r i a of D u r a are merely exercises i n calligraphy, i t is n a t u r a l l y idle to suppose. Cumont has already properly appraised their religious import i n dealing w i t h those from the Temple of B e l . Of p r i m a r y significance for the interpretation of those inscribed on the walls of the Christian B u i l d i n g is the fact that w i t h one exception (No. 11 from the period of the P r i v a t e House) all are placed i n immediate p r o x i m i t y to the entrances of the several important rooms or indeed on the v e r y frames of the doors giving access to those rooms. I n these positions their function should be understood to be apotropaic. W h a t i t was that t h e y guarded against, the use of the alphabet i n astrological lore a n d the use of the word crroixeia to m e a n both the elements of the cosmic mechanism a n d the letters of the alphabet makes entirely clear. I t is the evil powers of the cosmos represented b y the stars, as the star that follows the letters A B r A i n N o . 14 itself indicates.
1 2 3

1. F o u i l l e s , p. 119. 2. It is to the renewal of the charm and its effectiveness that I would ascribe the multiplication and wider distribution of the abecedaria o n the premises of the Christian B u i l d i n g . T o the period of the Private House it would be proper to ascribe N o . 1 (not located but perhaps from the vestibule), one or two of the three texts (Nos. 4, 5 and 8) outside the door to R o o m 4 A a n d N o . 11 from what was then R o o m 4 B . T h e adaptation of the dwelling to Christian use provides the proper occasion for the addition of texts at the entrance to R o o m 4 : the Syriac text (No. 3) at the entrance to R o o m 5 and the Greek text (No. 14) on the j a m b of the door leading from R o o m 5 to R o o m 6 (the Baptistery). 3. T o the literature quoted b y Welles above p. 90, add the article of A . Dieterich, " A B C - D e n k m a l e r " , R h e i n i s c h e s M u s e u m fUr P h i l o l o g i e , L V T (1901), pp.77 105. F o r the use of the word oroixeia to designate stars the passages i n Theophilus of A n t i o c h , ad A u t o l y c u m , I, 35, and T a t i a n , O r a t i o ad Graecos, 17 m a y be p a r t i c -

ularly relevant here. A t D u r a see also the lateral compartments of the ladder-like design i n R o o m B 8 of Blocks G 6-7, the central compartments of which include one assigned to aduas, that is " t h e s u n " (Rep. V , P94)4. See above, p. 82. 5. See above p. 95.

THE CHRISTIAN BUILDING A T D U R A AND E A R L Y C H U R C H A R C H I T E C T U R E

That the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is of outstanding importance for the knowledge of earlychurch architecture was clear to its excavators from the outset and has been generally recognized b y those w i t h professional competence i n this field who have commented upon the discovery. The importance, properly understood, is both regional a n d general.
1

W h a t has been said above about the diffusion of C h r i s t i a n i t y along and beyond the eastern frontier of the R o m a n E m p i r e , a n d what the sources i m p l y concerning the numerical strength of the Christian communities i n this vast area, makes i t clear that the region at one time boasted of m a n y hundreds of church buildings, no doubt of m a n y different ages, shapes and degrees of elegance. But the current knowledge of this whole province of church architecture is pitifully meager. Some few ancient churches can be seen still standing and still i n use, as for instance M a r B e h n a n southeast of M o s u l , a n d others survive as standing ruins on the slopes of the T u r A b d i n , where they were first studied on the basis of surface exploration b y
i . Rostovtzeff and H o p k i n s , " L a dernire campagne de fouilles de D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , C R A I , 1932, p p . 323-328; C. H o p k i n s , " T h e Christian Chapel at D u r a - E u r o p o s " A M del I I I congresso internazionale d i archeologia c r i s t i a n a , R a v e n n a , 1932 (Rome, 1934), PP- 483-492; i d e m , R e p . V , p p . 245-247; J . P . K i r s c h " D i e v o r k o n stantinischen Kultusgebude i m L i c h t e der neuesten E n t d e c k u n g e n i m O r i e n t " , R Q , X L I (1933), p p . 15-28; i d e m , " L a D o m u s E c c l e s i a e cristiana del III s e c o l o a D u r a E u r o p o s i n M e s o p o t a m i a " , P u b b l i c a z i o n i dlia universit cattolica del sacro cuore, Srie V , X V I , S t u d i dedicati alia m e m o r i a d i P a o l o U b a l d i (Milan, 1937), p p . 73-82; J . Pelekanides, " T o -rrpcoToxpicrnccviKOv pcnrnorripiov Tjs AopccEOpoTroO," N e a Z i o n , 31 (1936), p p . 52-57; R . K r a u t heimer, " T h e Beginning of early Christian A r c h i t e c t u r e " , R e v i e w of R e l i g i o n , III (1939), p p . 127-148, especially pp. 132-133; J . P . K i r s c h , " L a basilica cristiana nell' antichit", A t t i del I V congresso internazionale d i archeologia c r i s t i a n a , V a t i c a n C i t y , 1938 (Rome, 1940), pp. 113-126, especially p p . 119-121; U . Monneret de V i l l a r d , L e chiese della M e s o p o t a m i a ( O C A 128, R o m e , 1940), esp. p p . 64I ; J . Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens de S y r i e (Paris, 1947), p p . 5-19; J . G . Davies, T h e O r i g i n a n d Development of e a r l y Christian Church Architecture (London, 1952), p p . 2of.; A . K . Orlandos, ' H FjuAoTeyos TrocAocioxpicmccviKri paaiAiwi (Athens, 1952), p p . 13-16.

Gertrude B e l l . B u t only one other church building has been brought to light b y excavation, namely that found b y the German expedition at Ctesiphon, a fifth-century structure i n the form of a simple h a l l , w i t h lateral piers projecting from its long side walls, that m a y have been joined b y arches helping to support a barrel v a u l t . E v e r y t h i n g else remains below ground, including a l l the sumptuous edifices of the great u r b a n centers like Edessa that are k n o w n b y name and sometimes from l i t e r a r y description. U n d e r these circumstances the discovery of even one additional building, even though i t be the church of a R o m a n m i l i t a r y outpost such as D u r a , is of unusual importance for the knowledge of church architecture i n the region.
2 3 4

W h a t most scholars have h a d i n m i n d i n commenting upon the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a as a structure is, however, not its regional significance but the contribution that i t makes to the k n o w ledge of the beginnings of Christian church architecture generally. L a r g e l y this is because of its form a n d date. Here archaeology can be said to have penetrated into a n d to have provided a new insight into that obscure period i n the history of Christian places of worship that precedes the Peace of the Church a n d the r a p i d a n d almost universal adoption of the basilica i n the fourth century. The period is that of the Christian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , an establishment mentioned i n the writings of the early western Church Fathers a n d one that has become a matter of special interest because of aixhaeological explorations a n d discoveries made under the most venerable a n d ancient parish churches at R o m e and at other
2. T h e report of this study appears i n M . v a n Berchem and J . Strzygowski, A m i d a (Heidelberg, 1910), p p . 224 262. In general see Monneret de V i l l a r d , L e chiese della Mesopotamia. 3. See O . Reuther, D i e A u s g r a b u n g e n der deutschen Ktesiphon-Expedition i m Winter ig2&\2g (Berlin, no date), p p . n - 1 5 ; E . M e y e r , " S e l e u k i a u n d K t e s i p h o n , " M D O G , 67 (1929), p p . 2 3 ! 4. F o r a Syriac description of the cathedral of Edessa see A . M . Schneider, " D i e Kathedrale v o n E d e s s a " , O C , 36 (1941). PP- 161-167.

127

128

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT DURA
must begin. The s t u d y has necessarily to be brief and to summarize the results of years of exploration and the work of a large number of scholars dealing w i t h Christian archaeology.

a n t i q u i t y sites i n I t a l y such as A q u i l e i a . I t is w i t h a s t u d y of what is k n o w n about the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of the Mediterranean West that any appraisal of the importance of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a

I. T H E C H R I S T I A N D O M U S E C C L E S I A E O F T H E M E D I T E R R A N E A N

A.

The Literary Evidence

W h a t the Greek a n d L a t i n Church Fathers contribute to our knowledge of Christian places of assembly a n d worship i n the pre-Constantinian period has been studied especially b y J . P . K i r s c h and is i n general well k n o w n . One has necessarily to begin here w i t h the information supplied b y Eusebius concerning the events of the persecution that began i n A.r>. 303 a n d concerning the edicts of Constantine a n d his associates that established the Peace of the Church. U n d e r the former heading he describes how at this occasion Christian "houses of p r a y e r " (okoi upoaeuicrripicov) were destroyed to their very foundations. U n d e r the latter heading he presents i n translation a decree of Galerius dated A . D . 311 among other things p e r m i t t i n g the Christians to consolidate (restore?) the "houses i n which they were wont to assemble" a n d an agreement of Constantine a n d Licinius (issued as a letter b y L i c i n i u s i n A . D . 313) among other things restoring to the Christians " t h e places where it was their custom to assemble" (TOTTOUS . . a ov ovvpxeo-eai 100$ EXOV) a n d w h i c h were their p r o perty as a corporate e n t i t y , even though these h a d meanwhile passed b y sale or gift into other hands.
1 2 3

1. J . P . K i r s c h , D i e c h r i s t l i c k e n C u l t u s g e b d u d e i m A l t e r t u m (Cologne, 1893) p p . 1-8; i d e m " D i e christlichen Kultusgebude i n der vorkonstantinischen Z e i t " , F e s t schrift z u m elflmndertjdhrigen J u b i l a u m des deutschen c a m p o s a n t o i n R o m " (Freiburg, 1897), p p . 6-20; i d e m , R Q , X L I (1933), p p . 15-21. See also Leclercq i n C a b r o l , D i c t i o n n a i r e , I V , coll. 2285-2301 s . v . glises. 2. H i s t , e c c l . , V I I I , 2,1. Eusebius, V I I I , 2, 4, states that the destruction of the churches (eKKAnaiat) was ordered b y the edict against the Christians, the text of which, however, has not been preserved. L a c t a n t i u s , d e m o r t i b u s p e r s e c u t o r u m , 12, has the d a y chosen for the extermination of the C h r i s t i a n faith marked b y the palace officials' spoliation of the Christian church of Nicomedia under the watchful eyes of Diocletian a n d Galerius, w i t h the latter g i v i n g the n o d to its destruction b y fire. 3. F o r the former of these decrees see H i s t , e c c l . , V I I I , 17, 9, where however, t h e L a t i n text of L a c t a n t i u s , de mortibus persecutorum, 34 merely says, conveniicula

W h a t the decrees describe as TOTTOI and o k o i Christian Church Fathers of the early centuries speak of as o k o i EKKAncrias ( d o m u s e c c l e s i a e ) , KupiaKd; ( d o m i n i c a ) a n d Tfpoo-euicrripia ( d o m u s o r a t i o n i s ) . But whatever the terminology, the decrees leave no r o o m for doubt t h a t b y the end of the t h i r d century Christian congregations i n the major cities of the Mediterranean basin h a d and even owned corporately church buildings of one sort or another, even though the faith was officially a r e l i g i o i l l i c i t a . Indeed, Eusebius provides an excellent example of such recognized ownership when he reports i n explicit fashion how the emperor A u r e l i a n approved the p e t i t i o n of one of two r i v a l contenders for the episcopal office at A n t i o c h i n A . D . 272, transferring to D o m n u s the "house of the c h u r c h " (OTKOS EKKAT|aias) there, where P a u l of Samosata h a d cont i n u e d to hold sway i n spite of his deposition b y a local s y n o d . The narrative is instructive also i n another particular, namely i n providing evidence of the possibility of clerical residence i n such d o m u s e c c l e s i a e . A t R o m e provision for the residence of presbyters at at least one of the several types of the local d o m u s e c c l e s i a e is b o t h traditional and i n line w i t h the evidence of archaeological discovery. Indeed, what is reported i n the G e s t a a f i u d Z e n o p h i l u m about the search for a n d the seizure of copies of holy scriptures b y R o m a n officials i n the residence of the local clergy of Cirte
4 5 6

c o m p o n a n t . F o r the latter see H i s t , e c c l . , X , 5, 11 and L a c t a n t i u s , o p . c i t . 48, where the L a t i n speaks of the l o c a a d q u a e a n t e a c o n v e n i r e c o n s u e r a n t a n d of properties a d i u s c o r p o r i s e o r u m , i d est e c c l e s i a r u m n o n h o m i n u m s i n g u l o r u m , p e r t i n e n t i a as being returnable c o r p o r i et c o n v e n t i c u l i s e o r u m . F o r the historical value of these materials see N o r m a n Baynes i n C A H , X I I , Chaps. 19 a n d 20. Incidental references to Christian churches i n the S c r i p t o r e s H i s t o r i a e A u g u s t a e , (e.g. A l e x a n d e r S e v e r u s , 49 and A u r e l i a n , 20) are suspect as h a v i n g been influenced b y later conditions. 4. T h e material is conveniently collected i n H a r n a c k , M i s s i o n u n d A u s b r e i t u n g , II, p p . 613-614. 5. H i s t , e c c l . , V I I , 30, 19. 6. See below, p. 134.

THE

CHRISTIAN DOMUS E C C L E S I A E

129

suggests that i n N o r t h A f r i c a also the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e m a y have been b o t h a place of assembly and a dwelling. B u t the literary t r a d i t i o n about the Christian places of assembly i n the Mediterranean basin during the pre-Constantinian period requires that a distinction be made between establishments ad i u s c o r p o r i s , i d est e c c l e s i a r u m n o n h o m i n u m s i n g u l o r u m , p e r t i n e n t i a a n d places where believers met b y i n v i t a t i o n or b y tolerance a n d where no property rights were involved. The latter category is represented, quite naturally, i n the writings of the New Testament, where P a u l i n writing to P h i l e m o n sends greetings also to " t h e church i n your house" (Philemon 2), a n d where A c t s has the original disciples meet after E a s t e r i n the " U p p e r R o o m " (1, 13) a n d i n the Portico of Solomon (5, 12) a n d P a u l h o l d d a i l y meetings i n the h a l l (o-YoAii) of Tyrannus (19, 9) or preach i n the upper room of a house i n Troas (20, 8). B u t the category can be expanded to include the great storage rooms a n d sheds (horrea) that are k n o w n from the high-rise apartment buildings of R o m e a n d Ostia a n d from the establishments of the shipping firms at Ostia and the spacious colonnaded o k o i (basilicae) off the c o u r t y a r d i n the u r b a n peristyle houses of the eastern Mediterranean. There can be little doubt that Christian communities i n smaller towns a n d villages, as well as smaller conventicles i n larger cities continued to meet i n the kinds of settings described right d o w n to the Peace of the C h u r c h and perhaps even measurably thereafter.
1 2

itself throws interesting side-lights on a n d raises important questions about the structure that we k n o w as the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a . B u t before we consider here the bearing of this evidence u p o n the importance a n d the use of the structure, i t w i l l be well to a d d also what archaeological exploration has added to the factual knowledge of this i n s t i t u t i o n at R o m e a n d elsewhere i n the L a t i n W e s t . P r i m a r y importance necessarily attaches i n this connection to the results of excavations carried on at R o m e under or beside the traditional " t i t u l a r " or parish churches of the c i t y .
3

B . T h e Archaeological

Evidence

W h a t the w r i t t e n tradition, briefly summarized, tells us about the Christian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of the Mediterranean w o r l d i n the pre-Constantinian era
1. See below, p. 140, n . 3. 2. F o r the use of the former b y Christian preachers see the A c t a P a u l i which refer to a horreum outside of R o m e , R . A . L i p s i u s and M . Bonnet, A c t a apostolorum apocrypha (Leipzig, 1891), I, p p . 104L F o r the latter see C l e m e n t i n e R e c o g n i t i o n s , X , 71, where Peter is described as preaching at A n t i o c h under Theophilus' auspices i n the domus suae ingentem b a s i l i c a m . F o r the colonnaded rooms off the courtyards of Greek peristyle houses see for example G . Pesce, II " P a l a z z o delle C o l o n n e " i n T o l e m a i d e d i C i r e n a i c a (Rome, 1950), P i s . I and II. Such halls are common also i n the Greek peristyle houses of Cyrene, e.g. the unpublished House of Jason Magnus. A m u c h earlier example is that of the winter 'palace' of H e r o d near Jericho. See J . A . P r i t c h a r d , E x c a v a t i o n s at H e r o d i a n J e r i c h o 1951, A n n u a l , A m e r i c a n Schools of O r i e n t a l R e s e a r c h , X X X I I - X X X I I I (New H a v e n , 1958), PI. 66, R o o m 33. 9

That excavations carried out under the older of the extant u r b a n churches of R o m e should have brought to light remains of pre-Constantinian structures of different types, is b y no means strange. T h e c i t y was anciently so densely p o p u lated a n d save for its gardens a n d public squares so solidly built u p that late-comers like the Christian basilicas h a d necessarily to find r o o m for t h e m selves at the expense of earlier buildings. I t therefore b y no means follows that pre-Constantinian structural remains found under Rome's oldest churches necessarily belong to earlier places of Christian worship a n d assembly. N o r does i t follow that ancient R o m a n churches caEed " t i t u l a r " are necessarily the successors of pre-Constantinian house-churches created b y the gift or use of properties belonging to the persons whose names the t i t u l u s records. The L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s , i t is true, assigns the creation of twenty-five " p a r i s h " churches to Pope MarceEus (A.D. 308-309), b u t this is probably a projection b a c k w a r d of a c i t y wide organization of church life as i t h a d developed i n course of three centuries. A c t u a E y what is required t o make pre-Constantinian remains under R o m a n churches meaningful for purposes of this m q u i r y is, a) that the church be a parish or t i t u l a r church, b) t h a t the eariiest church b u i l d i n g o n the site is k n o w n , directly or indirectly, to have been
4

3. O n the titular churches generally see J . P . K i r s c h , D i e rmischen T i t e l k i r c h e n i m A l t e r t u m (Paderborn, 1918), and R . V i e l l i a r d , " L e s titres romains et les deux ditions du L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s , " R A C , V (1928) p p . 89-103. 4. See F . L a n z o n i , " I t i t o l i presbiterali d i R o m a antica nella storia e nella leggenda", 257R A C , II (1925) PP- *?5-*

130

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
at one time plastered and decorated i n fresco w i t h perfectly banal designs of which elements still are visible. It is regarded b y V i e l l i a r d as the private property of a certain E q u i t i u s , which he gave to the Church for religious usage i n the pontificate of Callistus (A.D. 217-222) or i n the period immediately following; which the Church found so well adapted to its purposes that no alterations were required; and which on that account might even have been built expressly for the purposes that i t came to serve. A f t e r the Peace of the Church i t is said to have remained i n use unchanged u n t i l the days of Pope Symachus ( A . D . 498-514), who was responsible for its association w i t h Pope Sylvester ( A . D . 314-345) and who erected alongside of it the basilica dedicated to St. M a r t i n . E v e n then its upper floors continued to be used for residential purposes by the presbyters of the t i t u l u s . T h i s interpretation presents serious problems at m a n y points a n d has not received general acceptance even b y the more conservative scholars. Important for the knowledge of the historical situation is the testimony of the L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s that Sylvester f e c i t i n u r b e R o m a e c c l e s i a m i n f r a e d i u m cuiusdam fresbiteri s u iqui cognominabatur E q u i t i u s quern t i t u l u m R o m a n u m c o n s t i h i i t . I t is h a r d to see how anyone t a k i n g this statement of the L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s seriously as a testimony of the s i x t h century could make i t a p p l y to the structure and the circumstances described. The statement suggests, rather, a large estate w i t h open grounds i n which Sylvester i n the fourth century actually erected a new church b u i l d i n g . The structure actually preserved is, of course, one part of one of the multistoried apartment houses familiar as a part of the u r b a n landscape of Ostia and Rome i n the later centuries of the E m p i r e , whose upper floors provided low-cost rentals i n small units for the masses a n d whose cavernous ground floor halls were adapted to various types of commercial enterprise or serve various aspects of the social life of the inhabitants where streets were
3 4

of the fourth century, c) that the person named i n the titulus can w i t h reasonable assurance be associated w i t h the R o m a n church of the preConstantinian period, a n d d) that the remains i n question are sufficient to give a coherent picture of a structure that could have been used i n part or whole for group assembly during the t h i r d century of our era. W h i l e at least five of the twenty-five t i t u l i k n o w n i n the s i x t h century can c l a i m association w i t h the period before A . D . 313 b y virtue of the names of the persons commemorated, a n d while approximately thirteen can be shown to have existed or have been created during the first century after the Peace of the Church, there are only nine under or near which archaeological remains have been found of sufficient importance to merit consideration i n this context, a n d these are divided almost evenly between churches whose t i t u l a r status is fourth century a n d fifth-sixth century respectively i n documentation. The most noteworthy of these remains are those associated w i t h the church of S S . Silvestro e M a r t i n o a i M o n t i on the Oppian H i l l . B e t t e r preserved t h a n most because they stand alongside, rather t h a n under, the church, they permit a hypothetical reconstruction on paper of the building to which they belong, a n d this reconstruction has come into general use as the classic example of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of the W e s t .
1 2

T h e b u i l d i n g is a large rectangular b r i c k structure c a . 29 x 15 m . i n size, two or three stories high, w i t h a t y p i c a l l y unadorned exterior. Inside at ground level i t provides a large rectangular h a l l c a . 17 x 13 m. that is d i v i d e d lengthwise into two bays b y a row of brick piers w h i c h , together w i t h their responds, support a high cross-vaulted ceiling. T h i s cavernous area is set between files of smaller chambers at either side. A n outside staircase once gave access to the upper floors that are largely destroyed but were apparently taken up entirely w i t h smaller rooms. Structurally the b u i l d i n g is assigned to the late t h i r d century. The vaults a n d walls of the large ground floor h a l l were
1. O n the first group see C. Cecchelli i n E n c i c l o p e d i a I t a l i a n a , X X I X (1936), s . v . R o m a , p. 608; o n the second see L a n z o n i , op. c i t . , p p . 200-215. 2. See R . V i e l l i a r d , L e s o r i g i n e s d u litre de S a i n t M a r t i n a u x M o n t s d R o m e ( S t u d i d i a n t i c h i t d c r i s t i a n a , IV, Rome, 1931), F i g s . 4 a n d 5, p p . 26f.

3. So e.g. K i r s c h , D i e rmischen T i t e l k i r c h e n , p p . 41-45. 4. T h e fact that no such fourth-century church building exists at the site, even under San M a r t i n o , has recently led to the suggestion that the location of the E q u i t i u s title should be looked for elsewhere. See B . M . A . G h e t t i , " L e chiese titolari d i S. Silvestro e S. M a r t i n o ai M o n t i " , R A C , X X X V I I (1961), p p . 271-302.

THE

CHRISTIAN DOMUS E C C L E S I A E
1

narrow and gardens a n d plazas distant or l a c k i n g . The building m a y , of course, have been the property of a certain E q u i t i u s , though there is nothing specific to suggest this, but that i t was built for religious use is out of question a n d that its ground-floor halls were used for purposes of Christian worship i n the period before the Peace of the Church is unlikely. The reason is that these halls are m u c h too open particularly toward the east and the west and therefore m u c h too exposed to the t y p i c a l noises of the crowded quarters of the c i t y at a l l t i m e s . It remains possible that Pope Sylvester, as indicated b y another passage of the L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s , adapted a p a r t of this building to ecclesiastical use, whether cultic or residential or both, a n d thereby established the t i t u l u s i n r e g i o n e I I I that bears his name, but this can scarcely be used to account for the routine decoration of the ground-floor h a l l , a n d , h a v i n g left no physical traces of cultic installations, would need to have been confined to the first of the upper floors where indeed i n later times i n the southwest corner of the building a chapel dedicated to Sylvester seems to have existed. I n any event, a closer s c r u t i n y of the evidence makes i t improbable that the appealing isometric reconstruction of the t i t u l u s E q u i t i i so often found i n the literature of early Christian architecture can properly serve as an outstanding example of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of the West to set alongside the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a .
2 3 4

Of these, the excavations under S. Sabina cannot be said to be helpful for present purposes, p a r t l y because the remains brought to light are so few, consisting of no more t h a n a stump of a column at one point a n d of a piece of pavement at another point distant from the first, and p a r t l y because the piece of pavement has w i t h some justification been reinterpreted as part of a s c h o l a c a n t o r u m rather t h a n as a piece of a private dwelling. The remains found under S. Cecilia are scarcely more informative i n the present context. More is here preserved a n d the course a n d interrelation of the walls uncovered comes closer to m a k i n g a meaningful outline of a building i n the manner of the traditional private house, but apparently these walls belong to m a n y periods from the first century B.C. to the fourth century of the current era, m a k i n g i t h a r d to fix u p o n any one c o m b i n ation of structural elements that w o u l d give a n intelligible picture of a functioning d o m u s e c c l e s i a e . * S. Anastasia a n d S S . G i o v a n n i e Paolo m a y be t a k e n together a n d i n the aggregate can be said to be shghtly more promising. H e r e there appear again under the later Christian edifices remains of apartment houses such as have already been e n countered above, built originally i n the second century a n d modified i n one w a y or another i n the t h i r d . T h e difference is that i n b o t h cases the church buildings that take their place can be k n o w n to go. back to the fourth century, a n d that i n the
6 7

E x c a v a t i o n s conducted under four other churches, namely, S. Sabina, S. Cecilia, S. Anas tasia and S S . G i o v a n n i e Paolo, have at various times been hailed as p r o v i d i n g equally important corroborative evidence for the private houses of R o m e that were t u r n e d over b y pious owners to the use of the Church i n pre-Constantinian times.
1. See G . Calza, " L a preeminenza dell' insula nella edilizia r o m a n a " , M o n u m e n t i a n t i c h i , X X I I I (1915), pp. 541-608; A . Boethius, " T h e N e r o n i a n n o v a u r b s " , Corolla archaeologica ( L u n d , 1932), p p . 84-97; i d e m , " R e m a r k s o n the Development of domestic Architecture i n R o m e " , A J A , X X X V I I I (1934), PP- 158-170; R . Meiggs, R o m a n O s t i a (Oxford, i960), p p . 241L 2. So G h e t t i , op. c i t . , p. 279. 3. See K i r s c h , op. c i t . , p. 48. 4. F o r a n example of the reduction of the comparison to these simple terms see Mle, R o m e et ses v i e i l l e s glises, p. 54. T h e conclusion to w h i c h Mle comes as the result of the comparison is, however, the correct one i n our judgment. 9*

5. F o r the account of the original discoveries and their first interpretation see A . M u n o z , " I n d a g i n i sulla chiesa d i S. Sabina sull' A v e n t i n o " , S t u d i r o m a n i , II (1914), pp. 329-342. F o r the reinterpretation see H . - I . M a r r o u , "Sur les origines d u titre romain de Sainte S a b i n e " , A r c h i v u m F r a t r u m P r a e d i c a t o r u m , II (1932), p p . 316 325. T h e pavement has i n i t parallel strips of masonry too narrow to be the foundations of walls and containing the holes and slots for the emplacement of stone posts a n d rails used for enclosing chancels and areas similarly set apart i n churches. 6. F o r the original discoveries a n d the p l a n of the structure as originally proposed see P . Crostarosa, " S c o p e r t e i n S. Cecilia i n T r a s t e v e r e " , N u o v o B o l l e t t i n o d'archeologia c r i s t i a n a , V I (1900), p p . 143-160, 265-270, and P i s . I V - V . F o r the subsequent analysis of. the masonry of the walls see R . K r a u t h e i m e r , C o r p u s b a s i l i c a r u m c h r i s t i a n a r u m R o m a e , I (Vatican C i t y , I937)> pp. 94-110, especially p p . 99-103. 7. See G . d i San Stanislao, L a c a s a c e l i m o n t a n a d e i S S . m a r t i r i G i o v a n n i e P a o l o . (Rome, 1894); A . P r a n d i , II complesso monumentale delta basilica celimontana d e i S S G i o v a n n i e P a o l o (Rome, 1953); E . J u n y e n t , : " L a maison.romaine d u titre de Sainte A n a s t a s i e " , R A C , V I I (1930), p p . 91-106. : :-

132

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
The four remaining churches, S. Clemente, S. B a l b i n a , S. P u d e n z i a n a a n d S. Crisogono, m a y be taken together since all represent fundamentally the same type of structure, a type quite different from that previously considered. A t the site of S. Clemente, the largest of these, four structures on three different successive levels can be distinguished as the result of archaeological exploration. The first is a large rectangular b u i l d i n g of the first or second century carefully built of t u f a blocks a n d d i v i d e d along its perimeter into narrow rooms. T h i s was either the p o d i u m of a large public b u i l d i n g or a h o r r e u m w i t h a n open inner court of the k i n d well documented at O s t i a . B e h i n d this, at the same level, are the remains of a private dwelling, its rooms set around a central courtyard w h i c h , i n the t h i r d century had been enclosed a n d transformed into a M i t h r a e u m . The house h a d nothing to do w i t h the Christian use of the site save that eventually the apse of the basilical church erected over the remains of the tufa structure i n A.r>. 390 as the fourth building on the site, was swung out a n d into the area of the house. The t h i r d of the buildings on the site is a brick structure erected above the t u f a podium or h o r r e u m and occupying the large area of 29 X 37 m . entirely a n d exactly. T h e b r i c k building belongs i n its construction to the t h i r d quarter of the t h i r d century. It is only imperfectly k n o w n so far as the means of access and the system of inside supports (if any) is concerned. E v e n t u a l l y , either i n the late fourth or i n the early s i x t h century, i t was transformed into the Church of St. Clement, so that there can be no doubt as to its eventual use for Christian worship. T h e only question is whether this t h i r d b r i c k b u i l d i n g i n its original form was built a n d used as a d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n the preConstantinian period. T h i s is not only difficult to judge but also difficult to believe. The problem is whether i n the years so immediately following the Decian persecutions either the construction or the use of so large a h a l l b y a group of Christians at Rome is thinkable. O n this point i t seems wisest to share the doubts that others have already expressed, even though t h i s i n e v i t a b l y raises the further
2 3

first instance the course of the apartment house walls determines the emplacement of those of the church, while i n the second instance some of the house walls are actually incorporated i n the superstructure of the church. F a c t u a l l y , of course, there is nothing to connect the t i t u l u s of Anastasia w i t h the pre-Constantinian period, a n d of the apartment house under the church that bears her name only the foundations of five vaulted shops forming part of the ground floor a n d the superstructure of one of t h e m (ca. 5 X 13 m.) are preserved. B u t i t remains possible that i n the t h i r d century a local Christian community m a y have had the use of one of these vaulted rooms a n d that one or another of its presbyters l i v e d i n the rooms upstairs. A s for the b u M i n g under S S . G i o v a n n i e Paolo i t is clear from the decorations applied to its walls and from the special anteroom, both created i n the fourth century, that the t h i r d of its ground floor shops counting from the west (ca. 5 X 10 m.) was at this time a n d thus before the construction of the church associated w i t h Christian worship. A t the same time, a n irregularity i n the emplacement of the windows i n the first of the upper floors, suggests that there m a y have been contrived here i n the third-century modification of the bunding, a large hall-like room that could have been used for assembly purposes. It can scarcely be doubted, therefore, that under S S . G i o v a n n i e Paolo we have evidence for the Christian adaptation and use of a n ordinary shop and apartment building for religious purposes i n the fourth century. I t is quite l i k e l y that here and i n other instances, even before the Peace of the Church, the t y p i c a l rooms provided b y such structures were used unadapted b y Christians for purposes of religious observance. T h e combination of ground-floor shop a n d one or more upstairs rooms m a y therefore w e l l be t a k e n as one type of R o m a n d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n the pre-Constantinian period.
1

1. See Krautheimer, C o r p u s b a s i l i c a r u m , I, p p . 267 303, especially p p . 276-286. T h e t i t u l u s is believed originally to have been that of a certain B y z a n s or V i z a n s . T h e apartment house discussed here is but one of three buildings partially brought to light b y the excavations under the church. T h e others are devoid of indications of Christian use. I n the fourth century a confessio was installed to the rear of the shop w i t h the frescoes, halfway between the level of the ground floor and that of the large h a l l upstairs.

2. F o r the description of the remains generally see E . J u n y e n t , 7 titolo d i S a n Clemente i nRoma, Studi d i a n t i c h i t d c r i s t i a n a V I (1932). 3. See Meiggs, R o m a n O s t i a , p p . 280-285, PI. X V ; R . Calza and E . N a s h , O s t i a (Florence, 1959) Pis. 94-95.

THE
1

C H R I S T I A N DOMUS E C C L E S I A E

133

question what the brick structure might have been if not a c h u r c h . The one thing S.Clemente does make likely is that i n the fourth century Christian groups were m a k i n g use of large halls which could be and were eventually modified a n d transformed into basilicas. Of the remaining three churches grouped together here S. B a l b i n a m a y perhaps serve to underline what has been said about S. Clemente, but has nothing to add that is new. A hall-type church w i t h a nave c a . 21 x 26 m., i t was prob a b l y b u i l t i n the second half of the fourth century on or near the site of the d o m u s C i l o n i s , the residence of a t h i r d century consul Fabius Cilo which was still standing i n the early f o u r t h . There is nothing to show that the h a l l was erected as a church and since the first mention of the t i t u h i s belongs to the late s i x t h century it is more probable that, suited as i t was to the purposes of assembly, the h a l l was eventually t a k e n over for church use. S. B a l b i n a , therefore merely provides another example of the elemental need to supply places of assembly for increasingly large groups, to w h i c h the church was subject i n the fourth century.
2 3

into the basilica of the late fifth or early s i x t h century. A n d while there is nothing about the h a l l that would demonstrate its Christian origin or any association w i t h the saint to whom the later basilica was dedicated, the structure is so innocuous, so devoid of the formal characteristics of R o m a n architecture, that there is nothing to contradict the hypothesis of its erection i m m e d iately after the Peace of the Church for purposes of Christian assembly.
5

Of the efforts to supply this need at Rome at the earlier date there m a y be more illuminating evidence i n the discoveries at the site of S. Crisogono. Here excavations have revealed alongside and under part of the north aisle of the medieval church, five meters down, the remains of a n earlier basilica of the late fifth or early s i x t h century. These could be shown to have been superimposed at the east, under the apse, upon remains of a second-century structure of which only little is k n o w n a n d which are probably irrelevant for the Christian use of the site. A t the west, however, the earlier basilica made use of the walls of a p l a i n rectangular h a l l ca. 19 X 28 m. that belongs to the late t h i r d or v e r y early fourth century. I t is altogether l i k e l y that i n the fourth century this p l a i n rectangular hall was i n Christian use, this fact leading to its extension a n d transformation
4

Compared w i t h S. Crisogono, S. Pudenziana m a y have less to offer, but what i t reveals can be k n o w n w i t h greater certainty. H e r e , excavations have uncovered at the lowest level remains of Republican R o m a n pebble mosaics, above these the remains of a private dwelling of the first half of the second century of our era, and some 8 m . higher up, a n d unrelated to these survivals from earlier times, the floor a n d plunge of the h a l l of a great b a t h , probably of the second half of the second century. T h i s large rectangular hall is so closely associated w i t h b o t h the floor level and the shape of the church as to suggest that i t was first taken over i n its original form for Christian use and then transformed into a basilica, as i n the case of S. B a l b i n a . O n l y i n this instance, as the famous apse mosaic indicates, the transformation probably took place near the end of the same fourth century in w h i c h the h a l l was first t a k e n over a n d used for religious purposes.
6

1. See e.g. doubts expressed b y J . K o l l w i t z , i n his review of Junyent, T i t o l o d i S a n C l e m e n t e , i n J a h r b u c h fr Lilurgiewissenschaft, X I I I (1935), PP- 3 4f-i and Krautheimer, op. c i t . , I, p p . 134-135. 2. K i r s c h , D i e rmischen T i t e l k i r c h e n , p p . 94-96. 3. Krautheimer, C o r p u s b a s i l i c a r u m , p p . 82-92. 4. M . Mesnard, L a b a s i l i q u e de S . Chrysogone Rome ( S t u d i d i antichita c r i s t i a n a , I X , V a t i c a n C i t y , 1935).
2

R o m e can therefore properly be said to provide evidence for the existence there of at least two different types of structures used for Christian assembly a n d worship i n the early centuries of the Church. T h e first type is a combination of first floor ("rez de chausse") shop or storage room a n d upstairs apartment found i n the high-rise m u l t i f a m i l y dwellings of the c i t y . F o r this there is good evidence beginning i n the late t h i r d century. T h e second type is a n independent large hall-like structure, t y p i c a l l y secular or pagan i n origin a n d apparently appropriated or acquired for Christian use. F o r this the evidence seems currently t o belong largely to the first decades of the fourth century, b u t the cumulative force of the evidence
5. See e.g. K r a u t h e i m e r , C o r p u s b a s i l i c a r u m , I, p . 157. 6. See A . Petrignani, L a b a s i l i c a d i S . P u d e n z i a n a i n R o m a ( M o n u m e n t i d i antichit c r i s t i a n a , Series II, I, V a t i c a n C i t y , 1934).

134

INTERPRETATION: THE BUILDING AT DURA

communities is provided b y the discoveries at A q u i l e i a . Here, as i t well known, excavations under a n d around t h e eleventh-century church and campanile that still grace the site have yielded remains not only of two successive earlier basilicas of the late fourth to the early s i x t h centuries b u t also of a s t i l l earlier complex of Christian buildings superimposed upon parts of a private dwelling. T h e earlier complex comprises two separate large rectangular halls set parallel to each other a n d connected b y a long passageway and a n interposed hall-like atrium. The structures are notable for their elaborate mosaic p a v i n g a n d for commemorative inscriptions contained i n them. T h e long side walls of the two parallel halls use the foundations of a n earlier dwelling as a footing a n d between them, among other traces of the dwelling, remains of a basin have been found u p o n w h i c h successive fonts were superimposed and w h i c h m a y originally have formed part of a private b a t h .
2

is such as to suggest that the type m a y well have been i n use even i n the t h i r d . Certain strictures n a t u r a l l y impose themselves upon a n y efforts to d r a w general conclusions from these findings. T h e combination of shop and upstairs apartment provides opportunity for the residence of members of the parish clergy o n the immediate premises of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , b u t the hall-like structure does not. H a l l - l i k e structures or spatially comparable h o r r e a m a y w e l l have been available i n cities of even moderate size throughout the M e d iterranean, but the high-rise apartment house was t y p i c a l of the great population centers a n d of cities serving as commercial emporia. N o r can the evidence from R o m e available at this time be said to provide convincing testimony of Christian decorations or cultic installations i n the t h i r d and early fourth century examples of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , such as would shed light u p o n the p a r ticulars of the religious use of the establishments. T o what has been s a i d about Rome must be added the evidence provided b y other parts of I t a l y before this brief s u m m a r y can be regarded as even measurably adequate for present purposes. T h e so-called " b a s i l i c a " at Ostia has. only one significant contribution to make i n this connection. Combining as i t does parts each of a c i t y street, a private house, a n d a private b a t h , i t reflects the contmuing ability of early Christian communities to contrive places of worship from what was available locally without regard for conventions or types of d o m u s e c c l e s i a e even i n t h e fourth century, i f indeed the structure belongs t o the period of Sylvester ( A . D . 314-335) a n d is the Church of S S . Peter, P a u l a n d J o h n the B a p t i s t , of w h i c h the L i b e r P o n t i f i c a l i s speaks.
1

T h e interpretation of the complex a n d a l l i t s several elements is the subject of a n extensive scholarly literature i n which a l l manner of h y p o theses have been discussed. There is general agreement, however, that the southerly of the two parallel halls is the creation of the B i s h o p Theodore of A q u i l e i a who attended the synod held at Aries i n A . B . 314 a n d who is celebrated i n its mosaics i n retrospect as h a v i n g "created everything h a p p i l y and dedicated i t w i t h appropriate b r i l l i a n c e " . As regards the n o r t h h a l l , the evidence for the
3

A more important example of the k i n d of structure that was being erected i n the L a t i n West elsewhere t h a n at R o m e at the beginning of the fourth century t o serve larger Christian
1. B o t h identification a n d date have been seriouslyquestioned. See i n general G . Calza, " U n a basilica d i eta Constantiniana scoperta a d O s t i a " , Pontificia accademia d i archeologia, R e n d i c o n t i , X V I (1940), p p . 63-88, and for the discussion A . v o n Gerkan, " D i e christliche Anlage i n O s t i a , " R Q , X L I I for 1939 (1942), p p . 15-23, T h . Klauser, " D i e Inschrift der neugefundenen altchristlichen Bauan lage i n O s t i a " , i b i d . , p p . 25-30, a n d M . Buzachechi, " L ' i s c r i z i o n e cristiana della 'basilica' d i O s t i a " , P o n t i ficia a c c a d e m i a d i archeologia, Rendiconti XXX-XXXI (1959). PP. 177-187-

2. See i n general G . B r u s i n and P . L . Zovatto, M o n u m e n t i p a l e o c r i s t i a n i d i A q u i l e i a e d i Grado (Udine, 1957), P l a n s I - V , a n d C. Cecchelli, L a b a s i l i c a d i A q u i l e i a (Bologna, 1933), p p . 119-172. 3. F o r the inscription see B r u s i n and Zovatto, op. c i t . , pp. 111-113. T h e thesis of J . F i n k , D e r U r s p r u n g der ltesten K i r c h e n a m D o m p l a t z von A q u i l e i a (Mnster, 1954), PP- 5 9 6 . that the halls are structurally p a r t of a n imperial palace does not recommend itself. See H . K a h l e r , D i e sptantiken B a u t e n u n t e r dem D o m von A q u i l e i a (Saarbrcken, 1957), PP- * - 3 and G . B r u s i n , " C o n t r i b u t e all' interpretazione d e i mosaici cristiani nella zona della basilica d i A q u i l e i a " , A c t e s d u Vme congrs i n t e r n a t i o n a l d'archologie chrtienne (Vatican C i t y , 1957), PP- 443~~446. S i m i l a r l y improbable is the argument of H . K a h l e r , D i e Stiftermosaiken i n der k o n s t a n t i n i s c h e n Sdkirche von A q u i l e i a (Kln, 1962), that the h a l l is the'foundation of Constantine a n d belongs to the year A . D . 325-326. T h i s interpretation rests o n the otherwise"* unsupported assumption t h a t the fourteen donor portraits incorporated i n t h e mosaics represent the members of the imperial family.
_ 2 2

THE

CHRISTIAN DOMUS E C C L E S I A E

135

existence of joins, breaks, and differences of style between certain parts of its mosaic paving has suggested that its two eastern bays represent the p l a i n rectangular chamber of the underlying private house used since the t h i r d century as an oratory b y the local Christian community, an oratory that was enlarged and modified at a later time, probably i n the period of the same Bishop Theodore. O n this reading of the evidence i t would be proper to distinguish from each other two periods i n the h i s t o r y of the early Christian complex at A q u i l e i a . I n the later of the two, the period of B i s h o p Theodore and of Constantine, the site of the private house was (save, perhaps for the basin of its private bath) completely t a k e n up and overlaid b y the elements of a full-fledged D o f i f i e l k i r c h e w i t h two halls each approximately 17 m . wide and 37 m . long, of which the one at the south provided a c a t e c h u m e n e u m , the one at the n o r t h the domits D e i . The distinction i n function between the two halls is revealed b y the mosaic paving of their east b a y i n each instance, i n the south h a l l b y the subject matter of a design appropriate to baptism and i n the n o r t h h a l l b y a rectangular grid (or carpet pattern) appropriate to the emplacement of a n episcopal cathedra. I n the earlier of the two periods, the pre-Constantinian period and thus logically the t h i r d century, the private house itself served the local Christian community as its d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , one room c a . 17 m. b y 19 m . appropriately decorated w i t h floor mosaics prov i d i n g a n oratory a n d one of the basins of the house's private b a t h p r o v i d i n g a baptistery.
1 2

to have been relatively more common than either of the other two. A t the same time i t would furnish an excellent example of the process b y w h i c h a simply adapted residential d o m u s e c c l e s i a e grew b y the enlargement of its oratory into a hall-like d o m u s D e i and b y the eventual overlay of the entire residence into a complex such as a D o p f e l k i r c h e . Similarly, the earliest projected stage of the A q u i l e i a complex would provide the only real counterpart anywhere to the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a as a n adapted private house, and i n the simplicity of its installations, consisting of no more t h a n the locus prepared i n the mosaic of the oratory for the bishop's cathedra and of the basin used as a font, closely parallel the functional features of the D u r a establishment. F o r the suggested interpretation of the A q u i l e i a complex the hypothesis that the north h a l l of the D o f f e l k i r c h e developed from an oratory of the private dwelling b y being lengthened from 19 to 37 m . is of basic importance. T h i s hypothesis, based on the organization of the mosaics, was first questioned b y M . M . R o b e r t i , who pointed out that the even settling of the mosaics throughout the entire h a l l showed no trace of the cross wall that w o u l d have terminated the original shorter oratory at the west. Subsequently, the e x a m i n ation of the inner and outer faces and the footing of the northern w a l l of the n o r t h h a l l disposed of the hypothesis entirely. The outer face showed that the w a l l h a d been constructed i n one piece along its entire length of 37 m . The examination of the footing along the inner face revealed that this consisted of the foundations and the first course of a still longer wall that had piers or pilasters projecting f r o m i t at regular intervals. Such piers being t y p i c a l of the outer faces of exterior house walls, i t follows that the n o r t h hall of the A q u i l e i a D o p p e l k i r c h e was not erected w i t h i n the confines of
3

So interpreted, the complex at A q u i l e i a w o u l d be of outstanding importance for the knowledge of the history and development of early church construction i n the W e s t and for the interpretation of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a i n the E a s t . F o r the L a t i n West i t w o u l d place, alongside the combination of downstairs shop or storage room and upstairs apartment and alongside the large hall-like structures k n o w n from R o m e , as a t h i r d type a d o m u s e c c l e s i a e contrived w i t h a m i n i m u m of change i n a single-level private residence, a t y p e that might on general principles be supposed
1. So B r u s i n and Zovatto, op. c i t . , p p . 20-125. 2. F o r the p l a n of the private house see M . M . R o b e r t i , "Considerazioni sulle aule teodoriane d i A q u i l e i a " , S t u d i A q u i l e i e s i ( A q u i l e i a , 1953), p. 218, F i g . 4, and for the d o m u s ecclesiae, B r u s i n and Zovatto, op. c i t . , P l a n II.

3. O p . c i t . , p p . 209-244. T h e argument was accepted as cogent b y G . U . S. Corbett, " A N o t e o n the Arrangement of the early Christian Buildings at A q u i l e i a " , R A C , X X X I I (1956), p p . 99-106. B r u s i n consequently modified his views slightly a n d suggested that if the entire n o r t h h a l l h a d been constructed at one time as a p a r t of the private dwelling, its eastern end might have been set apart for Christian use b y the construction of a wooden partition. See his " L a p i u antica ' d o m u s ecclesiae' d i Aquileia e i suoi annessi", M e m o r i e storiche f o r o g i u l i e s i , X L I I I (1958 59). PP- 33-6o, esp. p. 35.

136

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
h a l l , lacking projecting or internal apse, w i t h simple plinths built into the floor to support the poles or columns that carried the timbers of the p l a i n wooden roof a n d w i t h only elementary installations to adapt i t to religious use. These installations consist of nothing more elaborate t h a n the creation of a separate zone at the east end of the hall, m a r k e d b y a single long field i n the floor mosaics of the south h a l l and b y a low chancel r a i l i n the north h a l l , a n d the inclusion i n the floor of the north h a l l of a design appropriate to the emplacement of a chair or throne for the presiding member of the clergy. The second is the existence outside and separate from the hall of a font for the b a p t i s m of converts.
4 6

a single underlying dwelling but used elements of two houses a n d for two-thirds of its w i d t h was set across an intervening street. T h e natural pres u m p t i o n is that when the north h a l l was built the street and the two houses were already abandoned.
1

These developments have v i r t u a l l y disposed of the hypothesis that the earliest Christian establishment at A q u i l e i a was a n u r b a n residential d o m u s e c c l e s i a e w i t h an oratory a n d a baptistery contrived from its regular structural features, while at the same time dealing equally harshly w i t h the suggested natural evolution from this nucleus of a large hall-like d o m u s D e i a n d of a D o f p e l k i r c h e w i t h a separate c a t e c h u m e n e u m . Of course i t is still possible that i n pre-Constant i n i a n times one or the other of the dwellings underlying the complex of Bishop Theodore served the local Christians unaltered as a meeting place, but unless we assume that this dwelling was, because of its Christian use, destroyed i n the Diocletianic persecution, the chances are against it. T h e suggested close analogy between the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e at A q u i l e i a a n d the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a as a whole is seen to l a c k foundat i o n i n fact a n d B r u s i n himself was quite right i n criticizing those who were overhasty i n pressing it.
2

It is important for present purposes to note that similar apseless halls, mostly w i t h a freestanding semicircular synthronus i n the eastern part of the church, continued to p l a y a part i n the ecclesiastical architecture i n the adjacent parts of Istria, at P a r e n t i u m (Parenzo) a n d Nesactium (Visazzi), i n D a l m a t i a at Salona, i n N o r i c u m a n d as far away as Trves. A s i n the case of the four
6

S t a r t i n g from the only assumption that the archaeological evidence actually justifies, namely that the earliest-known Christian structure erected at A q u i l e i a is the n o r t h h a l l of the D o p p e l k i r c h e built b y B i s h o p Theodore i n the lifetime of Constantine, we are none the less left w i t h two items of information that are b y no means un^ important for the development of early church architecture i n the West a n d for the interpret a t i o n of the elements of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a . The first is the use for Christian assembly and worship of a large but simple a n d box-like
3

1. See B . F . Tomaro, " R i c e r c h e sull' aula Teodoriana n o r d e sui battisteri d i A q u i l e i a " , A q u i l e i a nostra, XXXIV (1963), coll. 86-98. 2. See e.g. B . M i n c h i n , Outward a n d V i s i b l e (London, 1961), esp. p p . 23-58 and G . Brusin's comment i n " I mosaici paleocristiani d i Aquileia e i l libro d i u n parroco Inglese", A q u i l e i a nostra, X X X I V (1961), p p . 107-119. 3 . Whether i t was the south h a l l of the complex that Athanasius saw i n the process of construction at the occasion of his visit to Aquileia i n A . D . 345, is a matter of controversy.

4. See B r u s i n and Zovatto, o p . c i t . , P l a n V . 5. T h e question of the successive fonts at Aquileia is a t h o r n y one. T h e only two from the period of the ancient C h u r c h definitely established are the octagonal font created i n the a t r i u m of the fifth-century basilica and the hexagonal font belonging to the basilica erected over the n o r t h hall of Theodore's complex perhaps i n the late fourth century. See B r u s i n a n d Zovatto, op. c i t . , p p . 174 178, 160-164, Plans V I , V I I . T h a t the complex of Bishop Theodore also h a d a font from the outset is not only likely a priori but implied i n the creation of the catechu m e n e u m (south hall). B u t its precise location is i n dispute, some favoring a room that is supposed to have existed immediately at the right of the entrance to the n o r t h h a l l a n d that was destroyed when the campanile was erected i n the eleventh century, others preferring the rectangular basin belonging to the b a t h of the private house, the remains of which lie under the hexagonal font of the basilica that followed Theodore's construction. F o r the former see Cecchelli, op. c i t . , p. 166, B r u s i n and Zovatto, op. c i t . , p. 135 and more recently A . K a t c h a t r i a n , L e s baptistres palochrtiens (Paris, 1962), p p . 65-66. F o r the latter see most recently T o m a r o , op c i t . , A q u i l e i a n o s t r a , X X X I V , coll. 95-98. 6. F o r Parenzo see B . Molajoli, L a b a s i l i c a eufrasiana d i P a r e n z o , 2. ed., (Padua, 1943), p p . n f . and F i g . 3, p. 10 (end of the fourth and early fifth century) ; for Nesactium see R . Egger, Frhchristliche K i r c h e n b a u t e n i m sdlichen N o r i c u m (Vienna, 1916), p. 117, F i g . 103 (early fifth century); for Salona see W . Gerber, F o r s c h u n g e n i n S a l o n a , I (Vienna, 1917), p p . 122-219, F i g . 229, p. 125 (early fourth century); for the churches i n N o r i c u m , especially at Stribach, Grazerkogel and H e m m a b e r g from the first half of the fifth century, see i n addition to

THE

CHRISTIAN DOMUS E C C L E S I A E

137

large hall-like churches at Rome already considered S. Clemente, S. B a l b i n a , S. Pudenziana a n d S. Crisogono to w h i c h S. Croce i n Gerusalemme m a y here be added, some of these northern and provincial structures adapt t o Christian use rooms of earlier pagan structures, e.g. the h a l l of a private b a t h as at S a l o n a . B u t this is not true of A q u i l e i a , as we have seen above, nor of the most comparable churches i n the adjacent regions. A s structures created de n o v o b y the local Christian communities they a n d their earliest k n o w n predecessor, the n o r t h h a l l of Bishop Theodore's
1

complex, represent a form that responds to the basic needs of providing for means of common assembly a n d worship without reference to or the use of formal architectural styles. W h a t they tell us i n this w a y about the relation of need and form provides a principle for the interpretation of the several types of buildings used b y Christians of the L a t i n West i n the pre-basilical period of church architecture, a n d thus establishes the basis for a proper appraisal of their relation to a n d the importance of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a .

II. T H E C H R I S T I A N D O M U S E C C L E S I A E O F M E S O P O T A M I A A N D T H E C H R I S T I A N BUILDING AT DURA Compared w i t h the West the evidence for p r e - k n o w n to the chronicler. The chances are, however, Constantinian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n Mesopotamia is that the author of the C h r o n i c l e has dated back meager but not for that reason inconsequential. into the second century o l d b u t m u c h later A n example of the t y p e of place where believers churches because t h e y h a d been named i n honor met b y i n v i t a t i o n is t o be found i n the Syriac of or were associated w i t h the memory of the A c t s o f T h o m a s , where a n I n d i a n general attracted bishops of the earlier period. T h i s leaves as the t o the faith personally invites the apostle t o use earliest reliable literary reference to a pre-Conthe triqln (triclinium) of his private residence for stantinian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n Mesopotamia the one teaching purposes. The C h r o n i c l e o f A r b e l a i n the C h r o n i c l e o f E d e s s a . T h i s is contained i n a maintains t h a t the Christians of that c i t y actually highly circumstantial account of a flood of the erected churches i n honor of their t h i r d bishop, river D a i s a n i n the year 513 of the Seleucid era Isaac, and their s i x t h bishop, M a r A b e l , a n d that (A.D. 201), based upon the report of the c i t y in one case the original location of the structure archivist w h i c h is quoted directly. T h e account and i n the other the a c t u a l b u i l d i n g itself was still tells h o w the flooded river, following its n o r m a l course through the c i t y , inundated the bazaar Egger, loc. c i t . , G . C . Menis, L a b a s i l i c a p a l e o c r i s t i a n a area a n d i n this connection destroyed also the nelle diocesi settentrionali delta metropoli d'Aquileia (Vatican C i t y , 1958) ; for Trves see T . K . K e m p f , D i e "temple of the church of the C h r i s t i a n s " . W h a t altchristliche BischofskircJie T r i e r s (Trier, 1948), p p . 26., the nature of the b u i l d i n g m a y have been i s , of Fig. 2, p. 28. Quite a number of the structures of this type course, u n k n o w n , b u t comparison w i t h the bazaar i n this area are (or became) D o p p e l k i r c h e n , w i t h two separate or adjoining halls as at A q u i l e i a . So the churches area of D u r a suggests that i t might well have been a t Parenzo, Nesactium, H e m m a b e r g , a n d Trves. T h e an adapted p r i v a t e dwelling of a merchant, such type is referred to b y Paulinus of N o l a , E p i s l u l a , ^ z ( C S E L , as filled the interior of the c i t y blocks behind the X X I X , e d . W . de H a r t e l 1894), p. 275, i6f., early fifth rows of shops at D u r a . century. B u t the doubling is not constitutive of the form
3 2 4 5

or type. 1. F o r the four churches mentioned see above, p. 133; for S. Croce i n Gerusalemme see Krautheimer, C o r p u s b a s i l i c a r u m , I, p p . 165-195, which seems to be a h a l l of the P a l a t i u m Sessoriamim adapted t o Christian use about A . D . 350; for O r a t o r y A a t Salona see E . D y g g v e , H i s t o r y of S a l o n i l a n C h r i s t i a n i t y (Oslo, 1951), p p . 23-24. 2. E d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 266-267. T h e t e r m t r i c l i n i u m is sometimes used loosely i n Syriac texts t o refer t o a n y well-appointed chamber. I n private dwellings of the type common i n Mesopotamia the reference would n a t u r a l l y be to the diwan, p a r t i c u l a r l y since the diwan frequently h a d benches r u n n i n g around its several walls.

T h e designation applied to this earliest of the k n o w n churches of Mesopotamia, "temple of the church of the C h r i s t i a n s " , is b y no means as strange as some have contended, especially i n the report of a pagan archivist, where what seems to us a pleonasm m a y serve to identify a " c h u r c h " as a
3. E d . Sachau, p p . 48 a n d 54. 4. E d . H a l l i e r , op. c i t . , p p . 86-87, Syriac text, p. 146. P I 5 . See R e p . I X , 1, esp. p p . 28-185, and F i g . 78 showing B l o c k s G 1-8.

138

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT DURA
1

religious structure. Besides, close analogies to the expression occur also i n Christian texts. I n a l l later texts the n o r m a l Syriac equivalent of Greek e c c l e s i a is Hdtd, but earlier usage is more descriptive. T h i s includes such designations as bet k e n M i d and Mt saubd corresponding to OTKOS EKKAricrias and d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , a n d bet seMtd corresponding to TTpoaeuKTripiov or -rrpocrEUxii a n d d o m u s o r a t i o n i s . These terms are, of course, analogous to those used for Jewish synagogues i n A r a m a i c and Greek, but the common S y r i a c w o r d for synagogue, namely h e n u H a , is not t y p i c a l l y applied to Christian houses of worship. It should be noted, however, that b o t h the A r a m a i c a n d the P e h l e v i inscriptions of the D u r a Synagogue refer to the structure s i m p l y as " t h i s house" or " b u i l d i n g " a n d that i n the inscriptions from the pagan temples at D u r a OTKO$ occurs commonly alongside of votos i n reference to the whole or part of the structures. It m a y well be, therefore, that while the pagans of D u r a m a y have referred to the Christian B u i l d i n g there as "the temple of the Christians" or " t h e house of assembly of the Christians", the Christians themselves m a y have spoken of i t merely as " t h e house" or " t h e house of assembly".
2 3 4

I n Mesopotamia we are fortunate to have i n relatively well preserved form one example of the pre-Constantinian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , namely the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a . A s indicated above, this is only a slightly modified private house of the first half of the t h i r d century of our era. T h e P r i v a t e House i n t u r n is comparable to m a n y others, each s l i g h t l y different i n detail but a l l corresponding to type i n essentials, found through1. So, for instance, the hagiographic E u p h e m i a a n d the G o t h refers to a church built outside of E d e s s a b y B i s h o p A b r a h a m between A . D . 345 and 361 as " t h e h o l y temple of the house of the Confessors". E d . Burlcitt, p p . 129L Syriac text, p. 45. 2. F o r the first see the A c t s of B a r s a m y a , e d . Cureton o p . c i t . , p. s g of the S y r i a c and for the second and t h i r d see D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . P h i l l i p s , p p . l b and Iz of the S y r i a c text. 3. I t is applied i n a derogatory sense to Manichean " c h u r c h e s " b y E p h r a e m repeatedly. See e.g. his P r o s e R e f u t a t i o n s , e d . M i t c h e l l , p. x l v i i , Syriac text, p. 38, col. a. E p h r a e m applies the t e r m " c a v e " to places of worship used b y the followers of Bardesanes at Edessa, b u t whether descriptively, metaphorically or derogatively is not clear. See P S , I, 2, p. 495. 4. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 263, 301-305 (Synagogue) : R e p . V, p. 142 (Temple of Azzanathkona); R e p . V I I - V I I I , p. 168 (Temple of A d o n i s ) ; p. 180 (unidentified structure); C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p. 355 (Temple of Bel).

out the length and breadth of the city. These D u r a houses show everywhere the same construction, w i t h m u d b r i c k walls that are coated externally w i t h m u d a n d chopped straw or chaff and internally i n some areas w i t h plaster, w i t h flat m u d roofs spread on bundles of reeds or mats and upheld b y wooden beams, a n d w i t h a n open courtyard around w h i c h the rooms are grouped as the shape of the lot m a y permit, but always so as to give precedence to the d i w a n . I n size they vary from small establishment w i t h but an entry, a small courtyard, a n d a single l i v i n g room, the diwan, to large structures like the House of the Large A t r i u m i n B l o c k C 7 w i t h as m a n y as 71 rooms. B u t the basic features remain the same and houses w i t h from six to ten rooms are more common, m a k i n g the P r i v a t e House which the Christians adapted the more typical. The facl that i n the ancient civilized world so m u c h oj d a i l y life could be a n d was l i v e d i n the open anc that f a m i l y organization was autocratic makes i1 inevitable that there should be elements of s i m i l a r i t y between the t y p i c a l D u r a houses and thos( found i n the Mediterranean area i n such matters ai the open c o u r t y a r d a n d the pre-eminence of th< master's l i v i n g room, here the diwan. B u t i m m e d iate connections are limited to the peristyli houses of the eastern Mediterranean, from whicl the D u r a house borrowed the use of stone doo t r i m and a n occasional columnar portico, as i i the case of the Christian B u i l d i n g . I n a l l othe respects the D u r a house and the Christian Buildinj of D u r a perpetuate the traditional dwelling o Mesopotamia t h a t goes back to at least E a r l ; D y n a s t i c times a n d that survived down int. Hellenistic, P a r t h i a n , a n d R o m a n days and s t i survives i n the smaller towns and villages of t h region. T h i s means, of course, that the Christia:
5 6 7 8

5. See Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d i t s A r t , p p . 48: and for the t y p i c a l D u r a house p l a n Pearson's drawing i R e p . V, P L V I . 6. R e p . I V , PI. I V . 7. O n the subject of Hellenistic influences u p o n tr. D u r a type house see C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p p . 244-246. 8. F o r Mesopotamian houses of the earlier period s< e.g. E . H e i n r i c h , F a r a (Berlin, 1931), p p . 9-17. <i ( Reuther, D i e I n n e n s t a d t B a b y l o n , W V D O G , XLV1 (Berlin, 1926), PI. 17. F o r the later period see e.g. ] W a t e r m a n , S e c o n d P r e l i m i n a r y R e p o r t o n the E x c a v a t i o i at T e l U m a r , I r a q ( A n n A r b o r , 1933), F i g . 1, p. 3, ar F i g . 5, p. 18; F . Safar, " H a t r a and the F i r s t Season < Excavations", Sumer, V I I I (1952), E n g l i s h Sectio
an

THE

I M P O R T A N C E OF T H E C H R I S T I A N B U I L D I N G

139

B u i l d i n g of D u r a m a y safely be t a k e n as t y p i c a l of the Christian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of theTigris-Euphrates basin i n pre-Constantinian times a n d thus as

normative for a whole province of church architecture about whose earliest antecedents we have as yet no other direct information.

III. T H E I M P O R T A N C E O F T H E C H R I S T I A N B U I L D I N G O F D U R A This general survey of the information that literary sources a n d archaeological discovery have contributed to our knowledge of the pre-Constant i n i a n d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n the Mediterranean w o r l d and i n Mesopotamia w i l l help t o provide a proper perspective upon the historical importance of the Christian B u n d i n g at D u r a generally. This can be stated under a few simple headings. 1. I t is a n exaggeration, pardonable perhaps, to s a y that i n the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a we have a n example of the earliest type of Christian church. A s we have seen above, a distinction has to be made i n this connection between structures i n w h i c h Christians met b y i n v i t a t i o n or b y tolerance and buildings w h i c h they adapted to or erected for their use a n d w h i c h , where t h e y were adapted, ceased to serve their original function or to m a i n t a i n their original character. Of these the first are clearly the earlier a n d , h a v i n g b y definition no features of Christian adaptation or embellishment, could not be distinguished from others of the same t y p e a n d would therefore not be identifiable as Christian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e except under special circumstances. Because i t has been adapted t o Christian use the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a is thus a n example of the second stage i n the development of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , w h e n that d o m u s
1

GENERALLY

ceases to serve the purposes for which the building was originally erected a n d when i t m a y have passed into the category of those ad i u s c o r p o r i s p e r t i n e n t i a ? I n this capacity, however, i t has the distinction of being the earliest type of d o m u s e c c l e s i a e properly identifiable as such. Of course, if the P r i v a t e House which the Christians of D u r a adapted was before its adaptation owned b y a believer who p e r m i t t e d the local community to meet and worship there while he still inhabited the premises, i t could be said that this P r i v a t e House was a n example of the earliest type of d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , b u t the fact is not demonstrable and the contention is fruitless. 2. E v e n as a n example of the earliest i d e n t i fiable d o m u s e c c l e s i a e the importance of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a must not be improperly magnified. E x a m p l e s of such magnification have already appeared i n w h i c h the assumption is made that b y p u t t i n g the Christian B u i l d i n g at the head of the list one can trace a n orderly progression i n the development of Christian architecture that leads logically to the basilical structures of the fourth century. So for instance when the terms " p r o t h e s i s " a n d " d i a c o n i c o n " representing features of the S y r i a n basilicas w i t h internal apses are applied to rooms of the D u r a estabHshment, or when a sequence is followed that leads from D u r a to A q u i l e i a a n d on to old S t . Peter's at R o m e . T h i s is only to repeat the type of error deriving the Christian basilica i n a straight line from the R o m a n a t r i u m house. W h a t argues against a n y such magnification is a combination of two factors. T h e first is that i n pre-Constant i n i a n times a n y number of different types of structures barns, halls, apartments, a n d private houses served the purposes of Christian assembly as the literary a n d archaeological evidence clearly
3

pp. 10-13, A r a b i c Section, Plans I I a n d III, o p p . p . 52; H . J . L e n z e n , " A r c h i t e k t u r der Partherzeit i n Mesopo t a m i e n " Festschrift fiir C a r l Weickert (Berlin, 1955), pp. 121-136. 1. A s such special circumstances one might suggest the presence of graffiti recording the names of numerous Christian worshippers who took pains to identify t h e m selves as such, the locus of the structure at a site demonstrably associated w i t h Christian piety from earliest times, or the identification b y archaeological means of a structure such as the " H a l l of T y r a n n u s " at Ephesus where the literary tradition (Acts 19, 9) indicates that Christian assembly a n d worship occurred. I n fact, therefore, the remains of buildings under certain of the titular churches of R o m e identifiable only b y reference to a traditional locus of Christian worship m a y come closer to representing the v e r y earliest type of d o m u s ecclesiae t h a n the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a . B u t this does n o t necessarily make them more important i n fact.

2. See above, p . 129. 3. F o r the former see P i j o a n " T h e Parable of the Virgins from D u r a - E u r o p o s " , F i g . 1, o p p . p . 592, and for, the latter K a h l e r , D i e s p d t a n t i h e n B a u t e n unter dem D o m von A q u i l e i a , F i g . 9, p. 57.

140
1

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
i n the correspondence between i n d i v i d u a l features of the D u r a establishment representing the adapt a t i o n of the domestic premises to the needs of the c o m m u n i t y can we expect to find points of s i m i l a r i t y between the D u r a d o m u s e c c l e s i a e and those of the Mediterranean world. This correspondence can best be developed i n connection w i t h a separate examination of the function and character of the several rooms of the D u r a building that w i l l concern us l a t e r .
4

shows. It is quite impossible, therefore, to speak or t h i n k of one particular and normative type of d o m u s e c c l e s i a e such as could have evolved into the one normative basilical church of the fourth century. The Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is an example of but one of several types of pre-Christian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , the one created b y the adaptation of a private house. A s such it m a y have been more common t h a n the types created from barns, storage rooms, a n d halls, particularly outside the great population centers, but of course it is precisely i n such centers that the antecedents of the Christian basilicas of the fourth century must be thought to lie. The second factor that argues against undue magnification is precisely the fact that the Christian B u i l d i n g is an adapted private house. E n o u g h is now k n o w n about dwellings i n a l l parts of the ancient world i n Hellenistic and R o m a n times to show how great is the v a r i e t y of the structures and how real are the differences between the peristyle house and the a t r i u m house, between the high-rise apartments i n the population centers a n d the private town houses i n mercantile emporia, between t o w n houses and country estates a n d between the villas i n the southern a n d the northern provinces. The Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is an adaptation of but one such type of dwelling, namely that traditional i n the Tigris-Euphrates basin. I t can therefore properly be said to be t y p i c a l of the Mesopotamian d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , but i n its entirety i t cannot be expected to have been repeated i n the Mediterranean area. There, adapted residences must be thought to have been determined b y the economic circumstances of the respective communities and b y the types of dwellings locally favored. O n l y
2 3

T h e strictures thus imposed on any attempt to appraise the significance of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a as a whole are n a t u r a l l y not intended to minimize its importance but to establish the proper basis for a v a l i d interpretation. A s elements of such an interpretation the following points recommend themselves. 3. A m o n g a l l the examples of the pre-Constant i n i a n d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of which probable or possible traces have been found anywhere, the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is the one most securely dated, b y the graffito of 232/3 recording the erection of the adapted P r i v a t e House (No. 10) a n d b y the destruction of the c i t y i n A . D . 256. Indeed the date is as early as if not earlier than that of any of the other structures deserving consideration a n d is of the highest strategic importance because, coming so s h o r t l y after the end of the Severan period, i t provides an opportunity to appraise the importance of the advances made b y the Christian f a i t h i n the favorable climate of Severan rule. 4. A m o n g a l l the examples of the pre-Constant i n i a n d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of which probable or possible traces have been found anywhere, the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is b y a l l odds the best preserved and the one that on this account gives the best a n d i n m a n y respects the first real insight into this k i n d of structure as a working organism and an instrument of congregational life. 5. A m o n g a l l the examples of the pre-Constant i n i a n d o m u s e c c l e s i a e of which probable or possible traces have been found anywhere, the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a is the only one that brings a cycle of pictorial B i b l i c a l wall decorations, a n d t h a t i n the functional context of a baptistery, and the one that through its m u r a l decorations, its graffiti a n d its installations tells us most about
4. See below, p p . 141-155.

1. See above, p p . 133. 2. I n addition to the literature referred to incidentally above, see e.g. R . Stillwell, " H o u s e s at A n t i o c h " , D u m barton O a k s P a p e r s , X V (1948), p p . 102-128, 196-224; G . B e c a t t i , " C a s a ostiense del tardo i m p e r o " , B o l l e t t i n o d'arte, Series I V , V o l . X X X I I I (1948), p p . 102-128, 197-224; E . B . T h o m a s , Rmische V i l l e n i n P a n n o n i e n (Budapest, 1964). 3. So for instance at Cirte i n N o r t h A f r i c a the "house where the Christians met and where bishop P a u l l i v e d " according to the Gesta a p u d Z e n o p h i l u m , ed. C . Ziwsa ( C S E L , X X V I , 1893), p p . 186-188, h a d not only store rooms i n which chalices a n d lamps and clothing were found b u t also a l i b r a r y w i t h chests (armaria) i n which sacred books were kept and a t r i c l i n i u m containing large storage jars (dolia et orcae.)

THE

ROOMS A N D I N S T A L L A T I O N S

141

the religious beliefs of the community that a r ranged i t . W h a t else the Christian B u i l d i n g has to contribute to our knowledge of the d o m n s e c c l e s i a e of Mesopotamia and as a n example of the earliest

knowable form of an adapted private dwelling i t contributes through the several installations made in the course of its adaptation. T o these we now turn.

IV.

T H E ROOMS A N D INSTALLATIONS OF T H E CHRISTIAN BUILDING, T H E I R FUNCTION A N D SIGNIFICANCE

A . The Assembly Hall

A t D u r a , when the P r i v a t e House became the Christian B u i l d i n g , its diwan was enlarged to provide the b i g Assembly H a l l (Room 4). E n l a r g e ment can only have served to enhance the p r o m i nence that the diwan h a d h a d i n the earlier building b y reason of its character, its position across the court from the vestibule of the house and its relatively elegant door t r i m . T h e function a n d local significance of the h a l l can best be understood when the Christian B u i l d i n g is compared w i t h other religious structures i n the c i t y , Jewish and pagan. I n the pagan temples of D u r a the p r i m a r y emphasis falls on the relatively small naos (often w i t h a pronaos) that either houses the cult statue or has the image of the cult deity painted upon its rear w a l l . Jews a n d Christians at D u r a were equally careful not to create i n their houses of worship a n y t h i n g that might even remotely suggest such a shrine. T h i s was i n accord w i t h the fundamental and programmatic opposition to i d o l a t r y to which the two forms of religious beliefs subscribed. A l l religious establishments at D u r a also provided i n some measure for the accomodation of those who worshipped there. I n the pagan temples the provisions take various forms. Central courtyards gave standing room to those who attended at the offerings made on the incense altars that stood there; small rooms grouped around the courts and equipped w i t h benches served as locales for ceremonial meals on the part of families of worshipers or of t h i a s o i ; i n the M i t h r a e u m a vaulted chamber appropriately i m i t a t i n g a cave u n i t e d initiates of the same or different grades i n the celebration of sacrifices and r i t u a l meals the character of which we do not fully understand and i n temples dedicated to

certain female deities catering to the needs of women there were semi-circular or rectangular s a l l e s a u x g r a d i n s w i t h stone benches reserved for or dedicated b y women. A quite different type of provision is represented b y the large assembly halls of the D u r a Synagogue and the Christian B u i l d i n g . I n these structures the meeting rooms are not ancillary i n character but of basic importance, replacing i n this respect the shrine housing the cult image i n the pagan temples. T h e y were not informal, as were the courtyards used for group attendance i n the temples, but formal structural units planned a n d erected for the specific purpose of providing accomodations for groups. T h e y served not separate families or classes of devotees, but the communities of believers i n their entirety. T h e y seem to respond, therefore, to a principle inherent i n a n d normative for the life of the religious community, a n d this principle is not merely social, for the social a n d subsidiary needs of the communities i n question are t a k e n care of i n the courtyards that i n each case exist i n front of the assembly rooms, nor can it be said to be r i t u a l i n character, for the assembly rooms do not have installations serving such purposes. Instead i t must be rehgious, i n the case of the J e w i s h community the act of G o d b y which he chose, set apart, a n d constituted the Covenant People, the Children of Israel, a n d i n the case of the Christian community the divine " c a l l " enunciated on God's behalf b y Christ w h i c h constituted
1 2 3

1. Provisions for ceremonial meeting and dining are to be found at D u r a for instance i n the T e m p l e of Adonis a n d in the T e m p l e of Zeus Theos. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , F i g . 42, opp. p. 150, a n d F i g . 48, opp. p. 194. O n their character and function see i b i d . , p p . 156-157. 2. F o r the former see F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, Plans VI-VII. 3. O n the question of the segregation of men a n d women see below; p. 154.

142

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
1

the company of those " c a l l e d " (KEKArinevoi), thereby creating the Church (eKKAqaia). I n the communities thus constituted every company of ten Jews, the m i n i m u m number necessary for the establishment of a synagogue, a n d every local Christian church body was believed to cohere. W h a t the evidence for other religious structures teaches us about the origin and significance of such assembly halls as that of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a underlines what has been said above against hypotheses suggesting the borrowing of structural forms b y either E a s t or West i n the pre-Constantinian period of the Church and against the suggestion of a unified process of structural evolution leading from the house-church to the Christian basilica. T h e form-giving factor that leads to analogous structural forms i n E a s t and West i n these early times is not structural but conceptual, inherent i n the divine act believed to have created the one Church a n d a l l its local congregations. After the Peace of the Church the halls of abandoned baths and palaces could be and were adapted to b r i n g into actual assembly the community of those " c a l l e d " , as they were at Rome, just as from the period of the imperial donations onward the basilica could a n d d i d become the ever more popular a n d universal instrument of Christian association a n d worship. I n pre-Constantinian times barns a n d shops and diverse rooms i n different types of houses served the same purpose. The one t h i n g these earlier structures have i n common is that they are remote from the canons of formal architecture as applied for instance to temples and public buildings. T h e analogy that can be seen to exist between the Assembly H a l l at D u r a and the apseless box-like halls at A q u i l e i a a n d the perpetuation of such halls i n the later structures of the adjacent regions suggests that more commonly t h a n the available archaeological evidence permits us to demonstrate i t was the i n d i v i d u a l form of the regional private dwelling that i n its enlargement served as the Church's earliest instrument of religious association. A s a clear example of the process the d i w a n of the P r i v a t e House at D u r a that became the Assembly H a l l of the Christian B u i l d i n g is therefore of particular importance.

T h e comparison of the Synagogue a n d the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a w i t h each other reveals also important differences between the facilities created i n them for purposes of assembly. A m o n g these the absence of m u r a l decorations f r o m the Christian Assembly H a l l a n d the lavish pictorial decoration of the Synagogue's House of A s s e m b l y is the most notable. The difference w i l l be seen to be particularly striking if the importance of m u r a l decoration as a feature of the adornment of naoi a n d pronaoi i n the pagan temples of D u r a , w h i c h the Christian a n d J e w i s h meeting rooms replace, is kept i n m i n d . I t must have required a rather clear conception of what was appropriate where for the Christians of D u r a to have arrived at the result i n h a n d . W h a t that conception was we can only guess. There were, of course, also other large hall-like rooms used for assembly at D u r a , for instance i n the Praetoriurn a n d i n the Palace of the D u x , a n d from what is k n o w n about t h e m they seem also to have been left undecorated. I t m a y be that the Christians of D u r a merely followed the example provided b y these secular meeting places or that they sought i n this p a r t i c u l a r also to avoid creating an analogy between the Christian place of worship and the painted pagan shrines. B u t the fact that t h e y d i d decorate their B a p t i s t e r y quite as l a v i s h l y , comparatively speaking, as the Jews of D u r a d i d their House of A s s e m b l y and as the pagans d i d the n a o i of their temples would seem to point i n another direction. I n part a n examination of the function of the decorations applied to the B a p t i s t e r y m a y help to suggest alternatives. T h i s w i l l concern us l a t e r . H e r e i t m a y well be that a closer examination of the simple installations i n the A s s e m b l y H a l l w i l l serve the same purpose.
2 3

T h e Assembly H a l l of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a has as its only permanent installations the l o w raised platform set against its short eastern w a l l a n d the small plaster socket placed i n the corner between the south side of the platform a n d the w a l l from w h i c h i t projects. The platform has f r o m the beginning been interpreted consistently
4

I. See especially K . L . Schmidt in K T W ,

s . v . KaAko.

2. See R e p . V , PI. I l l , especially R o o m 2 (Praetoriurn) a n d R e p . I X , 1, F i g . 7 opp. p. 96, especially R o o m 64 (Palace of the Dux) . 3. See below, p. 177. 4. See above, p. 16.

T H E ROOMS A N D I N S T A L L A T I O N S
and correctly as the p o d i u m or bema provided for the person presiding at the assemblies, whether bishop, priest, teacher or reader. Bemas are, of course, of different lands and serve different purposes secular and religious. T h e y are regular features of ancient synagogues, where they were used as stands for the reading of H o l y W r i t a n d are thus functionally similar to the podium i n the Christian Assembly H a l l , but structurally they are quite other, being mobile pieces of wooden furniture without special masonry substructure. Bemas were also features of the Manichean houses of worship that developed i n lower Mesopotamia i n the second , half of the t h i r d century of our era, where they played so important a role that they led to the establishment of the B e m a F e s t i v a l , long k n o w n as an important event i n the Manichean liturgical festival cycle from a reference i n A u g u s tine a n d more recently become more familiar from the large number of B e m a H y m n s i n the Manichean P s a l m B o o k . The Manichean bemas were apparently permanent installations for they are k n o w n to have h a d five steps, but they too are on this account different from the podium i n the Christian Assembly H a l l at D u r a , i m i t a t i n g rather the tribunals used b y R o m a n magistrates at the occasion of official pronouncements. T h e y serve therefore to emphasize the importance of M a n i and his successors i n office as lawgivers a n d judges for the assembled congregations, for which reason the Manichean B e m a F e s t i v a l anticipates M a n i ' s return i n power at the end of the w o r l d to exercise judgement upon m a n k i n d . F o r analogies to the installation i n the Christian Assembly H a l l we have therefore to t u r n elsewhere. I n the classical tradition the simplest form of bema is the step before the altar used as a place of public address,
1 2 2 4

from w h i c h , of course, the t e r m itself is d e r i v e d . Related are the low podia represented i n Greek vase paintings as being used b y performing artists, t y p i c a l l y musicians, whether i n connection w i t h religious or secular celebrations. A t D u r a there is one example of a similar low p o d i u m of but one step i n the private audience h a l l i n the Palace of the D u x . I t raised the floor of the southern lobe of the I r i k o n c h o s at the east end of the room 0.38 m . above floor l e v e l . Clearly such low podia merely served the practical purpose of setting the speaker, singer, or dignitary off from the group around h i m , but i n so doing they can be said to have given h i m a certain pre-eminence as one who could properly c l a i m attention a n d respect i n connection w i t h the affairs i n hand.
5 8 7

1. See R e p . V , p. 247; v o n Gerkan, R Q , X L I I , p. 226; Lassus, op. c i t . , p. 16. 2. See i n general E . Sukenik, A n c i e n t S y n a g o g u e s i n P a l e s t i n e a n d Greece (London, 1934,) PP- 5 7 6 i . A t D u r a the position of the Synagogue's bema is indicated b y a group of holes i n the p a v i n g of the House of Assembly into which the ends of the bema's legs were set. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, F i g , 72. p. 255. 3. See Augustine, contra epistulam jundamenti, 8 ( P L X L I I ) , col. 179, a n d C. R . C. A l l b e r r y , M a n i c h e a n P s a l m B o o k (Stuttgart, 1938). 4. See especially A l l b e r r y ' s article. " D a s Manichaische B e m a - F e s t " , Z N T W , X X X V I I (1938), p p . 2-10, which reproduces also a Manichean miniature that shows a bema covered w i t h a r u g or drapery.
_ ;

Precisely how the p o d i u m of the Christian Assembly H a l l at D u r a was used is, of course, not k n o w n . I n prayer the presiding dignitary would have stood upon i t ; at other times, i n prolonged discourse or teaching, he m a y have sat upon i t , quite as the audience would have sat on the floor of the H a l l . E a r l y Syriac Christian documents suggest the use b y teachers a n d missionary agents of a chair w h i c h here would have stood o n the podium. A n interesting episode i n the S y r i a c A c t s o f T h o m a s tells how K i n g M a z d a i unexpectedly comes to the house of his general Sifur, where Thomas is teaching i n I n d i a . W h e n the k i n g enters, those assembled to listen to Thomas rise and stand, but Thomas does not. The k i n g thereupon seizes the " c h a i r " and upsets i t , the reference being properly to the chair upon which Thomas h a d continued to sit. W h e n the k i n g has thus unseated Thomas he grasps the chair b y two of its legs a n d beats Thomas over the head w i t h i t . I n the D o c t r i n e o f A d d a i , A g g a i is said to be seated i n church and expounding the scriptures when Abgar's henchmen enter and break his legs. The i m p l i c a t i o n of course, is that A g g a i was seated on a chair, as the paraphrase of Moses of Chorene has properly
8

5. See E . R e i s c h i n P W , s . v . 6. See e.g. E . P f u h l , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g der G r i e c h e n , I I I (Munich, 1923), F i g s . 313, p. 86 and 393, p. 122. 7. See R e p . I X , 3, p . 24, a n d F i g . 7, opp. p. 96. H o w the other lobes of the triconchus were treated is unfortunately unknown. 8. A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , V o l . II, p. 272. T h e interpretation given here varies slightly from the translation of W r i g h t b u t does better justice to the s t a t u s e m p h a t i c u s of the Syriac word for chair ( M r s i l l ) .

144
1

INTERPRETATION: THE BUILDING AT DURA

the same purpose. Since the discourses b y ancient teachers or preachers m a y well have lasted several hours, the socket a n d i t s j u g m a y only have supplied a convenient source of d r i n k i n g water, to permit the speaker to continue should his throat become d r y during the harangue. The emplacement for the chair that thus forms the only notable installation of the Assembly H a l l i n the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a n a t u r a l l y recalls the provision that was made i n the mosaic pavement at the east end of the north hall of Theodore's oratory at A q u i l e i a for a " t h r o n e " , a n d the freestanding synthronus t y p i c a l of the apseless h a l l churches of the neighboring regions. Clearly the analogy is not the result of borrowing from either direction b u t of the use of similar means t o serve identical functions. The fact that proper emplacement for the teacher or preacher is the earliest and at this early date the only k n o w n installation of Christian halls of assembly is worthy of particular note. I t reflects the dominant function of such hall-like rooms, and i n this connection suggests one possible answer to the question w h y the h a l l at D u r a was left without m u r a l decoration. Clearly the House of Assembly i n the D u r a Synagogue and the A s s e m b l y H a l l of the Christian B u i l d i n g served analogous purposes a n d gave similar importance to the place occupied b y the E l d e r i n the one instance a n d b y the preacher or teacher i n the other. B u t the charismatic gifts attributed to the properly ordained a n d appointed Christian teacher and preacher were clearly thought t o give his utterances a particular q u a l i t y b y v i r t u e of which they could be s a i d to participate i n a n d continue the divine revelation. I n this particular the rle of the Christian teacher could be said to be different from t h a t of his J e w i s h counterpart. M a y i t not have been, therefore, that Christian assembly halls were not decorated at this time because the oral p r a e d i c a t i o V e r b i b y the ordained teacher still h a d a special force such as would have made i t seem unnecessary or undesirable t o a d d or interpose a n y other m e d i u m for the c o m m u n i cation of substance of the divine revelation. I n a
6 7

understood. The chair i n question is n a t u r a l l y not the s e l l a c u r u l i s of the R o m a n magistrate from which he makes his official pronouncements, b u t rather the chair of the teacher, whether of religion or philosophy, as represented on R o m a n m o n u ments, as reflected i n the Seat of Moses i n ancient Synagogues a n d as described among the antiquities of the church of Jerusalem.
2

The peculiar plaster a n d rubble socket cont r i v e d on the floor of the D u r a A s s e m b l y H a l l i n the angle between the podium a n d the east wall of the r o o m has been variously interpreted b y writers on the Christian B u i l d i n g . Lassus has suggested a n d then discarded the idea that i t served as a thalassa for washing the ceremonial vessels used i n the celebration of the E u c h a r i s t . It was not sufficiently well plastered to h o l d water and would have been awkwardly placed to serve this purpose. Khler has thought of a socket for a lampstand, which is just possible, b u t does not recommend itself. Such lamp sockets are k n o w n from the D u r a Synagogue, where they are set out from the walls, p a r t l y no doubt lest the lamps smudge the white plaster, a n d where they were octagonal i n shape. T h e socket contrived i n the Christian Assembly H a l l was m u c h wider at the top t h a n those that held the lampstands i n t h e Synagogue; nor was i t sufficiently strong i n construction to have resisted the thrust of a l a m p stand w i t h a n offset bracket or a r m t o h o l d the l a m p away from the wall. A s a rough contrivance i t m a y therefore have served no more exalted purpose t h a n to hold the t i p of a s m a l l water j u g of the type w i t h the pointed base. S u c h s m a l l socket-like holes can be seen i n the earthen floors of present-day houses i n A r a b villages, where the same type of water jar is still i n use. I n a n t i q u i t y there existed also simple pottery rings that served
4 8

x. D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. Phillips, p. 49; Moses of Chorene, H i s t o r y of A r m e n i a , II, 34 see V . Langlois, C o l l e c t i o n des h i s t o r i e n s a n c i e n s et modernes de l'Armnie (Paris, 1869), I I , p . 98. 2. F o r the seated philosopher i n R o m a n a r t see e.g. F . C u m o n t , Recherches s u r le s y m b o l i s m e funraire des r o m a i n s (Paris, 1942), p p . 311-313 a n d P l . X X X I I I , F i g : 72, p. 323; for the Seat of Moses i n synagogues see, e.g. Sukenik, op. c i t . , p p . 57-61; for the chair of James, called a 0p6vos, preserved at Jerusalem see Eusebius, H i s t , e c c l . , V I I , 19. . 3. O p . c i t . , p p . 16-17. 4. O p . c i t . , p . 48. 5. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p. 255.

6. See above, p . 135. 7. See e.g. D i d a c h e X I , 3, a n d the Syriac T e s t a m e n t u m D o m i n i N o s t r i , I, 22, e d . I. E . R a h m a n i (Mainz, 1899), p p . 34f. : c u m autem docet i n e c c l e s i a s i c doceat diligenter t a m q u a m v i r cognoscens se i n t e s t i m o n i u m proferre doclrin a m totius m i n i s t e r i i P a t r i s o m n i u m , quae accurate scribitr.

THE

ROOMS AND I N S T A L L A T I O N S

145

separate sacramental chamber, or for that matter in a b u r i a l chamber, this principle would not have been equally operative.

B . The

Baptistery

Mention has previously been made of the fact that i n the period immediately after the discovery of the Christian B u i l d i n g there was a tendency on the part of some to interpret the installation i n R o o m 6 as a m a r t y r ' s tomb and the room itself as a m a r t y r i u m rather than a baptistery. Several arguments were advanced i n support of this interpretation. One was the general similarity of the installation to the arcosolium tombs i n the Christian catacombs. Another was the a w k w a r d ness of entry into and egress from the basin, the fact that i t was not deep enough to permit i m m e r sion, a n d the explanation of the ledges added inside the basin as strips put there to frame the casket or reliquary at its exact size. One has the impression that the interpretation m a y have recommended itself to others because of the unspoken assumption that if a d o m u s e c c l e s i a e were to be found to have a cultic installation, i t ought to provide for the celebration of the eucharist rather t h a n for baptisms. Of course, the interpretation of the installation as a font h a d strong support from the outset a n d this was only e n hanced b y the separate study of the m a r t y r i u m as a factor i n Christian architecture a n d art and b y the closer attention p a i d to the decorations of the r o o m . Though the matter is now adjudicated, i t is only proper to give here the reasons for regarding it as a font rather t h a n as a tomb a n d altar, a n d these m a y be summarized so far as they are appropriate to the present context.
1 2 3 4

no evidence for the occurrence of Christian martyrdoms i n the R o m a n portion of Mesopotamia i n the period before M a x i m i a n u s ; 2) that the explanation i t is supposed to provide for the introduction of the secondary ledges into the bottom of the basin is not cogent because they maintian the trapezoidal form of the basin a n d cannot be said t o have set i n place a rectangular reliquary or coffin; 3) that because the plinths supporting the columns of the baldacchmo extend to the v e r y edges of the basin, there is no easy way of covering the basin w i t h a slab such as would have transformed i t into a n a l t a r : 4) that there are among the graffiti of the room no texts that hail the memory of the saint or invoke his a i d .
6 8 7

Positively i t can be argued that the installation is a font because 1) the construction of the basin shows careful attention to the matter of obtaining a strong, tight floor, that this floor was found to have been repaired after having become cracked and that the interior, when wetted, showed a grayish stain gradually intensified i n a n even plane on all four walls from top toward the bottom a l l indications that i t at one time held w a t e r ; 2) that the step up a n d the step down provided on the outside a n d the inside respectively, together w i t h the smooth gypsum slab w i t h beveled edges used as the crowning element of the forward ledge, clearly i m p l y that the basin was to be entered, the procedure used being to mount the outer step, sit on the ledge, swing the feet over the ledge a n d step d o w n i n ; 3) that when R o o m 6 is understood as a baptistery, the function of R o o m 5
8

Negatively i t can be said against the m a r t y r i u m hypothesis, 1) that there is no reason to expect and
1. So e.g. B a u r i n R e p . V , p p . 254-255. 2. So H . L i e t z m a n n in his review of R e p . V and on the strength of observations and measurements made i n the course of a personal visit to D u r a . See G n o n o m , X I I I (1937). PP- 233f3. See e.g. M . A u b e r t , " L e s fouilles de D o u r a - E u r o p o s e t c . , " B u l l e t i n m o n u m e n t a l X V I I I (1954), PP- 398-401 and O . Eissfeldt i n R f A C , I V (1958), s . v . D u r a - E u r o p o s . 4. F a v o r i n g the font at the outset were H o p k i n s , R e p . V, p. 249, v o n G e r k a n , R Q , X L I I , p. 227 a n d Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 130131. T h e study of the M a r t y r i u m is, of course, that of A . G r a b a r (Paris, 1946). T h e literature on the decorations is given above. 10

5. See above, p . n o . T h e special circumstances that produced the m a r t y r d o m of B i s h o p Samson at A r b e l a beyond the T i g r i s c a . A . D . 123 according to the A r b e l a C h r o n i c l e (ed. Sachau, p. 44) are definitely other t h a n those of life i n the P a r t h i a n period at D u r a . 6. See above, p . 27. 7. See P l a n V I I I . T h e point is, of course, that if the basin h a d been built to be covered over w i t h a slab the plinths would not have been permitted to reach to the edges of the basin at the corners. 8. T h i s is b y no means as difficult a n d gymnastic an action as L i e t z m a n n has made i t out to be i n his effort to prove the basin a m a r t y r ' s tomb. See his review article in G n o m o n , X I I I (1937), PP- 3 3 f - A. step up and a curb are regular features of pools and tubs i n the R o m a n baths of the Orient a n d the height of the two features combined in R o o m 6 of the C h r i s t i a n B u i l d i n g b y no means exceeds that of analogous features i n the public baths at D u r a . See R e p . V I , p p . 85-87 etc.
2

146

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
1

is easier to i n t e r p r e t ; 4) that the decorations of R o o m 6 were chosen because of the propriety of their subject matter for a baptistery and that much of this same subject matter appears i n the decorative programs of the baptisteries of the West. W i t h its installation properly interpreted as a font, R o o m 6 of the Christian B u i l d i n g raises a difficult question already evident to Lassus. T h e question is w h y a Christian community of relatively such small size and w i t h only a relatively modest house at its disposal should have given over one whole room entirely to the celebration of the comparatively infrequent rite of baptism and have decorated i t so l a v i s h l y judged b y local standards ? The matter can be stated also i n more comprehensive terms. I n the more fully developed church buildings of the fourth and later centuries the monumentalized m e n s a , standing i n the presbyterium between the clergy a n d the congregation, forms the most important installation of the structure. W h y this should be so is evident. The installation reflects the importance of the atoning death of Christ for the salvation of m a n which the Church mediates and w h i c h the sacrament that requires the mensa " p r o c l a i m s " , as P a u l put i t (1. Cor. 11, 26), or re-enacts as the Church later came to understand i t . The significance of the atonement i n the theology that dominated the Mediterranean Christian world since the days of P a u l , and the frequency of allusion to the Eucharist b y scene and symbol i n R o m a n catacomb art provides the needed background for the development of the installation. A d m i t t e d l y , cultic installations i n Christian buildings of the pre-Constantinian period are thus far almost unknown. B u t if a Christian congregation such as that of D u r a was to provide structurally for the performance of a Christian rite, should i t not have been for the Eucharist rather t h a n for B a p t i s m ? It is this question, ultimately, that seems to have made L i e t z m a n n insist on interpreting the D u r a font as a m a r t y r ' s tomb a n d hence as an altar. The opposite interpretation, namely that the
2 3

installation is indeed a font, needs to be equally well supported. T h a t purely practical considerations suffice to explain the existence of a baptistery at D u r a has already been considered and properly been rejected by L a s s u s . Neither the arduousness of the descent to the Euphrates for the performance of the rite, nor the fact that the c i t y gates were presumably closed at night when the ceremony was usually performed i n this region does justice to the e m i nence of the installation. The necessity of safeguarding the i d e n t i t y and character of the group b y stressing the i n i t i a t o r y act, which Lassus proposes instead is a possible explanation, but would have been operative i n some measure everywhere. One could turn the argument around and t h i n k of the Christians of D u r a as providing themselves w i t h a t e l e s t e r i o n because of the need of competing locally w i t h other cults such as that of Mithras i n which initiation played a prominent role. B u t there are s t i l l other possible explanations. One can r i g h t l y ask, for instance, whether there m a y not have been something about the character of the Christian faith i n the area that gave the rite of baptism even greater prominence here than i n those parts of the ancient Christian world w i t h whose faith and institutions we are generally more familiar.
4

1. See below, p. 153. 2. O n the choice and meaning of the decorations in R o o m 6 at D u r a see below p p . 177-203; on analogies in the early baptisteries of Italy see below, p p . 206-215. 3. S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens de S y r i e , p. 17.

It is important i n this connection to recall what was s a i d i n the preceding chapter about the possibility that there were significant differences i n emphasis between Christians of the hinterland of S y r i a and of the Tigris-Euphrates basin on the one h a n d and of the larger part of the Mediterranean world on the other i n such theological matters as the relative importance of the flesh a n d the w i l l as the seat of s i n and of atonement and enlightenment i n the interpretation of s a l v a t i o n . Differences i n these areas of Christian thought can well have given to the act of baptism i n the regions i n question a significance even greater t h a n i n the W e s t , thereby creating for the early monumentalization of the baptistery and font at D u r a an explanation quite as cogent as that which L i e t z m a n n thought to develop for its interpretation as a m a r t y r i o n and as a locus for the celebration of the Eucharist. Since the explanation has necessarily
6

4. O p . c i t . , p. 18. 5. See above, p p . 114-119.

THE

ROOMS A N D I N S T A L L A T I O N S

147

to depend upon a clear understanding of the function and meaning of the decorations applied to the walls of the D u r a Baptistery, its consideration must be deferred to a later context. Here, therefore, further discussion of the B a p t i s t e r y will be l i m i t e d to its structural features.
1

For the discussion of early Christian baptisteries and fonts as structural adjuncts to churches the comparative material is now relatively accessible, thanks to the attention devoted to them at the F i f t h International Congress of Christian Archaeology (1954) a n d to special studies of baptisteries published subsequently. The general direction i n which the development of the baptistery was m o v i n g i n the Orient i n the formative period of the Church, namely toward the development of a whole series of rooms between which the several parts of the rite were divided, toward the creation of basins of different geometric a n d symbolic shape w i t h easy means of ingress and egress, and toward the erection of monumental free-standing buildings devoted exclusively to baptism a l l this is relatively clear. W h e n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y was created the days cannot have been long past that saw the rite performed i n rivers, i n the plunges of public or private baths, or i n the courtyards of houses w i t h the help of the open vats or tubs belonging to the domestic water supply system, as they are described for instance i n the Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s . B e i n g of such early date, comparatively speaking, i t is understandable that the font of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y would lack immediate and perfect parallels among later installations. Y e t i t w i l l not be entirely useless on that account to t r y to establish its associations.
2 3

circular or segmental i n form, set against or let into a wall on one side of a room i n a church c o m p l e x . N o r m a l l y they lack a superstructure and b y virtue of this fact a n d b y reason of their form appear to be irrelevant to what we have at D u r a . In form they m a y derive either from basins of the same shape i n the w a r m rooms of R o m a n baths or from ornamental fountains applied to terrace walls i n R o m a n gardens. I n its rectangular form, its b r i c k construction and the w a y i t is recessed into the floor while rising also above i t , the font at D u r a has only occasional parallels among early Christian fonts. One possible analogy is the basin in the small chamber attached to the south w a l l of the Church of the E l e o n a on the M o u n t of Olives at Jerusalem. The room has a peculiar location and while p a v i n g a n d drainage connections show that water was i n v o l v e d i n its use, the suggestion that i t served as a baptistery is not firmly documented. A more l i k e l y parallel is the rectangular basin under the hexagonal font between the two H a l l s of Theodore at A q u i l e i a , of w h i c h mention has been made above, though here again we are not on absolutely sure ground. W h a t gives the installation at A q u i l e i a its significance is that i t seems to be i n origin the t u b of a private b a t h forming part of the house that preceded Theodore's constructions. The D u r a font itself, while not forming part of a private b a t h , would seem to have its direct antecedents i n similar tubs as they have been brought to light i n the contemporary baths of D u r a b y the excavations.
4 5 6 7 8

A t D u r a the font is set against one wall, the eastern wall, of the baptistery. T h i s is not t y p i c a l , for usuafly fonts stand i n the middle of the rooms housing them, but i t is not entirely without parallel. I n the eastern Mediterranean particularly there are other baptismal basins, usually semi1. See below, p. 201. 2. See the A c t e s d u Vme congrs i n t e r n a t i o n a l d'archo logie chrtienne (Vatican C i t y , 1957), A . K h a t c h a t r i a n , L e s baptistres palochrtiens (Paris, 1962), and Lassus, o p . c i t . , p p . 217-228. 3. E d . W r i g h t , A p o c r y p h a l A c t s , II, p p . 188-190 (river), 166-167 (public bath), and 257-259, 267 (private house). T h e vessels described as being used for baptism in the private, houses are a l l portable and serve otherwise for water storage.

4. See K h a t c h a t r i a n , op. c i t . , nos. 22-4gb, p p . 4-6, and Lassus, op. c i t . , p p . 217-224. 5. F o r R o m a n baths i n general see D . K r e n c k e r and E . K r i i g e r , D i e T r i e r e r K a i s e r t h e r m e n , I, 1 (Augsburg, 1929) ; for baths w i t h recessed semicircular tubs see e.g. B a t h C at S y r i a n A n t i o c h , A n t i o c h o n the Orontes, I , ed. G . W . E l d e r k i n (Princeton, 1934), P l . V , opp. p. 30. F o r garden lansdcapes showing rectangular and semicircular water basins projecting f r o m terrace walls see the painted dado o n the walls of the South H a l l at Aquileia, B r u s i n and Zovatto, op. c i t . , F i g . 50, p. 117, and H . G . B e y e n , D i e pompejanische Wanddekoration I, Tafeln (Haag, 1938), F i g . 100, p. 39 ( F i l l a J u l i a F e l i x ) . 6. See H . V i n c e n t and F . - M . A b e l , J e r u s a l e m II, J e r u s a l e m nouvelle (Paris, 1914), p p . 357-360, F i g . 154, p. 356, P l . X X X I V ; K h a t c h a t r i a n , o p . c i t . , no. 11, p. 3; B . B a g a t t i , " I battisteri dlia P a l e s t i n a " , A c t e s d u Vme congrs, p p . 219-222. 7. See above, p. 135. 8. See R e p . V I , p p . 84-105 and the p l a n of the B a t h in M 7, Plate I V , especially the t u b at the south end of R o o m 7. Such tubs h a d steps leading u p to them.

10*

148

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
T o interpret the superstructure over the Christian font at D u r a properly and thus to determine its significance i t w i l l be well to leave aside later ornamental Christian parallels and to consider related structures at D u r a and i n the general environment to which D u r a belongs. I n the c i t y itself there are several installations i n religious contexts that should at least be mentioned i n this connection. The first is the a e d i c u l a set against the middle of the west wall of the House of Assembly i n the D u r a Synagogue. It has the same green-veined columns and similar decorations, and presents to the interior of the room the same flat arcuated facade. The difference is that the T o r a h Shrine of the Synagogue is merely a facing for a niche let into the w a l l of the House of Assembly, whereas the Christian canopy, while attached to the west wall of the baptistery, is none the less a complete structure. B u t the Torah Shrine of the Synagogue is not the only related installation at D u r a . S t i l l another is the freestanding aedicula i n the cella of the Temple of B e l , open and arcuated i n the front but enclosed at the sides and at the rear, i n w h i c h the cult image of the god most probably stood. W h a t makes i t clear that a l l three of these installations belong together is their common relationship to one of the most characteristic features of the religious architecture of R o m a n S y r i a , namely the columnsupported and often no doubt wood-roofed a d y t o n that regularly appears there set against the term i n a l w a l l of the cella i n the pagan temples. These a d y t a range a l l the w a y from the elaborate construction i n the small temple at Baalbeck to the simple columnar a n d pedimented aedicula projecting from the orientation wall of the cella and framing a shallow niche for the cult statue as i n Temple D of H o s n N i h a i n the southern B e k a ' a . It is the consistency w i t h which this structural element appears i n the temples of S y r i a and the v a r i e t y of its forms, ranging from the a l l but freestanding baldacchino to the applied facing for a niche, that make the interrelation of the comparable D u r a installations a n d their common deriv a t i o n obvious a n d necessary.
6 6 7

The fact that the font of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y should have h a d an overall depth of only 0.955 m. as indicated above, is b y no means surprising considering either its derivation or its use. So far as derivation is concerned the font approximates the median depth of the tubs found i n the three baths at D u r a . So far as function is concerned i t is clear that when b a p t i s m i n running water was no longer practicable the earliest recourse was to shallow tubs and b a p t i s m by aspersion.
1 2 3

E s p e c i a l interest naturally attaches i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y to the masonry canopy over the font, presence of which originally suggested that i t covered a martyr's tomb. Column-supported structures of one sort or another are, of course, quite as common over baptisteries as they are over altars, thrones, the tombs of m a r t y r s , and i n manuscript decoration over fountains, the representations of m a r t y r s , and p l a i n book titles. I n large, fully developed baptisteries w i t h the font i n the middle of the building one has the impression that the monumental canopy w i t h its hexastyle or octostyle support is largely ornamental or serves the architectural purpose of lifting the font out of its relative obscurity i n the floor a n d emphasizing i t as the central feature of the room. This would scarcely apply i n a room of such modest dimensions as the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . It m a y well be, as some have suggested, that the monumental, freestanding, m u l t i - c o l u m n a r canopy over fonts is an ornamental derivative of the i h o l o s , but this also is irrelevant for the understanding of the canopy at Dura.
4

1. See above, p. 26. 2. T h e twelve tubs described i n R e p . V I , p p . 84-105 range from 1.20 to 0.40 m . i n depth, w i t h the median d e p t h between 1.00 and 0.94 m . 3. See T h . Klauser, " T a u f e t i n lebendigem W a s s e r " , P i s c i c u l i , p p . 157-164, and E . Stommel, " C h r i s t l i c h e T a u f r i t e n u n d antike B a d e s i t t e n " , J f A C , II (1959), pp. 5-14. See also what was said above, p. 27, about the ledges at the sides of the D u r a font being added to permit immersion b y bending over on the part of anyone seated in the corner of the font. 4. See P . Underwood, " T h e F o u n t a i n of L i f e i n M a n u scripts of the G o s p e l s " , D u m b a r t o n O a k s P a p e r s , V (Cambridge, 1950), p p . 43-138, and now also T h . Klauser in R f A C , s . v . c i b o r i u m . W h i l e all such structures must be considered i n connection w i t h the interpretation of the Christian c i b o r i u m i t does not seem wise to use the one t e r m for them all.

5. See F i n a l Report V I I I , 1, PI. L I , p p . 54-56. 6. See Cumont, F o u i l l e s , p p . 31-33 and F i g . 10, p. 42. 7. See D . Krencker and W . Zschietzschmann, Rmische T e m p e l i n S y r i e n (Berlin, 1938), F i g . 412, p. 286 (Baalbek) PI. 61 c and d (Hosn N i h a ) .

T H E ROOMS A N D I N S T A L L A T I O N S
Common as it is, the columnar adyton of the S y r i a n temples is not an element of traditional classical temple architecture and has properly been recognized as an intrusive feature Oriental i n origin. It m a y well owe its adoption to a tendency to bring into ever closer relation the status a n d associations of kingship and those of deity, giving r o y a l status even to the gods of the Greek pantheon. I n the Orient, of course, the baldacchino has a long and notable history as something associated w i t h the r o y a l throne, the bas-reliefs of Persepolis providing a p a r t i c u l a r l y good example of the combination i n their rendering of royal audience scenes. H o w the association was preserved i n Hellenistic a n d R o m a n times a n d how the use of the baldacchino spread into m a n y different elements of sacred architecture, pagan a n d Christian, is at least partially evident. Of course, the ultimate reason w h y throne and baldacchino go together, whether i n temples or palaces, is because the baldacchino represents i n its elemental form the celestial canopy w i t h its four corner supports.
1 2 3 4 5

149

H o w m u c h of what the baldacchino connoted was evident to the Christians of D u r a and a factor i n their use of the canopy over the basin of the font, is n a t u r a l l y the all-important question. One has the impression that i n the D u r a Synagogue and i n the Temple of B e l such associations played no part at a l l i n causing the use of installations related i n form. It is tempting to view the installation i n the D u r a baptistery i n the same light, but there are two facts that make one hesitate. The first is the fact that the builders were required to keep the construction unattached on three sides, so that its cubical form might be evident, as described above, and the second and more important is the fact that the vault of the canopy over the font was painted
1. So K r e n c k e r and Zschietzschmann, op. o i l . , p. 291. 2. See E . Schmidt, P e r s e p o l i s I (Chicago, 1953), PI- 99 3. See A . Alfldi, " I n s i g n i e n u n d T r a c h t rmischer K a i s e r " , R M , 50 (1935). PP- 127-132; the role of the baldacchino i n Christian architecture is summarized b y O . Treitinger i n R A C , s . v . 4. T h a t i n the dedicatory inscription of N e m r u d D a g h Antiochus of Commagene says he created the sanctuary o n the mountain top, where the view of the heavenly canopy stretches unbroken i n a l l directions, i n order there to be " a s close as possible to the heavenly thrones (of the g o d s ) " is i n line w i t h the imagery of throne and baldacchino i n the R o m a n temples of Syria. See L . Jalabert and R . Mouterde, I G L S , I, (1929), no. 1, 38, p. 15, 1, 15.

i n i m i t a t i o n of a star-studded s k y . The identity of what was being erected was evident to those who commissioned the construction a n d decoration. This being so i t is entirely possible that the canopy was provided over the font to communicate a specific idea, h a v i n g thus a symbolic meaning. Such a meaning i t would be possible theoretically to develop i n one of two directions, depending on whether i t was the canopy itself or its association w i t h the Idngship of men and gods that was t a k e n as a starting point. I n the first instance the i m p l i cation would be that the neophyte here finds himself i n a cosmic setting, giving the act of baptism a meaning that is cosmic i n character or relationship. I n the second instance the implication would be either that the act h a d for the neophyte the effect of a i h e o p o i e s i s , which would place the Christian initiatory rite on a plane w i t h that of the cult of Isis as described b y L u c i a n , or that i t prefigured the future status of the believer as one who i n the hereafter would be seated at the right or left of Christ i n his glory (Mk. 10, 37) or w o u l d join those sitting on the twelve thrones, judging the tribes of Israel (Matt. 19, 28). T h a t such ideas were b y no means foreign to the Christian believers i n Mesopotamia is borne out b y what i n the A c t s o f T h o m a s the apostle says i n the presence of k i n g M a z d a i when contemplating his own imminent death, namely, " L o , I shall be made a k i n g i n t h y kingdom, Jesus, for from hence have I h o p e d for i t " . T o what extent such symbolism should be regarded as appropriate to the Christian community at D u r a and to what extent the particular interpretations suggested m a y be i n h a r m o n y w i t h the decorations of the room, as w i t h the appearance of the Good Shepherd immediately behind the font, i t w i l l be well t o consider i n connection w i t h the interpretation of the decorations below. Here, however, three observations should be recorded before the subject of possible symbolism is dismissed. The first is that if the appearance of vaulted starstudded ceilings i n other baptisteries of the ancient world, to w h i c h reference w i l l be made later, is anything other t h a n an accident, there is no more
8 7 8

5. See above, p. 44. 6. F o r evidence that decoration and construction were planned from the outset as p a r t of one and the same program, see above, p. 26. 7. E d . "Wright, A p o c r y p h a l A c t s , II, p. 277. 8. See below, p p . 177-203.

150

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : TE E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
yielded a provisional p l a n and elevation. The cubical form of the structure, the v a r i e t y and extent of its lateral openings and its presumable domical superstructure have led to the suggestion that i t is i n fact a magnified, monumentalized form of a baldacchino. Such a building would more nearly approximate also the form of the Great B a p t i s t e r y of Edessa, erected i n 369-370 according to the C h r o n i c l e o f E d e s s a . If the interpretation of the Nisibis monument is justified, the association of font and canopy at D u r a is the more l i k e l y to be meaningful i n itself and for regional Christian architecture.
4 6

appropriate region for the origin of a program giving such a design a meaningful place i n Christian art a n d architecture t h a n precisely the region where the astronomical and astrological traditions were most v i v i d l y alive, and where, i n the D u r a baptistery, we happen to have one v e r y early example. T h e second is that the association of a basin a n d a canopy, such as we have at D u r a , is thoroughly intelligible apart from the structure called a m a r t y r i u m , so that on structural grounds there is no compelling reason for interpreting it as a n y t h i n g else than a font. The t h i r d is that the direction i n which the consideration of the possible symbolic value of the construction leads is away from the idea that the font is the tomb a n d that i n baptism the neophyte dies a n d rises w i t h Christ. This i t w i l l be important to keep i n m i n d i n the interpretation of the decorations also.
1 2

It would be interesting to know whether the installations of the D u r a baptistery were of a type k n o w n also elsewhere i n Mesopotamia and whether the type h a d some influence upon later church architecture i n the region. U n f o r t u n a t e l y no one of the great church buildings erected i n Mesopotamia i n the fourth century has ever been precisely located, much less actually excavated. A sixteenth century traveler has given a detailed description of a font that he saw i n the fifth or sixth-century Church of M a r y the Mother of G o d at A m i d a which implies the existence there of a six-sided basin w i t h raised ledges covered b y a canopy supported on columns, but this was located i n the middle of the church a n d has its affinities elsewhere t h a n at D u r a . A s elsewhere, large cities tended to create i n Mesopotamia separate buildings serving baptismal purposes exclusively. One.such, dated i n A . D . 359, is actually preserved at Nisibis. A surface study of the standing remains has
3

1. See below, p p . 197-200. 2. E . Stommel, " C h r i s t l i c h e T a u f r i t e n u n d antike B a d e s i t t e n " , J a h r b u c h fiir Antike u n d Christentum, I I (1959), p p . 5-14, makes the point that where i n Christian art and architecture generally fonts are seen that are too shallow for immersion, or where baptism b y aspersion is implied, there the water should be regarded as a cleansing rather t h a n as a potentially lethal element, a n d " b e i n g buried with Christ i n b a p t i s m " not alluded to. 3. See Strzygowski i n M . v a n B e r c h e m a n d J . Strzygowski, A m i d a (Heidelberg, 1910), p p . 187-188. There are no grounds for Strzygowski's suggestion (p. 220) that the Great Baptistery of Edessa, constructed i n A . D . 369 370, was of the same type.

The other structural features of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y require and permit of less comment. T h e y consist of the low rubble bench that once existed along the east w a l l of the room, the rubble and plaster ledge or table built against the south, wall between the doors, and the niche i n the same w a l l above the table. T h e first two, i t w i l l be recalled, were all but destroyed i n the course of the treasure hunt undertaken when the building was consigned to burial i n the embankment. W h a t purpose the bench m a y have served is naturally u n k n o w n and for a l l practical purposes irrelevant. B y no means irrelevant are the niche i n the south w a l l between the doors, for its opening was arched at the top when R o o m 6 was transformed into the Baptistery, and the small masonry ledge or table left projecting from the w a l l below i t , no doubt because i t h a d some function to fulfil. W h a t function niche and ledge or table m a y have had is, of course, also unknown, but i n this case i t is possible at least to make suggestions. The simplest suggestion is that niche or ledge served as the emplacement for lamps, which, since baptism was regionally apparently performed at night, would have been quite i n order. B u t no soot was found adhering to the wall above the ledge or to the top of the niche. Another suggestion is that since the door leading from the B a p t i s t e r y to the courtyard could be a n d was probably kept
8 7 8

4. See K h a t c h a t r i a n , " L e baptistre de N i s i b i s " , A c t e s d u Vme congrs, p p . 407-421. 5. E d . H a l l i e r , p. 100. 6. See above, p. 28. 7. F o r the description of niche and ledge see above, p. 24. 8. T h e evidence for nocturnal baptism i n the region is given above, p. 83.

T H E ROOMS AND I N S T A L L A T I O N S
barred save at ceremonial occasions, and since the only other means of access to the room was from the interior of R o o m 5, the Christian community of D u r a kept i n the niche all its s a c r a , its scriptures and its sacred vessels. This is entirely possible. A third suggestion associates itself logically w i t h the possibility mentioned above that the Assembly H a l l provided for a large body of a u d i t o r e s as compared w i t h a small company of fideles. If this group was small, it is conceivable that the B a p tistery served also for the celebration of the Eucharist and that niche and ledge or table below were used i n that connection. A fourth suggestion can be developed from the fact that the surface of the wall below the niche and above the ledge or table is decorated w i t h the scene showing D a v i d ' s v i c t o r y over Goliath. The choice of this scene for an area associated w i t h the celebration of the Eucharist would be somewhat strange. E v i dence is adduced below from Syriac literary and liturgical sources to show that what makes the D a v i d and Goliath story appropriate to the decoration of a baptistery i n this region is the supposed effect of the unction upon the power of the i n d i v i d u a l to overcome even the power of S a t a n . This would suggest that niche and ledge or table were used i n connection w i t h the keeping and application of the holy oil. The nature a n d role of the unction i n the S y r i a n baptismal rite makes this suggestion particularly attractive. W h a t is k n o w n on this subject can best be discussed i n connection w i t h the consideration of the function of the adjacent chamber, R o o m 5.
1

the courtyard, certainly deserves further consideration. I n fact, interpreters of the Christian B u i l d i n g have already identified i t i n various ways, as the " c h u r c h " proper (with prothesis and diaconicon on either side), as a room for the celebration of the a g a p e , and as a school room and l i b r a r y . The suggestions made are a l l purely conjectural and for the most part ill-informed. F a c t u a l evidence bearing on the function of the room is limited to four items, namely, first that its walls and floor d i d not receive a plaster coating i n the adaptation of the building as d i d the A s s e m b l y H a l l and the B a p t i s t e r y ; second, that the doorway leading from it to the B a p t i s t e r y was set out w i t h a new molded plaster door frame; t h i r d , that i t received at the southeast a low-level window giving on the court; fourth, that a l l its doors were provided w i t h apotropaic devices, including the dipinto on the left jamb of the door leading to the Baptistery. Of these several items the second is the one that i n our judgment deserves p r i m a r y consideration. I t suggests that one, if not the prime, function of the chamber was to serve as the anteroom to the Baptistery. The question which this suggestion raises is whether the sacramental action of bapt i s m as locally performed was such as lent itself to division between two chambers.
2

C. R o o m 5
W h i l e Rooms 4 a n d 6 reveal their respective functions quite clearly, the same is not true of the other parts of the Christian B u i l d i n g . N a t u r a l l y i t is unnecessary, as i t would also be unwise, to t r y to assign a specific function to every part of the structure, especially since i t is an adapted private house. So, for instance i t would be useless to speculate about the function of R o o m 3, which gives on the Assembly H a l l , except to say that it served whatever ancillary purposes the users of the H a l l m a y have wished. B u t R o o m 5, because of its prominence on the western side of
1. See below, p. 190.

N o w i t is a familiar fact that the fully developed churches erected after the Peace of the Church had well-organized groups of rooms to serve the purposes of the b a p t i s m a l ceremony, of which the baptistery proper was but one. I n the Orient the example most commonly cited to show the fully developed arrangement is that of the church of St. Theodore at Gerasa. The arrangement here provides three rooms, representing the e x o r c i s t e r i u m , b a p t i s t e r i u m a n d c o n s i g n a t o r i u m respectively. This corresponds to the liturgical r i t u a l that seems to have originated i n E g y p t a n d to have h a d wider acceptance later as reflected i n the C a n o n s o f H i p p o l y t u s and the so-called E g y p t i a n Church
3

2. See P i j o a n , " T h e parable of the Virgins from D u r a E u r o p o s " , p p . 592-595 (church proper); Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p. 130 (room for the agape and school room for catechumens); Eissfeldt i n R f A C , s . v . D u r a - E u r o p o s (the same); Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s , p. 17 (room for the agape); Kahler, D i e s p a l a n t i k e n B a u t e n p. 48 (school and library). 3. See G e r a s a , C i t y of the D e c a p o l i s , e d , C. H . K r a e l i n g (New H a v e n , 1938), PI. X X X I I I , and Lassus, op. c i t . , pp. 220f.

152

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT DURA
performs his renunciation of Satan. F a c i n g east, the candidate then pronounces his confession of Christ. I n the liturgies these actions are appropriately associated w i t h prayers and hymns on the part of the officiating priest and his assistants. So far as the concluding parts of the ceremony are concerned there is one very important difference. There is i n the S y r i a n rite no second, post-baptismal unction. Instead there is but one unction, w h i c h takes place after the completion of the preparatory procedures a n d after an act of consecration of the h o l y o i l , immediately before and i n connection w i t h the immersion of the candidate.
3

O r d e r , i n w h i c h among other things provision is made for two unctions, the first a part of the exorcistic introductory procedure and the second the more important post-baptismal c o n s i g n a t i o . In this organization of the b a p t i s m a l r i t u a l , i t should be noted, the descent of the candidate into the font continues i n the l a v a t i o the idea of the purification from s i n a n d hence is properly understood as the act of " d y i n g w i t h C h r i s t " to the old order, leading over properly i n this connection through the sanctification b y the gift of the S p i r i t to the u n c t i o n w i t h the " o i l of confirmation" (or " c o m p l e t i o n " : T O TT)$ TEAeicfacreoos x p V C y r i l of Jerusalem). I n the ritual i n question this " p e r fective" unction, the s i g n a t i o , is distinguished from an earlier anointing that is exorcistic i n function a n d forms part of the l i t u r g y enacted i n the e x o r c i s t e r i u m .
1 a:

T h e b a p t i s m a l ritual used i n S y r i a a n d Mesop o t a m i a differs i n certain salient particulars from that used elsewhere. K n o w n p a r t i c u l a r l y from the Didach a n d the S y r i a c D i d a s c a l i a A p o s t o l o r u m , i t is reflected also i n Aphraates' D e m o n s t r a t i o n e s , i n Ephraem's H o m i l i a e i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , i n Narsai's L i t u r g i c a l H o m i l i e s , i n descriptions of the rite contained i n the narrative of the S y r i a c A c t s o f T h o m a s a n d i n some measure i n the C a t e c h e t i c a l D i s c o u r s e s of C y r i l of Jerusalem. I n its essential elements i t is without doubt the form w i t h w h i c h we must associate the installations i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , quite as i t is also the point of departure for the s u r v i v i n g N e s t o r i a n a n d Monophysite liturgies of later date. Salient differences between the S y r i a n rite of b a p t i s m a n d that practised elsewhere can be seen i n both the preparatory a n d the concluding parts of the ceremony. The action begins w i t h the candidate shedding a l l his garments, i n c l u d i n g the t u n i c that i n E g y p t was kept on t i l l after the confession of faith. T h e n follow the exorcistic procedures i n c l u d i n g the i n s u f f l a t i o b y the officiating priest, but without application of a n exorcistic unction. F a c i n g west, the candidate next
2

The absence of the post-baptismal unction from the performance of the i n i t i a t o r y rite of early S y r i a a n d Mesopotamia makes provision there for a c o n s i g n a t o r i u m unnecessary. If, therefore, the r i t u a l action was d i v i d e d between several rooms, two rather t h a n three would have been the proper number. The only question is whether the understanding of the several elements of the rite was such as to suggest such a division and if so at what point the action m a y have moved from one room to the other. T h e final decision on these points must n a t u r a l l y be reserved for those w i t h special knowledge of the character and proprieties of C h r i s t i a n liturgical a n d sacramental usage, but some general observations m a y be permitted. I t would appear that for the interpretation of the liturgical action the meaning properly to be attached to the one a n d only unction is of decisive importance. T w o things the texts can be said to
4

1. See i n general P . de Puniet i n C a b r o l , D i c t i o n n a i r e s . v . baptme, and for the texts i n question see H . Achelis D i e Caones H i p p o l y t i ( T U , V I , 4, 1891) and F . X . F u n k , D i d a s c a l i a et C o n s t i t u t i o n e s Apostolorum (Paderborn, 1905). 2. F o r these liturgies see J . A . Assemanus, Codex L i t u r g i c u s , II (Paris, 1749), p p . 214-226, 226-237, 261 300.

3. T h e evidence was first gathered and presented b y R . H . Connolly, T h e L i t u r g i c a l H o m i l i e s of N a r s a i ( T S V I I I , 1, 1916), p p . x l i i - x l i x , and his conclusions have since been generally accepted. See now also E . J . D u n c a n , B a p t i s m i n the D e m o n s t r a t i o n s of A p h r a a t e s the P e r s i a n S a g e (Washington, 1945), p p . 107-147; T . W . Manson, " E n t r y into Membership of the early C h u r c h , " JTS, X L V I I I (1947), p p . 25-33; A . F u n k , D i e Taufe (Innsbruck, 1957), p. 103, n . 90, and R . H . Connolly, D i d a s c a l i a A p o s t o l o r u m (Oxford, 1929). It should be noted that C y r i l of Jerusalem, who i n other respects is closely associated w i t h the S y r i a n practise of baptism, follows the form of the E g y p t i a n and Mediterranean rite i n having an exorcistic unction precede the use of the font and a sanctifying unction after the use of the font. See his C a t e c h e s i s m y s t i c a , III, 1. T h i s more general usage came into force also i n S y r i a at a m u c h later date and is reflected i n the T e s t a m e n l u m D o m i n i n o s l r i , II, 8, e d . R a h m a n i , p p . 126-129. 4. A g a i n s t C h . D e l v o y e i n R e a l l e x i h o n z u r byzantini schen K u n s t , ed. K . Wessel and M . Restle (Stuttgart, 1963,) I, col. 461, s . v . Baptisterium.

T H E ROOMS AND INSTALLATIONS

make a m p l y clear i n this connection. The first is that the unction as performed i n early S y r i a n and Mesopotamian usage was applied not merely to certain parts of the body, but to the entire body. The second is that this unction and the action i n the font are closely associated i n fact a n d i n meaning. T h i s meaning is interpreted i n the texts i n m a n y different ways, but always positively. Below, i n connection w i t h the meaning of the decorations some of the lines of interpretation are developed i n d e t a i l . F o r present purposes i t must suffice to say that i t would be both logical a n d proper to t h i n k of a break i n the liturgical act of b a p t i s m a n d of a change of locale coming between the neophyte's confession of Christ, attached as i t is to the renunciation of Satan, a n d the performance of the unction, attached as i t is to the action i n the font. The first part of the act would on this division be preparatory, comprising a l l that m a n can do b y separating himself from the evil powers and offering himself i n confession to Christ, and the second part would be perfective, bringing the divine response to the confession a n d the a p p l i cation to the candidate of the means of grace.
1 2 3

153

baptism occurred i n Mesopotamia at night, ending w i t h the celebration of the E u c h a r i s t at break of day, the ceremony was undoubtedly dramatic. It is easy to visualize the newly-baptized dressed i n new white garments, each bearing a candle or lamp i n his h a n d a n d wearing a wreath on M s head, emerging from the s m a l l door of the b a p tistery into the courtyard of the Christian B u i l d i n g to be received w i t h songs of praise a n d t h a n k s giving b y the company of the believers. Indeed, such dramatization was appropriate and essential i n the competitive situation i n w h i c h the Christian community found itself at D u r a , as the popularity of the cult of Mithras w i t h comparable i n i t i a t o r y rites suggests. W h i l e R o o m 5 of the Christian B u i l d i n g therefore recommends itself as the chamber for the performance of the first part of the baptismal r i t u a l , the question m a y properly be raised whether that was its sole function. A f t e r all, space was a factor i n the calculations of the local Christi a n group, as the provisions for the accomodation of a large group i n the Assembly H a l l indicate. Moreover, there is s t i l l one feature of R o o m 5 that has not been explained, namely the addition of a single low-level window i n the east (entrance) w a l l of the room when the P r i v a t e House was adapted to Christian use. The addition of similar windows i n the adaptation of R o o m 4 A of the P r i v a t e House has been interpreted above as associated w i t h its use henceforth for the assembly of a large group of persons. T h e question is, whether R o o m 5 m a y also have served for some k i n d of assembly. Previous interpreters have assumed this on general principles i n suggesting that i t provided for the celebration of the agape or for the teaching of catechumens. A s to the agape there i s no evidence at a l l that the eating of communal meals was a part of the life of the early Christian communities i n Mesopotamia or that the agape actually surv i v e d anywhere i n the Church as late as the m i d t h i r d century. Indeed, the existence of special rooms for such sacred communal meals i n the pagan temples of D u r a a n d the benches provided i n them as t y p i c a l installations a n d absent i n R o o m 5 argue against the suggestion, which should
5 6 7

R o o m 5 we are therefore inclined to regard as h a v i n g served i n the first instance as an e x o r c i s t e r i u m , or to use the more appropriate Greek t e r m , as p i s t i k o n of the B a p t i s t e r y . The apotropaic devices associated w i t h a l l three of the doors g i v i n g on the r o o m m a y well be t a k e n to support this interpretation, a n d the introduction of the formal t r i m into the doorway connecting R o o m 5 a n d the B a p t i s t e r y as a n act intended to dignify the t r a n s i t i o n from the preparatory to the climatic part of the liturgical action. Since the solemnization of
4

1. T h i s is evident i n a l l the several accounts of b a p t i s m a l ceremonies i n the Syriac A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , o p . c i t . , II, p p . 166,185, 257, 267, 286. Indeed the unction seems to carry here the significance attaching elsewhere to the post-baptismal s i g n a t i o . O n the s i g n a t i o i n general see F . J . Dolger, S p h r a g i s (Paderborn, 1911), esp. p p . 184-193 and F i t z e r i n K T W , s . v . cHppocyis. T h e evidence for the overall unction as s i g n a t i o i n Aphraates has been carefully scrutinized b y E . J . D u n c a n , B a p t i s m i n the D e m o n s t r a t i o n s of A p h r a a t e s (Washington, 1945), esp. pp. 108-123. 2. See below, p p . 177-203. 3. It is assumed i n this division that the function of the action i n the font is not lustrative b u t regenerative. T h a t baptism was thus understood is argued below f r o m the decorations. See p. 200. 4. O n the use of the Greek t e r m see Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s , pp. 218-219.

5. See above, p. 21. 6. See above, p. 19. 7. See above, p. 151.

154

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E B U I L D I N G AT D U R A
accomodation of women, on the benches of the salles a u x g r a d i n s inscribed w i t h their names. But these are temples of goddesses whose rites are of special significance to women, so that the installations m a y reflect the desire to serve the p a r t i c ular purposes of the cult rather than the desire to segregate the women. I n the D u r a Synagogue, however, i n both phases of its structural history, the women sat apart, though i n the later phase they were i n a separate part of the same room as the m e n . I t is possible that because of the ascetic strain i n early Mesopotamian Christianity the women of the Christian community at D u r a sat apart when i n attendance upon religious services. That the later procedure of h a v i n g the men a n d women on opposite sides of the church was already i n operation is doubtful since i t reflects so clearly the circumstances of a formal basilical church b u i l d i n g . If there was a separation, the women could have occupied the places at the rear of the Assembly H a l l , or, they could have been accomodated i n R o o m 5 where again, since they were supposed to be more susceptible to demonic influences, the apotropaic inscriptions and devices would have been appropriate. Of course when special ceremonies required the use of the room for other purposes those purposes took precedence. T h a t words spoken i n R o o m 4 would have been quite audible to persons seated i n R o o m 5, the natural acoustics of the type of building i n question and the several doors and windows make quite obvious.
4 5 6 7

actually be dropped. T h a t the room could have served for the instruction of candidates for baptism is entirely possible. In connection w i t h the problem of the function of R o o m 5 one additional question must be raised, namely what provision, if any, was made i n the building for the accomodation of women. W h a t makes this question necessary is the fact that the stories told i n the Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s and the argument of the D e m o n s t r a t i o n s of Aphraates i m p l y celibacy and the dissolution of all marriage bonds for a l l who accept b a p t i s m . It has therefore been argued that the Christian communities of Mesopotamia existed at first as companies of men and women k n o w n respectively as "sons of the C o v e n a n t " and "daughters of the C o v e n a n t " . Whether the demand for celibacy of the baptized was actually as universal as the A c t s o f T h o m a s would seem to i m p l y has been argued, but the fact that there was an ascetic strain i n Mesopotamian Christianity from the outset is difficult to deny. Now the fact that D u r a was a R o m a n m i l i t a r y outpost a n d the suggestion made above that the large increase i n the size of the Christian group came from members of the R o m a n garrison can legitimately be taken to i m p l y that the local Christian community consisted largely of men. But i t is certainly not necessarily true that a l l the Christians were soldiers and besides, since D u r a as a R o m a n garrison c i t y belonged to the type of the c a s t r a s t a t i v a i n which at least certain m i l i t a r y units were permanently settled a n d domestically established, i t is entirely possible that native wives of soldiers were found among the women of the c o m m u n i t y . Where women were accomodated i n the Christian B u i l d i n g is therefore a relevant question. A t t e n t i o n has already been called above to the fact that i n the pagan temples of D u r a separate provision is sometimes made for the
1 2 3

D . The Benches
The fact has been recorded above that when the Private H o u s e i n B l o c k M 8 of D u r a became the Christian B u i l d i n g , benches were added i n the southwest a n d northwest parts of the courtyard and applied also to the outer n o r t h wall of the structure. A brief w o r d is i n order here at least about those i n the courtyard. W h a t purpose they may have served is u n k n o w n . Extremes of heat
8

1. See F . C. B u r k i t t , E a r l y E a s t e r n Christianity (London, 1904), p p . 118-140. 2. See above p. 118 and more recently A . Voobus, H i s t o r y of A s c e t i c i s m i n the S y r i a n O r i e n t I, ( C S C O 184, S u b s i d i a 14, L o u v a i n , 1958), p p . 3-169. Voobus believes, however, that the original inclination was m u c h l y stimulated b y influence from Manicheism. 3. O n D u r a as a military outpost see Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 50-55; H o p k i n s i n R e p . V , pp. 201-205. [A papyrus of A . D . 232 records the m a r riage of a soldier and the widow of a soldier ( F i n a l R e port, V , 1, no. 30, p p . I53-I59)- C. B . W . ]

4. Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s and its A r t , p. 41. 5. F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 16, 31. 6. A g a i n s t K a h l e r , D i e spatantihen B a u t e n , p. 49, who suggests t h a t such a division was probably maintained in R o o m 4. 7. I n the D i d a s c a l i a X I I , ed. Connolly, p. 119, the women are assigned to the rear end of the room. 8. See above, p. 30.

T H E ROOMS A N D I N S T A L L A T I O N S
and cold i n the climate of D u r a may have suggested their use i n preference to enclosed rooms at certain seasons of the year. O r again, they m a y have provided for a n overflow from the H a l l of Assembly or for those witnessing from without the results of the b a p t i s m a l ceremonies, when the neophytes emerged from the B a p t i s t e r y i n their new white baptismal garments bearing lighted lamps and joining i n the singing of religious lyrics. Various Syriac texts, however, also make distinctions between several categories of persons attracted to the Christian faith, and the question is therefore pertinent, whether the benches m a y have provided for the lowest of them. E p h r a e m i n his H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e V I , 11 distinguishes between those who are called "hearers" (audientes) a n d those called "receivers". I n the D o c t r i n a A d d a i , when the apostle at the end of a missionary discourse dismisses the crowd he asks two categories of persons to remain, namely "those who have received the words of C h r i s t " and "those who wish to be associated w i t h us i n p r a y e r " . The "receivers" are presumably the fideles i n their character as converts. T h e "hearers" or persons "associated i n p r a y e r " could have h a d the same or different types of status, depending on what distinctions were made. A t D u r a , if different types of adherents were distinguished, the "hearers", and "associates" could have been accomodated on the benches i n the c o u r t y a r d and the "receivers" or fideles i n R o o m 4. B u t the lack of any information about the organization of the local community makes the assignment of the benches to such a group entirely hypothetical .Indeed, what we know about the size of R o o m 4 a n d about its undecorated interior suggests that the hypothesis is unnecessary.
1 2 3

155
Room

E.

T h e Upper

The last feature of the Christian B u i l d i n g to be considered here is the upper room created over R o o m 6 b y the introduction of the low-level ceiling i n the B a p t i s t e r y . I t has already been pointed out above that this room was more a b y product of the creation of the B a p t i s t e r y t h a n a n end i n itself. It h a d no window to the west a n d presumably only a doorway giving on the stairwell to the east. T h a t i t would have recommended itself for habitational use is therefore doubtful. The only reason for mentioning i t at a l l i n the present context is the fact that the early d o m u s e c c l e s i a e i n the Mediterranean b a s i n is k n o w n to have provided also for the residence of certain members of the clergy. A t D u r a residence i n the Christian B u i l d i n g of any member of the clergy is ruled out b y v i r t u e of the fact that when the court was adapted to Christian use the house latrine was covered over and put out of use. N o r d i d the examination of the premises provide any indication anywhere of firing or of ashes such as would have come from domestic use. I n this particular, then, D u r a ' s Christian B u i l d i n g m a y have differed once again from the Mediterranean d o m u s e c c l e s i a e . I t is entirely possible, however, that at D u r a a ghaffir or watchman stayed i n the building at night, to protect the premises, i n accordance w i t h the time-honored custom s t i l l i n force. Such a watchman, using the house-top for sleeping purposes during most of the year as customary, m a y have used the U p p e r R o o m i n inclement weather, or m a y have slept a l l the year around i n the Vestibule (Room 8) on a pallet. I n any event, there is no evidence that would permit any positive function to be attached securely to the U p p e r R o o m of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a .
4 5

1. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 59-60. 2. E d . P h i l l i p s , p. 30. 3. T h e Manicheans i n lower Mesopotamia distinguished between auditores a n d electi. See H . - C . Puech, L e M a n i cheisme (Paris, 1949), p. 86, and n. 362, p. 180.

4. See above, p. 25. 5. See for R o m e K i r s c h , D i e rmischen T i t e l k i r c h e n , pp. 133-137, and for A n t i o c h and Cirte i n N o r t h A f r i c a what is said above, p. 129.

THE

DECORATIONS OF T H E CHRISTIAN BUILDING AND A N C I E N T D E C O R A T I V E A R T

local Christian community that might have suggested their selection as especially appropriate to the embellishment of a B a p t i s t e r y . W h a t can properly be said under this heading about meaning and function bears simultaneously upon the u n i t y of the program a n d on the religious belief of the community. T h e t h i r d topic to be discussed is that of the place of the decorations i n the history of early Christian art. This requires the comparison of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations w i t h the early Christian representational art of the West i n matters of style, iconography and function, a n d leads n a t u r a l l y to the subject of the relevance of the new material from the Orient for the understanding of the problem of the origins of Christian art. W e begin here w i t h the first of these three topics.

The most notable feature of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a is without doubt the l a v i s h decoration of its B a p t i s t e r y (Room 6). T h e decorations have been described i n an earlier chapter; here i t is their place i n the history of art that is to be considered. T h e subject divides itself n a t u r a l l y into three parts. The first concerns the place of the paintings i n the history of ancient decorative wall p a i n t i n g generally. This provides an opport u n i t y to discuss their organization i n its formal aspects, their composition and style and to see them i n their immediate context as part of the pictorial art of D u r a . The second concerns the choice of the decorative and especially the narrative subject matter. Th question at issue here is what the episodes and materials represented m a y legitimately be supposed to have meant to the

I. F O R M A L A S P E C T S O F T H E D E C O R A T I V E Andr Grabar i n his Mellon Lectures has applied the t e r m "precocious" to the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . H e was referring to the fact that though they belong to a remote frontier outpost and to the pre-Constantinian period they present themselves not as scenes distributed at random but as the elements of a program intended to embellish meaningfully a l l the several parts of one entire chamber. L e a v i n g aside u n t i l the next chapter the question of meaning, what can we infer about the nature, the origin a n d importance of this earliest of a l l Christian decorative programs, judging merely b y its formal elements ?
1

PROGRAM
2

Decorative programs put i n their appearance in sculpture at a n early date, when, as for instance i n the bas-reliefs of Greek temples, subjects are represented that serve to associate the deity honored w i t h the antecedents of the people whose protector i t is, a n d when the bas-reliefs of the A s s y r i a n palaces celebrate the rnihtary exploits of the kings as an expression of his importance as
i . B e g i n n i n g s of C h r i s t i a n I c o n o g r a p h y (see p. x x i i i ) . I

shepherd of his people. I n w a l l painting, where the evidence is commonly less well preserved, programming seems already to be established i n the Orient i n the palaces of M a r i , but i n the Greek w o r l d its begimrings do not appear to go back before the days of Polygnotus, consisting at that t i m e of no more t h a n the parataxis of i n d i v i d u a l l y framed panel paintings that deal w i t h one theme and occupy one or more walls of one structure. In Hellenistic and R o m a n times the k i n d of program first conceived b y Polygnotus enjoyed its greatest popularity, resulting i n the execution directly on the walls of the private villas of C a m p a n i a of well-established cycles of mythological and epic scenes. More important for our purposes
3 4

2. See i n general, " N a r r a t i o n in ancient A r t . A . S y m p o s i u m " , A J A , 61 (1957), PP- 4 4 ~ 3. F o r M a r i see A . Parrot, " L e s peintures d u palais de M a r i " , S y r i a , X V I I I (1937), p p . 325-346; for Polygnotus see E . P f u h l , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g der G r i e c h e n , II (Munich, 1923), p p . 638-659. 4. See M . L . T h o m p s o n , " T h e Monumental and L i t e r a r y E v i d e n c e for Programmatic Painting i n A n t i q u i t y " , M a r s y a s , I X (1961), p p . 36-77.
0 1

FORMAL ASPECTS OF T H E DECORATIVE P R O G R A M

I n the pagan temples of D u r a that are structurally the most regular a n d at the same time offer a m a x i m u m of evidence, to w i t the Temple of B e l and the Temple of Zeus Theos, the decorative program c a n be seen to consist of the same t w o basic elements applied to the naos a n d i n the Temple of B e l extended also into the pronaos. T h e first is a single large composition that represents the cult deity, occupying the entire rear w a l l of the cella and acting thus as focal point of the decorations a n d for the worshipper's attention. T h e second consists of parallel series of longer or shorter scenes arranged i n separate ascending registers that r u n around the side walls of the naos a n d pronaos, depicting for the most part acts of s u f p l i c a t i o . Sometimes, as i n the Temple of B e l , If the excavation of D u r a - E u r o p o s can be said the naos contains also i n the middle of its floor a to have h a d any one dominant theme, i t is clearly free-standing aedicula i n the niched recess of which a cult image of the deity seems to have stood. the emergence from its ruins of a large number of This fact makes i t clear that the interior arrangepainted shrines. The first clearances made here i n 1920 for a n d b y J . H . Breasted, the ones that ment a n d adornment of the Temple of the Gadde\ produced the publication w i t h the prophetic title where the pronaos is painted w i t h scenes of O r i e n t a l F o r e r u n n e r s o f B y z a n t i n e P a i n t i n g , began s u f f l i c a t i o arranged i n registers and where at the on this note, and to this L e i t m o t i f the work of the center of the west wall one looks through a n arched successive campaigns under Cumont a n d then opening into the naos where the sculptured image of the god appeared, is fundamentally the same as under Rostovtzeff remained true to the very e n d . The records show that pieces of painted plaster that of the Temple of B e l a n d of the Temple of were found i n almost a l l of the religious edifices i n A p h l a d . I n the L a t e M i t h r a e u m , whose structural the c i t y , though sometimes i n insufficient q u a n t i t y form is of a separate type no doubt i m i t a t i n g a to give a clear idea of the programs to which they cave, the decorative arrangement is somewhat belonged. B u t there were also enough shrines different. H e r e the low side walls provide only for amazingly well preserved to permit us to follow the single compositions and these depict the god h i m h i s t o r y of religious wall p a i n t i n g at D u r a over a self i n the role of hunter, adding thus to the cycle of scenes from the life of the god that adorn t h e period of two whole centuries, from the middle of extrados of the arched recess i n w h i c h the a l l the first to the middle of the t h i r d century of our era, a n d to give a sharply defined picture of i t s important M i t h r a i c reliefs are set. T h e entire programs, i t s methods of composition a n d i t s scheme, therefore is devoted t o the g o d himself, save i n so far as the two seated figures portrayed style. on either side of the cult relief recess m a y be s a i d 1. See J . Carcopino, L a b a s i l i q u e p y t h a g o r i c i e n n e de la to represent h u m a n witnesses to the god's i m p o r 1 4 2 3

is the fact that i n the early E m p i r e decorative programs can be seen to have become a feature of the shrines of private cults, for instance i n the stucco work of the underground basilica near the P o r t a Maggiore a n d i n the w a l l paintings of the V i l l a d e i Misteri at P o m p e i i as well as of the Mithraea of O s t i a . The appearance of a program of wall decorations i n a Christian B a p t i s t e r y even i n so remote a place as D u r a is therefore not as strange as i t m a y seem at first glance. The tradition was there, i f the Christians chose to employ i t . B u t t o understand the particular nature of the arrangement adopted i n the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a i t is necessary to consider also a n d more particularly the programs used i n the other painted shrines of the c i t y .

porte majeure, 9 t h e d . (Paris, 1944); A . M a i u r i , V i l l a dei M i s t e r i (Rome, 1931); and G . Beccati, S c a v i d i O s t i a II, I M i t r e i (Rome 1954). 2. J . H . Breasted, 0 1 P , I (Chicago, 1923). 3. See i n general M . Rostovtzeff, D u r a E u r o p o s a n d its A r t . It w i l l be convenient to reproduce here the list of the painted shrines of D u r a i n their chronological succession and w i t h their basic bibliography, T E M P L E O F B E L : Tableaux I - V , naos a n d pronaos, A . D . 50-100 a n d T a b l e a u x V I - X V I I I , pronaos n o r t h wall a n d R o o m K east wall, c a . A . D . 230; see C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p p . 41-145.
T E M P L E O F A P H L A D : naos, R o o m 2, a - b , c a . A . D . 54; R e p . V, p p . 102-103. T E M P L E O F Z E U S T H E O S : naos, A . D . 114-

Il6;

R e p .

V I I - V I I I ,

pp.

I96-2IO.

TEMPLE

OF

T H E

G A D D E : pronaos, R o o m 2 i n Phase I V of the history of the building a n d thus after A . D . 193 and probably early t h i r d century; R e p . V I I - V I I I , p p . 239, 272-274. T E M P L E O F A D O N I S : rear w a l l of naos, ca. A . D . 150-160; R e p . V I I V I I I , p p . 158-163. T E M P L E O F M I T H E A S : M i d d l e M i t h raeum, west end, c a . A . D . 210-240, L a t e M i t h r a e u m , west end a n d side walls, A . D . 240-256; R e p . V I I - V I I I , p p . 101-104,104-116. S Y N A G O G U E : House of Assembly, entire, c a . A . D . 244; F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1. 4. See C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p p . 31-33, and F i g . 10, p. 42.

158

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
entire circuit of the House of A s s e m b l y . The way in w h i c h the traditional program was here modified to accommodate i t to a B r e i t h a u s b a u helps us to understand that the poorly preserved decorations of the Temple of A d o n i s at D u r a , showing the god set i n a painted representation of an aedicula and flanked at either side b y files of figures performing acts of s u f p l i c a t i o , represent i n effect the same traditional program as those of the other pagan shrines.
3 4

tance. B u t even here, the distinction between a focal area and lateral surfaces remains as an organizing principle of the decorative scheme. T h e fact that at D u r a the tradition of decorating religious shrines w i t h wall paintings was so deeply and continuously entrenched makes i t seem perfectly natural that both the local Synagogue and the local Christian B u i l d i n g should have adopted the custom, and indeed the appearance of Jewish and Christian representational art at D u r a is not to be completely understood without consideration of the competitive situation i n w h i c h the two communities here found themselves. More i m p o r tant for our purposes is the fact that i n both structures it is fundamentally the same type of program as that used i n the pagan shrines that governs the organization of the pictorial material. In the Synagogue, because i t is a B r e i t h a u s b a u , the arrangement of the decorations seems at first glance to be somewhat different. B u t actually, i n the middle of the long west wall of its House of Assembly the Synagogue has features that are analogous i n structural form and i n practical purpose, though b y no means i n religious function, to the recessed aedicula and the large focal painted representation of the cult deity i n the middle of the naos a n d on the rear wall of the naos of the pagan shrines already described. The features are, of course, the massive T o r a h Shrine w i t h its columns and canopy i n the curving recess of w h i c h the sacred scrolls were kept, and above i t i n the center of the system of wall decoration the great Center P a n e l reaching all the way to the ceiling a n d framed b y its four W i n g Panels to serve as a great t r i p t y c h i n focusing the attention of the worshiper. F r o m this large central feature, whose a x i a l character is borne out b y the vertical u p w a r d progression of its decorative subject matter, the m a n y narrative compositions ranged i n ascending registers and corresponding formally to the second element of the traditional program of local temple decoration trace their regular course around the
1 2

In the B a p t i s t e r y of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a , whose structural a n d decorative features are set on an axis r u n n i n g parallel to the long sides of the room, the basic elements of the program traditionally used i n the c i t y for the embellishment of temple naoi re-appear w i t h even greater clarity. Against the center of the important west wall is placed the font w i t h its arched a n d columnsupported canopy, corresponding at least as a structural motif to the Synagogue's T o r a h Shrine and to the aediculae of the pagan temples. T h i s is here used to frame, and i n a sense to house, the large single pictorial composition representing the L o r d of the cult, however i n the symbolic representation of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep. Beginning at either side of this focal area and precisely i n the same manner as i n the pagan temples of D u r a series of i n d i v i d u a l pictorial compositions, ranged i n separate ascending registers, r u n along the lateral walls of the chamber and around its eastern end. W h a t the beliefs a n d attitudes were that this traditional system for the decoration of religious shrines m a y have represented, justifying the application to i t of the t e r m " p r o g r a m " , a n d how its meaning was changed i n J e w i s h a n d Christian contexts b y the introduction of a different type of subject matter, these are questions that w i l l receive consideration i n a later context. H e r e it is appropriate only to raise the question how to explain the pervasiveness of one and the same system of embellishment i n the religious shrines of D u r a . Clearly we are dealing w i t h a tradition of long standing that has deep local roots, but as i n so m a n y other instances the areas into w h i c h those roots penetrated and from which they drew their
5

1. T h e basic religious conception that underlies and gives u n i t y to the decorations of the D u r a temples and how this conception is modified in the Synagogue a n d the Christian B u i l d i n g b y the use of different subject matter will receive consideration below. See p p . 177-203. 2. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, P l a n I X and for the discussion of the complicated decorative history of the Center Panel, i b i d . , p p . 214-239.

3. S e e F i n a l Report V I I I , 1, Plans I X - X I I . 4. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , F i g . 44, p. 159. 5. See below, p p . 177-203.

F O R M A L A S P E C T S OF T H E D E C O R A T I V E P R O G R A M
nourishment are l i k e l y to be obscure. Three factors p l a y i n g a part i n the development of the tradition can be said to be relatively evident. T h e first is that throughout the Mesopotamian basin the k i n d of stone that i n the classical world encouraged the creation of the cult image i n the r o u n d and of the ashlar masonry w h i c h i n its unadorned beauty provided the house wherein the statue was placed was rare indeed. The second is that the use of orthostat slabs as the t y p i c a l facing for the base of m u d brick walls i n religious and public buildings generally i n the area made these and therewith the surface of rooms and passageways the natural locus for the application of the decorator's art, t y p i c a l l y i n the form of basrelief. The t h i r d is that limitations, particularly i n the height of the slabs applied to m u d b r i c k walls, resulted i n a type of w a l l decoration i n w h i c h rows of isocephalic figures are arranged i n series or combined to produce scenes that follow each other i n bands or registers horizontally around the room. The bas-reliefs from N i n e v e h a n d K h o r s a b a d provide the most familiar examples of this type of decorative embellishment. W h a t appears i n the great palaces along the Tigris as colored bas-reliefs has its counterpart i n decorative w a l l p a i n t i n g applied to plaster and organized i n carefully bounded zones or registers i n the lesser palaces along the M i d d l e Euphrates. The earliest example here is that of the palace of M a r i i m m e d iately south of D u r a , but the t r a d i t i o n continues into the A s s y r i a n period i n the wall paintings at T e l l A h m a r ( T i l Borsip) above D u r a across the river from Meskene. A g a i n the scenes are such as glorify the reigning monarch, but i n d i v i d u a l pictures showing the performance of ritual acts appear.
1 2

159

But there is much i n this later t r a d i t i o n that the early antecedents do not explain. I t is not clear, for instance, that the systems of decorative basreliefs k n o w n from the A s s y r i a n palaces on the Tigris were commonly applied also to the royal throne room, where they could have h a d i n or beh i n d the throne a focalizing feature such as that of the D u r a temple decorations. It is not clear that and how the type of wall decoration familiar from the A s s y r i a n palaces was transferred also to religious edifices. N o r is i t clear from the remote antecedents how the ritual act came to p l a y so important a part i n D u r a temple decoration. There is, then, a real gap between what is k n o w n about the subject matter a n d organization of ancient Oriental zonal w a l l decoration a n d the basic decorative program of the shrines at R o m a n and P a r t h i a n D u r a . B u t w o r k i n g back from D u r a toward the Hellenistic period, there is at least one piece of local evidence relevant to the matter of immediate antecedents. T h i s is supplied b y the h i e r o t h e s i o n w h i c h Antiochus I of Commagene created on top of the N e m r u d D a g h i n the upper reaches of the Euphrates drainage system probably before the middle of the first century B . C .
3

W i t h o u t reference to these remote antecedents the ultimate roots of the decorative t r a d i t i o n seen in the shrines of D u r a would not be intelngible.
1. O n the importance of the bas-relief i n A s s y r i a n palace architecture generally see H . F r a n k f o r t , A r t and A r c h i t e c t u r e of the a n c i e n t O r i e n t , (Baltimore, 1955) pp. 84-99. 2. F o r M a r i see A . P a r r o t , M i s s i o n archologique de M a r i , I I . L e P a l a i s , P e i n t u r e s m u r a l e s (Paris, 1958), where Color Plate E shows the representation of a cult scene. F o r T e l l A h m a r see F . T h u r e a u - D a n g i n and M. Dunand, T i l B a r s i b (Paris, 1956), e.g., Album, Pl. L I I .

Recent clearances at the site, supplementing the work of H u m a n n a n d Puchstein, have shown that the seated colossi made famous b y the work of the German archaeologists form only one of three elements that together frame the rear and the adjacent sides of the cultic terraces cut into the east a n d west faces of the mountain top. I n p l a n these terraces correspond to each other, h a v i n g three sides enclosed b y sculptured representations and one side, the side away from the core of the mountain, left open a n d unadorned save for the altar m i d w a y along its course. The more important and more regular east terrace, as seen from its altar, has at the west as its central feature the row of seated colossi representing the chief deities of the Commagenean pantheon w i t h the personification of Commagene itself a n d the k i n g as t h e o i s y n t h r o n o i . The right and left sides of the terrace are framed b y rows of orthostat slabs on which are represented in bas-relief and at near life size on the one hand the file of the king's I r a n i a n ancestors and on the
3. T h e decoration of the throne room of Sargon II at K h o r s a b a d is as close as the evidence from the late A s s y r i a n period permits us to come.

i6o

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
1

other the file of the king's Greek ancestors. I n front of each figure there stands on the floor of the terrace a low monolithic stone pier that is either itself an incense altar or provided an emplacement for a n offering receptacle made of precious metal, such as a t h y m i a t e r i o n . Dressed i n the proper robes for a ceremonial act according to the instructions given i n the dedicatory inscription, the Iranian forebears of the k i n g are shown each holding i n his right h a n d , extended downward a n d outward, a shallow dish seen v i r t u a l l y i n profile. The gesture represents the ancestor pouring incense from the vessel he holds on the altar or t h y m i a t e r i o n before him.
2

slabs at the right a n d left sides of the terrace correspond to the figures of worshipers ranged i n rows i n the registers decorating the lateral walls of the D u r a shrines. Indeed the I r a n i a n ancestors on N e m r u d D a g h , i n their liturgically appropriate costume, performing acts of s t i f f l i c a t i o i n the form of incense sacrifice provide an exact counterpart, both i n dress a n d function, to the scene of the sacrifice of K o n o n on the side wall of the Temple of B e l at D u r a . W e have then at N e m r u d D a g h , i n a quite other m e d i u m a n d one that still uses the orthostat basrelief technique of the A s s y r i a n palaces, a counterpart to the program of sanctuary decoration used more t h a n a century later at D u r a and fundamental to the understanding of the program of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . B a s i c a l l y , therefore, this program has b o t h local a n d regional associations that reach back ultimately to ancient Oriental decorative procedures a n d immediately into the religious art of the Hellenistic period i n the cultural development of the area. B u t the painted temples of D u r a a n d the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y i n particular have i n their decorative programs s t i l l other features, for which the h i e r o t h e s i o n of N e m r u d D a g h provides no p a r a l lel. So far as they concern subject matter, they w i l l receive attention i n a later context, as already indicated. So far as they have to do w i t h the register dividers and the handling of the fields contained i n the registers t h e y w i l l receive considera t i o n under the heading that follows immediately.

A century older t h a n the oldest of the known painted shrines of D u r a the open-air sanctuaries of the N e m r u d D a g h can be seen from this brief description of their installations to be closely related to them not only geographically a n d i n terms of cultural environment but also particularly i n terms of the organization of their representational elements. The more regular east terrace at N e m r u d D a g h is, of course, particularly valuable for purposes of comparison. Its over life-size colossi, here shown seated under the canopy of heaven, as the inscription suggests, provide the focal element of the installation a n d its program, corresponding both i n position a n d i n character to the representations of the cult deities i n the rear wall of the naoi of the D u r a temples. The files of ancestors shown i n isocephalic sequence on the

II. F R A M E W O R K A N D F I E L D S B y what devices the narrative compositions decorating the side a n d rear walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y were divided into two registers, how the registers were framed a n d to what extent the i n d i v i d u a l scenes contained i n t h e m were also separately enclosed has been set forth i n detail
1. O n the west terrace the configuration of the m o u n t a i n slope required a variation i n the arrangement of the several parts of the installation. T h e gods of the pantheon are still set against the core of the mountain, but the Greek and Iranian ancestors form consecutive series on two adjacent (rather t h a n o n opposite) sides of the terrace. 2. F u l l information concerning the installations and sculptures has k i n d l y been put at m y disposal b y Miss

above. The top of the upper register a n d the b o t t o m of the lower register, i t w i l l be recalled, were framed b y simple horizontal bands more or less elaborate i n the number of the colors used to construct them. T o divide the two registers from each other the artist used a n elaborate device recog3

Theresa Goell and Prof. J o h n H . Y o u n g of Johns H o p k i n s U n i v e r s i t y . W h i l e the results of the excavations have not as yet received final publication preliminary reports w i l l be found in I L N , 1955, issue of June 18, p p . 1094-1097, a n d in the article of T . Goell, " T h e E x c a v a t i o n of the Hierothesion of Antiochus I of Commagene o n N e m r u d D a g h , 1953-56", B A S O R , N o . 147 (October, 1957), p p . 4-22. Preliminary plans of the terrace installations are shown o n p. 6 and p. 8 of Miss Goell's article. 3. See above, p p . 43-49-

FRAMEWORK AND FIELDS

nizable as a painted i m i t a t i o n of a doubly dentilated cornice i n spite of its sketchy rendering. I n this particular also the decorations of the D u r a B a p tistery need to be seen against the background of the decorative programs of other shrines at D u r a and of ancient w a l l decoration generally. A t D u r a the framework used i n wall painting develops i n several stages .The last stage i n the development, the one connected w i t h the last years of the city's life and to which the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y belong chronologically, saw the framework reduced generally to monochrome bands w i t h or without superimposed enlivening elements. The outstanding example of this k i n d of framework i s , of course, the D u r a Synagogue, where registers and i n d i v i d u a l scenes are carefully enclosed i n black bands upon w h i c h a twisted ribbon and groups of white dots have been inscribed. The contrast between the later a n d earlier stages of the development is most clearly illustrated b y the difference between the decorations of the pronaos of the Temple of B e l , belonging to the R o m a n period, a n d those of the naos, w h i c h date from the beginning of the M i d d l e P a r t h i a n period, that is from about A . D . 50. I n the pronaos the scenes are framed, as we might expect, b y simple monochrome bands. I n the naos, however, the registers are separated b y the painted representation of elaborately carved architraves which rest upon pilasters, a n d this structural frame is apparently carried up into or repeated i n the upper register, serving to separate i n d i v i d u a l figures and groups of figures from each other.
1 2

I6I

attractive i n the West. H o w important these latter features were i n the wall decoration of the M e d i terranean basin, particularly i n the Hellenistic period, is common knowledge a n d a m p l y documented i n the private houses of Campania, of the i s l a n d of Delos a n d of the cities of Cyrenaica, as well as i n the tomb paintings of A l e x a n d r i a , of Palestine a n d of the Crimean peninsula. I t was i n the formation of the so-called Second P o m p e i a n Style that the painted representation of columns supporting a n architrave began to p l a y its i m p o r tant role, p r o v i d i n g an element of depth, g i v i n g a setting for the d i s t r i b u t i o n of p i c t o r i a l compositions and eventually, as the r e a l i t y of the enclosing w a l l surface was denied, affording the a r c h i tectural setting through w h i c h glimpses into open vistas could be simulated.
3

W i t h the developments leading to the Second P o m p e i a n Style, the framework of the decorations i n the naos of the Temple of B e l at D u r a i s u n doubtedly to be associated. I t belongs, however, to a n early part of that development, for the sohdity of the surface is not denied and the figures are therefore set out from the w a l l , occupying the outer edge of the portico simulated b y the columns and architraves, almost crowding into the room itself. I n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y the columnar organization of w a l l surface found i n the Temple of
4 6

The architectural division of w a l l surface plays no part whatsoever i n ancient Oriental w a l l decoration, a n d quite naturally so because the m u d brick type of w a l l construction necessarily employed i n a l a n d poor i n b u i l d i n g stone d i d not encourage the development of the k i n d of structural form familiar from the monuments of the Greek world. N o r d i d w a l l sheathing ever advance i n the ancient Orient beyond the use of the orthostat slab, serving to protect the m u d b r i c k walls at the bottom, where they were most exposed to wear a n d damage, to the elaborate incrustation work that the polychromy of marble a n d the ever advancing technique for c u t t i n g a n d polishing i t made so
1. S e e F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, esp. p. 251. 2. See C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , P i s . X X X I I - L X .

3. F r o m the enormous bibliography o n Hellenistic w a l l painting it w i l l suffice to mention A . M a u , Geschichte der dekorativen W a n d m a l e r e i i n P o m p e j i (Berlin, 1882); R . Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten i n L a t i u m , II (Strassburg, 1912), p p . 128-140; M . I. Rostovtzeff, " A n c i e n t decorative W a l l P a i n t i n g " , J H S , XXXIX (1919). PP- 144-163; E . P f u h l , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g der G r i e c h e n , II, p p . 799-898; F . W i r t h , Rmische W a n d m a l e r e i (Berlin, 1934); G . B e y e n , D i e pompejanische W a n d d e k o r a t i o n , I (Haag, 1938); A . R u m p f , M a l e r e i u n d Zeichnung (Handbuch der Archologie I V , 1, M u n i c h , ^S). Delos see M . B u l a r d , P e i n t u r e s m u r a l e s et mosa'iquies de D e l o s , M P , X I V (Paris, 1908). F o r the tombs near A l e x a n d r i a see H . Thiersch, Z w e i antike Grabanlagen i n A l e x a n d r i a (Berlin, 1904), a n d E . Breccia, A l e x a n d r e a ad A e g y p t u m , G u i d e de l a v i l l e a n c i e n n e et moderne (Bergamo, 1914). F o r the tombs of South R u s s i a see M . I. Rostovtzeff, A n c i e n t D e c o r a t i v e P a i n t i n g i n S o u t h R u s s i a [in Russian] (Petrograd, 1913-1914).
F o r

4. C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p p . 148-151, i n pointing to the columnar A s i a t i c sarcophagi, has i n m i n d the m o n u m e n t a l architecture which the sarcophagi a n d the paintings of the Second Style b o t h imitate. 5. O n the early transitional phases i n the evolution of the Second Pompeian Style and their characteristics see particularly L . Curtius, D i e W a n d m a l e r e i Pompejis (Leipzig, 1929), p p . 70-94, and B e y e n op. tit., p p . 37-265.

I2

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
W h a t has been said about examples of H e l lenistic wall painting from the houses at Delos and the tombs of South R u s s i a a n d Palestine provides a perspective upon the arrangement of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations m u c h more comprehensive than the single detail of the painted cornice would suggest. I n the B a p t i s t e r y , i t w i l l be recalled, the section of the lower register on the south w a l l between the doors, and i n a lesser measure the adjacent areas, are decorated i n i m i t a t i o n of marble incrustation work. T h i s is, of course, a standard feature of the handling of the socle i n m a n y examples of w a l l p a i n t i n g from both E a s t a n d W e s t . I n the other parts of the lower register opaque colors are preferred as the background of narrative scenes, blue i n the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l , Pompeian red for the scene of the W o m e n i n the T o m b of Christ, and a reddish b r o w n enlivened w i t h pink for the scene of the W o m e n outside the T o m b of Christ. T h i s can properly be regarded as a reminiscence of the use of solid colors for the marble slabs or orthostats along the base of wall decorations, as they appear for instance at Delos. W h a t gives this suggestion weight is the fact that above the cornice the scenes i n the upper register of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations are presented i n a light-colored setting and are not separately framed but follow each other in a continuous, open, i f crowded, series. The total effect of the arrangement thus approximates a scheme of wall decoration i n which the lower part imitates a solid surface that is crowned b y a cornice, and the upper part a break-through into space, the open v i s t a used for the emplacement of narrative scenes.
5

B e l has left no echo. Instead, there is a growing dependence on the simple monochrome band, as we might expect at so late a period i n the city's life. B u t there still remains the doubly dentilated cornice used to divide between the lower a n d upper registers, the presenceof which implies that the structural system of w a l l decoration developed i n the Hellenistic world has not been lost sight of entirely. Indeed, the cornice a n d certain other features of the B a p t i s t e r y decorations suggest a closer look at related features of the transition from the F i r s t to the Second P o m p e i a n Style as they are reflected i n the houses at Delos a n d i n the tombs of South R u s s i a and Palestine. A t Delos, where the evidence is p a r t i c u l a r l y informative, wall decoration t y p i c a l l y imitates solid masonry construction enriched b y the addition of color. T h e construction begins w i t h a solid p l i n t h at the bottom a n d continues w i t h a row of large orthostats, usually rendered as marble slabs, a covering course for the orthostat tier, successive courses of isodomic ashlar masonry and a crowning b a n d . The crowning b a n d and the equally narrow covering course are sometimes ornamentally treated. I n R o o m D of the House of Dionysus at Delos, however, there is a significant departure from the i m i t a t i o n of solid wall construction, i n so far, namely, as the courses of ashlar masonry and the b a n d crowning them are followed at the top b y the representation of a D o r i c entablature supported on pilasters. This added element, w h i c h has the effect of opening the solid w a l l at the top and therefore belongs to the beginnings of the Second P o m p e i a n Style, has analogies also at Pompeii itself. I n the tombs of South R u s s i a , and in somewhat similar fashion i n the painted tomb at Marissa i n Palestine, the structural part of the scheme of w a l l decoration ends at the top not i n the representation of an architectural order but i n a dentilated cornice above which the w a l l is either left blank or filled w i t h representations of garlands, figures or entire scenes that are full of action and rendered i n a sketchy, impressionistic manner.
1 2 3 4

W h a t e v e r their indebtedness to ancient Oriental traditions and this is not to be underestimated as the representation of the figures i n the lower register w i l l show the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y thus appear to depend i n their organfor the representation of garlands and scenes above the structural part of the decorations. In the painted tomb of Marissa, see J . P . Peters and H . Thiersch, P a i n t e d T o m b s i n the N e c r o p o l i s of M a r i s s a (London, 1905), P i s . V I - X V , the structural part of the decoration, w h i c h is here columnar because of the loculi, ends at the top w i t h two dotted bands that frame a frieze containing animals and h u n t i n g scenes. F o r a cornice w i t h two rows of dentils at Panticapaeum see Rostovtzeff, op. c i t . , P i s . X I I I - X I V . 5. See i n general O . Deubner, P W , Supplementband V I I , s . v . Inkrustation.

1. See B u l a r d , op. ext., p p . 91-115, F i g s . 26-46 and V I and V I A . 2. See B u l a r d , o p . c i t . , PI. V I A , a. 3. See B e y e n , op. c i t . , II, 1, P i s . 1, 3, a n d 4. 4. See Rostovtzeff, op. c i t . , II, P i s . X I I I , X I V , X X X I a n d X X X I X for cornices as the crowning elements of the imitated masonry, and P i s . X X V I , L I I , L V I , and L X X I X Pis.

COMPOSITION A N D S T Y L E
ization also and very particularly upon Hellenistic wall painting, especially upon the phase that marks the t r a n s i t i o n to the Second Pompeian Style. Of course, what the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y brings is not any one single pattern or arrangement clearly understood a n d consistently followed, for sugv gestions of incrustation work mingle w i t h those of an orthostat socle a n d these serve either to frame or provide background for narrative compo-

163

sitions. Instead what we have are multiple r e m i niscences of early Hellenistic w a l l decoration, as would be n a t u r a l at a date so far removed from the hey-day of their use. B u t the presence of the reminiscences can scarcely be doubted a n d that they survived here at so late a date is a testimony of the remoteness of D u r a a n d of the use b y the D u r a artists of a repertory of form inherited from generations of predecessors.

III.

COMPOSITION A N DS T Y L E O F T H E N A R R A T I V E

SCENES

The registers a n d fields which the D u r a B a p tistery artist projected a n d eventually executed in the course of his work he used to present a series of narrative compositions. H o w m a n y there were originally we can only guess, perhaps as m a n y as fourteen. Of the original group eight have been preserved i n whole or i n part, t o gether w i t h one more, the A d a m a n d E v e scene that was added i n the otherwise already w e l l established context of the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep and thus brings the t o t a l to nine. Precious because i t provides the earliest k n o w n examples of Christian narrative art, the entire collection deserves to be considered from various angles, of w h i c h i t is the matter of composition a n d style that concerns us here. T h i s not only serves to define further their place i n w a l l decoration of the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n periods, but also provides valuable suggestions for the discussion of their possible antecedents.
1

have also their own i n d i v i d u a l character, differing in certain respects from other contemporary monuments i n the c i t y a n d at the same time showing less homogeneity as a group. Indeed, there is reason to suppose that among them they represent t w o separate variations of the same basic t r a d i t i o n .
3

T h e composition a n d style of the great body of wall paintings found at D u r a have already r e ceived careful attention elsewhere, i n Cumont's painstaking analysis of the paintings of the Temple of B e l , i n t h e preUminary discussion of those of the L a t e M i t h r a e u m b y Cumont, Rostovtzeff, a n d A u b e r t , i n the analysis of those of the D u r a Synagogue b y myself a n d above a l l i n Rostovtzeff's discussion of the religious art of the c i t y . W i t h what these studies have pointed out as the characteristics of the art of D u r a the scenes of the B a p t i s t e r y clearly align themselves. B u t they
2

W i t h the art of D u r a generally the narrative compositions of the Christian B a p t i s t e r y have three things i n common. F i r s t , the scenes are so presented as to give only a l i m i t e d impression of their place i n time a n d space. T h a t is to say, the artist recognizes the need for base lines a n d occasionally provides 'stage space', but more often his figures are either set before a s o l d background or eke out a two-dimensional existence i n a neutral setting. Second, while a l l scenes i m p l y action of some sort, none of t h e m so pose a n d group their figures that a n organic relationship is established between them or between the figures and such objects as the scenes m a y portray. T h e viewer has i n each case to infer the relationship from the fact of juxtaposition. T h i r d , the figures represented are not individualized b u t stereotypes of different k i n d s , unorganic i n the relation of body a n d members, unmolded i n the relation of dress to p h y s i c a l form, always frontal i n th rendering of the face a n d hence negligent of their involvement i n the action suggested or i m p l i e d . But more i m p o r t a n t t h a n such generalizations are the i n d i v i d u a l characteristics of style a n d compo?
3. T h e lack of homogeneity has been noted b y M . A u b e r t , " L e s fouilles de D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , Bulletin M o n u m e n t a l , X C I I I (Paris, 1934), P- 4 >' Lassus, op. c i t . , p. 14 a n d A . Calderini, L a b a s i l i c a d i S . L o r e n z o M a g g i o r e i n M i l a n b (Milan, 1951), p . 263, n . 67, who suggests that the scenes are done i n three diffrent styles.
0I

1. See above, p. 65. 2. See C u m o n t , F o u i l l e s , p p . 145-164; Cumont, Rostovtzeff, arid A u b e r t i n R e p . V I I - V I I I , p p . 104-116; F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . .364-384; a n d Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 78-99.

164

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
and juxtapose successive episodes i n narration, nor of those monuments of decorative wall painting at D u r a that are i n other respects most Oriental, whether i n subject matter or i n the representation of the persons concerned. They are, however, characteristic either of Hellenistic art or of the R o m a n transformation of Hellenistic art, as for example i n the familiar compositions showing Icarus both flying i n the s k y a n d l y i n g fallen on the ground.
3

sition revealed b y the several groups of scenes that reflect the different modes or variations of the basic tradition. I n analyzing these i t w i l l be well to begin w i t h the M i g h t y W o r k s cycle i n the upper register, as illustrated b y the two scenes on the n o r t h w a l l of the room. M . A u b e r t has spoken of the scenes of the H e a l ing of the P a r a l y t i c and of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r as e s q u i s s e s r a f i i d e s , a n d so they are; the ready translation into solid color of groups of figures a n d objects first outlined free-hand i n a light w a s h . B u t i n this respect they are b y no means unique, for a l l the other scenes were done i n the same way, as indicated above. W h a t makes these compositions preserve their sketchiness is the size at w h i c h they were drawn a n d the light background against which they are set.
1

T h e H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c is actually a simultaneous composition i n w h i c h two successive stages i n the action are represented at the same time, the better to show the results achieved. F i r s t the P a r a l y t i c is seen l y i n g helpless on his bed, then he is shown actually carrying his bed a w a y on his back. The composition is economical, i n that Christ is portrayed only once, a n d at the same time adroit i n so far as the gesture that conveys Christ's command, " T a k e t h y bed a n d w a l k " , a c t u a l l y is directed toward the P a r a l y t i c on his bed, as is proper (PI. X V I I I ) . The scene of A d a m a n d E v e uses the same compositional device, for the couple is shown p l u c k i n g the fruit of the tree a n d at the same time already holding bundles of leaves before their private parts (PI. X X X I I , 3). Indeed, i t is entirely possible that the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r was similarly developed, depending on whether Peter was originally shown twice, once seated i n the ship and once w a l k i n g on the water to meet his L o r d (PI. X X X V I ) . U n f o r t u n a t e l y the destruction of the bow of the vessel makes i t impossible to tell whether this was really the case. Such simultaneous compositions are b y no means found only i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . T h e y appear also i n the D u r a Synagogue, for instance i n the scene of E l i j a h raising the W i d o w ' s S o n . B u t they can scarcely be called characteristic of ancient Oriental art generally, which tends to string out
2

In organizing the two scenes of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c and of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r the artist has adopted the procedure of bringing the more remote elements of the picture into view by placing t h e m i n successive higher planes above the nearer. I n the former Christ stands at the apex of a triangular composition above the two representations of the P a r a l y t i c , while i n the latter he is placed w i t h Peter i n the immediate foreground with the ship containing the disciples riding free and clear above them. T h i s method of composition is, of course, traditional i n the Orient a n d is used elsewhere at D u r a , for instance i n the scene of the B a t t l e of Eben-ezer i n the D u r a Synagogue, where the mle i n v o l v i n g cavalry and i n f a n t r y is organized i n three ascending planes. B u t i t is also used i n R o m a n monumental art beginning w i t h the Column of Marcus A u r e l i u s a n d becomes a familiar feature of sarcophagus decoration i n the t h i r d century. It should be noted i n this connection that i n the scene of the W a l k i n g on W a t e r the artist has not carried the w a v y lines representing the water to the v e r y top of his field, as the canons of Oriental art would require, but has stopped short on a line halfway up the prow of the vessel (Pl. X X X V I ) . T h i s permits the deck and the rigging of the ship to be seen more clearly against the light background of the composition. I n other words, he does i n this instance show a knowledge at least of stage space.
4 6

In the scene of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c we have occasion to see for the first time how impor3. T h u s the cycle of scenes from the life of Mithras in the D u r a M i t h r a e u m shows episodes subdivided into two separate scenes [Rep. V I I - V I I I , p p . 105-108) and the K o n o n frescoes from the T e m p l e of B e l are repetitious and not simultaneous. 4. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, P l . L V . 5. F o r the sarcophagi see F . Gerlce, D i e christlichen Sarkophage der vorkonstantiniscJien Z e i t (Berlin, 1940), pp. 5-14.

1. O p . c i t . , p. 401. 2. F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, PI. L X I I I ; cf. also E l i j a h on Mt. Carmel, i b i d , PI. L X I I .

COMPOSITION AND S T Y L E
tant base lines are for the B a p t i s t e r y artist. The figure of Christ, that of the P a r a l y t i c carrying his bed a n d the bed on w h i c h the P a r a l y t i c lies a l l have below them irregular dark brown masses giving them a locus on w h i c h to stand (PI. X V I I I ) . Similar base lines appear as t y p i c a l features of the scenes of the W o m e n at the Tomb (Pis. X I X - X X ) , of the Paradise scene a n d of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep (Pis. X V I I , X X X I X , 1). It is clear that the artist cannot permit his figures and objects to be suspended i n space departing i n this respect from the canons of ancient Oriental art. True, where rows of figures are shown m o v i n g i n the same place, as i n the i v o r y plaques, or i n various bands, as i n the Obelisk of Shalmaneser, they commonly have their feet solidly placed on the lines forming the lower edges of the frame i n w h i c h the composition is enclosed. B u t the base lines of the B a p t i s t e r y paintings are separately provided inside the decorative field. The closest analogy to this i n Oriental art is to be found i n the glyptic of the Achaemenean period, where base lines are sometimes supplied for figures inside the field of composition. B u t the same device is found also i n R o m a n art, for instance on the A r c h of Septimius Severus and as the feature called Gelandestaffelung on the third-century sarcophagi. It should be noted i n this connection, however, that nowhere i n the B a p t i s t e r y do we find use of the device of the cast shadow familiar to and consistently used b y the D u r a Synagogue artist. In the matter of perspective the artist is relatively naive, as we would expect. H e avoids representing objects i n more t h a n two dimensions so far as possible, showing only one end of the sarcophagus i n the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b a n d only the side of the ship i n the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r . W h e n he does attempt a t h i r d dimension, as i n the case of the w e l l head i n the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l or i n the case of the bed on w h i c h the P a r a l y t i c lies, his natural tendency is to adopt the inverted perspective that goes w i t h the use of ascending planes i n distributing his figures. B u t i t should be noted that while the surface of the P a r a l y t i c ' s bed does therefore t i p forward, bringing h i m the better i n t o view, the
1 2

165

1. See e.g. A . P a r r o t , N i n e v e h and B a b y l o n 1961), p. 209, F i g s . 256-264, C, D , F , I. 2. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p. 370.

(London,

artist has placed at least the legs at the head of the bed i n a proper position and gives the correct diagonally upward slant to the r a i l connecting them. H e is less successful i n distributing correctly the legs of the bed w h i c h the P a r a l y t i c carries. The h u m a n figures i n the M i g h t y W o r k s are a l l of a single cast. I n size they are actually very small, like those i n the scenes of the Panticapaean tombs. Their members give no impression of organic relation to the bodies a n d are drawn without reference to the angles formed b y the joints. Their clothes hang sack-like from their shoulders and give no i n d i c a t i o n of the p h y s i c a l contours of the body they drape, save perhaps i n the case of the seated disciples i n the ship on the L a k e of Galilee. T h e faces are a l l frontal a n d rounded, w i t h large staring eyes and only the slightest traces of nose and m o u t h , the rounded hair masses divided into curls b y short straight lines that give the unintended impression of projecting rays. N o one figure is an i n d i v i d u a l ; a l l are copies of one a n d the same p a t t e r n ; none is related to another b y more t h a n gesture a n d none is differentiated from another b y more t h a n costume. Y e t the figures are not t y p i c a l l y Oriental, being neither the stocky, bearded, a n d muscular type familiar from A s s y r i a n bas reliefs, nor the elongated, w i l l o w y type familiar from the K o n o n frescoes. R a t h e r , however schematized, simplified, a n d adapted to late Oriental usage b y application of the l a w of frontality, they are basically Hellenistic i n derivation, as R o s tovtzeff was quick to recognize. There is ample evidence of action even though the figures are patterns. The P a r a l y t i c c a r r y i n g his bed shows this p l a i n l y i n his advanced a n d bent left leg, a n d in the w a y he bends a n d extends his right a r m i n keeping w i t h the m o t i o n of his left leg. So do the disciples i n the ship, whose raised arms register astonishment at the sight of Christ a n d Peter w a l k i n g on the water. So also does the recumbent P a r a l y t i c , who while resting his head upon the pillow of the bed supports i t also on his bent left arm, thereby b r i n g i n g the head i n t o a frontal position. If further proof of derivation were needed it would be supplied b y the garments w h i c h the figures wear. A l l are Greek i n character, the simple chiton worn w i t h or without sandals b y the P a r a l y t i c a n d the disciples, a n d the combination of
3

3. D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A f t , p p . 131-133.

i66

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
seen flanked b y two great stars representing "the watchers from on h i g h " who testify " H e is not here; H e is r i s e n " , adds the element of the supernatural that makes the formality of the processions appropriate. W h i l e the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ are thus predominantly reminiscent of the hieratic, analytical, a n d programmatic art of the ancient Orient, they have also certain features w i t h other associations. A g a i n there appears here the separate base line inside the pictorial field on which the figures are mounted. T a k i n g the form of a long continuous w a v y band, which can be seen also i n the Paradise scene, i t owes its form chiefly to the artist's emplacement of the feet of the persons shown m o v i n g upon i t , but m a y well reflect at the same time an element of realism i n the appraisal and representation of locality. Certainly, too, the paneled and properly framed door to the tomb chamber a n d the sarcophagus w i t h i t s gabled a n d ornamented l i d are forms inherited from the cultural and artistic tradition of the Greek world. I n the representation of the W o m e n , finally, elements derived from a western t r a d i t i o n can readily be spotted. The W o m e n wear the long-sleeved women's chiton, here carefully belted at the waist. I t is combined, however, w i t h the l o n g v e i l a n d the soft shoes that are more characteristic of women's dress i n the Orient and that reappear i n other w a l l paintings at D u r a , i n the bas reliefs of P a l m y r a and i n the mosaics of R o m a n E d e s s a . S i m i l a r l y the faces whose stark frontality represents an innovation of late Oriental art are surmounted b y a carefully curled coiffure the association of w h i c h w i t h the R o m a n imperial court style i n the period of the Syrian emperors was pointed out b y B a u r . There can be no doubt, therefore; the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ are the work of an artist who has some knowledge of Hellenistic and R o m a n representational art. Y e t i t is also clear that for reasons of his own that w i l l need to be considered i n a later context, the artist has i n these scenes used a mode of representation far more Oriental i n character
1 2

chiton a n d h i m a t i o n that characterizes here the figure of Christ. A g a i n we note, therefore, i n these compositions a real, i f remote, influence from the West upon this particular mode or manifestation of the local narrative art a n d style. W i t h the scenes from the M i g h t y W o r k s cycle i n the upper register i t is important to compare those representing the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ i n the lower register on the east a n d n o r t h walls of the B a p t i s t e r y . I n the lower register where the background color is either relatively or entirely opaque and where space is used more freely, the effect of the pictorial decoration is quite other, both i n style a n d i n composition. Files of stately a n d v i r t u a l l y identical female figures are shown moving, " w i t h steps solemn, mournful a n d slow", toward an object, i n one case the half-open stone door of the underground tomb chamber a n d i n the other toward the massive sarcophagus i n the tomb. The uninterrupted repetition of the same figure w i t h but slight variations due to small differences i n spacing, five times on the east w a l l a n d five times on the n o r t h wall, a n d the observance of the principle of isocephalism i n their rendering make these compositions i n a l l respects save the sex of the persons represented a n d i n the frontality of their faces the counterparts of the files of marching dignitaries, client delegations, tribute bearers, a n d captives that parade i n almost monotonous sequence on the bas reliefs of the A s s y r i a n a n d Achaemenean palaces. F o r i t is indeed a procession that the B a p t i s t e r y artist is t r y i n g to depict a n d the weight of the numbers represented, together w i t h the repetition of the same p a t t e r n for each person, is a device to emphasize the importance of the occasion a n d of what the persons b y their v i s i t attest. T h a t the half-open stone door i n its frame should have no setting such as would show that i t h a d been set into the side of a h i l l a n d is a mere pictograph applied to the background of the scene is quite intelligible under the circumstances. So also the sarcophagus whose locus i n a tomb chamber has to be inferred from the fact that the door marks the end of the first scene i n w h i c h the five women are i n v o l v e d a n d from a knowledge of b u r i a l customs i n v o l v i n g the use of sarcophagi. Its excessive size shows that i t is the ultimate goal toward w h i c h the processions move a n d the a l l important object of their interest. T h a t i t should be

1. F o r the veil and shoes see Cumont, F o u i l l e s , PI. X X X V (Temple of B e l ) ; F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , i , PI. L X V I I (Dura Synagogue); H . Ingholt, S t u d i e r over Palmyrensk S b u l p t u r , PI. X I I , i , and J . B . Segal, " N e w Mosaics from E d e s s a " , A r c h a e o l o g y , X I I (1959), p p . 150 and 153. 2. See above, p. 79, a n d R e p . V , p p . 274f.

COMPOSITION AND S T Y L E
or effect than i n the scenes of the M i g h t y W o r k s cycle. It is i n order at this point to extend the i n q u i r y and to ask how the remaining five scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y relate themselves to the two different modes of representation. A b o u t the Garden scene (PI. X X X I X , 1) a l l that can be said is that i t too insists on the importance of the base line, using the long undulating form of the line familiar from the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b , that the elements of herbage placed upon i t are distributed schematically rather than grouped realistically, a n d that the designs used for the occasional tree t r u n k s and plants w i t h whorls of basal leaves are more reminiscent of those i n the " b u c o l i c " scenes from the Temple of B e l t h a n those of the M i t h r a e u m or the D u r a Synagogue.
1 2

167

M u c h smaller and i n an equally b a d state of preservation when found, the scene of D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h is slightly more informative for present purposes (PI. X L I ) . A s a composition i t would appear to be poorly balanced, w i t h the b u l k y figure of G o l i a t h compressed into the left part of the field and the right left empty so that D a v i d , the hero of the picture, might be displayed i n a central position. A b o u t the fallen giant G o l i a t h only a few things can be said w i t h any degree of assurance, among them first that he probably wore a heavy R o m a n cuirass rather t h a n the lighter garb of the Oriental general, second that his figure was shown contorted w i t h his legs d r a w n up a n d the knees sharply bent, a n d t h i r d that his head faced full forward i n accordance w i t h the law of frontality. Though equally frontal, D a v i d is even more clearly represented i n accordance w i t h the western t r a d i t i o n of narrative art. H e wears only a short tunic, probably the shepherd's e x o m i s , a n d his pose is l i v e l y a n d full of action. The right h a n d is raised high above bis head ready to begin the downward stroke of the sword that w i l l sever Goliath's head and his right knee properly bent to place the weight of the body behind the stroke. E q u a l l y full of life is the pose of the W o m a n at the W e l l (PI. X L ) . She bends over from the waist to b r i n g her hands into the proper position over the
1. See below, p. 173. 2. F o r the first-mentioned, see Cumont, F o u i l l e s , PI. X L V I I I , for the second R e p . V I I - V I I I , PI. X V , and for the t h i r d F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, PI. L X V I I .

well head from which she is about to p u l l up the filled water container. H e r left foot is therefore seen touching the ground only w i t h its toes a n d her left a r m is bent at the elbow as she prepares to take up the slack on the rope attached to the container in the well before grasping the rope firmly i n her extended right h a n d a n d a p p l y i n g the power of her right a r m a n d of her body to the task of pulling the heavy container upward from below. Her long-sleeved woman's chiton is left unbelted to give proper freedom to the body for the action required. O n l y two things detract from a convincing representation, namely first the vagueness in the relation of her arms to her b o d y and of her body to the chiton that shrouds i t , and second the firm frontality of her face w h i c h b y dissociating her from the action spoils the effect of the rest of the pose. I n this the artist bows to a regional convention, but even here his allegiance is Hmited for i t is a more descriptive convention that he follows i n t u r n i n g her hair up into nice curls b y the side of her neck. The base line, of course, is not missing here either. The A d a m a n d E v e scene i s so sketchy that little weight can be attached to the representation of detail (PI. X X X I I , 3). B a s i c a l l y , the method of composition, placing the two figures on opposite sides of the tree w i t h the forbidden fruit, the fruit toward w h i c h their hands are raised, is identical w i t h that used almost universally i n the early Christian art of the West. The fact itself is documented a n d its implications for matters other t h a n style are discussed i n another context. Here it needs only to be s a i d that where the B a p t i s t e r y artist goes beyond this convention, for instance i n supplying additional larger trees at either side of his composition, his intention is clearly descriptive and realistic, reflecting his effort to show that the tree of the knowledge of good a n d e v i l stood i n a garden w i t h other different trees. Where, on the other h a n d , he departs from i t , as for instance i n showing the serpent i n the foreground rather t h a n curled along the t r u n k of the tree, the differences w o u l d seem to have iconographic rather t h a n stylistic significance. The miniscule figures of A d a m a n d E v e , are, of course, conventional. B u t
3 4 5

3. See below, p . 214. 4. See below, p. 215. 5. See below, p. 214.

i68

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
artist has shown h i m carrying a r a m identical i n size w i t h those of the rest of the flock, is none the less represented i n a manner thoroughly i n keeping w i t h the rest of the scene. Though his face is full front the rest of his body approximates a threequarters position w i t h the left leg advanced a n d the right foot pointed downward i n token of movement i n the direction i n which the flock is moving. H e too would seem to be wearing the e x o m i s that i s part of the classical shepherd costume. Whether the slight inclination of the figure at the waist was intended to reflect the weight of the r a m he carries on his shoulders or is an incidental by-product of the three-quarters pose, it is difficult to say. I n the round, the criophorus i s , of course, quite as ubiquitous i n the Mediterranean world as the vignettes of r u r a l life are i n w a l l painting a n d mosaics. F o r early examples of his representation i n wall decoration we have hitherto been l i m i t e d to the more stylized examples on the ceilings of the Christian catacombs of the West. T o these i t is now possible to add an example from what is probably an early R o m a n and pagan tomb i n the western necropolis of A l e x a n d r i a , where he is shown i n connection w i t h scenes of rural life quite i n the realistic manner of the D u r a composition, again w i t h a v e r y large animal on his shoulders.
3

there does seem t o be a n element of modeling i n their rendering. T o what has been s a i d about the other compositions a w o r d has to be added, finally, about the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep i n the important focal area o n the west w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y (PI. X V I I ) . A g a i n what is at issue here is the matter of composition a n d style rather t h a n the question of iconography that w i l l be treated i n a later connection. A s a composition the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d h i s Sheep advances far beyond a l l the others i n the B a p t i s t e r y i n i t s handling of the figures. T h e sheep are not shown separately or i n isolation b u t grouped closely together to form a flock. I n composing his flock the artist has indeed arranged them i n ascending files, but the files overlap each other, the animals that compose the several files overlap each other, some crowded together more closely t h a n others, and various poses are used as some are shown w i t h their heads h e l d h i g h a n d others w i t h their heads lowered as they crop the grasses shown e x e m p l i g r a t i a i n the right foreground. E v i d e n t l y the artist has fallen somewhat short of a completely naturalistic effect, for instance i n the w a y i n w h i c h one of each p a i r of horns curls forward, the other backward, as though the head were seen i n a three-quarters position, a n d presumably also i n the handling of the legs i f the continuous series of black lines along the foreground, representing tips of hooves, is a n y criterion. B u t the obvious intention is to p o r t r a y realistically a n actual flock i n motion, i n the manner of those vignettes of r u r a l life that seem to have developed first i n the Hellenistic period a n d that were destined to lend charm to the villas of a n aristocracy of wealth i n the media b o t h of wall p a i n t i n g a n d of mosaic p a v i n g u n t i l late R o m a n times throughout the length a n d breadth of the E m p i r e . A familiar parallel is the landscape p a i n t i n g of the V i l l a A l b a n i w h i c h contains the detail of the cowherd d r i v i n g his herd of cows over a bridge. T h e figure of the Good Shepherd, rendered somewhat l u d i crous from our point of v i e w b y the fact that the
1 2

1. See i n general P f u h l , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g der G r i e c h e n , II, p p . 892-896, Rostovtzeff, " D i e hellenistischrmische A r c h i t e k t u r l a n d s c h a f t " , R M , X X V I (1911), pp. 1-185, a n d C. M . Dawson, "Roman-Campanian Mythological Landscape P a i n t i n g " , Y C S , I X (1944). 2. P f u h l , op. e i l . , III, no. 372.

W h a t has been said about the several scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations makes i t thoroughl y evident that the dominant style is that of the M i g h t y W o r k s cycle rather than that of the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b . T h e decorations do include compositions done i n the hieratic, analytic, paratactic Oriental manner, they do observe the law of frontality, they do s i m p l i f y a n d t y p i f y rather t h a n individualize, and they do fall short of achieving a fully realistic p o r t r a y a l of place a n d action. B u t t h e y show also a repertoire of form a n d device that is strongly W e s t e r n a n d they intend to narrate b y showing action. The fact that some of these forms a n d devices appear even i n the strongly Orientalizing compositions showing the W o m e n at the T o m b a n d that, vice versa, some Orientalizing tendencies appear also i n the other scenes whether as canons (frontality) or as
3. See H . R i a d , " T o m b Paintings from the Necropolis of A l e x a n d r i a " , A r c h a e o l o g y , X V I I , (1964), p p . 169-182, cover and figure o n p. 170.

THE

N A R R A T I V E COMPOSITIONS

169

limitations placed upon the full achievement of Hellenistic narrative art, suggests that i t is quite unnecessary to interpret the b o d y of the compositions as the work of more t h a n one artist. A f t e r all, what a second artist could be made responsible for is only the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b , a n d that the program as a whole together w i t h a l l the other compositions should have been done b y one artist a n d only the W o m e n at the Tomb b y another, would seem rather strange. The position could conceivably be defended i f the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b could c l a i m some unique importance,

but the fact that the scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep i n the focal area of the program on the west wall of the room is done i n the Hellenistic rather t h a n i n the Oriental manner deprives the argument of its force. U n d e r the circumstances i t is better to abide b y the hypothesis of a single artist capable of developing his compositions i n two related but differently weighted modes of representation and to find for the use of the Orientalizing mode i n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b a n explanation other than the assumpt i o n of a second h a n d .
1

IV.

T H E N A R R A T I V E COMPOSITIONS A N D T H E A R T O F T H E L A T E R O R I E N T be. B u t even when the art of D u r a first comes before us i n the middle of the first century of our era what distinguishes i t is, as i t is at the end, the tendency to combine styles not commonly seen conjoined, and what makes i t important is the value of this synthesis for the interpretation of bodies of material from other sites now seen to be associated w i t h i t as elements of a general development, a n d the value of the knowledge of this development for the interpretation of the plastic and decorative art of the Mediterranean w o r l d from the Hellenistic period to the days of the Tetrarchy. Properly understood, the question of the relation between the art of the D u r a B a p tistery a n d the art of D u r a generally is, therefore, how its particular version of the synthesis compares w i t h others from the same locality. Once the question has thus been stated properly, certain general observations readily suggest t h e m selves. I n the first place i t should be evident that while the work of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y artist, like that of his local predecessors a n d contemporaries, combines Oriental a n d Western traditions, the Western constituent has undergone important changes since the days of the K o n o n scenes from the Temple of B e l a n d those of the Temple of Zeus Theos. Technically the work of the earlier artists was finer i n its brushwork a n d m a r k e d b y a greater v a r i e t y of pigments more carefully prepared a n d more h e a v i l y and surely applied. I t was firmer i n i t s modelling of the figure, more n a t u r a l istic i n its portraiture, richer i n tone a n d more delicate i n the rendering of ornamental detail. I n

H a v i n g thus described the composition and style of the p i c t o r i a l decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , what shall we say about their relation to the art of D u r a i n particular a n d to the art of the later R o m a n Orient i n general ? T h a t the art of D u r a should be understood to be some one single mode of representation homogeneous i n a l l its elements, is, of course, out of question. Differences between its products were evident at the v e r y outset, for instance i n the scenes f r o m the naos and from the pronaos of the Temple of B e l respect i v e l y . Originally these could be understood as differences between earlier a n d later periods, for the more Orientalizing compositions were done when the c i t y was still under P a r t h i a n control a n d the narrative, mythological and i d y l l i c scenes almost two centuries later under R o m a n overlordship. Indeed there continues to be justification for the assumption that over a long period of time the art of D u r a could a n d d i d change i n certain respects and that these changes were not unrelated to changes i n its p o l i t i c a l fortune connected as they were w i t h changes i n cultural associations. The proportionately m u c h larger body of evidence for the later period of the city's use of w a l l decoration accumulated b y the time the excavations were terminated, shows not o n l y the direction i n which the currents of change were m o v i n g but also how diverse products of the same general period could
2

1. See below, p. 173. T h a t the decorations of the B a p t i s t e r y are the work of a single artist was already stoutly maintained b y Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its Art, p. 133. 2. Cumont, F o u i l l e s , e.g. P i s . X X X I I and X C V I I I .

170

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
convention introducing the H a n d of G o d i n the upper part of narrative compositions. This goes, of course, w i t h miracles interpreted as indications of divine intervention. Its non-appearance i n the B a p t i s t e r y m a y well be related to the presence of Christ i n the scenes of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c and the W a l k i n g on the Waiter a n d to the representation of the stars i n the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b . Another convention used b y the Synagogue artist a n d not found i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y is that which renders the angels i n the Iranian court costume of chlamys, belted chiton, trousers a n d white boots, that is as members of the heavenly hierarchy. Instead, as already indicated, the B a p t i s t e r y artist depicts them as stars, i n which particular he seems to stand quite alone so far as our present knowledge goes.
1 2

contrast the work of the later artists, including the artist of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , is characterized b y a narrower range of colors less carefully manipulated and applied often i n washes, b y the reduction of modeling to the reproduction of a set of stereotypes and hence by the disappearance of portraiture. B u t even i n comparison w i t h the style of other contemporary monuments of w a l l decoration at D u r a , such as the Synagogue and the L a t e M i t h r a e u m , that of the Christian B a p t i s t e i y is greatly simplified, and shows a reduction to a l i m i t e d number of essentials and their treatment as the means to an end. The B a p t i s t e r y artist is less careful i n the preparation of his preliminary sketches, less firm i n his adherence to outline, more l i m i t e d i n the variety of his models and less interested i n supplying even i n a casual manner such details as the fold lines of garments or i n going beyond the m i n i m u m essentials i n the rendering of elements of the staffage for his scenes. In the second place, a comparison w i t h the later monuments of wall decoration at D u r a such as the Synagogue and the L a t e M i t h r a e u m reveals the absence from the work of the B a p t i s t e r y artist of the entire range of what m a y be called the I r a n i a n contribution to the repertoire of form and convention. I n part, this is entirely natural, for the program of the B a p t i s t e r y artist d i d not call for scenes of enthroned monarchs, of r o y a l audiences, of court personnel, of the a d v e n t u s r e g i s , of m i l i t a r y engagements, a n d of r o y a l hunts, the forms for w h i c h were supplied largely b y the r o y a l art of P a r t h i a as the successor of the art of the A c h a e meneans. B u t there is also missing i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y a l l trace of the ultimately I r a n i a n costume of belted tunic, trousers, and soft white boots that h a d been adopted b y so m u c h of the N e a r E a s t i n R o m a n times, that appears commonly i n both the D u r a Synagogue and i n the L a t e M i t h r a e u m and is a feature of the representation of the Palmyrene mercantile n o u v e a u x r i c h e s . Missing along w i t h the costume is the soft, pliant rendering of the figure a n d the pointed bearded face surmounted b y an aureole of curled hair. A l s o noticeably absent from the work of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y artist is a v a r i e t y of incidental conventions that appear for instance i n the decorations of the D u r a Synagogue. One such is the

N e x t , i t must be evident that i n comparison w i t h his D u r a contemporaries the Christian B a p t i s t e r y artist is relatively uninterested i n enriching his scenes w i t h decorative detail. The couch upon which the P a r a l y t i c lies has a spread w i t h a suggestion of fringes; the short chiton which the recumbent P a r a l y t i c wears seems to be simply decorated at the neck; a n d the chiton of the Christ who stands above h i m appears to have clavi, but aside from the five-pointed star on the : breast of the W o m a n at the W e l l , which m a y have iconographic significance, this v i r t u a l l y exhausts the repertoire of decorative embellishment. There are no colored hems on the chitons, no embroidered gammas on the h i m a t i o n of Christ, no pearl earrings or other ornaments of a casual nature on the W o m a n at the W e l l or the W o m e n at the T o m b , no embroidered bands on the pillow of the P a r a l y t i c ' s bed a n d no spindle legs on the bed itself. A l l of these are regular features of the work of the Synagogue artist a n d such details are part of the ornateness and richness of contemporary representational art generally i n the Orient. F r o m this whole tendency to ornateness the B a p t i s t e r y artist has kept himself relatively aloof. F i n a l l y , i t can be s a i d that while the B a p t i s t e r y artist does use opaque a n d semi-opaque backgrounds of Pompeian r e d , of blue, and of a diluted reddish brown i n the lower register of his decor1. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, LXIX-LXXI, LXXVI. 2. I b i d . , P L X X V I . Pis. L I , LIII, LXIII,

THE

NARRATIV

COMPOSITIONS
4

171

ations, the total effect of his work is not i n the same sense coloristic as for instance the work of the Synagogue artist, let alone the artists responsible for the decorations of the naos of the Temple of B e l a n d of the Temple of Zeus Theos. Missing are the v i v i d green backgrounds that add so m u c h to the richness of the Synagogue decorations. Missing, too, is the tendency to represent incidentals such as himations and chitons now i n white, now i n yellow and brown and pink. Color is there i n the B a p t i s t e r y decorations but i t seems to be more prominent i n the formal aspects of the decorative program, i n the ceiling, i n the columns supporting the canopy over the font a n d i n the bands a n d moldings that frame the registers than i n the scenes portrayed.
2

b y the bucolic character of the prototypes of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep. B u t the more realistic and structural representation of architectural setting is familiar as a representative feature of R o m a n wall painting i n the t h i r d century and the Good Shepherd and his Sheep are much too drastically active i n their movement toward the right to be regarded as p a l l i d and pointless copies of the i d y l l i c landscapes of the earlier period. It would therefore not be appropriate either to regard the style of the Christian B a p tistery compositions as one, particularly infelicitous, variant of what Cumont has called GraecoSyrian s t y l e .
5 6

This brief and b y no means exhaustive comparison of the style of the B a p t i s t e r y artist w i t h that of his D u r a contemporaries paves the w a y for an appraisal of the place of his work i n the representational art of the later R o m a n N e a r E a s t . L i k e that of his contemporaries at D u r a his style is composite, a m i x t u r e of Western a n d Oriental traditions as indicated above. B u t this statement can now be seen to need qualification i n two respects. O n the one hand, his style is b y no means as deeply associated w i t h the dominant trends a n d elements of the contemporary art of the inner Orient as most of the other w a l l painting of D u r a , l a c k i n g the colorism, the attention to ornamental detail a n d the Iranian element that are so t y p i c a l of the region and the local synthesis. If, therefore, the style that combines these features w i t h elements of the Western t r a d i t i o n deserves the name Mesopotamian that Rostovtzeff has applied to i t , then the style of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y cannot properly be called Mesopotamian. On. the other h a n d , the style of the B a p t i s t e r y is not intelligible either as a simplification a n d barbarizat i o n of Hellenistic representational art a s i t p e r p e t u ated itself at D u r a u n t i l the end of P a r t h i a n d o m i n ation. Such a n interpretation might appear to be suggested b y the Hellenistic antecedents of the decorative division of the B a p t i s t e r y walls into open a n d closed zones separated b y a cornice and
3

T o give the style of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y scenes its proper place i n the development of N e a r E a s t e r n art i t is necessary, therefore, first to go farther afield a n d to take i n t o account the changes that classical art generally was undergoing i n the period of the later E m p i r e , before returning to the special province of R o m a n art w i t h which i t is directly associated. I t is, of course, well k n o w n that the period i n question was one of increasing internal tensions and of external difficulties for the E m p i r e , one i n w h i c h traditional values were being challenged i n m a n y walks of life and one of a search for new sources a n d agencies of strength to face or escape from a disastrous present a n d to support hopes of a better life i n this or another world. T h a t the changed conditions a n d the changing point of view associated w i t h them should have affected and been reflected i n contemporary works of art is inevitable. I n p a r t the effects of the change are to be seen i n style and i n part also i n subject m a t t e r . I n style what is important for our purposes is the development that moves away from the classicism of the
7

1. S e e F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , i , P i s . L X I I , L X I V - L X V , LXVI. 2. I b i d . , P i s . L X I V - L X V . 3. See D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p p . 90 and 133.

4. See above, p. 168. 5. See D . L e v i , A n t i o c h M o s a i c P a v e m e n t s (Princeton, 1947), I, p p . 606-607, where specific reference is made to the paintings i n the h a l l attached to the Paedagogium at R o m e , showing servants outside a palace waiting to receive dinner guests, a n d to the exaggeration of action as a feature of Severan representational art, i b i d . , p. 537. 6. F o u i l l e s , p p . 145-164. 7. T h a t style is itself the determinant of change has properly been questioned b y P . H . v o n Blanckenhagen, " E l e m e n t e der rmischen K u n s t a m Beispiel des flavischen S t i l s " , D a s n e u e B i l d der A n t i k e , e d . H . Berve (Leipzig, 1942), p 316; for the change i n subject matter, noticeable especially on the sarcophagi, see][jGerke, D i e christlichen S a r k o p h a g e , p p . 1-37, especially p. 36. j

172

INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS
tionalized, a n d fold lines are shallow and unrelated to bodily contours. F r o n t a l i t y becomes increasingly important a n d faces lose the plasticity and m o b i l i t y of their features, the angularity of their lines, their enlarged deep-set eyes and the reduction of their hair masses to rows of linear incisions giving them a sober, sometimes somber and even agonized intensity. In the aggregate the characteristics of late R o m a n art thus described represent the coming of the expressionistic style whose purpose i t is to emphasize and to communicate some aspect of the meaning of the person or subject represented. Its intention, bred of the need of its age, bade i t restrain the baroque tendencies of Severan art and permitted i t at the same time to disregard i n some measure the naturalistic features of the classical tradition. T h a t this style was the general m a n i festation of a period, rather than the result of the influence of a local school, is now thoroughly clear. There need therefore be no hesitation on general principles to associate w i t h i t a n d to help explain the t y p i c a l features of the style of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y compositions. If any further justification were needed i t could readily be supplied b y the mosaics of S y r i a n A n t i o c h , where expressionism makes itself felt at a p p r o x i mately the same period.
2 3

A n t o n i n e period and the excited baroque of the early Severan age toward a quite different manner of representation. The change i n style can be observed w i t h a greater or lesser degree of clarity and at relatively earlier and later dates i n the different art media i n official t r i u m p h a l basreliefs, i n sarcophagi, i n portrait sculpture, i n wall painting and mosaics depending on the function of the monuments i n question, on provenience and on the amount of evidence actually available, but the character of the change is basically the same throughout and the new manner that begins to assert itself forcefully i n the period of Severus Alexander can be seen to have taken over completely i n the days of the T e t r a r c h y . Particulars relevant for the style of the Christian pictorial art of D u r a are readily noted. Where i n contemporary R o m a n art the purpose is narrative, continuity of representational development is broken up either vertically for instance b y columns or horizontally b y the arrangement of figures i n ascending planes to the top of the composition and b y the use of separate base lines. A t the same time there is a loss of depth of field, the figures moving forward t i l l they seem to be poised on the edge of the frame or looking as though they were plastered against a solid blank background. A s for the figures themselves they lose their dramatic forcefulness while m a i n t a i n i n g their a c t i v i t y w i t h the help of formulae for a l i m i t e d v a r i e t y of poses. Modeling is reduced, outline becomes more significant, drapery ceases to flutter a n d is conven1

1. F o r changes i n the style of official t r i u m p h a l basreliefs compare the Column of T r a j a n (K. L e h m a n n Hartleben, D i e Trajanssule, B e r l i n , 1926), the C o l u m n of Marcus Aurelius (M. Palottino, L a colonna i M a r c o A u r e l i o , R o m e , 1955), the A r c h of Septimius Severus (L. F r a n c h i , R i c e r c h e s u l l ' arte d i Et S e v e r i a n a i n R o m a , S t u d i M i s c e l l a n e i , 4, R o m e , 1964) and that of Constantine (H. P . L 'Orange and A . v. Gerkan, D e r sptantike B i l d s c h m u c k des K o n s t a n t i n s b o g e n s , B e r l i n , 1939); for the sarcophagi see especially G . Rodenwaldt, "Zur Kunstgeschichte der Jahre 220-270", J D A I , 51 (1936), pp. 82-113, and Gerke, loc. c i t . ; for portrait sculpture see, e.g., G . Kaschnitz-Weinberg, "Sptrmische Portrts", A n t i k e , II (1926), p p . 36-60; for wall painting see R u m p f , Malerei u n dZeichnung, p p . 189-193 and F . W i r t h , Rmische W a n d m a l e r e i (Berlin, 1934), PP- 5 7 - ' ' 7 I general see the several essays of Rodenwaldt, " E i n e sptantike Kunststrmung i n R o m " , R M , X X X V I X X X V I I (1921-22), p p . 58-110; " A r a Pacis u n d R a v e n n a " , B J , 133 (1928), p p . 228-235; " b e r den Stil wandel i n der Antoninischen K u n s t " , Preussische A k a d e m i e der Wissenschaften, A b h a n d l u n g e n , 1935, N o . 3.
1 2 i n

But h a v i n g found i n the stylistic development of R o m a n t h i r d - c e n t u r y art generally a broad b a c k ground for the style of the more t y p i c a l among the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y compositions, we have not succeeded fully i n defining the place of this style i n the h i s t o r y of N e a r E a s t e r n art as a whole and this for two reasons. The first is that even a cursory comparison w i l l show how much stronger the naturalistic elements of the classical heritage were and continued to be at S y r i a n A n t i o c h t h a n they were contemporaneously at D u r a . The second is that the art of D u r a , l i k e that of the equally remote b u t not too distant c i t y of P a l m y r a , h a d a quite different earlier h i s t o r y of its own. N o w i t has
2. See R . B . Bandinelli, "Naissance et dissociation de lakoinhellnistico-romaine," V i l l e Congrs i n t e r n a t i o n a l d'archologie c l a s s i q u e , P a r i s , 1963 (Paris, 1965), p p . 443 463 3. See L e v i , A n t i o c h M o s a i c P a v e m e n t s , I, p p . 536-554, 606-609. T h a t late R o m a n expressionism should be thought of as h a v i n g affected aspects of the later style of D u r a wall paintings is suggested, i b i d . , pp. 5 4 9 !

THE

N A R R A T I V E COMPOSITIONS
normally one would expect a time-lag between the hinterland and the capital c i t y of a province. I n the second place i t is important to recall that the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y artist does on the one h a n d preserve some memories of the Hellenistic manner of organizing w a l l space and can on the other h a n d compose i n the solemn hieratic manner of the inner Orient as he does i n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b . It w i l l help i n p r o v i d i n g for these features of the style of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y if i t be understood that " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " art h a d among its antecedents some local version of the Greco-Syrian style of Cumont a n d at the same time enjoyed closer contacts w i t h the art of the inner Orient t h a n A n t i o c h , though not as close as those of the Mesopotamian style of Rostovtzeff. But over a n d above this i t m a y for the full c l a r i fication of the subject be necessary to allow for the operation of what Rodenwaldt has described as K o n v e r g e n z e r s c h e i n u n g e n between late R o m a n a n d late Oriental styles such as permitted i n provincial S y r i a a n acceleration of stylistic development whose results we see at D u r a only i n late R o m a n times, for instance i n the absolute dominance of frontality, but whose earlier existence the sculptures of P a l m y r a reflect at a much earlier date.
3

been observed (for instance b y Rodenwaldt) that the stylistic development of R o m a n art i n the t h i r d century was determined by two factors. Of these the first is the ideological, to which the t e r m "expressionism" is appropriate, and the second a reduction i n the technical competence of the artists to m o l d and compose realistically. T h a t this is indeed a factor to be reckoned w i t h as one moves from the outstanding cultural centers of the Mediterranean littoral into the hinterland requires no special justification. I t would be i n keeping w i t h the remoteness of D u r a i f one were therefore to label the narrative style of the Christian Baptistery compositions " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " intending b y this to suggest that i t was not as thoroughly immeshed i n the inner-Oriental traditions as the style of the L a t e M i t h r a e u m and of the Synagogue to w h i c h Rostovtzeff has applied the name " M e s o p o t a m i a n " , or as patently associated w i t h the Hellenistic heritage as the K o n o n scenes from the Temple of B e l which Cumont described as " G r e c o - S y r i a n " . R a t h e r the t e r m " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " would suggest that the style was t y p i c a l of what m a y have been produced a n d taught i n the h i n t e r l a n d of A n t i o c h , that is i n the region between Cyrrhus i n the north and E m e s a i n the south, i n the period of its m a x i m a l Romanization, that is from the Antonine days onward. T h i s w o u l d allow on the one h a n d for the movement of artists w i t h such competence and t r a i n i n g to a place l i k e D u r a , a n d on the other h a n d for the appearance i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y paintings of such compositions as the scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep, i n which the bucolic t r a d i t i o n and patterns of western R o m a n art are so clearly represented.
1 2

But if the t e r m " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " is to be applied to the style of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y compositions, i t must be still further defined before i t can be s a i d to be completely satisfactory, and this for two reasons. I n the first place the lower technical competence of the artist, which is clearly one factor i n the style, cannot serve to explain f u l l y the simultaneous appearance here of so m a n y of the characteristics of expressionism at a date so early i n the t h i r d century without return to the conception of barbarization, for
1. " Z u r Kunstgeschichte der Jahre 220-270", p. 98. 2. See above, p. 171.

W h a t is at issue here is a phenomenon that is familiar also from other junctures i n the h i s t o r y of art, i n the N e a r E a s t for instance from the period of the formation of the early Islamic style of ornamentation. The decoration of such U m a y y a d monuments as M s h a t t a and K h i r b e t al-Mafjar properly explained requires the assumption of the meeting of more t h a n one stylistic t r a d i t i o n and the coalescence of the converging elements into a synthesis under particularly favorable c u l t u r a l circumstances. I n the case of what we have ventured to call the " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " style the appearance here at so early a date of what are the essential features of late R o m a n expressionism would seem to require for its explanation somet h i n g more t h a n the fact that the simplifying tendency of the style made i t p a r t i c u l a r l y suited to less competent workmen. The " m o r e " m a y properly be said to be the converging here w i t h late
4

3. O p . tit., p. 107. 4. See most recently L e o T r i i m p e l m a n n , M s h a t t a . E i n B e i l r a g z u r B e s t i m m u n g des K u n s t h r e i s e s , z u r D a t i e r u n g u n d z u m SHI der O r n a m e n t i k (Tubingen, 1962), a n d the review b y Oleg Grabar, J A O S , 84 (1964), p p . 187-188.

174

INTERPRETATION.: DECORATIONS
the t r a n s i t i o n from Greek classical art to B y z a n tine art, the purpose of which is to command veneration. A t the same time Gerke i n tracing the change of subject matter i n the decoration of preConstantinian sarcophagi notes the gradual abandonment of the cycle of mythological scenes i n fav6r of what he calls scenes w i t h R e t t u n g s s y m b o l i k , the lion h u n t , D a n i e l i n the L i o n s ' D e n , a n d the Good Shepherd. I t is only natural to suppose, therefore, that i n so clearly functional a context the scenes of the D u r a Baptistery done i n a regional version of the expressionistic style should be assumed to have been intended to communicate meaningfully to those who used it, both i n d i v i d u a l l y and i n the aggregate.
4

R o m a n expressionism of the results of a development that Rostovtzeff has interpreted as a revival of Iranian art i n the period of P a r t h i a n ascendency. In Mesopotamian centers such as H a t r a , at D u r a and as far west as P a l m y r a this r e v i v a l manifests its I r a n i a n connections clearly i n the conventions of costume, i n the pointed bearded faces a n d i n the use of iconographic stereotypes such as the mounted bowman, the flying gallop a n d the decorative use of a n i m a l figures. B u t involved i n the art of the r e v i v a l of t r a d i t i o n is a return to the archaic, to simplicity of representation, to linearity and .two-dimensionality a n d " s p i r i t u a l i t y " , that is to precisely the features of late R o m a n expressionism. Whereas i n provincial S y r i a the formal I r a n i a n stereotypes a n d conventions m a y have been regarded w i t h less favor t h a n at D u r a , P a l m y r a , and Edessa, the simplifying and archaizing aspects of this P a r t h i a n r e v i v a l m a y have joined w i t h influences from the West to produce the style of such compositions as the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y scenes.
1

T w o further matters require comment i n connection w i t h the discussion of style. The first concerns function. It has been suggested above that together the scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y represent a decorative program associated i n meaning w i t h the purpose w h i c h the room served t h a t of the sacrament of i n i t i a t i o n into the community of the redeemed. The precise nature of this meaning has s t i l l to be developed w i t h the help of the l i t e r a r y t r a d i t i o n from the region i n the following chapter. I t should be noted here, however, that not only the arrangement of the compositions but also their style is i n accord w i t h the suggestion of such a program. T h e expressionistic style, we have said, owes its disregard of classical naturalism, its interest i n action and its frontal representation of figures among other things to the desire to communicate meaning i n what is portrayed. Rodenwaldt describes this communicative function as that of evoking veneration, for whatever purpose, of the subject represented. So understood, he believes, the expressionistic relief and w a l l p a i n t i n g of the late R o m a n period marks
2 3

The second matter that deserves at least brief mention i n this context is that of the sources or models of the B a p t i s t e r y artist's pictorial compositions. W h a t raises the question of sources or models is the fundamental observation of R o s t o v tzeff that such a remote military outpost as D u r a cannot be presumed to have been a center of great creative a c t i v i t y i n any field. W h i l e i t would m a n i festly be improper i n the field of art to rule out all possibility of local invention, i t would none the less be appropriate to consider the possibility of local artists reproducing from copy books or from m e m ory, scenes they had come to know elsewhere, p a r t i c ularly i n the R o m a n period of the c i t y ' s history, when representation depended so much upon the use of stereotypes. I n the case of the D u r a S y n a gogue, where there are clear indications of a b b r e v i ation a n d of the telescoping of scenes a n d where series of narrative compositions develop successive episodes i n i n d i v i d u a l books of the B i b l e , there seems to be good reason to suppose that the artist was w o r k i n g from more extensive models existing elsewhere which i n t u r n m a y have been copied from book illustrations. I n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , where the number of compositions is m u c h smaller a n d where abbreviations a n d tele scoping are absent, the evidence for dependence on models is certainly less tangible, but should none the less be reviewed.
5 6 7

i. Yale 299 2. 3.

See his " D u r a and the problem of P a r t h i a n A r t " , C l a s s i c a l S t u d i e s , V (New H a v e n , 1935), esp. p p . 293 See above, p. 125. O p . c i t . , p. 98.

4. C h r i s t l i c h e SarkopJiage, p. 36. 5. T h e matter can be treated here only from the p o i n t of view of style. Iconographic considerations willreceive further consideration i n a later context. See below, p. 208. 6. See h i s D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p. 1. 7. F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 385-402.

THE

N A R R A T I V E COMPOSITIONS

175

The narrative compositions of the D u r a B a p tistery include three scenes taken from the O l d Testament, namely the Garden Scene, D a v i d and G o l i a t h , a n d A d a m a n d E v e . T h e number would be raised to four i f the W o m a n at the W e l l were actually Rebecca. There is nothing about the style of these pictures that gives a clue to their derivation, though the iconography of the last two is suggestive i n this respect. O n l y this is clear from style that if the B a p t i s t e r y artist h a d models they were not of the same provenience as those used b y the Synagogue artist, or at least have lost i n his rendering certain of the characteristics, that made the Synagogue murals outstanding examples of the Mesopotamian style. As far as the N e w Testament scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y are concerned i t w i l l be recalled that t h e y include the beginning of a cycle, devoted apparently to M i g h t y W o r k s , and a sequence, the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b . B o t h are suggestive of the k i n d of sustained interest one finds i n manuscript illustration. N o w i t should be clear from what has been s a i d above, that the form i n which the Christians of D u r a read a n d knew the Gospel tradition was that of the D i a t e s s a r o n of T a t i a n . If the N e w Testament scenes of the B a p t i s t e r y were produced locally or h a d Mesopotamian models, these would have been based upon or associated w i t h the text of the D i a t e s s a r o n . On the other h a n d , i f they were based upon or reproduced models of S y r i a n or outside origin, they would more probably have been associated w i t h the text of separate canonical Gospels. Above it has been pointed out that while i n most of the New Testament scenes i t is quite impossible to say what form of the Gospel t r a d i t i o n they follow, the sequence showing the W o m e n at the T o m b must be thought to depend on the D i a t e s s a r o n . T h i s is because the appearance of no less t h a n five women both outside a n d inside the tomb represents precisely the l a n d of conflation of the diverse Gospel stories that a harmony would produce and that the D i a t e s s a r o n actually provides. N o w i t also happens that these two scenes stand out from the others i n being the more hieratic, repetitive, and monumental i n character, coming closer t h a n all the others to the art traditions of the ancient
1 2

Orient. Of this, their archaizing character, there are several possible explanations, but one is certainly that they were either produced locally or depended on Mesopotamian models. The other N e w Testament scenes of the B a p tistery are simpler a n d convey a much stronger interest i n showing action. T h i s fact a n d their vignette-like character would make the hypothesis of association w i t h early manuscript illustration more plausible t h a n any similar suggestion about the W o m e n at the T o m b . Whatever be true about the particular hypothesis of derivation from manuscript illustration, i t would be proper to suggest that i f the style i n which these scenes are done is fitly labeled " p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a n " , the models or source of inspiration for t h e m should also be regarded as provincial S y r i a n . Indeed, the differences i n style between the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b and the other compositions of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , seen from this angle, m a y be the result of differences i n the sources of the artist's representation. A n y models derived from p r o v i n c i a l S y r i a would, as indicated above, be associated w i t h the separate Gospels, and that M a t t h e w a n d J o h n are the two drawn upon i s quite what one would be inclined to expect from the writings (for instance) of Ignatius.
3 4

V i e w e d from the angle of style, therefore, the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y can be seen to have roots reaching back into the art t r a d i t i o n of the ancient Orient, show reminiscences also of the Hellenistic procedures for organizing w a l l surfaces as these procedures came to be k n o w n i n the Orient i n p r e - R o m a n times, but are to be understood m a i n l y as products of a synthesis of late R o m a n tendencies toward expressionism and of a simplified form of late Oriental art that Rostovtzeff
3. O n the characteristics of early manuscript illustrations see K . W e i t z m a n n , I l l u s t r a t i o n s i n R o l l a n d C o d e x (Princeton, 1947), p p . 52f. and F i g . 42. 4. J o h n serves, of course, as the basis for the scenes of the W o m a n at the W e l l and of the G o o d Shepherd a n d his Sheep. Matthew is the only Evangelist who supplies the detail of Peter matching his L o r d ' s accomplishment i n the story of the W a l k i n g on the Water, and Matthew (like Luke) transforms the pallet (KpAppa-ros) of the P a r a l y t i c into a formal bed ( K A i v n ) . Ignatius knew a n d used Matthew and while his knowledge of J o h n is not equally assured i t is clear that the Johannine range of concepts is of great importance for Ignatius' religious point of view. See "Virginia Corwin, S t I g n a t i u s a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y at A n t i o c h , (New H a v e n , i960), p p . 67-71.

1. See above, p. 103. 2. See above, p. 86.

178

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
as inculcating the attitudes of faith and repentance or forgiveness that are the presuppositions for admission to the sacrament and as pointing to participation i n Christ's death as the most important factor i n its effectiveness. The fact is, however, that i n the early Church, particularly of the E a s t , there were also other conceptions of baptism that would suggest entirely different approaches to the choice and interpretation of baptistery decoration. I n the very days of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y there was developing at the hands of Clement of A l e x a n d r i a and Origen the conception of the rite as a AoyiKov PcVrrricrua, one of the nuoTiipia T O U Aoyou, w h i c h served as one element of the divinely ordained process b y which m a n is raised to a higher stage of i l l u m i n a t i o n , sonship, perfectedness, and immortalization. A s early as the second century there are already indications of an interpretation of b a p t i s m as " i l l u m i n a t i o n " (cpcoTiapios), the wider associations of w h i c h are obscure, and still earlier is the conception of baptism as rebirth out of water and spirit (John 3, 5) w h i c h baptistery decoration would illustrate i n still other fashion. The question naturally arises i n this connection whether the interpretation of the several scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations already offered b y scholars are based on the proper premises, a n d i f not what the local and regional associations of baptism m a y have been i n accordance w i t h w h i c h their meaning can be more accurately defined.
6 6

suggestions about the meaning of certain scenes already offered by interpreters of the decorations. Three examples of interpretation w i l l suffice. The first concerns the scene of the Hearing of the P a r a l y t i c , which has been said to illustrate the importance of the forgiveness of sins as a precondition of salvation i n keeping w i t h the B i b l i c a l story that has Jesus' word of assurance on this score precede his command to the P a r a l y t i c to take his bed and walk (Matthew 9, 2-8). The second concerns the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r , which has been said to stress the importance of faith for salvation because Christ h a d first to rescue Peter from the effects of the littleness of his faith before Peter could successfully imitate his master's control of the watery element (Matthew 14, 22-23). The t h i r d concerns the scene of the W o m e n at the Tomb, which is s a i d to point to the conception that baptism is the sacrament i n which the Christian dies to s i n and arises i n newness of life as Christ himself d i d (Romans 6, 3-10).
1 2 3

The suggestions seem eminently reasonable and practical and i t is easy to understand w h y this is so. T h e y associate themselves directly w i t h the conception of baptism as the rite for the " w a s h i n g away of s i n s " (and the gift of the H o l y Spirit) that prevailed i n the second century of our era and was most clearly enunciated i n the t h i r d b y T e r t u l l i a n , and w i t h the j u r i d i c a l conception of the process of salvation according to w h i c h Christ provided for the acceptance b y G o d of the g u i l t y sinner b y the vicarious atonement of his death, the Church sustaining the sinner's acceptability b y the use of the sacraments, including that of Penance. The extent to which these conceptions prevailed a n d were conjoined i n the common f a i t h of western Christianity generally makes i t n a t u r a l for those who are its heirs to t h i n k of baptistery decoration
4

1. So Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s chrtiens de S y r i e , p. 14. 2. So Seston, "L'glise et le baptistre de D o u r a E u r o p o s " , p. 171. 3. So L o u i s , " L a visite des saintes femmes au t o m b e a u , " p p . 121 f. O n this celebrated passage i n R o m a n s see G . Wagner, D a s religionsgeschichtliche P r o b l e m von Rmer 6 , 1-11 (Zurich, 1962). 4. F o r baptism as washing away of sins see A . Benoit, L e baptme a u second sicle (Paris, 1953), a n d Tertullian, de baptismo, 4, 15 etc. F o r the juridical conception of the process of salvation and its importance for the V u l g a r christentum of the period beginning w i t h Gregory the Great see R . Seeburg, L e h r b u c h der Dogmengeschichte, I. PP- 435-438, 637-642 and II, p p . 392-393-

The difficulties of a general nature confronting the interpreter of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations and the choice between the alternative possibilities available i n the Christian t r a d i t i o n itself make i t important to set forth clearly the principles of interpretation which we regard as appropriate to the material i n h a n d a n d propose to follow here. These can be set forth under three heads as follows. 1. Meaning should be developed so far as possible i n keeping w i t h the general historical and cultural context to w h i c h the decorations belong. T h i s context should be understood to include the
5. F o r the AoyiKov pcnrncrucc see Clement, P a e d a g o g u s , I, 6, 29, 5 ( G C S X I I ) , p p . 107-108; for the T O U A6you Tct UUCTn'ipia, i d e m , P r o t r e p t i c u s , X I I , 119, 1 ( G C S X I I ) , p. 84, 6; for the several steps i n the upward progress, i d e m , P a e d a g o g u s I, 6, 26, 1 ( G C S X I I ) , p. 105, 19-21. 6. See Justin, apologia I, 61.

THE

M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
1

179

pictorial decorations of the pagan temples and the J e w i s h Synagogue at D u r a . 2. M e a n i n g should be developed as far as possible i n keeping w i t h the purpose which R o o m 6 of the Christian B u i l d i n g served, namely that of solemnizing the baptismal r i t e . 3. F i n a l l y , meaning should be developed so far as possible from those ancient Christian sources that are most closely related to the region from w h i c h the decorations come and to the purpose w h i c h they serve. On the last of these points i t is necessary to be specific. I n the matter of the source material available for the development of meaning, the interpreter of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations is i n a m u c h more fortunate position t h a n those who deal w i t h western catacomb decorations. Since the interpretation of the Christian funerary art of the W e s t passed out of the limbo of generalities and into a period of search for specific sources of meaning, a Mmited body of material has been brought i n t o consideration. This consists m a i n l y of the I a n d I I O r a t i o n e s of pseudo-Cyprian, the c o m m e n d a t i o a n i m a e a n d the still later texts bearing upon the nature a n d content of catechetical instruction. B y comparison the material from eastern Christian sources available for the interpretation of the decorations of a regional baptistery is relatively copious a n d comes to us i n a v a r i e t y of forms of which the first is that of the catechetical discourse. T h e most familiar example of this type of text is that of the Catchses of C y r i l of Jerusalem. T o these i t is now possible to a d d the C a t e c h e t i c a l L e c t u r e s of Theodore of Mopsuestia recently become available i n a Syriac translation.*
2 3

These are relevant to our purposes because they address themselves to those preparing themselves for b a p t i s m . T o a separate category belong the homilies addressing themselves to those already baptized a n d re-emphasizing or explaining the importance of the rite a n d the l i t u r g y . Of this we have two examples, the S y r i a c L i t u r g i c a l H o m i l i e s of N a r s a i a n d the S y r i a c E x p o s i t i o n o f the M y s t e r i e s o f the C h u r c h attributed to a bishop named George. A t h i r d category, finally, is that of coections of hymns w r i t t e n i n connection w i t h or used at the occasion of b a p t i s m . Together w i t h the catechetical discourses these are actually the most productive sources of information. Two collections are worthy of special mention, namely the Syriac Hymni i n Festum Epiphaniae of E p h r a e m , written i n connection w i t h the use of the E p i p h a n y F e s t i v a l as the occasion for Christian baptism, and the Syriac Odes o f S o l o m o n * N a t u r a l l y evidence from other documents is used where relevant. So far as the ancient liturgies are concerned their more important N e s t o r i a n a n d Jacobite versions of the rite of b a p t i s m are available i n J . A . Assemanus, C o d e x L i t u r g i c u s , I I , and the sequence of events i n the performance of the r i t u a l can be checked through the Syriac T e s t a m e n t u m D o m i n i N o s t r i a n d the S y r i a c D i d a s c a l i a . ' ' Particular importance attaches i n this context to the prayers of the liturgies, w h i c h have been examined b y P. L u n d b e r g .
5 8

1. T h e point of E . B i c k e r m a n , " S y m b o l i s m i n the D u r a Synagogue", H T R , 58 (1965), p p . 127-151, that competition between the several faiths played a part i n suggesting and determining the character of the various decorative programs at D u r a , is well taken. 2. T h e importance of the relationship between the function of a structure and its decoration has been underlined i n A . Grabar's M a r t y r i u m (Paris, 1946). 3. See K . M i c h e l , Gebet u n d B i l d (Leipzig, 1902), p p . 1 34; P . Styger, D i e a l t c h r i s t l i c h e G r a b e s k u n s t (Munich, 1927), pp. 2029; A . G . M a r t i m o r t , " L ' I c o n o g r a p h i e des c a t a combes et l a catchse a n t i q u e , " R A C , X X V (1949), p p . 105-114; A . Stuiber, Refrigerium Interim (Theophaneia, 11, B o n n , 1957), PP- 167-175; L . d e B r u y n e , " L ' I n f l ation chrtienne et ses reflets dans l'art palochrtien", R e v u e des sciences r e l i g i e u s e s , X X X V I (1962), p p . 27-85. 4. T h e numbering of C y r i l ' s Catchses followed here is that of the text published i n P G , X X X I I I . F o r the work

of Theodore see now R . Tonneau and R . Devresse, L e s homlies catchtiques de Thodore de M o p s u e s t e ( S T , 145, V a t i c a n C i t y , 1949). 5. F o r the former see R . H . Connolly, T h e l i t u r g i c a l H o m i l i e s of N a r s a i ( T S V I I I , 1, Cambridge, 1909) a n d for the latter R . H . C o n n o l l y a n d H . W . Codrington, T w o C o m m e n t a r i e s on the J a c o b i t e L i t u r g y (London, 1913). 6. T h e H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e are cited here from the Syriac t e x t and i n the L a t i n translation of T . J . L a m y , S a n c t i E p h r a e m i S y r i H y m n i et S e r m o n e s , I (Mechlin, 1882), coll. 5-144. T h e O d e s of S o l o m o n are cited i n accordance w i t h H a r r i s a n d Mingana, Odes and P s a l m s of S o l o m o n , 2 e d . . T h e opinion that the O d e s were originally written for use at the celebration of baptism was advanced b y J . H . B e r n a r d i n his edition of them i n T S , V I I I , 3 (Cambridge, 1912). T h i s was questioned b y H a r r i s , who agreed, however, that the evidence for their use i n connection w i t h b a p t i s m is unimpeachable. 7. F o r the edition of the D i d a s c a l i a see R . H . Connolly (Oxford, 1929) a n d for that of the T e s t a m e n t u m see I. E . R a h m a n i ( K i r c h h e i m , 1899). T h e original edition of the C o d e x L i t u r g i c u s (Liber II, D e B a p t i s m o ; R o m e , 1749) is reproduced, P a r i s & L e i p z i g , 1902. 8. L a typologie baptismale dans l'ancienne glise (Uppsala, 1942).

i8o

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
ally, i t is interesting and not unimportant to note that the only early document listed among the possible sources, the S y r i a c Odes of Solomon, written perhaps a century before the decoration of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , has been shown to have been used b y C y r i l of Jerusalem i n his C a t e c h e s e s and b y E p h r a e m Syrus i n his H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e } - T h i s is a significant testimony not only of the importance of the Odes for our purpose here, but also of the interrelation a n d the cont i n u i t y of religious thought a n d ideas i n the literature a n d i n the region.

W h i l e a l l are germane i n subject matter and properly placed geographically for use i n the interpretation of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations, the sources mentioned have one handicap, they are almost a l l of later date. The question to what extent they m a y properly and profitably be used for the purposes i n hand is answered i n part b y two general observations. The first is that there are no sources w i t h a better c l a i m to consideration, and the second is that there is actually a good measure of continuity i n the religious thought of the Syriac-speaking Church across the centuries covered b y the spread of the documents. Specific-

I. W A L L D E C O R A T I O N S A . The F o c a l A r e a : T h e Good and h i s S h e e p . Shepherd as referring p r i m a r i l y to the hope that faith i n Christ offers escape from death a n d a blessed existence i n the hereafter. O n the early sarcophagi this is made particularly p l a i n b y the representation of the criophoros between confronted lions representing death a n d b y the adoption of the E n d y mion iconography i n i d y l l i c reliefs depicting the Good Shepherd. I n the early baptisteries of I t a l y the reference to the future salvation is made equally clear, b y the i d y l l i c elements of the representation of the Good Shepherd i n the L a t e r a n B a p t i s t e r y a n d i n S a n G i o v a n n i i n Fonte b y the introduction of the streams of water representing the four rivers of P a r a d i s e . I n the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep, as we have i t i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , a l l these mythological a n d allegorical elements are l a c k i n g . T h e composition is bucolic, as we have seen, but realistic i n that i t shows the purposeful a n d co-ordinated movement of a shepherd a n d of a closely-knit flock i n the actual process of pasturing without a n y attempt to give separate emphasis to i n d i v i d u a l details, even such as the number of the sheep, for symbolic purposes. I n an environment where grazing was a t y p i c a l a n d important feature of everyday life everyone can be assumed to have been thoroughly familiar w i t h the imagery from h a v i n g seen shep3 4

J . Quasten has already performed the laborious task of collecting from patristic a n d liturgical sources the basic materials bearing upon the meaning of representations of the Good Shepherd in ancient Christian baptisteries. H i s citations cover ancient Christian literature generally a n d are intended to apply not only to the C h r i s t i a n B u i l d i n g at D u r a but also to other early baptisteries i n the W e s t . There can be no question about the soundness of his observations that the Good Shepherd associates himself naturally w i t h the rite of b a p t i s m b y v i r t u e of the s i g n a t i o w i t h the sacred o i l , a n d that the s y m b o l refers to the salvation w h i c h Christ brings. I t w i l l not be necessary, therefore, to rehearse Quasten's documentation here i n i t s full breadth. B u t i t is i m p o r tant to remember that salvation as understood i n Christian thought applies both to present experience a n d to the hope of life i n the w o r l d to come.
2

In Christian catacomb decoration a n d on the early Christian sarcophagi the representation of the Good Shepherd should certainly be regarded
1. Pointed out b y J . H . B e r n a r d i n his edition i n T S a n d accepted b y H a r r i s in his 2 ed., jointly with Mingana, o p . c i t . , II, p p . 16-28. 2. " D a s B i l d des G u t e n H i r t e n i n den altchristlichen Baptisterien u n d i n den Taufliturgien des Ostens u n d Westens", P i s c i c u l i , Antike u n d C h r i s t e n t u m , Ergn z u n g s b a n d I (Mnster, 1939), p p . 220-244; i d e m , " T h P a i n t i n g of the Good Shepherd at D u r a - E u r o p o s " , M e d i a e v a l S t u d i e s , I X (Toronto, 1947), pp. 1-18.

3. See Gerke, D i e c h r i s t l i c h e n Sarkophage der v o r k o n s t a n t i n i s c h e n Z e i t , p p . 37 and 71. 4. F o r the mosaics of the L a t e r a n Baptistery see Wilpert, M o s a i k e n u n d M a l e r e i e n , I, F i g . 72, p. 256 and Fig. 73, p. 257. F o r San G i o v a n n i i n F o n t e see i b i d . , I l l , Pis. 29-38.

WALL

DECORATIONS
Ecce oleo obsignamini, In baptismo perfecimini, Gregi Christi commiscemini, E i u s corpore n u t r i m i n i .

181

herds setting out w i t h their flocks i n the morning a n d returning i n the evening. Of what the scene so composed meant to say there are clear indications i n the relevant texts. It is certainly quite inevitable and hence relatively unimportant for our purposes that i n the baptismal literature of the Orient Christ should occasionally be called "shepherd" and the believer Christ's " s h e e p " as for instance i n the C a t e c h e t i c a l L e c t u r e s of C y r i l and i n the C a t e c h e t i c a l H o m i l i e s of Theodore of Mopsuestia. More important, perhaps, is the fact that i n the Syriac baptismal l i t u r g y of C o d e x V a t i c a n u s 31, when the officiating priest has the neophyte i n the font before h i m and is pouring water over his head, he says.
1

B e a t i estis, o vitae integri, A g n i a Christo obsignati, Qui corpore et sanguine digni effecti estis. Ipse pastor p a b u l u m vobis factus est. Venite oves, accipite signum vestrum, Quo fugantur q u i vos devorare quaerunt. Vos autem agni novelli, Mores l u p o r u m exuistis, A g n i agnos i m i t a t i estis.

B a p t i z a t u r N . N . u t s i t a g n u s i n grege C h r i s t i , i n n o m i n e P a t r i s et F i l i i et S p i r i t u s V i v i et Sancti, i n v i t a m saeculi saeculorum.

2

W h a t the l i t u r g y puts i n the form of a declaration prayers and petitions associated w i t h the rite formulate as a request, for instance i n the prayer w h i c h the apostle Thomas utters when about to baptize G u d n a p h a r i n the Syriac A c t s o f T h o m a s : " D o t h o u receive the k i n g and his brother, unite t h e m to t h y fold . . . . and guard them from wolves and feed t h e m i n t h y meadows and let t h e m d r i n k of t h y f o u n t a i n . " N a r s a i dramatizes the moment i n descriptive fashion i n one of his L i t u r g i c a l H o m i l i e s when he writes: " L o , the K i n g of the Height reaches out to h i m (the priest) the h a n d of the Spirit, and places i n his h a n d the signet of his name, that he m a y seal his sheep. . . . L o , he has brought h i m to v i s i t the flock entrusted to h i m , and he lifts up his voice and calls the sheep b y their names. L o , the sheep are gathered together and the lambs a n d the ewes; and he sets upon t h e m the stamp of life b y the word of the L o r d . "
3 4

F i n a l l y , mention should be made here of an a n t i phonal h y m n that E p h r a e m composed i n Syriac for use at baptismal ceremonies and that is preserved among his H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e . I n L a t i n translation i t reads,

1. C y r i l , C a t e c h e s i s X , 3; Theodore, H o m i l i a , X I I I ,

17,

P- 397 2. Assemanus, C o d e x L i t u r g i c u s II, p. 298. 3. W r i g h t , A p o c r y p h a l A c t s , II, p. 165; cf. also p. 288. 4. H o m i l y , X X I I , ed. Connolly, p p . 35 f.

The quotations cuEed from early Syriac and related sources iEustrate the same consistency of association of the shepherd-sheep metaphor w i t h the rite of b a p t i s m that prevails also i n E g y p t since Origen a n d Athanasius and can be documented i n the West from the days of Jerome and Augustine. It must be clear, however, that i n the texts quoted the emphasis does not faE predominantly or p r i m a r i l y upon the blessed Ufe of the believer i n the w o r l d to come. Rather, what makes the symbol of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep relevant here is the interpretation of bapt i s m as the moment i n which the convert comes into a new personal relationship to his L o r d , being accepted b y h i m as a member of his flock. A c c o r d ing to the texts the new relationship estabMshed i n baptism means two things. F i r s t , i t means that he is "guarded from the wolves", as i n the A c t s o f T h o m a s , or from those who "seek to devour" h i m , as i n E p h r a e m , a n d is at the same time assured of the personal care that provides b o t h physical (Acts o f Thomas) and spiritual (Ephraem) sustenance. T h i s clearly refers to the believer's existence i n the present world. Second, the new relation to the L o r d i n b a p t i s m means that the believer enters into " l i f e " because he has received the "stamp (seal) of Hfe" (Narsai). " L i f e " should be understood here to refer, as i n the Gospel of J o h n , i n Ignatius, the Odes o f S o l o m o n , a n d the S y r i a n sources Christian a n d syncretistic alike, to a q u a l i t y of being s t r i c t l y proper o n l y to d i v i n i t y and transmitted to h u m a n beings who associate
5. H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , III, 17, 22, 24, 26, e d . L a m y , I, coll. 37-42.

i82

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
1

themselves w i t h the revelation of the d i v i n i t y . Because this " l i f e " is communicated to those who have confessed h i m b y Christ i n the rite of b a p t i s m , the rite can be understood as an act of TeAeoocn$ and E p h r a e m can say " i n baptismo ferfecimini". A n d because this " l i f e " imparted to the believer is divine i t can be said to be eternal, a vita i n s a e c u l a s a e c u l o r u m (Codex Vaticanus, 31). The future s a l v a t i o n is therefore i m p l i c i t i n the meaning of the scene as the texts develop the symbol of the shepherd and the sheep, but the p r i m a r y emphasis is on the establishment of the new relation to the L o r d and what i t means here and now for those a d m i t t e d b y h i m to his flock. It is important i n this connection to consider also what associations the scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep m a y have h a d for members of the local Christian community seen i n the light of their immediate religious environment. A t t e n tion has already been directed above to the fact that scenes representing the lords of the several cults were commonly painted i n a corresponding position on the rear walls of the naoi of pagan shrines at D u r a , serving i n similar fashion as focal elements of the pattern of religious w a l l decoration. The Christians of D u r a went much farther i n the acceptance of this decorative tradition t h a n d i d the Jews of the c i t y who i n their Synagogue used an analogous focal area on the west w a l l of their House of Assembly first for the representation of the Tree of L i f e and later for a n ascending series of scenes depicting the fulfilment of the promises given to the patriarchs a n d of the prophecies made b y the patriarchs to their descendants. T h e i r fear of i d o l a t r y a n d their consistent avoidance of anthropomorphism clearly forbad the Jews to use such a focal area for the representation of the D e i t y itself. T h e Christians, too, evidently avoided the creation i n the focal area of the decoration of their B a p t i s t e r y of a n y t h i n g that might be m i s interpreted as an idolatrous image of their L o r d . Hence they fell back upon the use of a symbol, the
2 3

symbol of the Good Shepherd, as indicated above. B u t even so, they d i d use a symbol and their symbol betokened the creation and existence of a personal relation between their L o r d a n d themselves, as we have seen, and of the communication of certain benefits to them b y virtue of this relationship. W h a t if a n y t h i n g can be s a i d about the meaning of the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep as compared w i t h the meaning attached b y the pagans of D u r a to the representations of the cult deities on the walls of their painted shrines ?
4

A n y consideration of the meaning of ancient cult images has necessarily to begin w i t h the observation that for the Greeks they were originally a source of pride a n d joy to the worshiping comm u n i t y a n d presumably also to the god, as the word ayotAua itself indicates. B y the fourth century of our era, among those who like J a m b l i chus were applying the Neoplatonizing conception of the "omnipresence of that which i s " to the support of traditional religious beliefs and practices, it was possible to t h i n k of elements of the one divine being as pervading not only a l l the various parts of the universe but also the divine statues. I n the period to which the D u r a temples belong these ideas were i n preparation, but cannot be regarded as h a v i n g already achieved general currency. R a t h e r , i t would seem, the period i n question is one of transition, i n w h i c h the divine presence was still associated w i t h temple precincts or holy places generally, so t h a t b y going, sleeping or s t a y i n g there one might hope to obtain oracles, have epiphanies, a n d find healing, a n d i n which such experiences and manifestations were already coming to be regarded as the work of divine Evlpyeicu, or of demi-gods (Saiuoves) or spirits serving as the intermediaries between gods and m e n but i n w h i c h the image d i d not as yet
6 6 7

1. See i n general R . B u l t m a n n , D a s E v a n g e l i u m des J o h a n n e s (Munich, 1941), p p . 21-26; i d e m i n K T W , s . v . fjdco; V . Corwin, S t . I g n a t i u s a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y i n A n t i o c h , p p . 165-169; L . Gordon R y l a n d s , T h e B e g i n n i n g s of G n o s t i c C h r i s t i a n i t y (London, 1940), p p . 72, 91, 99-102. 2. See above, p. 157. 3. F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 214-227.

4. See above, p. 158. 5. See E . Reisch i n P W s . v . T h e basic connotation of the word is still clearly understood b y Julian, E p i s t u l a , 89b (ed. J . B i d e z , I, 2, p. 162). 6. Jamblichus, de m y s t e r i i s , 9, ed. G . Parthey. 7. T h e inscription from E g y p t i a n N u b i a belonging to the period before A . D . 248/9 and discussed b y A . D . N o c k , " A V i s i o n of Mandulis A i o n " ( H T R , X X V I I , 1934, PP53-104), illustrates the direction i n which ideas were moving. T h e relevant portion of the text reads, " T h o u didst come at due season to t h y shrine, m a k i n g t h y rising, a n d giving to t h y image and t h y shrine divine breath and great p o w e r " .

WALL DECORATIONS
share i n the actual being of the g o d . W h i l e , therefore, certain particularly famous images, especially statues, could be thought to have miraculous powers a n d while magicians could use images of their o w n fabrication for a l l kinds of magic, generally speaking, images h a d a relatively modest function a n d importance. A s objects dedicated to the gods they were regarded as specifically sacred to the god represented; they could give some assurance of the availability of the god i n their immediate l o c a l i t y ; and i n a very real sense they could be thought to symbolize the d e i t y . B u t that was alli n the light of what has been said i t must be evident that there is indeed a formal analogy between the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and pictures of the sun-god mounting his chariot as they appear i n corresponding positions i n the naoi of the temple of B e l a n d of Zeus Theos at D u r a . B o t h were readily intelligible as symbols, a fact which made nature a n d purpose of the scene of the Good Shepherd i n the B a p t i s t e r y evident without further ado t o a n y convert coming from pagan circles. B u t the differences are quite s obvious. I n the first place the Christian L o r d appears here i n a peculiarly homely symbol, as one associated with the vocational pursuits of everyday life, rather t h a n i n the heroic a n d quasi-military role of the solar charioteer. I n the second place, the convert
1 2 3

183

was clearly supposed to find himself represented i n the scene of the Good Shepherd, among the sheep that are the recipients of the L o r d ' s protection a n d guidance. T h i s has the effect of talcing the composition out of the category of the s a c r a that are restricted i n their relationship to the god himself. F i n a l l y , the benefits conferred upon the convert are connected w i t h the performance of the rite of b a p t i s m i n the font rather t h a n w i t h a n y m a g i c a l or numinous associations of the representation. The scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep is able, therefore, to symbolize the crcoTrip a n d the aooTTipia of the Christian faith effectively i n i t s contemporary environment without l a y i n g the c o m m u n i t y open to the charge of abetting idolatry. B . The L a t e r a l W a l l s : Uffier Register

1. See i n general M . P . Nilsson, Geschichte der griechi schen R e l i g i o n , II (Munich, 1950), p p . 524-527: o n the conceptions specifically of P l u t a r c h and M a x i m u s of T y r e see i b i d . , p p . 409-414. Those early Christian apologists who do not take the position that statues and images are dead a n d soulless, hence ESCOOC, similarly explain wonders associated w i t h t h e m as the work of demons using t h e m for their own purposes, namely to mislead. See e.g. Athenagoras, L e g a t i o , 23-27; T a t i a n , O r a t i o , 12, 16-17; T e r t u l l i a n , de i d o l o l a t r i a , 4, 8. 2. See C. Clerc, L e s thories relatives a u culte des images chez les auteurs d u l i m e sicle aprs J . - C . (Paris, 1915), pp. 171-249; Nilsson, op. c i t . , p p . 438-440. 3. Generally speaking, of course, Orpheus a n d the Criophoros are analogous. I t would be of interest t o know i n this connection h o w the god R H M was represented. H e is identified b y his name as the god who " c a r e s " a n d is described i n the inscriptions as " g i v i n g e a r " or as " l i s t e n i n g to p r a y e r " . W e know h i m from the inscriptions of P a l m y r a , where he appears w i t h Shamash and A l l a t h . See J . Cantineau, I n v e n t a i r e des i n s c r i p t i o n s de P a l m y r e , V (Beirut, 1931), no. 8, p p . 15-16. A t D u r a he is known also f r o m proper names such as Texeiuccvvociot. See R e p . V , p. 184, no 517. H i s iconography has not yet been established.

A m o n g the scenes portrayed on the lateral walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , those i n the upper register on the n o r t h w a l l are the most familiar a n d deserve to be discussed first. T h e y show the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r . F o r present purposes i t is important to note at the outset that i n the large body of eastern Christian religious literature connected w i t h b a p t i s m , that is i n the liturgies, h y m n s , homilies a n d catechetical discourses listed above, the two episodes i n question are almost never referred to. Their interpretation along the lines suggested b y Lassus a n d Seston is therefore b y no means as obvious as appears at first glance. Indeed, i n the whole range of the baptismal literature they seem to appear b u t once, namely i n C y r i l of Jerusalem, C a t e c h e s i s , V , 7 - 8 , where indeed they are used t o lend support to what C y r i l is saying about the faith of A b r a h a m and i t s rewards, b u t where, i n the case of the P a r a l y t i c , the faith is that of the persons who bring the P a r a l y t i c to Christ to be healed, the very persons who are not represented i n the D u r a composition.
4

N o w the scarcity of reference to the two episodes i n eastern baptismal literature does not mean that they are entirely neglected. I n other non-baptism a l contexts they receive attention frequently. C y r i l of Jerusalem has a separate h o m i l y on the P a r a l y t i c a n d Severus of A n t i o c h a separate h y m n among those w h i c h he wrote to celebrate the
4. See above, p . 57.

i8

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
1

outstanding miracles of C h r i s t . E p h r a e m refers to the P a r a l y t i c i n his H y m n i de fide a n d his H y m n i de e c c l e s i a , i n both instances as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of Christ's power and care of his o w n . S i m i l a r l y i n his C o m m e n t a r y o n the D i a t e s s a r o n as preserved i n the A r m e n i a n version, where E p h r a e m comments on both the Synoptic n a r rative of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d the Johannine account of the H e a l i n g of the L a m e Man at the P o o l of Bethesda, the emphasis is always on the divine self-revelation for w h i c h the incidents provide the occasion. A s to the episode of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r the three references made to i t i n early Syriac Christian literature use i t each i n a different way. One, i n Aphraates' D e m o n s t r a t i o , 1,17, does relate i t to the importance of faith generally speaking; the other two, b o t h i n E p h r a e m , cite i t as a witness to the inscrutability of Christ's divine nature and suggest that i t gave Peter an opportunity to ascertain that Christ h a d a h u m a n body after a l l , thus guarding him from the error of M a r c i o n .
2 3 4

frequently pointed to as indications of the saving power a n d purpose of Christ. The same t h i n g holds true of other N e w Testament episodes of the same type, for instance the R a i s i n g of Lazarus, the Changing of W a t e r into W i n e , the Miraculous Draft of Fishes, the Gerasene Demoniac, the H e a l i n g of the L a m e M a n a n d the H e a l i n g of the Leper, i n the baptismal literature, some of which m a y well have been represented i n the parts of the upper register that have been destroyed. U n d e r these circumstances i t seems quite unlikely that the scenes of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r were intended to bear upon the theme of b a p t i s m b y illustrating the importance of the forgiveness of sins and of a strong f a i t h for its proper a n d effective use. A n alternative interpretation, connecting them w i t h the L o r d of the cult, is suggested b y the consideration of the context, pagan a n d Christian, from which the program comes.
5

T h i s brief survey of the evidence shows how meager the support is for a n y attempt to show that the purpose of the scene of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r was to point to forgiveness a n d faith as factors i n the proper understanding of b a p t i s m i n eastern Christian b a p t i s m a l literature. Instead, what the texts indicate is that these episodes were most
See P G , X X X I I I , coll. 1131-1154 and P O , V I , 7 9 L respectively. 2. H y m n i de fide, L I V , 4, ed. B e c k ( C S C O 155, 5 5 74), p. 145 a n d H y m n i de e c c l e s i a , X X X V I I I , 7, e d . Beck, ( C S C O 199 S 5 85), p. 92. 3. T h u s the Bethesda episode is used as an argument from the lesser to the greater, the point being that if people believed a n angel could through the waters b r i n g healing to the sick, how m u c h more should the L o r d of the angel be supposed to purify through baptism ( E v a n g e l i i concordantis e x p o s i t i o , ed. L e l o i r , C S C O 145, S A 2, p p . 1271. T h e Capernaum episode suggests to E p h r a e m that because of the P a r a l y t i c ' s infirmity it would have been unfair to inquire into his faith, the healing and forgiveness being a revelation of the fact t h a t Christ was b o t h m a n and G o d ( i b i d . , p p . 50f.). 4. F o r Aphraates see P S I, 1, coll. 41 f. F o r E p h r a e m see his H y m n i de fide, ed. B e c k ( C S C O 155, S S 74), p. 24 a n d E v a n g e l i i concordantis e x p o s i t i o , e d . Leloir, ( C S C O 145, S A 2), p p . 1 1 7 ! T h e commentary which W . Seston cites (tudes d'archologie r o m a i n e , I, p. 171, n . 1) as showing how Theophilus of A n t i o c h interpreted the story is no longer regarded as belonging either to the author in question or the region. See O . Sthlin, D i e altchristliche g r i e c h i s c h e L i t t e r a t u r (Munich, 1924), p. 1294. 1. pp.

It has been noted above that i n most of the shrines of D u r a the painted image of the god on the orientation wall of the sanctuaries is accompanied on the lateral walls b y representations of private persons who are shown acting as faithful suppliants. T o this general rule there are two chief exceptions. The first, i n the pagan sphere, is that of the L a t e M i t h r a e u m i n w h i c h the bas-relief of Mithras slaying the primordial b u l l is set about b y a group of thirteen scenes, one depicting the god Chronos, the other twelve representing episodes from the life of M i t h r a s . The latter portray elements of the cult m y t h such as M i t h r a s ' b i r t h interpreted as the occasion of the gift of light, Mithras bringing forth water from the rock b y shooting an arrow, Mithras bringing the p r i m o r d i a l b u l l to the ceremonial cave, Mithras i n i t i a t i n g Sol into his rites, Cautes and Cautopates preparing the b u l l for the sacred meal, a n d Mithras a n d Sol p a r t a k i n g of the sacred m e a l . Together they are the record of M i t h r a s ' acts, but they are at the same time soteriological, showing h i m as the benefactor of m a n k i n d a n d as the inaugurator of certain rites w h i c h his worshipers perpetuate a n d i n the performance of which they benefit for their own salvation. I n
6 7

5. See C y r i l , Catecheses, II, 5; E p h r a e m , H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , II, 18, III, 18, 23, V I I , 22, 25-27, ed. L a m y , op. c i t . , I, coll. 19-30, 2 7 L 4 0 L , 71-74. 6. See above, p. 157. 7. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , p p . 105-120.

W A L L DE( ORATIONS
effect, then, we m a y speak of them as the dprrai or Buvdueis of Mithras as the L o r d of his community of worshipers. The second exception, from the J e w i s h sphere, is that of the. decorations of the D u r a Synagogue. W h i l e these decorations for obvious reasons lack a n image of the deity, they represent i n the several registers on either side of the focal area scenes from the H e i l s g e s c h i c h t c of the J e w i s h people, showing how G o d delivered them from their enemies, chastened them when necessary and provided assistance to individuals from among t h e m i n moments of personal distress. I n a very real sense these scenes can also be said to exhibit the d p r r a i of the deity. W h a t these p a r t i a l analogies suggest about the scenes of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c a n d the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r i n the upper register of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y is that they can well be taken to associate themselves w i t h the L o r d of the cult represented i n the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep i n the focal area of the program, over the font. T h e y would i n this case be intended to represent the d p S T a i of Christ, and t a k e n together w i t h other similar scenes i n the same register that have been destroyed would properly be described a n d understood as a M i g h t y W o r k s cycle.
1

185

Sheep, who continuously guards a n d protects those w h o m the F a t h e r has given h i m (John 10, 29), so that they have eternal life and cannot be " p l u c k e d out of his h a n d " ( J o h n 10, 28), has among its other aspects both the miracles he performs and the rite of b a p t i s m . Origen, i n a somewhat obscure passage i n his C o m m e n t a r y o n J o h n puts i t i n the following terms: " A s the portentous wonders of healing performed b y the Savior provide symbols of those continuously being delivered from a l l sickness a n d weakness b y the W o r d (of God) so the washing b y water (in baptism) provides a s y m b o l of the purification of the soul delivered of a l l the filth that comes from evil, becoming the origin and source of the divine gifts to M m who submits himself to the divine power i n connection w i t h the invocation of the worshipful T r i a d . " The importance of the M i g h t y W o r k s as illustrations of the soteriological process is emphasized i n the S y r i a c Christian texts where Christ is said to struggle against the demons " t o the e n d " a n d where the familiar passage about the glorification of the Son of M a n that referred originally to Christ's death (John 11, 31) is repMased to say that the Son of M a n glorifies himself b y miracles a n d wonders.*
3

W h i l e this suggestion m a y provide the proper basis for the interpretation of the two scenes i n the upper register on the n o r t h w a l l of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , i t s t i l l remains to inquire w h y such a M i g h t y W o r k s cycle should have been thought proper for a baptistery. A t this point i t is appropriate to r e t u r n to the conception of salvation as i t was developed i n eastern Christian theology i n the t h i r d century on the basis of the Gospel of J o h n and as i t is represented i n the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d M s Sheep that has the Gospel of J o h n as its source. I n this conception, as we have seen, salvation is not the result of a j u r i d i c a l act but the process of self-communication that forms the occasion for a n d explains the mystery of the divine i n c a r n a t i o n . The process of self-communication that makes Christ the Shepherd of the
2

The interpretation of the meaning a n d relevance of the M i g h t y W o r k s cycle of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations is of importance for the understanding of what the local Christian c o m m u n i t y m a y have regarded as the function of b a p t i s m , as w i l l appear later. H e r e , however, i t is important to consider its significance for the interpretation of the last scene i n the upper register of the decorations, the one on the east w a l l of the Baptistery. Above, the suggestion has been made that the scene represents Paradise. I t has also been suggested that since p i c t o r i a l reference to the F a l l was added secondarily on the surface of the composition depicting the Good Shepherd, the scene on the south w a l l should probably be t a k e n to have depicted the Paradise of the Blessed. If the line of argument is v a l i d , i t is possible to relate the composition to the other scenes i n the register b y
5 6

1. T h e word dpe-rri is used here not i n its earlier sense, as i n Isyllos, to distinguish between the mythological and contemporary acts of a god, b u t i n the sense i n which Nilsson speaks of the Isis H y m n s as aretalogies, combining all soteriological acts, m y t h i c a l and contemporary. See Nilsson, op. c i t . , II, p p . 600-603. 2. See above, p. 125.

3. I n I o a n n e m , V I , 33 ( G C S , X , ed. Preusschen), p. 142, See also Seeberg, L e h r b u c h , I, p p . 531 f. 4. D o c t r i n a A d d a i , ed. P h i l l i p s , p p . 4 and 19 and A c t s of T h o m a s , ed. W r i g h t , II, p. 172. 5. See below, p. 196. 6. See above, p. 67. . . ;

i86

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
the south wail assigned to the narrow spaces adjacent to the doors f r o m R o o m 5 and from the Courtyard. The first, the one nearest the font, depicts the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l , the second, between the two doors, D a v i d ' s v i c t o r y over G o l i a t h .

interpreting i t as a further illustration of the saving work of Christ. The scene of the Good Shepherd showed Christ's protection a n d guidance of his flock i n this world, but h a d i m p l i c i t i n i t the conviction that the new " l i f e " conferred b y h i m i n b a p t i s m upon his believers was eternal, hence gave guarantee of future blessedness. The upper register of the wall decorations can be said to have given examples from sacred history of Christ's care for his own i n this life, and the Garden of the Blessed to have provided pictorially some demonstration of the expected continuation of his care i n the world to come. T h a t a scene representing the Paradise of the Blessed would indeed be appropriate to a baptistery is borne out b y the introduction of elements of the Paradise iconography into compositions representing the Good Shepherd i n the mosaics of S a n G i o v a n n i i n F o n t e , a n d can be documented from the b a p t i s m a l literature of the eastern Church, for instance from Ephraem's H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , I n Paradiso vae i n A d a m u m l a t u m est, Vos autem hodie laudem accepistis. A r r n a victoriae induistis, carissimi, E a h o r a qua invocavit sacerdos Sanctum. Spiritum

I. THE WOMAN AT THE WELL

A b o u t the meaning of the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l several suggestions have already been made b y those who have dealt w i t h the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , always on the assumption that she is the Samaritan W o m a n of J o h n 4. T h u s the composition has been said to point to Christ as the true teacher, to suggest the importance of " l i v i n g w a t e r " for baptism, to symbolize i n the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n herself either the virtues of charity and faith or the unregenerate soul still requiring the redemptive effect of b a p t i s m . Since i n the description a n d identification of the scene we have found i t necessary to leave open the question whether the episode represented is that of the Samaritan W o m a n or that of Rebecca at the W e l l , the interpretation w i l l need to be considered here i n terms of the two alternatives.
2

Gaudent angeli, laetantur homines, Quod i m m a c u l a t u m est, fratres, vestrum convivium. Coelestem beatitudinem, fratres, accepistis. Cavete a M a l o ne spoliet vos. A p p a r u i t hodie rex coelestis, Q u i aperit vobis januam P a r a d i s i et introducit vos i n E d e n .
1

So far as the baptismal literature of the eastern Church is concerned i t can be said at the outset that b o t h Rebecca at the W e l l a n d the Samaritan. W o m a n are referred to i n i t , a n d that i n several different ways. A b o u t Rebecca E p h r a e m writes i n his baptismal H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , V I I , 4. A d puteum occurrit Rebecca. Inaures gestat et arrnillas. Sponsa Christi rebus pretiosis Vestivit se i n aquis (baptismi).

T h e purpose and meaning of the scenes i n the upper register of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations we are therefore inclined to regard as that of illustrating the ocpSTCti of the L o r d Christ, through w h i c h he provides salvation for his own i n this w o r l d a n d the next. C, T h e L a t e r a l W a l l s : L o w e r R e g i s t e r Proceeding now to the lower register, i t would seem appropriate to consider first the two scenes on
I. O p . c i t . , X I I I , 6-10, ed. L a m y I, coll. i n f .

The reference is, of course, to Genesis 24, 22 and to the jewelry that E l e a z a r gave to Rebecca at the well outside the gates of H a r r a n i n return for her kindness i n watering his camels. If one were to
2. T h e suggestions are those of B a u r , R e p . V , p. 282; Lassus, S a n c t u a i r e s , p. 14; Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s and its A r t , p. 132; and Seston, "L'glise et le baptistrede D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , p p . 174-176. It m a y be noted i n this connection that there is no testimony to be obtained from Theophilus of A n t i o c h for the interpretation of the scene. 3. L a m y , I, coll. 6 3 L

WALL DECORATIONS
take one's cue from this passage and at the same time assume that the scene portrays Rebecca at the W e l l one would infer that the scene was used to say something about the rite of baptism, namely that i n a n d through the act the Church receives her choicest adornment. E p h r a e m comes back to the same association of Rebecca at the W e l l and b a p t i s m i n his C o m m e n t a r y o n the D i a t e s s a r o n , where he writes, Desponsavit E l e a z a r Rebeccam a d aquas putei, Iacob Rachelem a d aquas p u t e i , Moyses Sephoram a d aquas putei. Omnes i g i t u r h i t y p i fuerunt D o m i n i nostri, n a m desponsavit ecclesiam suam i n baptismo J o r danis.
1

187

The emphasis i n the C o m m e n t a r y is on the analogy between Eleazar, Jacob, Moses, and Christ, and Christ is, of course, not shown i n the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l , but the equation of the water of the W e l l a n d baptism a n d its meaning for the Church as typified b y Rebecca a n d the others still holds good. E p h r a e m , then, provides one possible and legitimate basis for the interpretation of the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l , supposing i t represents Rebecca. Indeed, we would probably have to accept his interpretation as presented i n the H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i f h a n i a e as definitive if we could be sure that the large rosette shown b y the B a p t i s t e r y artist on the Woman's breast (PI. X L , 2) was actually intended to represent one piece of the jewelry that Rebecca received from E l e a z a r . B u t of this there is no assurance a n d the B i b l i c a l text speaks, as E p h r a e m does, of earrings and armbands (Genesis 24, 22), rather than of a pectoral, a difference that m a y or m a y not be significant.
2

comparison that E p h r a e m draws between the Samaritan W o m a n a n d the disciples because i n saying to her fellow townsmen "Come a n d see" (John 4, 29) she served as they d i d to promote Christ's manifestation. Another is that the Christi a n church at Shechem supersedes Jacob's W e l l there as the eternally satisfying water supersedes mere d r i n k i n g water. S t i l l a t h i r d is the suggested analogy between the depth of Jacob's W e l l a n d the fact that baptism has come down from heaven. P r a c t i c a l l y relevant to our purposes are two related interpretations, both t a k i n g their cue from the superiority of the water about w h i c h Christ speaks over the water w h i c h the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n originally went out to seek. The first can be illustrated from Ephraem's b a p t i s m a l H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e V I I , 21:
4 5 6

" Q u i bibit aquas quas ego dabo ei N o n sitiet i n aeternum". B a p t i s m u m sanctum (si) sitiatis, Carissimi, non sitietis I n aeternum aliud b a p t i s m a .
7

T h e episode of Jesus' encounter w i t h the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n (John 4) is referred to more frequently i n eastern Christian literature than that of Rebecca at the W e l l a n d m a y on that score deserve preference so far as the identification of the scene i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y is concerned. Several interpretations of the episode can be passed b y w i t h only brief comment here because they are obviously irrelevant. A m o n g them is the
3

If one were to interpret the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l w i t h such a passage i n m i n d the scene would need to be understood as referring to Christian baptism as such a n d w o u l d emphasize its eternal a n d lasting value a n d its superiority on this score to any other similar rite. The other line of comparison for w h i c h support can be provided from eastern Christian literature can be illustrated from various passages, among t h e m i n the first place Ephraem's C o m m e n t a r y o n the D i a t e s s a r o n , where he interprets Christ's reply to the W o m a n ' s question, " W h e n c e hast thou that l i v i n g w a t e r " (John 4, 11) b y saying, Meae aquae de caelis descendunt. D o c t r i n a haec est, (doctrina) subhmium, polus caelestis; et quicumque bibunt ex hoc, amplius non. sitiunt. U n u s est baptismus credentium. W h i l e the idea of the singleness a n d supremacy of baptism comes i n again at the end of this passage, the m a i n emphasis is clearly on the inter8

1. 145, 2. 3. from

E v a n g e l i i concordantis e x p o s i t i o , ed. Leloir ( C S C O , S A , 2) p . 34. See above, p. 69. O n th choice between the two alternatives seen the angle of iconography see below, p. 211.

4. 224, 5. 6. coll. 7. 8.

H y m n i de V i r g i n i t a t e , X X I I I , 1-7, ed. B e c k ( C S C O , S S , 95), p p . 73 f. H y m n i de V i r g i n i t a t e , X V I I , 10, p p . 5 7 I H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , V I I , 20, ed. L a m y , I, 711. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 71 f. E d . Leloir, C S C O , 145, S A , 2, p. 123.

i88

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E DECORATIONS
thus probably be taken to i"epresent the Samaritan W o m a n and its purpose would seem to be to make allusion, through the representation of the water which the woman draws from Jacob's W e l l , to the revelation (the l i v i n g water) which she receives from Christ, and thus to the revealed wisdom or t r u t h (the l i v i n g or speaking water) w h i c h the convert receives i n connection w i t h his baptism i n water. I n this scene of the lower register, therefore, meaning associates itself w i t h the rite performed i n the room, rather t h a n w i t h the person of the L o r d , as i t d i d i n the upper register. Perhaps this is one reason w h y the figure of Christ was not included i n the composition. Whether this change of association is sustained throughout the other scenes of the lower register remains to be seen.

pretation of " l i v i n g w a t e r " as the divinely revealed t r u t h that comes from above. The same i n t e r pretation is given i n Ephraem's H y m n i de V i r g i n i t a t e , X X I I , 3, where the poet addresses the Samaritan W o m a n , B e a t a es, o t u , q u a m Dominus refecit aqua viva, U t non sitires iterum, ut d i x i s t i . Ipse enim aquam v i v a m veritatem vocavit, Q u a m q u i audiunt non sitiunt iterum. B e a t a es, quae veritatem d i d i c i s t i ut non amplius sitires, U n u s quippe est Christus, non datur alter. The use of the expression " l i v i n g " or " l i v i n g and speaking w a t e r " as a metaphor for d i v i n e l y revealed life or t r u t h was b y no means invented b y E p h r a e m , but was inherited b y h i m from earlier S y r i a n Christian writings. The earliest example of the usage is the familiar passage i n Ignatius, R o m a n s , 7, 2, where Ignatius declares that, his natural desires having been put to death, there remains only the water l i v i n g and speaking i n h i m , instructing h i m to come to the Father. W i t h this passage is associated Odes o f S o l o m o n , X I , 6-9:
1

2. DAVID AND GOLIATH

A n d speaking waters drew near m y lips F r o m the fountain of the L o r d plenteously. A n d I drank and was inebriated W i t h the l i v i n g water that doth not d i e ; A n d m y inebriation was not one without knowledge. B o t h passages have associations backward and forward i n the religious thought of the Orient and it i s b y no means improbable that Odes o f S o l o m o n X I was k n o w n to E p h r a e m and was intended to be sung at baptisms. Obviously we are here moving i n a w e l l established t r a d i t i o n of S y r i a n Christian religious thought and i t is therefore reasonable to give preference to the suggestions which i t provides for the interpretation of the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . The scene should
2

The inclusion of a scene depicting D a v i d a n d Goliath i n the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y comes as something of a surprise, especially considering the fact that the episode portrayed shows the decapitation of the Philistine giant. That the recruitment of the local Christian congregation from the m i l i t a r y garrison had anything to do w i t h the choice is dubious. Rather, i t would seem, the episode chosen is the one that shows most graphically D a v i d ' s victory over his opponent.
3 4

The suggestion has been made that the picture was intended to illustrate the importance of f a i t h for s a l v a t i o n . T h i s i s , of course, entirely possible, but the same thought could have been conveyed b y any other scene representing an important character of the O l d Testament, for a l l of them were heroes of f a i t h to Christian believers as Hebrews 11 indicates. One therefore feels the lack here of some specific relation to Christ or baptism that would make the choice of this particular example intelligible. K e e p i n g i n m i n d what has been said above about the B a p t i s t e r y artist's interest i n depicting a l l the several items of Goliath's panoply, one might w i t h greater propriety suggest that the scene meant to contrast those who rely on h u m a n
5

1. E d . L a m y , I V , coll. 557 f. 2. F o r the associations see H . Schlier, R e l i g i o n s geschichtliche Untersuchungen z u den Ignatiusbriefen (Giessen, 1929), p p . 146-148; Corwin, S t . I g n a t i u s a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y i n A n t i o c h , p p . 74 f. F o r E p h r a e m ' s knowledge of the O d e see H a r r i s and Mingana, T h e Odes and P s a l m s of S o l o m o n , II, p. 269.

3. O n the Christian art 4. F o r the congregation see above, p. 5. Lassus,

occurrence of this scene elsewhere i n early see below, p. 212. suggestion that the membership of the local was drawn largely from the D u r a garrison 109. S a n c l u a i r e s , p. 14.

WALL
1

DECORATIONS

189

resources and the m a n who "comes i n the name of the L o r d of H o s t s " (I Samuel 17, 45). B u t the value of this suggestion is also dubious, because the artist's attention to Goliath's arms m a y represent only his realistic manner of portrayal. F o r the interpretation of the scene i t is therefore important to see what suggestions early eastern Christian texts have to say. A c t u a l l y we have i n eastern Christian literature a great body of material h a v i n g potential relevance to the meaning of the scene of D a v i d and G o l i a t h i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . T h i s permits of development along two different lines, of which the first would make D a v i d i n this particular situation a symbol of Christ himself. A t t e n t i o n should be directed here i n the first place to common practice, particu l a r l y i n S y r i a n texts, of speaking of Christ as " h e r o " , as a " m a n of power", a " g e n e r a l " or as " t h e a t h l e t e " . These designations loom so large i n the literature of the Syriac-speaking Church because salvation is here so consistently viewed as a tremendous a n d continuous struggle w i t h and against the e v i l demonic powers, as indicated above. I n this struggle Christ is the protagonist, the exemplar and the helper of m a n on the side of the divine powers. B u t the titles applied to Christ have a s t i l l more specific relevance, namely i n connection w i t h the local interpretation of Christ's death. There is a noticeable tendency i n this literature to t h i n k of Christ on C a l v a r y not so m u c h as the patient sacrificial lamb bearing and m a k i n g atonement for the sins of the world, but as the hero who here conquered Satan. Thus N a r s a i i n his X X I H o m i l y says, " A s a n athlete he (Christ) went down to the contest on behalf of his people; and he joined battle w i t h Satan and conquered h i m . O n the s u m m i t of Golgotha he fought w i t h the slayer of men and made h i m a laughing stock before men and angels. W i t h the spear of wood he overthrew h i m . " . * It is only a step from the "spear of w o o d " of N a r s a i to a comparison of Christ and D a v i d , the slayer of G o l i a t h , and this step can be
2 3

illustrated from Ephraem's H y m n i de c r u c i f i x i o n e , V I I I , 4, where E p h r a e m writes, (Sol) annuntiavit agonem t i b i esse c u m morte. Q u i a porro cruce omnes homines justificantur, E manibus Mortis eripuit crucem E t per earn mortem devicit. I t a G o l i a d , gladio suo interemptus, mortuus est.
5

If the scene of D a v i d and G o l i a t h i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y be supposed to continue the theme of the upper register of decorations and portray the dpETcd of the L o r d of the C h r i s t i a n cult, i t could i n connection w i t h this body of testimony properly be understood to portray symbolically the meaning of Christ's death on C a l v a r y interpreted p a r a doxically as a victory and not as a sacrifice. B u t the texts permit still another interpretation and this comes specifically from early eastern baptismal literature. It can be illustrated from Ephraem's H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , V , 9-11 where E p h r a e m writes, Samuel u n x i t D a v i d e m Oleo unctus D a v i d , C u m armis suis dimicavit E t h u m i h a v i t gigantem Q u i subjugare volebat Israel. Ecce oleo Christi E t armis i n aqua latentibus Superbia deprimitur M a l i , Q u i populos subjugare volebat.

1. See above, p . 71. 2. See e.g. A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p. 189 (athlete); D o c t r i n a A d d a i , e d . Phillips, p. 7 (man of power); E p h r a e m , H y m n i de ecclesia, X I I , 4, e d . B e c k ( C S C O , 199, S S , 85), p. 34 a n d Aphraates, D e m o n s t r a t i o , V , 24 ( P S I , 1), coll. 233f. (general). 3. See above, p. 125. 4. E d . Connolly, T S , V I I I , 1, p. 53.

W h a t is meant b y the mysterious a r m i s i n a q u a l a t e n t i b u s w i l l concern us later. H e r e i t is i m p o r tant to note that i n the passage cited the emphasis falls upon the analogy between the anointing of D a v i d b y Samuel and the unction applied to the convert i n the baptismal rite. B y virtue of this unction, E p h r a e m means to say, the convert is not only protected from but put i n a position to t r i u m p h over the greatest threats that the powers of e v i l m a r s h a l i n the great struggle i n w h i c h the Christian is i n e v i t a b l y caught up. T h a t this is one
7

5. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 709 f. already cited b y Seston, "L'glise et le baptistre de D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , p. 176. 6. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 51-54. 7. See below, p. 199.

i g o I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
of the functions of the unction is attested byancient Syriac and the continuing Greek orthodox liturgies of b a p t i s m . The choice between the two alternative i n t e r pretations of the D a v i d and Goliath scene that the eastern Q u i s t i a n texts suggest is facilitated b y what is k n o w n about the installations of the D u r a Baptistery and what can be said about their function i n the performance of the rite of b a p t i s m . In discussing the respective purposes of R o o m 5 and of R o o m 6 (the Baptistery) of the Christian B u i l d i n g mention has been made of the fact that in the rite of baptism as performed i n the early Syriac-speaking Church there was but one unction which preceded the entrance of the convert into the font, and that the part of the r i t u a l performed in R o o m 6 m a y well be thought to have begun w i t h this unction, the earlier parts h a v i n g been completed i n R o o m 5. I n this connection i t was suggested that the niche i n the south wall of the Baptistery, between the two doors and the ledge or table below i t m a y well have served respectively as the repository for the supply of the oil a n d as the place from w h i c h i t was dispensed and applied to the convert once i t h a d been properly blessed. Here i t is appropriate to add the all-important fact that the scene representing D a v i d and G o l i a t h is placed directly under this niche and above the ledge or table that m a y have been used i n the unction. U n d e r the circumstances i t is h a r d to escape the inference that the scene was chosen precisely because of its relevance to the conception of the unction as that which provides the convert w i t h the power to be victorious i n his struggle against the power of evil, and that the interpretation of the D a v i d and G o l i a t h episode suggested b y E p h r a e m ' s H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e is the one to be preferred.
1 2

In the lower register, therefore, we already have two scenes the meaning of which seems to associate itself w i t h the rite of baptism rather t h a n w i t h the L o r d of the cult to whose role i n salvation the upper register seemed to be devoted. I n the first scene, the W o m a n at the W e l l , either b a p t i s m itself as a water rite instituted b y Christ or the instruction i n the revealed t r u t h connected with b a p t i s m can be said to have suggested the pictorial allusion to the l i v i n g water that Christ gave to the Samaritan W o m a n as something permanently satisfying a n d " s p r i n g i n g up into eternal l i f e " (John 4, 13-14). I n the second scene the s a n c t i fying a n d protecting power of the oil w i t h which the convert was anointed i n baptism can be said to have suggested the pictorial allusion to the v i c t o r y of the anointed D a v i d over the giant G o l i a t h . I n both instances, i t should be noted, meaning is developed b y the representation of specific persons of B i b l i c a l story but persons other t h a n Christ himself. The personal experiences of the p e r s o n a e agentes provide meaningful analogies to what the convert was to expect i n connection w i t h his own baptism. These aspects of procedure followed i n the development of the program i n the lower register i t is important to keep i n m i n d i n any attempt to cope w i t h the meaning of the remaining scenes, those of the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ.

3. THE WOMEN AT THE TOMB OF CHRIST

1. See the baptismal order of Codex Vaticanus 31, where i n connection with the s i g n a t i o of the convert the officiating priest says, S i g n a t u r N . N . oleo laetitiae, u t eo m u n i a t u r adversus omnem adversam operaiionem (Assemamis, C o d e x L i t u r g i c u s , II, p. 285), and the Greek Orthodox E u c h o l o g i o n where the priest pronounces over the oil as he consecrates it a prayer beginning, oleum hoc benedic, u t incorrupiionis unctio, justitiae armatura a n i m a e corporisque renovatio, omnis diabolici m a c h i n a m e n t i e x p u l s i o i n i m m u n i t a t e m a m a l i s fide e x eo u n c t i s et M u d quoque modo a s s u m e n t i b u s fiat (ed. J . Goar (Venice 1730). PP- 2 8 9 ! ) . 2. See above, p p . 151L

T h e two scenes i n the lower register, on the east and n o r t h walls of the B a p t i s t e r y , are b y a l l odds the most impressive and b y v i r t u e of their position and the amount of space devoted to t h e m the most important i n the entire scheme of decoration. T h e y are at the same time the most difficult to interpret. Above we have t a k e n the position that they do not represent the Parable of the W i s e a n d Foolish Virgins, as some have m a i n t a i n e d . There is no reason to belabor this conclusion here, but i t m a y properly be remarked i n this context that the early Christian baptismal literature of the eastern Church assigns no special importance to the parable i n question.
3

R e p . V, i t w i l l be recalled, presented only the second of the two scenes, the one on the north
3. See above, p. 81.

WALL DECORATIONS
wall of the baptistery, and that without full knowledge of the extent of even that composition. In spite of these handicaps, B a u r properly i d e n tified the scene as representing the W o m e n at the T o m b of Christ on Easter m o r n i n g . Interpretation, working under the same handicaps as B a u r , has produced several different suggestions about its meaning based upon his identification of the subject matter. One suggestion is that the point of reference is personal a n d that the scene serves to depict Christ as the victor over death, quite as the scene of the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r shows h i m as superior to the laws of nature. A second suggestion is that the meaning is to be sought i n the doctrinal sphere a n d that the scene is intended to illustrate one of the essential elements of the Christian faith, namely the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead, based on the resurrection of C h r i s t . A t h i r d suggestion is that i t is to be interpreted as bearing upon the rite of baptism. Here the thought is that the scene was intended to illustrate the conviction that i n baptism the convert dies a n d rises into newness of life (Romans 6, 1-4), quite as Christ was buried a n d rose from the dead. I n certain respects these suggestions overlap a n d as handled b y their several proponents they have special nuances determined b y details of the representation but i n general they do reflect different approaches to the material between w h i c h i t is important to choose.
1 2 3 4

191

T h a t the scene on the north w a l l could have been intended to depict the resurrection as an event i n Christ's life is a priori not impossible. The upper register, as we have seen, brings a whole series of scenes the purpose of which is to illustrate Christ's saving works. B u t there are two reasons for doubting that the same purpose was also served here. The first is that the other two scenes of the lower register already discussed appear to concern themselves w i t h the rite of b a p t i s m rather t h a n w i t h the L o r d of the comm u n i t y . The second a n d more important is that Christ himself does not appear i n the scene of the
1. See R e p . V , p p . 270-275. 2. Seston, "L'glise et le baptistre de D o u r a - E u r o p o s , " p. 177. 3. B a u r , R e p . V , p. 283; Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p. 132; Mle, R o m e et ses v i e i l l e s glises, p. 49. 4. Villette, " Q u e reprsente la grande fresque de l a maison chrtienne de D o u r a " , p. 410.

W o m e n at the T o m b on the n o r t h w a l l a n d that there is no room for a representation of h i m i n the related scene on the east wall. T h i s would be v e r y strange indeed i n a scene of a purely narrative character. That the scene on the north wall served a doctrinal purpose a n d was intended to support the statement " r i s e n on the t h i r d d a y " as i t occurs i n the r e g u l a fidei is again not impossible, but similarly unlikely. I t is true, of course, that the assurance of s u r v i v a l after death which the Christian faith claimed to give played no small part i n recommending i t where the present life was one of continuous exposure to jeopardies a n d uncertainties. It is also true that any scenes dealing w i t h the events of E a s t e r morning cannot bethought to have lacked associations w i t h the Christian hope of a n afterlife entirely. B u t the question here is whether those under discussion here were depicted to give assurance of that hope directly or through and i n connection w i t h something said about the rite of baptism ? T o choose the first alternative is to suppose that the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s tery were of a dogmatic character, that is, t o interpret them as precursors of the decorative programs t y p i c a l of the period after the Peace of the Church a n d after the Councils of the fourth a n d fifth centuries. T h i s seems urilikely on the face of i t , and s t i l l more u n l i k e l y considering the fact that we know nothing about the existence a n d use of a r e g u l a fidei i n the Mesopotamian churches of the t h i r d century. N o r do the other scenes i n the lower register those on the south wall lend support to the suggestion. T h e y do not concern themselves w i t h a n y other comparably important tenet of the C h r i s t i a n faith, but w i t h the rite of baptism. I t seems more likely, therefore, that such meaning as the Christians of D u r a associated with the scene of the events at Christ's tomb should also have been related to that rite i n the first instance, leaving the overtones to develop b y v i r t u e of their association w i t h the rite. The question is how this association is to be understood.
6

Seston has provided an interesting interpretation of the association, suggested b y the hieratic
5. I n later Christian art, wherever two scenes are depicted dealing w i t h the events of Easter morning, one presents the personal confrontation of Christ and one of the women, t y p i c a l l y the n o l i m e tangere episode involving M a r y Magdalene.

i 2
9

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
1

character of the scenes. I n arranging the women i n paratactic sequence and showing them garbed i n elegant white robes and veils, the artist, he properly infers, has meant to convey the impression of a formal procession. Such a procession is actually described b y the pilgrim E t h e r i a as h a v i n g been a feature of religious observance at Jerusalem i n the late fourth century precisely on the E v e of E a s t e r , when the bishop led the newly baptized from the B a s i l i c a of Constantine to the Anastasis that h a d been erected over the Tomb of Christ i n the courty a r d behind the B a s i l i c a . N a t u r a l l y , since i t belongs to the pre-Constantinian period, the procession of the W o m e n at D u r a cannot represent this particular liturgical event. B u t there is evidence that i n the fourth century the F e s t i v a l of the E p i p h a n y was the occasion for a similar nocturnal procession moving from Bethlehem to Jerusalem. Since the cave of the N a t i v i t y was already being shown at Bethlehem i n the t h i r d century, a n d since E p i p h a n y F e s t i v a l was celebrated not only as the occasion of the V i s i t of the M a g i but as the anniversary of Christ's b a p t i s m and h a d overtones associating i t also w i t h his Resurrection, m a y it not be, Seston asks, that such an E p i p h a n y procession was k n o w n at D u r a a n d performed there i n connection w i t h the solemnization of b a p t i s m ?
2 3 4

T h e suggestion has several interesting facets not to be lost sight of, including the proper association of the solemnization of b a p t i s m w i t h E p i p h a n y rather than E a s t e r , as the fact that the b a p t i s m a l h y m n s of E p h r a e m are H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e clearly shows. B u t the stars beside the sarcophagus a n d the torches that the W o m e n bear i n the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b can now be seen to have other implications t h a n a conflation of the E a s t e r a n d E p i p h a n y symbolism, a n d the formalism of the representation of the W o m e n can be understood i n part at least as d e r i v i n g from the so-called "Mesopotamian s t y l e " familiar from other monuments of representational art at D u r a . T o
6

the extent that the composition of the scene is actually liturgically inspired i t m a y be that reference to regional practice mentioned i n the Syriac E x p o s i t i o n o f the M y s t e r i e s o f the C h u r c h provides a better explanation. I n his E x p o s i t i o n Bishop George provides answers to different questions about traditional r i t u a l practices. One such question is, Q u a r e i n d o m i n i c a r e s u r r e c t i o n i s m a n e f o r a s e x e u n t et d a n t p a c e m i n v i c e m et d i c u n t " P a x R e s u r r e c t i o n i s " a u t s o g i t h a m , w h i c h last is a n antiphonal h y m n . H e describes the rite i n detail, telling how the Cross, the Gospel, a n d the bishop, w i t h persons bearing torches a n d incense burners and w i t h the entire congregation, proceed from the interior of the churches into their atria on E a s t e r morning, singing hymns. T h i s practice he explains ' as deriving from the fact that Christ's tomb, l i k e Calvary, was outside the walls of Jerusalem. O n Easter morning, therefore, the S y r i a n Christians of a later period h a d their own form of procession, quite independent of the E p i p h a n y F e s t i v a l or of a localized Anastasis, a n d symbolic of the fact that it is i n the open that their own resurrection, like that of Christ, takes place. There is no guarantee that this same usage existed as early as the t h i r d century of our era, but if the representation of the W o m e n at the T o m b is liturgically inspired, the usage of Mesopotamia deserves consideration before that of Palestine. Whatever liturgical associations the representation of the W o m e n at the T o m b might have, they w o u l d on this account be inspired not b y b a p t i s m a n d E p i p h a n y but b y the celebration of E a s t e r itself. T h e association of the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b w i t h b a p t i s m and a baptistery must therefore be sought directly i n the events of Easter morning, rather t h a n i n any supposed connection w i t h the E p i p h a n y F e s t i v a l .
6

1. "L'glise et le baptistre de D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , 168-170. 2. P . Geyer, Itineraria hierosolymitana (CS X X X V I I I I ) , p p . 90-91. 3. I b i d . , p. 77; Seston, op. c i t . , p p . 169-170. 4. O n the cave of the N a t i v i t y at Bethlehem Origen, contra C e l s u m , I, 51. 5. O n the stars and torches see above, p. 83. and on

pp. EL,

For the interpretation of the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b we seem, therefore, to be thrown back necessarily upon the passage R o m a n s 6, 3-4 to w h i c h several scholars have already made reference i n this connection. The passage i n question is the one i n w h i c h P a u l declares, 3. K n o w ye not that so m a n y of us as were baptized into Jesus Christ were baptized into
style of the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b see below, p. 206. 6. E x p o s i t i o officiorum ecclesiae, e d . Connolly ( C S C O , S S , II, 76), p p . 85 f.

see the

WALL DECORATIONS
his death? 4. Therefore, we are buried w i t h him b y b a p t i s m into death, that like as Christ was raised up from the dead b y the glory of the Father, even so we also should walk i n newness of life. A p p l i e d to the scenes under consideration the passage would suggest that they were included i n the decorations to b r i n g out the m y s t i c a l overtones of the rite the participation i n Christ's death a n d resurrection a n d so to illustrate b y analogy how a n d that the convert i n baptism receives assurance of everlasting life. T h a t Romans 6, 3-4, was used i n connection w i t h the interpretation of baptism i n the t h i r d century is indisputable. A m o n g Christian authors of the Mediterranean b a s i n Tertullian quotes i t i n his d e c o r p o r i s r e s u r r e c t i o n e (47) a n d Origen brings out its associations i n his C o m m e n t a r y o n R o m a n s . A m o n g the eastern writers upon whose testimony we have previously placed special weight those familiar as the authors of catechetical discourses also cite the famous passage. Thus C y r i l of J e r u salem i n his C a t e c h e s i s I I , m y s t a g o g i c a , 4 says, Postea ad sanctam d i v i n i baptismatis p i s c i n a m deducti estis u t i Christus a cruce ad positum coram sepulchrum. . . . confessique estis salutarem confessionem, ac demersi estis tertio i n aquam, r u r s u m emersistis atque hie i n imagine et i n symbolo t r i d u a n a m Christi significastis sepulturam. P a u l , he goes on to say, wrote what he d i d i n R o m a n s 6, 3-4 to combat those who believed
1 2

193

b a p t i s m u m remissionem peccatorum et adoptionem equidem conferre, non autem etiam v e r a r u m Christi passionum, secundum i m i tationem quandam, participationem complecti. Theodore of Mopsuestia i n his C a t e c h e t i c a l H o m i l i e s , N a r s a i i n his H o m i l y o n t h e M y s t e r i e s o f the C h u r c h a n d o n B a p t i s m , a n d the anonymous author of the E x p o s i t i o n o f the M y s t e r i e s o f t h e C h u r c h follow suit, a n d at a m u c h earlier time even Aphraates has a slight contribution to m a k e . It is interesting and important to note how the preachers a n d catechetical lecturers are continually looking for and finding additional correspondence i n detail to make the analogy between b a p t i s m a n d the death a n d resurrection of Christ cogent. W h a t this suggests is that we have here a clear case of the evolving Christian K u l t m y s t e r i u m w h i c h Casel has described but w h i c h , i n our judgment, he erroneously dated back to the v e r y beginnings of the Christian f a i t h .
3 4 5

. Benoit, h e baptme chrtien a u second sicle, p p . 223 228, notes that there is no trace of its use i n the period w i t h which he deals. 2. Tertullian, i n the passage cited makes a distinction between the real and the symbolic. Christ died i n fact a n d rose from the dead i n fact. P e r s i m u l a c r u m e n i m m o r i m u r i n baptismale, sed p e r veritatem resurgimus i n c a m e s i c u t C h r i s t u s . Origen, C o m m e n t a r i u s i n e p i s t u l a m a d R o m a n o s , V , 8 ( P G X I V ) , coll. 1037-1041, after quoting R o m a n s 6, 3 continues, docens p e r haec quia si q u i s p r i u s mortuus est peccato, i s necessario i n baptismo c o n s e p u l t u s est C h r i s t o . S i vero n o n ante quis moritur peccato n o n potest sepeliri c u m Christo. N e m o e n i m vivus a l i q u a n d o sepelitur. Quod s i n o n consepelitur Christo nec legitime baptizatur. F o r Origen, of course, his elaborate system of correspondence between the corporeal and the ideally real makes it possible for the sensible to be a true sign and image of reality a n d as such to form a v a l i d step i n the process of attaining the ideal. See H . v o n Balthasar, " L e mystre d ' O r i g e n e " , Recherches de science r e l i g i e u s e , X X V I (1936), p p . 513-562, X X V I I (1937), pp. 38-64. 13

3. P G , X X X I I I , coll. 1079-1084. A c c o r d i n g to C y r i l the sharing i n the death and resurrection of Christ is not only a (liunais b u t also a n d actually a KOIVCOVIOC. See B . Neunhauser, Taufe u n d F i r m u n g i n H a n d b u c h der Dogmengeschichte, ed. M . Schmaus et a l . I V , 2 (Freiburg, 1956), pp- 60-64. 4. Theodore: " C ' e s t ainsi en effet que nous sommes baptises, comme des gens q u i avec l u i mourons et avec lui ressuscitons, comme en figure, c a r : R o m . 6, 3 - 4 " (ed. Devresse, S T , 145, p. 155) ; N a r s a i : " W i t h a mystery of our Redeemer he (the candidate for baptism) goes into the bosom of the font after the manner of those three days i n the midst of the t o m b . . . . he dies b y a symbol of that death which the Quickener of a l l died a n d he surely lives w i t h a type of the life without end. S i n a n d death he puts off a n d casts away i n b a p t i s m after the manner of the garments which our L o r d departing left i n the t o m b " . (ed. Connolly, T S , V I I I , 1, p. 51); the A n o n y m u s : Q u o n i a m b a p t i s m u s D o m i n i nostri ipsi quidem mortem m y s t i c a m significavit, n o b i s autem nihil omnino. Mors vero e i u s n o s t r u m b a p t i s m u m significat, q u i a i n morte e i u s et resurrectione b a p t i z a m u r , u t sicut ille resurrexit resurga m u s i n fine . . . . D i x i t e n i m beatus P a u l u s : R o m . 6, 3-4 (ed. Connolly, II, 5,1, C S C O , S S , II, 92, p p . 871). Aphraates quotes Colossians 2, 12 i n support of his belief that Christ revealed to his disciples " t h e sacrament of the b a p t i s m of the passion of his d e a t h " i n maintaining that Christ instituted baptism at the occasion and through the act of the Footwashing (Demonslratio, X I I , 10, P S , I, 1, coll. 529L). O n Aphraates see E . J . D u n c a n , B a p t i s m i n the D e m o n s t r a t i o n s of A p h r a a t e s the P e r s i a n Sage (Washington, 1945), p p . 78-81. 5. See O . Casel, D a s c h r i s t l i c h e K u l t m y s t e r i u m , 3 ed. (Regensburg, 1948), a n d the criticism of G . Fittgn, D e r Begriff des M y s t e r i u m s bei J o h a n n e s Chrysostomus (Bonn, 1953). esp. p p . 151-166.

194

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
Christ m a y be? T h a t they are purely casual is unlikely considering the fact that b a p t i s m is understood generally as the occasion for the beginning of a new life, whether b y uinr)cris or b y r e b i r t h out of water and spirit. The t y p i c a l reference i n the passages to Christ's Descent into H e l l , a favorite theme i n S y r i a n and Mesopotamian literature, and thus to the C h r i s t u s V i c t o r interpretation of the redemption, rules out any connections with Romans 6, 3-4, for the neophyte cannot i n baptism be thought to participate i n the H a r r o w i n g of H e l l . Instead, what makes the references to Christ's v i c t o r y over the death appropriate and meaningful m a y well be thought that the fruits of the v i c t o r y are enjoyed b y the neophyte i n b a p t i s m b y virtue of his confession of and acceptance b y Christ. A s O d e s o f S o l o m o n , I I I , 8 puts i t ,
4

It w i l l be readily intelligible, however, that i n baptismal contexts the theme of Christ's death and resurrection could also have been treated without reference to Romans 6, 3-4. F o r the region of interest to us here this can be illustrated from the missionary literature a n d the baptismal h y m n o d y of early Mesopotamian C h r i s t i a n i t y that otherwise have been so helpful i n the i n t e r pretation of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations. T h u s , i n the S y r i a c A c t s o f T h o m a s , at the occasion of the b a p t i s m of the woman possessed b y a demon, Christ is i n v o k e d as " a m a n slain, died, life-giver, restorer of the dead. . . . who h u r l e d down the e v i l one to the lowest l i m i t a n d collected his possessions into one blessed place of m e e t i n g " . S i m i l a r l y , E p h r a e m i n his b a p t i s m a l H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e X , 3-4 writes
1

Qua de causa i n u t e r u m venit, E a d e m i n fluvium descendit. Propter q u a m causam i n sepulchrum ingressus est, Propter earn i n suum t h a l a m u m introducit. (Eius) nativitas cumulus gaudiorum, Baptismus causa miserationum, Mors causa vitae nostrae. Mors eius resurrectione devicta est.
2

The same objective manner of reference appears at a n earlier date i n the O d e s o f S o l o m o n , for instance i n Ode X V , 9-10, where the Odist says, D e a t h h a t h been destroyed before m y face A n d Sheol h a t h been abolished b y m y word, A n d there h a t h gone up deathless life i n the Lord's land. S t i l l earlier i t can be found i n the clearly h y m n i c passage i n Ignatius, E p h e s i a n s , 7, 2, There is one P h y s i c i a n , both of flesh and of spirit, born yet existing unborn, G o d i n m a n , t r u e l i f e i n d e a t h , both of M a r y a n d of G o d , first suffering and then above suffering, Jesus Christ our L o r d .
3

He that is joined to h i m that is immortal W i l l himself also become i m m o r t a l . W h a t the texts upon which we have been depending as p r i m a r y sources for the interpretation of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y compositions show is that there is more t h a n one w a y of accounting for the inclusion i n these decorations of scenes representing the events of Easter morning. The suggestion that they respond to and take their meaning from the i m i t a t i o n i n b a p t i s m of Christ's death and resurrection is open t o question on several grounds. One is the absence here of a close correspondence between the performance of the rite a n d what i t is supposed to imitate. One would n a t u r a l l y suppose that to insure such correspondence the water of baptism should be regarded as a lethal element a n d that the process of b a p t i s m be one of immersion i n the water of the font. The fact that the D u r a font
6

The question i s , of course, what the force of these references to the death a n d resurrection of
1. E d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 187-190. 2. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 9 7 L See also E p h r a e m ' s H y m n i de resurrectione, I, 5: " A u s d e m G r a b ging uns auf das L e b e n ; " I, 8: " D e r T o d sank v o r i h m i n die K n i e e i n d e m S h e o l ; " I, 16: " S e i n e Taufe (ist) fur uns die E n t siihnung u n d sein T o d fur uns L e b e n . " 3. See also M a g n e s i a n s , 9, 1 and R o m a n s , 6, 1.

4. O n the Descent to H e l l see i n general J . K r o l l , Gott u n d H o l l e (Studien der B i b l i o t h e k Warburg, XX, Leipzig, 1932). O . Rousseau, " L a descente aux enfers, fondement sotriologique d u b a p t m e " , Recherches de science r e l i g i e u s e , X L (1952), p p . 273-297, goes too far i n our judgment i n m a k i n g the H a r r o w i n g of H e l l the basis of the Christian K u l t m y s t e r i u m . F o r the C h r i s t u s Victor conception of the redemption, as contrasted w i t h that of C h r i s t the V i c t i m , see G . E . H . Auln, C h r i s t u s Victor, translated b y A . G . H e b e r t , L o n d o n , 1953. 5. C o n t r a r y to E . Stommel, " B e g r a b e n m i t Christus und der T a u f r i t u s , " R Q , X L I X (1954), PP> would be inclined to distinguish sharply between the imitative conception of b a p t i s m and that i n v o l v i n g the transfer to the candidate of benefits of Christ's Descent to H e l l , as indicated above. Moreover, we would associate the imitative conception suggested b y P a u l w i t h the period d u r i n g which baptism i n running water was
I - 2 w e

WALL DECORATIONS
was not of sufficient depth to permit immersion has been established above. T h a t the water of baptism, instead of being lethal, was more commonly regarded among Christian writers of S y r i a and Mesopotamia as benevolently creative a n d as fortifying, Christ h a v i n g himself purified i t (Ignatius, E p h e s i a n s , 18, 2), w i l l be shown below i n connection w i t h the interpretation of the symbolism of the D u r a font a n d its decorations. A second reason for questioning an allusion to Romans 6,3-4, i n the representation of the W o m e n at the T o m b at D u r a is to be found i n the new information about the treatment of the episode provided here. Those who hitherto have favored such an allusion, following the lead of B a u r i n the P r e l i m i n a r y R e p o r t , have, l i k e h i m , assumed that the treatment was l i m i t e d to a single scene, that on the n o r t h wall, showing the W o m e n a n d the sarcophagus. O n this assumption, i t was possible to suppose that for reasons of economy i n the use of w a l l space the artist h a d adopted a stenographic and symbolic form of representation. The large sarcophagus could be thought to provide the reference to Christ's death e s p e c i a l l y since i t was shown closed a n d the W o m e n w i t h their torches the reference to Christ's resurrection. B u t now that the episode is k n o w n to have been represented i n two successive scenes, on the east a n d the n o r t h walls, this simple solution is no longer possible a n d interpretation has to accommodate itself to the fuller treatment. If, indeed, the artist had intended an allusion to Romans 6, 3-4, i n his compositions a n d h a d room for two scenes, he might quite properly be supposed to have devoted one to Christ's death a n d the other to Christ's resurrection. U s i n g the W o m e n as his m e d i u m he could have accomplished his purpose b y showing t h e m first as the witnesses to the entombment (Mark 9,47 a n d parallels) a n d next as the witnesses to the resurrection. B u t this is precisely what he did not do, for i n b o t h scenes the W o m e n wear the
1 2

195

same festive garments appropriate to a h a p p y occasion. B o t h scenes, therefore, allude to the events of E a s t e r morning, and while, of course, i t is from the dead that Christ rises, this is implicit and not explicit, leaving the correspondence w i t h the equal emphasis on death a n d resurrection, so clearly indicated i n R o m a n s 6, 3-4, undeveloped. A t h i r d a n d the most important reason for questioning an allusion to Romans 6, 3-4, i n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b is provided b y what has been said above about the meaning of the D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h scene a n d about the progress of the sacramental action i n the adjoining Rooms 5 and 6 of the Christian B u i l d i n g . The choice of the D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h scene for representation i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , we have said, is best accounted for i f we interpret i t as alluding to the power of the sacred o i l w i t h w h i c h the candidate is anointed i n b a p t i s m a n d w h i c h gives h i m the same power to overcome the forces of e v i l that Samuel's anointment of D a v i d gave to the latter. I n the discussion of the respective functions of Rooms 5 a n d 6 i n the Christian B u i l d i n g i t was pointed out that there is but one unction i n the S y r i a n b a p t i s m a l liturgy, that this is performed immediately before the candidate enters the font a n d is already perfective i n function a n d not exorcistic. W e have suggested that, because of the provision for the niche i n the south w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y (Room 6) where the sacred c h r i s m could be kept, a n d because of the D a v i d a n d Goliath scene represented directly below the niche, this unction was the first element of the r i t u a l performed i n R o o m 6, the preparatory action h a v i n g t a k e n place i n R o o m 5. If, then, w i t h the entrance of the candidate into the B a p tistery proper, the action of the r i t u a l has w i t h the application of the u n c t i o n proceeded to the'perfective' part of the rite, i t w o u l d be quite as illogical to suppose that i n the immediately subsequent entrance of the candidate into the font the action was supposed to give that equal significance to " d y i n g to s i n " a n d rising i n "newness to l i f e " that R o m a n s 6, 3-4, requires, as i t w o u l d be to imagine that (as i n the West) the water served to " w a s h a w a y " sins. Instead, the emphasis should be on the 'perfective' aspect of the rite, quite as the
3 4

feasible and normal, as we would associate the construct i o n of fonts permitting immersion w i t h the period of the developing K u l t m y s t e r i u m , a n d would leave the use of fonts not permitting immersion and painted representations of baptism not i n v o l v i n g immersion to the period during which the Pauline imagery was either being neglected or still not regarded as normative. See Benoit's L e baptme chrtien a u second sicle, quoted above. 1. See above, p. 26. 2. See below, p. 201. 13*

3. See above, p. 153. 4. See above, p. 152. T h e verbs used i n connection w i t h i t are TEAEI6CO and Salem.

i 6
9

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
resented in the destroyed upper part of the first scene above the half open door. W h a t the function of the angels was we learn from other passages i n Ephraem's writings. Three particulars are noteworthy. The angels saw Christ rise from the dead. They broke the seal on the T o m b which Christ h a d left intact when issuing from the grave, quite as he had left M a r y ' s v i r g i n i t y intact at his b i r t h , a n d opened the sepulcher. T h e y witnessed to the W o m e n about what they h a d seen.
2 3

emphasis i n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b is on the resurrection of Christ. It is quite i n order, therefore, to leave aside for the time being the supposed allusion to R o m a n s 6, 3-4, and to seek a fresh approach to the meaning of the two scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b as we now know them. T o obtain this fresh approach i t is important to p a y close attention to the outstanding features of the two compositions as the artist has portrayed them a n d to consider their potential correspondence to the other two scenes of the lower register, namely the W o m a n at the W e l l and the scene of D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h . Clearly the most outstanding feature of the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b is the repetition a n d the careful delineation of the figures of the five W o m e n . The delineation of the i n d i v i d u a l figures may, as we have suggested above, have been influenced and inspired i n part b y liturgical processions regionally connected w i t h the observance of the E a s t e r festival, though this is b y no means necessary. B u t the repetition of the five W o m e n i n such prominence on the walls of the B a p t i s t e r y requires further consideration and fuller explanation. Clearly they are of outstanding importance for what the artist was t r y i n g to say i n these compositions, corresponding i n this particular to the W o m a n shown at the W e l l , a n d to D a v i d shown decapitating Goliath.
1

In the other two scenes of the lower register the meaning of the compositions for the interpretation of baptism is developed b y showing the outstanding figure i n relation to a second feature i n one instance the W e l l , i n the other G o l i a t h . I n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b this second feature could be either the details of the half-open door and of the sarcophagus, or i t could equally well be the angelic visitors represented b y the stars. A b o u t the importance the number and function of these visitors we learn several particulars from E p h r a e m Syrus that seem or can be shown to be derived ultimately from the D i a t e s s a r o n . T h a t there were three angels a l l t o l d according to E p h r a e m a n d the D i a t e s s a r o n we have already learned above, where the problem was to account for the fivefold number of the W o m e n b y observing Tatian's harmonistic procedure i n using his B i b l i c a l sources, a n d where i t was suggested that a single star (angel) was rep1. See above, p. 192.

The information supplied b y E p h r a e m is helpful i n several ways. I t helps explain w h y the artist did not have to go to the trouble of showing the sarcophagus w i t h its l i d removed, for the Christ who could go through the door of the T o m b w i t h out breaking its seal can naturally be thought also to have left the sarcophagus without displacing its cover. I t helps explain w h y the artist found i t desirable to devote two scenes to the representation of the W o m e n at the T o m b . N o t only does the use of two scenes reflect the equal importance i n the D i a t e s s a r o n of the events inside and outside the T o m b ; i t also presents alongside of the full number of the W o m e n the full number of the angels i n their proper places and function. I n this way, finally, i t paves the w a y for an interpretation of the scenes i n the lower register of the Baptistery's decorations that permits us to t h i n k of a l l four as guiding and assisting the candidate i n his understanding of b a p t i s m i n one and the same fashion.
4

In the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l the candidate is being taught to understand that as the Samaritan W o m a n who went out to draw water from Jacob's W e l l received the gift of " l i v i n g w a t e r " , so he does i n connection w i t h the water of baptism receive the "speaking a n d l i v i n g w a t e r " of the divine revelation. I n the scene of D a v i d and G o l i a t h the candidate is being taught t h a t as D a v i d was b y virtue of his unction at the hands of Samuel enabled to overcome the might of G o l i a t h , so he through the holy o i l of b a p t i s m receives the divine power that guards h i m from a n d makes
2. See above, p. 88. 3. See E p h r a e m ' s H y m n i de crucifixione, V , 17, O p e r a , ed. L a m y , I, coll. 683-684: ires angeli ad s e p u l c h r u m vident C h r i s t u m r e s u r r e x i s s e tertia d i e ; ires annuntiaverunt e u m ; and his S e r m o ad noctem dominicae resurvectionis. O p e r a , ed. L a m y , I, coll. 527-534. 4. T h i s , naturally, is from the resurrection tradition of L u k e and J o h n as incorporated i n the D i a t e s s a r o n , where Christ enters through closed doors.

THE

D E C O R A T I O N S OF T H E C E I L I N G

197

him superior to a l l evil Satanic powers. I n the same way, i n the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b the candidate is being taught that as the W o m e n who went to Christ's T o m b to perform the pious act of anointing his body received from the three angelic visitors the assurance and the announcement of Christ's v i c t o r y over D e a t h , so he i n and w i t h the rite of b a p t i s m receives assurance of a n d has the experience of his own t r i u m p h over D e a t h a n d participation i n eternal life. The fact that the interpretation of the four scenes of the lower register permits such analogous formulation is significant. It suggests that this lower register, like the one above i t , has a single theme of its own. It points to the meaning of the rite of b a p t i s m a n d of its elements, water and o i l , as the subject of that theme. W h a t the register

does not show is how the benefits received are communicated, and this is something we miss, particularly i n connection w i t h the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b , where i t is so easy for us to take our cue from P a u l and say " b y m y s t i c a l participation i n the death and resurrection of C h r i s t " . B u t , of course, the same restriction applies also to the scenes of the W o m a n at the W e l l a n d of D a v i d and G o l i a t h . H o w the water and the oil achieve their effects is not indicated. That is not a shortcoming of the program as a whole, and that those who planned it were concerned w i t h the " h o w " at least of the working of b a p t i s m as such, though i n a sense other t h a n that suggested b y Romans 6, 3-4, is borne out b y the remaining element of the decorative program, to which we now t u r n .

II.

T H E DECORATIONS OF T H E CEILING A N D OF T H E CANOPY OVER T H E FONT inclusion i n i t of a moon gave i t a realistic t o u c h . In a room the superstructure of w h i c h took the shape of a dome the use of the design would indeed have special connotations even i n Mesopotamia as the audience a n d judgment h a l l that Apollonius of T y a n a visited at B a b y l o n and that Philostratus describes from the notes of A p o l l o n i u s ' companion D a m i s shows. B u t at D u r a i n the Christian B a p t i s t e r y the chances are that the decoration of the ceiling of the room is an extension of that applied to the vault of the canopy over the font w i t h the addition of the realistic elements that are characteristic of the artist's style. I t is i n the context of the v a u l t e d canopy over the font that use of the star-studded s k y design should and can therefore more appropriately be discussed.
3 4

F r o m the pictorial compositions applied to the walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y we t u r n now to the designs used i n the decoration of the ceiling of the room a n d of the interior a n d exterior of the canopy over the font. Here discussion can be more succinct, but i n a room the embellishment of w h i c h was planned w i t h such care i t would be a mistake not to consider w h y these designs were chosen a n d what they m a y be supposed to have contributed t o the program as a whole. The description of the designs, given above, has shown that a l l are conventional a n d has pointed to parallels for some of t h e m as close i n time and place as the D u r a Synagogue. Some of the designs, l i k e the diagonally green v e i n i n g of the columns and the creation of panel-like compartments on the pilasters, the soffit and the face of the vaulted canopy, go w i t h the i m i t a t i o n of incrustration work on the south wall of the B a p t i s t e r y and relate therefore to the decorative framework of the room as a whole and its connection w i t h the socalled Second Pompeian Style of wall decoration. It is tempting to offer a special explanation for the application to the ceiling of the room as a whole of the design of a blue s k y studded w i t h white stars, especially i n view of the fact that the
1 2

Above, i n the discussion of the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a as a structure, the installation of a m o n umental masonry canopy over the Baptistery's font has already been considered. There the
5

1. See above, p p . 43L 2. See above, p. 44.

3. T h e evidence for the representation of the moon is given above, p. 44. T h e s k y and star design would seem to be particularly appropriate in its application to the ceiling of a Mesopotamian baptistery because there is good evidence to show that baptism was solemnized there normally at night w i t h the celebration of the E u c h a r i s t following at day-break. See e.g. A c t s of T h o m a s , e d . W r i g h t , II, p p . 166, 257-259, 288-290. 4. V i t a A p o l l o n i i , I, 25. 5. See above, p. 26.

198

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E MEi N I N G O F T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
eousness" (Matthew 3, 15) clearly was not acceptable. Ignatius gives the first i n k l i n g of a different explanation offered i n S y r i a when he writes that Christ was " b a p t i z e d that he might purify the water Top -m5c6ei" ( E p h e s i a n s , 18, 2). The expression TOO Tr8i is enigmatic, for a reference to Christ's sufferings on the cross would seem to be out of place, but the conception of purification of the water is n o t . Ignatius' conception of the purification of the waters would seem to be the negative side of a positive explanation offered for instance b y E p h r a e m i n his H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , X I V , 32, where he has Christ say, A q u a e b a p t i s m o m e o s a n c t i f i c a n t u r . H o w the two parts of the explanation hang together a n d what their ultimate basis is is suggested b y the Odes o f S o l o m o n where the poet says about Christ's b a p t i s m i n Ode, X X I V , 7-8,
2 3

suggestion was made that for the origin a n d the antecedents of the installation, as well as for the related a e d i c u l a e which i n the D u r a Synagogue served to house the T o r a h Shrine a n d i n the D u r a temples housed cult images, one should look to the baldacchini that are recognized as special features of early R o m a n temples of S y r i a generally a n d ultimately to those represented i n Achaemenean bas-reliefs i n r o y a l audience scenes. Whether movable or monumental, such canopies are f u n d amentally symbolic representations of heavenly or cosmic structure a n d serve at most to suggest that what they enclose has cosmic significance or at least to glorify or exalt i t . A t D u r a i n the Christian B a p t i s t e r y the possibility that cosmic associations were indeed intended is suggested b y a number of details both of construction a n d of ornamentation. So far as construction is concerned, i t is important to keep i n m i n d what has been s a i d above about the length to w h i c h the builders went to keep the canopy detached from the lateral walls of the room, apparently to b r i n g out the quadri-columnar character of the structure. So far as decoration is concerned, the cosmic associations are reflected not only i n the design of ihxi star-studded s k y applied to the v a u l t of the canopy, b u t also b y the garland represented on the face of the canopy, i n w h i c h the fruits of the field and of the trees are portrayed. N a t u r a l l y the fact that what the canopy covers is actually a basin filled w i t h water makes the symbolism complete, adding to a column-supported canopy of heaven the representation of the " d e e p " over which i t is erected. The question necessarily arises i n this connect i o n how decoration and construction relate t h e m selves to the local interpretation of the rite of baptism a n d what light the interpretation of the rite sheds on the meaning of the decorative prog r a m as a whole.
1

The abysses were submerged i n the submersion of the L o r d A n d they perished i n the thought w h i c h they h a d existed i n from the beginning. T h e y travailed from the beginning A n d the end of their t r a v a i l was l i f e .

The "abysses" here are, of course, at once both the house of the dead (Sheol) a n d the p r i m o r d i a l " d e e p " (Tehom), the d i v i s i o n of w h i c h was the first step i n the creation of the world. I n the latter sense t h e y h a d originally a n d continued to have for Orientals the associations of the haunt or the personification of the evil powers that appear i n the ancient m y t h of M a r d u k ' s conquest of T i a m a t . It is therefore b y no means strange that interpreters have explained the association of Christ's baptism and his Descent to H e l l , as i n Odes o f S o l o m o n , X X I V , 7-8, as a conception inspired b y the
2. F o r explanations of the enigmatic clause see H . Schlier, R e l i g i o n s g e s c h i c h t l i c h e U n t e r s u c h u n g e n z u den Ignatiusbriefen (Giessen, 1929), p p . 70-72; Benoit, L e baptme chrtien a u second sicle, p p . 65 f. ; Corwin, S t I g n a t i u s a n d C h r i s t i a n i t y at A n t i o c h , p p . 2 0 4 I N o one seems as yet to have noted the possible connection with the " t r a v a i l " of the waters that is associated w i t h the baptism of Christ i n O d e s of S o l o m o n , X X I V , 7-8, and to which reference is made here below. 3. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 123-124. 4. E d . H a r r i s and M i n g a n a , II, p. 341. T h e editors properly note that the Ode i n question was known to and used b y E p h r a e m .

Perhaps the simplest w a y to provide a suitable answer to the first of these questions is b y i n direction, namely b y considering the regional explanation of the vexatious problem w h y Christ had himself been baptized. I n non-observantistic circles Matthew's suggestion that Christ h a d submitted to John's baptism " t o fulfill a l l r i g h t 1. See T h . K l a u s e r i n R f A C , III, s . v . ciborium and R . Eisler, Weltenmantel u n d H i m m e l s z e l t (Munich, 1910), II, p p . 600-628.

THE
1

D E C O R A T I O N S OF T H E C E I L I N G

199
3

M a r d u k - T i a m a t m y t h . N o r would i t be incorrect to infer that the "purification of the w a t e r " b y Christ's baptism to w h i c h Ignatius refers presupposes the existence i n natural waters of the k i n d of evil powers that the T i a m a t m y t h implies, and that the point of the reference is to suggest that these h a d been overcome b y Christ at the occasion of his baptism. Indeed, these associations are perpetuated i n the Syriac baptismal l i t u r g y i n connection w i t h the consecration of the waters of b a p t i s m . I n the first of two prayers connected w i t h the preparation of the baptismal water G o d is addressed i n the words, T u v i r t u t e t u a mare confirmasti. T u contrivisti capita draconum super aquas. T u terribilis es et quis resistet t i b i ? T u respice i n has aquas creaturam t u a m . . . . P r o c u l recdant ab eis omnes q u i laedunt figmentum m a n u u m t u a r u m . After the priest has breathed thrice upon the water of baptism he continues b y addressing himself to Christ and saying, Conteratur Domine caput draconis illius homicidae sub signaculo et forma crucis tuae. E t fugiant umbrae i n v i s i b l e s et aereae, neque delitescat i n aquis istis tenebrosus daemon. The purpose of the prayers is once more the "purification of the waters", w h i c h the priest repeats on the strength of Christ's own act of purifying them and w h i c h is undertaken w i t h explicit reference to P s a l m 74, 13, " T h o u didst divide the sea b y t h y strength, t h o u brakest the heads of the dragons i n the w a t e r " , where the allusion is, of course, to the creation of the world.
2

Superbia deprimitur M a l i , Qui populos subjugare volebat. The " a r m s hidden i n the w a t e r " is but one of a series of comparable metaphors applied to the same thing. Others are the " f i r e " or " f e r m e n t " or the " l e a v e n " i n the water. B u t the " a r m s " are Ephraem's favorite a n d what is referred to is clear from another b a p t i s m a l h y m n i n w h i c h E p h r a e m says ( X I I I , 2), Sicut angeli, carissimi, Ascendistis e fluvio Jordanis Cum armis Spiritus s a n c t i . If, therefore, i t is the S p i r i t which, as a positive defensive force, replaces the malignant power of the " d e e p " i n the water b y v i r t u e of Christ's baptism, that same Spirit can b y another t u r n of the metaphor be what Christ at his baptism contributed to the sanctification of the waters, as E p h r a e m declares,
4

The positive side of the explanation of Christ's b a p t i s m to which reference has been made above is expressed also i n the figure of the " a r m s buried i n the w a t e r " w h i c h has already come to our attention i n connection w i t h the interpretation of the D a v i d and Goliath scene. I n that connection we quoted a baptismal h y m n of E p h r a e m associa t i n g D a v i d ' s unction and v i c t o r y over G o l i a t h w i t h the power of the unction of baptism. The h y m n says i n part, Ecce oleo Christi E t armis i n aqua latentibus
1. See e.g. P . L u n d b e r g , L a typologie baptismale l ' a n c i e n n e glise (Uppsala, 1942), p p . 64-72. 2. Assemanus, C o d e x L i t u r g i c u s , II, p p . 218L dans

Aquae baptismo meo sanctificantur Ignem spiritumque a me accipiunt. Quod nisi b a p t i s m u m accepero, Facultatem non habebunt generandi Alios immortales. As w i t h the purification of the waters b y Christ's baptism, so w i t h his sanctification of them b y their endowment w i t h the S p i r i t , the ultimate presuppositions and associations are i n the realm of the p r i m o r d i a l , as E p h r a e m indicates i n another h y m n , where he writes, In principio spiritus foecunditatis Incubavit aquis et illae conceperunt pepereruntque Dracones, pisces et aves. Spiritus sanctus incubavit aquis. b a p t i s m i Quae pepererunt mysticas aquilas Nempe virgines et ecclesiae rectores E t mysticos pisces, Puros scilicet mediatores E t mysticos dracones Illos scilicet callidos Qui simplices facti sunt Sicut columbae.
8 6

3. V , 11, e d . L a m y , I, coll. 51-54. See above, p. 189. 4. E d . L a m y , I, coll. 109L 5. H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , X I V , 32, ed. L a m y , I, coll. 123 f. 6. H y m n i i n F e s t u m E p i p h a n i a e , V I I I , 16, e d . L a m y , I coll. 85 f. It w i l l be noted that the dracones are here understood to be a part of the original creation b y the

200

I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G OF T H E D E C O R A T I N O S
his b a p t i s m is understood as a new b i r t h , a new creation i n some sense analogous to that which occurred at the beginning. F o r the understanding of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y i t follows from this that the structural form and the decoration of its font, suggesting as they do i n miniature the organization of the cosmic order, is not a fortuitous combination of elements but rather intentional and related to the conceptions expressed i n the texts. Construction and embellishment can be seen here to go h a n d i n hand, a n d a l l elements of the decorations can be seen to hang together as parts of one comprehensive a n d meaningful program. Indeed, the meaning of the part of the program under consideration here is that i n the b a p t i s m performed i n the font the convert becomes part of a new creation, and experiences a new b i r t h a n d a new beginning.
2

W e return at this point to what was s a i d i n Odes o f S o l o m o n X X I V , 7-8 i n connection w i t h the abysses that were submerged i n the submersion of the L o r d , namely that the " e n d of their t r a v a i l was l i f e " . The texts permit a series of inferences relevant to our purpose. The first is that Christ's b a p t i s m is being reinterpreted i n such a w a y as to make i t prepare the w a y for Christian baptism. The second is that the reinterpretation i n both its aspects t h e purification and the sanctification of the water tends to m a k e use of the imagery provided b y the story of the original creation i n Genesis 1, w i t h overtones derived u l t i m a t e l y from B a b y l o n i a n m y t h o l o g y . The t h i r d is that the rite of b a p t i s m performed at Christ's command a n d on the basis of the preparation for i t made b y h i m i n
1

III.

T H E D E C O R A T I V E P R O G R A M , ITS T H E O L O G I C A L PRESUPPOSITIONS AND ITS E M E N D A T I O N B Y T H E A D A M A N D E V E SCENE as its occasion. It is not moralizing i n its approach nor dogmatic i n the sense i n which Christian decorative programs of the fifth a n d s i x t h centuries reflect the authority of the institutionalized Church or the confessional formulae adopted by the Councils. R a t h e r i t can be said to be demonstrative i n character a n d h i g h l y personal i n so far as i t exhibits the acoTnpiot through the person and works of the aco-rrip ,and considers baptism i n the light of B i b l i c a l events symbolic of the experiences potentially implicit for the convert i n his performance of the rite. T h e central and unifying feature of the program is the Good Shepherd seen w i t h his Sheep. H e is the guarantor a n d source of the salvation and at the same time the author and exemplar or founder of baptism. W h a t he provides as the guide and protector of those whom he accepts into his flock i n b a p t i s m is set forth i n detail i n the upper register of the wall decorations. It can be seen to include escape from various jeopardies i n this life and provision for a happy existence i n the garden of the blessed hereafter. W h a t he brings w i t h i n the range of h u m a n experience as the exemplar a n d founder of b a p t i s m is the beginning here a n d now of a new existence that includes power to overcome the assault of the strongest forces of evil, endowment w i t h the

W h a t has been said about the meamng of the several parts of the decorative program of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y can now be summarized, interpreted to a p p l y to the knowledge of the religious beliefs of the Christian c o m m u n i t y at D u r a a n d used to explain the function a n d meaning of the one scene not yet discussed, namely that of A d a m and E v e added as a supplement to the scene of the Good Shepherd and his Sheep below a n d behind the canopy over the font. A b o u t the decorative program of the B a p t i s t e r y as a whole i t can properly be s a i d that, whatever the inequalities a n d shortcomings of its execution i n detail, i t is well-organized conceptually h a v i n g the C h r i s t i a n aoo-rripia as its subject a n d b a p t i s m
spirit brooding over the water, rather t h a n as hostile powers overcome b y G o d i n the separation of the waters. 1. Connections between baptism and the account of Genesis 1 are found not only i n the Christian texts of the E a s t but also i n the W e s t as S h e p h e r d of H e r m a s , V i s . , I l l , 2,9; 3,5 and Tertullian, de baptismo, 3-4 show. B u t the mythological associations, represented b y the p r i m e v a l hostility of the watery element, is absent. F o r the interpretation of the passages i n the Shepherd of H e r m a s see the commentary of M . Dibelius i n L i e t z m a n n , H a n d b u c h z u m N e u e n T e s t a m e n t , Ergnzungsband (Tbingen, 1923), p. 460. 2. O n the analogies to the same combination of structural form and decorative elements i n the early baptisteries of the West, see below, p. 147.

THE

DECORATIVE PROGRAM

201

insight a n d understanding of a divine revelation, and assurance of the experience of the v i c t o r y of life over death. T h a t the decorations of the B a p t i s t e r y provide the best source available to us for the knowledge of the religious beliefs of the Christian community of D u r a has been pointed out above. H e r e i t w i l l not be out of place to draw from the interpretation of the decorative program some inferences about the nature of that belief. O n the negative side it can be said that the decorations show no p r i m a r y concern w i t h the fulfillment of Messianic prophecy, w i t h the problem of r i t u a l observance, w i t h Christ as the teacher of the higher reighteousness, w i t h the need a n d demand for repentance, or w i t h the achievement of righteousness apart from the works of the L a w b y faith i n view of the merits of Christ's atoning death. T h e basic problems to w h i c h religious belief responds here are not those inherent i n its relation to the O l d Testament a n d to the continuing Jewish tradition. T h i s bears directly upon what has been said above about the probable recruitment of the membership of the D u r a c o m m u n i t y . Similarly the decorations give no indication of the community's association with the schismatics a n d w i t h the specific syncretistic sects k n o w n to have been represented i n Mesop o t a m i a at this time. Indeed, as the use of .the D i a t e s s a r o n rather t h a n the Gospel of L u k e w h i c h the Marcionites favored argues against Marcionite connections, so the symbolic representation of the cosmic order i n the canopy over the font would seem to argue against connections, w i t h any established group, sc. schismatic or syncretistic, i n which creation as the work of the demiurge was the greatest of a l l affronts to the supreme god.
1 2

it has three facets each of which corresponds to an element of the experience. The first is the heroic, which corresponds to the experience of liberation, the second is the self-communicative, w h i c h corresponds to illumination a n d potentialization, and the t h i r d is repristinative, w h i c h corresponds to the experience of rebirth. The first associates itself naturally w i t h the conception of salvation as a power struggle, a conception reflected i n one element of the Synoptic tradition, i n the A c t s o f T h o m a s , a n d i n the a b e c e d a r i a of the Christian B u i l d i n g . T h e second a n d t h i r d associate t h e m selves w i t h the conception of salvation as communication w i t h a source of i n w a r d enlightenment and renewal, that comes to expression locally i n the hymns of E p h r a e m a n d the Odes o f S o l o m o n , is seen i n a strongly anti-docetic context i n the letters of Ignatius, a n d finds its first formulation i n the Gospel of J o h n . T o call the doctrine so formulated " G n o s t i c i z i n g " would be proper but helpful only to the extent that the t e r m might serve to denote the presence i n i t of cognitive and intellectual factors a n d implications. The surprising feature of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations is the extent to w h i c h the religious faith that they reflect can be described without reference to the central teachings of P a u l , part i c u l a r l y the doctrine of atonement. T h i s fact was already clearly seen b y Seston who as early as 1937 said of the D u r a c o m m u n i t y "elle ne croit pas qu'elle tient son salut directement d u sacrifice de Jsus sur l a c r o i x ; l a mystique paulinienne semble lui tre trangre". One might, of course, seek to escape from this conclusion b y p o i n t i n g to the h m i t e d body of evidence that the decorations provide a n d to the special purposes w h i c h they serve. B u t against any such objection stands the fact that when the D u r a c o m m u n i t y adapted the P r i v a t e House to the purposes of Christian use, i t chose to provide structurally not a n altar for the celebration of the eucharist but a font for the solemnization of b a p t i s m . This fact a n d the w a y i n which the font was set out tends to confirm the impression that the great d r a m a of man's salvation i n w h i c h the ancients found the meaning of h i s t o r y and the decisive moment of w h i c h P a u l found i n the death of Christ on Calvary, was here understood to have its c l i m a x i n Christ's b a p t i s m and
3

W h a t has been said above about the theme of the decorative program h m i t s what can properly be inferred from i t on the positive side as to the nature of the local Christian belief to the subject of the work a n d experience of salvation. Specifically the work of salvation as the decorations represent
1. It m a y be noted here that what the texts tell us about the reinterpretation of Christ's baptism as an event i n v o l v i n g the destruction of the evil powers lurking i n the water, see above, p. 199, supports the interpretation of the scenes of the W o m e n at the T o m b as compositions to be understood i n the light of the C h r i s t u s victor conception of redemption. 2. See above, p. 109.

3. "L'glise et le baptistre de D o u r a - E u r o p o s " , . p , 177.

202 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : T H E M E A N I N G O F T H E D E C O R A T I O N S
epiphany, which were celebrated together, and i n the acceptance of Christ and of baptism b y each i n d i v i d u a l believer. W h a t has thus been s a i d about the decorative program of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and about the nature of the Christian faith that i t seems to represent provides the setting for the consideration of the A d a m and E v e scene that has still to be discussed. The evidence showing that this scene forms an addition to the original program has been presented above. A s a supplement i t is i n a l l probability also i n some sense a criticism. W h a t its purpose and meaning are should now be relatively easy to understand. It points to s i n and particularly the sin of A d a m as a factor of outstanding importance i n the interpretation of baptism and the salvation provided b y Christ. Thus the scene is i n a l l probability intended to suggest precisely the t r a i n of thought developed b y P a u l i n Romans 5-6, where A d a m ' s sin is described as the cause of s i n and death for a l l m a n k i n d (5, 12), where s i n is a power having dominion over m a n (6,12,14), where Christ is said to have died for us while we were still sinners that we might be justified b y his blood (5, 8-9), where baptism means to be buried w i t h Christ into death (6, 3), so that, the old m a n being crucified w i t h Christ, the body of s i n m a y be destroyed (6, 6), and we having died w i t h Christ can be free from s i n (6, 7). I n other words, the addition serves to introduce into the program precisely the elements needed to make i t conform to the theology and the interpretation of the sacrament of baptism current i n the churches of the Mediterranean world. Seen i n the light of the addition the Good Shepherd i n the scene to w h i c h the representation of A d a m and E v e has been added should be understood as the one who gives his life for the sheep vicariously, and the scene of the W o m e n at the T o m b should be thought to suggest the death and resurrection of the believer i n baptism w i t h Christ. T h a t this was not the original purpose of these compositions has been argued above.
1 2

execution, shows the relevance for our purposes of what was said i n an earlier context here about the competing and conflicting forms of Christian belief i n Mesopotamia at an important cultural center such as E d e s s a . A t t e n t i o n was directed i n that connection to the person of a certain P a l u t , said to have been ordained bishop by Serapion of A n t i o c h , who came to Edessa about A . D . 200 bringing w i t h h i m the theological doctrines taught at the great Mediterranean metropolis, but found acceptance at Edessa only among certain Christians who survived as a community u n t i l the fourth century under the name of " P a l u t i a n s . " The episode deserves special consideration here because it shows the existence at this time of basic differences between the religious beliefs of Christians i n Mesopotamia and those of A n t i o c h and provides an instance of a dignitary coming or being sent into the interior and seeking to establish there the views held on the S y r i a n littoral. The difference between what happened at Edessa to Palut and the situation reflected i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations is that Palut failed to convince his hearers whereas the person or persons who espoused the theology w i t h the Pauline emphasis at D u r a succeeded and brought about the emendation of the decorative program i n the local B a p t i s t e r y .
3

The suggestion that the original decorative program of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y was thus emended for purposes of reinterpretation, presumably w i t h i n a relatively short period of time after its
1. See above, p. 2. See above, p. 56. 194.

If the explanation offered for the meaning a n d the emendation of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorative program is correct, i t gives additional plasticity to what i s k n o w n of the religious life of the local Christian community and relates the experience of that c o m m u n i t y to the general course of Christian history i n the region. The intrusive process b y which the Christian faith that later became orthodox sought to penetrate and transform the earlier views of the local believers continued u n t i l it reached its climax i n the fifth century under Bishop R a b b u l a , but succeeded only superficially and only sharpened the antithesis that led to the Nestorian a n d Monophysite schisms. I n the struggle that went on during the t h i r d and fourth centuries between a l l but a m i n o r i t y of S y r i a n and Mesopotamian Christians and the representatives of the great Mediterranean sees and dioceses, some of the basic premises underlying the regional conception of the Christian faith as represented i n the
3. See above p. 117.

THE DECORATIVE PROGRAM

original decorative program at D u r a can be seen to have played an important part. I n adding its bit to the understanding of that struggle, the

203

D u r a B a p t i s t e r y makes what is perhaps its most important contribution to knowledge of ancient Church history.

THE

D E C O R A T I O N S OF T H E D U R A BAPTISTERY AND EARLY CHRISTIAN A R T

connected directly w i t h any of the great cultural centers of the eastern Mediterranean, was none the less oriental i n provenience and, being securely dated i n the middle of the t h i r d century, could provide specific antecedents for at least some aspects of later E a s t Christian art. B u t i t is not only the light that they might shed on the development of Christian art i n the E a s t that made the discovery of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations of such obvious importance from the outset. I t was also their potential significance for the origin of the Christian use of art generally. For the historians of Christian art who belonged to the nineteenth century and for the generation of those whose -floruit ended i n the t h i r d decade of the twentieth, this question of origins presented no problem. " L a peinture chrtienne a commenc ds l'origine d u christianisme. L'usage de dcorer les tombeaux de peintures est trs a n c i e n ; les R o m a i n s l'avaient reu des trusques ; les chrtiens s'y conformrent". So M a r u c c h i could say i n 1899. T h a t the matter was not so simple a n d self-evident, was revealed b y the parallel development of two fines of study, The first, concerning itself w i t h the works of the early Christian apologists, showed how these writers, i n associating themselves w i t h the polemic of the pagan philosophers against the anthropomorphic representation of divine beings, had ruled out the use of images b y Christians, appealing to the prohibition of E x o d u s 20, 4, as their B i b l i c a l authority a n d following i n this respect the example of the J e w i s h r a b b i s . The
2 3

A s important as are the p l a n and organization of the C h r i s t i a n B u i l d i n g at D u r a for the knowledge of the earliest identifiable form of the d o m u s e c c l e s i a e , so important are the decorations of its B a p t i s t e r y for the knowledge of the beginnings of Christian art. T h i s was evident from the outset, coming to expression i n the interest aroused b y H o p k i n s ' first announcement of the discovery at the T h i r d International Congress of Christian Archaeology at R a v e n n a i n 1932, and i n the first appraisals of the material b y those who at the time were the outstanding experts i n the field.
1

T h e reasons w h y the discovery of the decorations was hailed as being so important are readily intelligible. A s a f a i t h that originated i n the Orient, Christianity h a d its earliest and strongest development i n P a l e s t i n e - S y r i a , A n a t o l i a , Greece, a n d E g y p t . So far as the history of the Christian use of art is concerned this suggests that Caesarea Martima, A n t i o c h on the Orontes, A l e x a n d r i a and, eventually, Constantinople should have been among its first hearths and should have played a leading role i n its development. Perhaps indeed this was the case, but the fact is that the R o m a n catacombs have since their discovery provided the earliest a n d fullest evidence for our knowledge of the beginnings of Christian art, particularly of w a l l decoration, a n d that as regards the E a s t the dogmatic a n d ecclesiastical art of the fifth cent u r y has been the earliest the historian could describe w i t h a n y degree of confidence. Of course, there were scattered earlier remains, and, of course, scholars h a d postulated earlier antecedents for the ecclesiastical art of the fifth century, w h i c h they labeled A l e x a n d r i n e , A s i a t i c , or Antiochene as circumstances suggested, but the evidence was meager and the arguments were tenuous. Here now the spade of the archaeologist has provided a monument of Christian art which, while not
1. F o r H o p k i n s ' first report on the discovery a n d the reactions of such scholars as J . P . K i r s c h , M . Aubert, and G . Millet see the Bibliography at the beginning of this volume.

2. E l e m e n t s d'archologie chrtienne (Paris, 1899), 260L 3. See especially, H . K o c h , D i e allchristliche Bilder frage n a c h d e n literarischen Q u e l l e n (Gttingen, 1917), and W . E l l i g e r , D i e S t e l l u n g der alten Christen z u den B i l d e r n i n d e n ersten vier J a h r h u n d e r t e n (Leipzig, 1930). P a r t i c u l a r l y clear are the statements of T e r t u l l i a n , de i d o l a t r i a , 3, and Clement of A l e x a n d r i a , P r o l r e p t i c u s , 4. I n the fourth century the opposition to the use of images is still reflected i n the familiar 37th. Canon of the Council of E l v i r a : p i c t u r a s i n ecclesia esse n o n debere, ne quod colitur et adoretur i n p a r i e t i b u s d e p i n g a l u r . G. D . Mansi, S a c r o r u m c o n c i l i o r u m nova et a m p l i s s i m a collectio, II, col. 264. O n the meaning of the term ekchv i n the literpp.

204

DECORATIONS AND E A R L Y CHRISTIAN ART

second line of study, applying itself to the archaeological evidence for the dating of the R o m a n catacombs a n d to the comparison of the style and organization of their decorations w i t h those of remains of post-Pompeian pagan wall decoration brought to light especially at Rome a n d Ostia, demonstrated that the beginnings of Christian catacomb p a i n t i n g at Rome can scarcely be earlier t h a n the t h i r d century of our era. The effect of these two lines of investigation was to remove the origins of the Christian use of representational art from the sphere of the obvious t o that of the problematical.
1

205

One aspect of the problem was n a t u r a l l y to reconcile the existence of the monuments w i t h the declarations of the Christian theologians. Another, far more complicated, was to t r y to learn from the various types of monuments what they themselves could possibly tell us of their antecedents. A t h i r d was to assess the origins of Christian art i n terms of the contemporary cultural a n d religious scene, to inquire about the possibility of dependence upon outside sources, Jewish or pagan, a n d to consider competition as a factor of the development. A n n o u n c e d at the v e r y time when the study of the origins of Christian art was entering this new phase, the discovery of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations gave promise of contributing i m p o r t a n t l y to the discussion for at least three reasons. T h e first was that they were securely dated i n time a n d place, the second that they presented a body of subject matter comparable w i t h that of Christian catacomb decoration, a n d the t h i r d that t h e y provided evidence of a functional context other t h a n that of funerary art. The B i b l i o g r a p h y at the beginning of this volume shows that d u r i n g the period that has
ature of the early C h u r c h see Bchsei i n K T " D a s Bildverbot in A T . " 1. See e.g. P . Styger, D i e altchristliclie (Munich, 1927) and D i e rmischen K a t a k o m b e n 9 3 3 ) ; F . W i r t h , Rmische W a n d m a l e r e i (Berlin,
I

elapsed since their discovery was first announced, the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y have not ceased to p l a y a part i n the discussion of the beginnings of Christian art. If during this extended period there has been no systematic effort to appraise their significance, this is due i n t e r a l i a to the fact that they were not yet given definitive publication, that other important discoveries of equal relevance were meanwhile being made at D u r a (in its Synagogue), and elsewhere, for instance in the catacomb on the V i a L a t i n a at Rome, and that there was l a c k i n g the leadership of a scholar sufficiently venturesome a n d competent to attack the question of the origin of Christian art systematically, w i t h full mastery of a l l the material and w i t h p a i n s t a k i n g attention to a l l its details. Since so much of the equally relevant new material has now been published i n definitive fashion a n d since i n T h . K l a u s e r ' s S t u d i e n z u r Entstehungs g e s c h i c h t e der c h r i s t l i c h e n K u n s t we now have the beginnings of a systematic treatment of the larger question, i t is appropriate that the entire evidence for the knowledge of the Christian B u i l d i n g at D u r a should finally be represented and that the presentation should include also some estimate of its potential contribution to the origins of Christian art.
2

In g i v i n g this subject such attention as the limits of the present publication impose, i t w i l l perhaps be simplest to begin b y comparing a n d contrasting the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y w i t h those of the monuments of early Christian funerary art i n the West. P r i o r emphasis has n a t u r a l l y to fall here on the w a l l decorations of the catacombs, but the bas reliefs of the earlier Christian sarcophagi that continue the iconography of the scenes represented there w i l l also require some consideration.
2. Outstanding among the new publications is A . F e r r u a , L e p i t t u r e delta n u o v a catacomba di Via Latina (Vatican C i t y , i960). T h . Klauser's S t u d i e n form a continuing series i n J f A C , beginning w i t h V o l . I (1958).

W , s.v. Grabeskunst (Berlin, 1934).

2o6 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
I. T H E D U R A B A P T I S T E R Y D E C O R A T I O N S A N D T H E E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N ART OF T H E WEST their features a n d highlights b y simple lines and dots. T h e modeling applies to a l l parts of the figures and transmits itself effectively to the garments, m a k i n g those figures that are seen alone against a neutral background seem at home even i n isolation, a n d effectively joining together i n intimate interplay of action a n d reaction those associated w i t h one another i n narrative compositions. B u t whether alone or as elements of larger compositions, they serve not so m u c h to describe b y the i m i t a t i o n of reality as to express, to communicate to symbolize what the suggested reality connotes. The effort is s t i l l occasionally made to c l a i m for the character a n d style of Christian catacomb art a separate origin i n the i n d i v i d u a l i t y of Christian religious belief a n d orientation. B u t the discovery of m u c h new material from contemporary a n d especially earlier periods a n d monuments of non-Christian representational art, combined w i t h a better understanding of the older monuments, makes i t thoroughly evident that the western impressionism of the late Antonine a n d Severan periods still reflects the classical interest i n corporeality, quite as the stereotypic art of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y represents- i n its own sphere a provincialized, pattern-book version of the interest i n plasticity of form.
2 ; 3 4

FUNERARY

A m o n g the several aspects and elements of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations described above, those of style, of arrangement, and of the use of conventional motifs w i l l require the least attention here. A . Style and Organization A t D u r a , as we have seen, we are confronted w i t h a style that is linear, inorganic, static and sometimes even hieratic. The i n d i v i d u a l figures are carefully defined and outlined and are built up w i t h i n the outline by adding successive layers of paint to provide the base colors for garments a n d body, to add fold lines and physical features, a n d to introduce shadows and highUghts. There is no modeling, no m i x i n g of color tones to give plast i c i t y , no attempt at individualization. The faces are commonly frontal; the members are only schematically associated w i t h the body, indicate action only b y means of standard poses, a n d fail to impart lifelikeness to the figure b y c o m m u n i cating their a c t i v i t y to the garments draped over them. The figures are associated i n composition b y juxtaposition and parataxis rather t h a n b y interaction and eke out a two-dimensional existence against a neutral background that provides only the m i n i m u m of a ground line for their emplacement. B y contrast the style of the figures and scenes portrayed i n the contemporary elements of Christian catacomb decoration i n the West is illusionistic, and b y virtue of that fact l i v e l y and a n y t h i n g but formal a n d hieratic. I t avoids all semblance of outline and builds up a n d moulds its often elongated figures b y the v a r i a t i o n and m i x i n g of color. Nowhere is the contrast between the procedures used more v i v i d than i n the rendering of faces which at D u r a come out as flat surfaces surrounded b y a well-defined mass of hair and characterized b y large staring eyes a n d regularly patterned noses a n d ears, but i n the catacombs are suggested b y bold color splashes, finely modeled b y changing color tones, a n d given
1

In the organization of the pictorial compositions and i n the incidental decorative materials used, we face an analogous situation. Quite different from each other are the system of lines d i v i d i n g the walls of underground cubicula arbitrarily into box-like areas on the one h a n d , and on the other the tripartite division of vertical surfaces that organizes the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y into successive registers w i t h i n which the i n d i v i d u a l scenes are t i g h t l y h e l d . Quite different also are
6

i . See above, pp. 169-174, and i n general Rostovtzeff, D u r a - E u r o p o s and its A r t , p p . 81-99.

2. See especially J . de W i t , Spdtromische Bildnis malerei (Berlin, 1938), p p . 22-32. 3. See W i r t h , R o m i s c h e W a n d m a l e r e i , p p . 183-199; Morey, E a r l y C h r i s t i a n A r t , p p . 58-65. 4. So m o s t recently M . Dvork, K u n s t g e s c h i c h t e als Geistesgeschichte, (Munich, 1924), p p . 3-40. 5. O n the linear division of surfaces i n late R o m a n wall decoration see W i r t h , op. c i t . , p p . 165-199, and for

BAPTISTERY DECORATIONS
the graceful, lace-like a n d ever-varying patterns of catacomb ceiling adornment on the one hand, and on the other the starkly schematic design of the star-studded s k y used on the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y ceiling. B u t the framework of lines i n catacomb decoration, even though i t does not always create corresponding fields, is none the less to be regarded as structural, a n illusionistic derivative of the F o u r t h P o m p e i a n Style developed b y jettisoning all ornamental detail, a n d hence as a remote descendant of the same structural system of wall decoration that we know from Delos a n d the Panticapean tombs and that underlies also the organization of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations. This being so, i t is b y no means surprising that i n the Christian catacombs there should be occasional examples of decorative socles l a i d out i n the form of marble paneling, quite as i n the lower register of the B a p t i s t e r y of D u r a . Similarly, there are i n catacomb decorations not only instances of the i m i t a t i o n of coffered ceilings w i t h a single star i n each coffer, a design that has a long history i n structural ornament, but also arcosolia decorated w i t h an over-all star design. Fundamentally, therefore, i n their style, their arrangement and their use of conventional motifs the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y a n d of the Christian catacombs are not unrelated. T h e y represent the same
1 2 3

207

tradition of decorative wall p a i n t i n g i n two widely divergent manifestations. T h a t of the catacombs comes at the end of a much richer evolutionary development whose several stages record the reactions of the best artists to the changing tastes in the culturally most advanced areas of the Mediterranean world. T h a t of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y branches off from the common stock at a relatively early time and, h a v i n g only casual acquaintance w i t h the more commonplace of the later refinements, was dependent for its transmission and execution upon such competence as journeymen artists of the provinces could provide. So far as style is concerned the earliest monuments of Christian decorative art i n E a s t a n d West can be said to use the manner and tradition locally current, w h i c h is only what one w o u l d expect.
4

the register division of the D u r a Baptistery decorations see above, p p . 45-49 1. I n addition to the work of W i r t h already quoted see A . R u m p f , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g , die Denkmler i n W . Otto and R . H e r b i g , H a n d b u c h der Archologie I V , 1 (Munich, 1953), PP- 184-193. F o r the derivation of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorative system see above, R . 157. 2. So for instance i n the capella greca of P r i s c i l l a and the A m p l i a t u s cubiculum and the bakers' cubiculum of D o m i t i l l a . F o r the first see J . W i l p e r t , F r a c t i o Panis (Paris, 1896), PI. I I ; for the second, i d e m , D i e M a l e r e i e n der K a t a k o m b e n R o m s (Freiburg i . B . , 1903), PI. 31, 1; for the t h i r d , conveniently Cabrol, D i c t i o n n a i r e , I, col. 2270, F i g . 772. T h e incidence of paneled socles increased in the fourth century, if the catacomb on the V i a L a t i n a is a n y criterion. 3. F o r coffered ceilings w i t h stars in the i n d i v i d u a l fields see F . W . D e i c h m a n n i n R f A C , s . v . D e c k e ; for a painted imitation see F e r r u a , o p . c i t . , PI. L X V (Sala I); for an arcosolium w i t h over-all star design see G . B . de Rossi, R o m a sotterranea c r i s t i a n a (Rome, 1877), III, PI. X X X V , 2. T h e antecedents of the star-studded v a u l t or dome, as i n the canopy of the D u r a font and i n the later S. Apollinare i n Classe a n d T o m b of G a l l a Placidia are, of course, to be sought elsewhere. See especially K . L e h m a n n , " T h e D o m e of H e a v e n " , A r t B u l l e t i n , X X V I I (1945). PP- 1-2.7.

More suggestive for present purposes is the consideration of the subject matter used i n these earliest monuments of Christian decorative wall painting. H e r e two observations can readily be made. T h e first is that i n both E a s t a n d West we find from the very outset the same use s i m u l taneously of O l d Testament and N e w Testament material. A t D u r a the O l d Testament is represented b y the scenes of D a v i d and Goliath a n d of A d a m a n d Eve, and though the second is a supplement to the original program as indicated above, i t serves to illustrate equally w i t h the first the recourse to the Old Testament subject matter i n the artistic repertory. I n the Christian catacombs of the West, the Old Testament subject matter is proportionately richer, embracing the scenes of A d a m a n d E v e , of J o n a h , of N o a h , of D a n i e l i n the L i o n ' s D e n , of the Sacrifice of Isaac, of the W a t e r from the R o c k , of the Children i n the F i e r y Furnace a n d of Susanna. The second observation to be made i n this connection is that of the subjects represented on the walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y no less t h a n three the Good Shepherd, the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c and the W o m a n at the W e l l are among the earliest a n d the most frequently represented i n the frescoes of the catacombs and the bas-reliefs of the sarcophagi.
5

4. O n the question of program as a feature of the organization of wall decoration i n the Christian catacombs and in the D u r a Baptistery see below, p. 222. 5. T h e statistics for the occurrence of biblical subjects in these categories of media were first gathered b y Styger, A l t c h r i s t l i c h e Grabeskunst, p p . 6-8. T h e material has

2o8 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
T h a t these observations are i n themselves already h i g h l y relevant t o the problem of the origin of Christian representational art should be obvious. T h e appearance of O l d Testament scenes in the D u r a Baptistery makes more acute t h a n ever the question of the possible dependence of Christian on J e w i s h art that has loomed so large since the discovery of the D u r a Synagogue. A t the same time the appearance i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y of scenes also among those most favored i n the Christian catacombs of the West, but i n a different functional context, must i n e v i t a b l y lead to doubts about the sufficiency of such matters as the c o m m e n d a t i o a n i m a e a n d the pseudo-Cyprianic prayers as sources of i n s p i r a t i o n for the subject matter of early Christian art, for their relevance is not baptismal. B u t the discussion of these points has still to be held i n abeyance briefly.
1

B . Subject Matter and

Treatment

One other aspect of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations invites comparison w i t h analogous features of early Christian art i n the W e s t , namely the manner i n w h i c h the subject matter is represented. N o w i t is clear that the B a p t i s t e r y scenes lack the definition of place a n d circumstance that is characteristic of Hellenistic narrative p a i n t i n g , coming closer to the simple a n d almost stenographic manner of representation that has long been recognized as a feature of Christian catacomb decoration. B u t t h e y differ i n salient particulars even from these, a n d i t is not unrewarding to study the differences i n question i n the present context, especially i n the case of those scenes that are the more familiar and widely attested.
2

Christian art a n d at the same time among those w i t h the earliest attestation. The several iconographic types have been carefully studied a n d are well established. I n what has come to be regarded as the earliest type, that of catacomb p a i n t i n g , the P a r a l y t i c is t y p i c a l l y depicted b y himself alone. H e is n o r m a l l y dressed i n a short-sleeved or sleeveless tunic a n d carries his corded bedstead upside down and crosswise on his back.* A second and somewhat different type was developed in the West i n the early Constantinian period and is to be seen particularly on the sarcophagi. T h i s introduces the person of Christ into the composition, who is accompanied u s u ally b y one disciple. A t the same time the representation of the Paralytic is greatly reduced i n size, and he is now seen bearing the bedstead right side up, its l o n g rails running parallel to his sides. I t is clear that both types portray the episode as narrated b y Matthew, though i t m a y be that there is a difference between the k i n d of text used i n the catacombs a n d on the sarcophagi. T h e change from one iconographic type to the other has been quite properly interpreted to i m p l y a change i n emphasis, that of catacomb decoration stressing the experience of salvation, for which o n l y the figure of the P a r a l y t i c was necessary, that of the sarcophagi pointing to the giver of the salvation i n comparison w i t h w h o m the P a r a l y t i c is relatively unimportant, hence rendered i n lesser proportions. But i t w o u l d be incorrect to draw from this sequence the conclusion that so far as the origins of Christian representational art are concerned, they lie i n a sphere i n which the interests a n d the point of v i e w of the catacomb type of composition were paramount. This can now be seen from the
3 6 6 7

I. HEALING OF THE PARALYTIC

The scene of the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c (Mark 2, 3-12; M a t t . 9, 2 - 8 ; L u k e 5, 18-26) i s among those most frequently represented i n early
meanwhile been re-examined b y T h . Klauser, " S t u d i e n IV", J f A C , I V (1961), p p . 128-136 w i t h an eye to the range of subject matter i n the pre-Constantinian period. A l l such data, of course, need continually to be revised to keep abreast of new discoveries and the reinterpretation of familiar compositions, r. See below, p . 222. 2. See most recently T h . Klauser, " S t u d i e n I V " , J f A C , I V (1961), p p . 136-138.

3. See W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n p p . 218-220; E . B . S m i t h , E a r l y C h r i s t i a n I c o n o g r a p h y (Princeton, 1938), p p . 102 108; F . Gerke, D i e c h r i s t l i c h e n Sarkophage der v o r k o n s t a n t i n i s c h e n Z e i t (Berlin, 1940), p p . 2 i 6 f . 4. See e.g. W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n , PI. 27, 3 (Cubiculum A 3 of Callistus) and PI. 98 (Peter and Marcellinus). 5. See J . W i l p e r t , I sarcofagi c r i s t i a n i a n t i c h i (Rome, 1929-36), T a v o l e I, P i s . 111, 1; 112, 2 - 3 ; 113, 1; T a v o l e II, P i s . 122, 1; 128, 2; 129, 2; etc. There is no reason to refer here t o still later iconographic types of which Gerke and S m i t h speak. 6. W h a t suggests this possibility is the fact that E p h r a e m Syrus i n the h y m n quoted above, p. 60, explicitly speaks of the P a r a l y t i c turning the bed upside down. B u t I have found no trace of a reading i n the Western text of Matthew or i n the Vetus L a t i n a corresponding to this. 7. See Gerke, op. c i t . , p. 216, n . 3.

BAPTISTERY DECORATIONS
representation of the scene i n the D u r a B a p t i s tery. Quite as early i n date as the earliest catacomb parallels, the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c from D u r a includes the person of Christ, as the sarcophagi d i d for the first time i n the W e s t . B u t the D u r a example differs from b o t h the catacomb and sarcophagus types i n that i t is a simultaneous composition, showing the P a r a l y t i c twice, once while still recumbent on his bed a n d once carrying away his bed. A s such i t is an example of the continuous method of narrative composition, a n d therefore not immediately didactic i n one sense or another. T h e particular character of the narrative interest shown b y the D u r a example can be seen i n two other particulars i n w h i c h i t differs from the iconographic t r a d i t i o n of the West. O n the sarcophagi, where i n the W e s t Christ first appears i n the composition, Christ gestures toward the P a r a l y t i c that is, commands h i m to take up his bed a n d w a l k when the P a r a l y t i c is already i n the act of c a r r y i n g away the bed. The extent of the abbreviation makes the inconsistency t r i v i a l . A t D u r a , however, where the P a r a l y t i c is shown twice, Christ's gesture is s t r i c t l y directed to the m a n on the bed as is proper. Once the command has been given b y Christ to the P a r a l y t i c on his bed, the latter can be shown without the benefit of a second representation of Christ, carrying his bed away. The second particular i n w h i c h the D u r a example differs from those of the catacombs a n d the early sarcophagi is i n the logic w i t h w h i c h i t develops the composition from its source i n Matthew. Matthew, i t w i l l be recalled, introduced the " b e d " into the story, replacing the " p a l l e t " of M a r k , and early Christian art generally has followed Matthew's interpretation. B u t the D u r a artist has gone beyond his contemporaries i n m a k i n g his picture fit the implications of the text. H e seems to have recognized that the KKWT\ is properly to be t a k e n as a formal piece of furniture and hence appropriate to a householder and m a n of means. Consequently he not only represents the bed as h a v i n g a head rest, a pillow and a fringed coverlet, something which other representations at least approximate, but provides the P a r a l y t i c h i m self w i t h an embroidered tunic, thereby indicating that he is the m a n of means a n d station to whom such a bed is appropriate. I n a greatly abbreviated
14

209

simultaneous composition this k i n d of attention to detail should i n our judgment be understood as the m a r k not of a style but of an interest, the interest i n narration. The D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , on this understanding of the evidence, places alongside the symbolic P a r a l y t i c of the catacombs a n d the didactic P a r a l y t i c of the sarcophagi, at a time v i r t u a l l y the same as the first, a P a r a l y t i c who represents a narrative approach to the material. W h a t this m a y i m p l y about the origins of Christian art, remains to be seen.

2. WALKING ON THE WATER

The scene of Christ w a l k i n g on the W a t e r is not among those represented on the earliest m o n u ments of Christian art from the W e s t , so far as evidence currently available goes. Whether the comparison of its representation at D u r a w i t h the later occurrences can a d d a n y t h i n g i n the present context is therefore doubtful. T h e scene formed part of the decoration of the Church of St. Sergius at G a z a according to Choricius a n d of the Church of the H o l y Apostles at Constantinople as we learn from Nicolas Mesaritis, but b o t h of these churches have long since disappeared. The oldest k n o w n representations are those on the sarcophagus l i d from the catacomb of Callistus (fragmentary), that i n the mosaic of San G i o v a n n i i n F o n t e (fragmentary), those on the Bobbio ampullae and that on a n o n y x gem now l o s t . A m o n g the most familiar is that of the Ambrosiana's m a n u script of the Homilies of Gregory of N a z i a n z u s .
1 2 3

L i k e the D u r a composition these representations of the episode regularly have two elements, the disciples i n the ship a n d Christ saving Peter from drowning. The elements are commonly arranged horizontally, rather t h a n vertically as at D u r a , but this is merely a matter of the availability of space. Elsewhere t h a n at D u r a Peter occupies a position
1. See G . Downey, G a z a i n the early s i x t h C e n t u r y (Norm a n , O k l a h o m a , 1963), p. 132, a n d A . Heisenberg, Grabeshirche u n d A p o s t e l h i r c h e , II (Leipzig, 1908), p p . 49-52. 2. See J . W i l p e r t , D i e Papstgraber u n d die Caciliengruft i n der K a t a k o m b e des h l . K a l l i s t u s (Freiburg I B . , 1909), PI. V I I I , 1; i d e m , M o s a i k e n u n d M a l e r e i e n , I, PI. 31; A . Grabar, A m p o u l e s de Terre S a i n t e (Paris, 1958), P i s . X L I I I a n d L V , nos. 11 and 12; Garrucci, S t o r i a d e l l ' arte c r i s t i a n a , V I , PI. 478, F i g . 13. 3. See A . G r a b a r , L e s m i n i a t u r e s d u Gregoire de N a z i a n z e de VAmbrosienne (Paris, 1943), PI. X X X I I I , 1.

2io INTERPRETATION: DECORATIONS AND EARLY CHRISTIAN ART

lower t h a n that of Christ and can be seen to be half submerged i n the water or even actually reduced to swimming. T h a t the episode thus rendered is intended to emphasize Peter's lack of faith is commonly a n d correctly understood b y the interpreters. T h a t this is not the purpose of the D u r a representation, has been indicated above. T h e early examples from places other than D u r a have two things i n common. The first is the tendency to develop the composition i n the naturalistic manner of the Hellenistic a n d R o m a n l a n d a n d seascapes. Hence the compositions include the representation of fish a n d dolphins i n the sea, a n d of aquatic birds on the prow a n d the crow's nest of the ship, and give to the ship the t y p i c a l l y graceful a n d sometimes even ornate shape familiar from ancient wall decorations a n d mosaics the w o r l d over. The second feature is the relative unimportance of the disciples i n the ship itself. T h e y are represented either b y a token crew of two or three figures one of w h o m is the a l l important helmsman w i t h his steering-oar or, if the full complement of eleven is attempted, they are reduced to rows of dots, or of passive, lifeless, i d e n t i c a l busts.
1 2

because the iconography of the theme of the repose of the dead i n the gardens of the hereafter is now well established i n pagan, syncretistic, and early Christian funerary a r t . A propos of what has been said above about the possibility that the D u r a composition m a y have lacked h u m a n figures entirely, i t m a y be noted, for whatever i t m a y be worth, that the H e a v e n l y Paradise is so depicted i n the composition showing the Gift of the H o l y Spirit i n the R a b b u l a Gospels. I n the miniature, the place from which the dove representing the Spirit descends is indicated b y a solid blue band, the v a u l t of heaven. A b o v e the blue v a u l t , i n the spandrel-shaped sections of the rectangular field enclosed b y the frame, are shown green trees, some w i t h upper branches done i n blue, clearly portraying the heavenly garden or Paradise above the f i r m a m e n t .
3 4 5

4. THE WOMAN AT THE WELL

I n contrast, as we have seen above, the D u r a representation depicts a large sea-going vessel, perhaps i n the effort to do justice to the t e r m i n ology of the story, w h i c h speaks of the L a k e of Galilee clS 3. S Get (6ctaaro-a) a n d mentions the high waves a n d contrary winds (Matthew 14, 24), a n d individualizes the eleven disciples i n the ship b y representing them i n garments of different colors while at the same time showing t h e m w i t h hands upraised a n d wide staring eyes registering amazement at what t h e y see. The care w i t h w h i c h these details are recorded i n the composition once again emphasizes the narrative interest of the artist.

The scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l provides another composition the representation of w h i c h i t w i l l be helpful to compare w i t h other treatments of the same subject, on the understanding that i t depicts the story of Jesus' encounter w i t h the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n (John 4, 5-42). Indeed, iconography confirms the conclusion already reached above namely that the scene i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y is not intended to illustrate the episode of Rebecca at the W e l l p a r t l y because the latter is not so well a n d so early attested, and
3. See the representation of the E l y s i a n Fields i n the t o m b of the Gens O c t a v i a at R o m e , G . Bendinelli, "Ipogei sepolcrali scoperto presso i l k m . 18 della V i a T r i o n f a l e " , N o i i z i e degli s c a v i , 1922, p p . 428-449, and P l . II ; the introduction of V i b i a into the celestial gardens and into the presence of the banqueting judges i n the Vincentius H y p o g e u m at R o m e , C. Cecchelli, M o n u m e n t i c r i s t i a n o - e r e t i c i d i R o m a (Rome, 1944), p p . 167-180 and especially the representation o n p. 169; the " p a r a d i s e " theme o n early Christian sarcophagi, Gerke, D i e christl i c h e n S a r k o p h a g e , p p . 7 i f . ; the representation of Orans figures among designs showing various plant forms i n the catacombs, Wilpert, M a l e r e i e n , P i s . 111, 236, 265; an Orans in a schematized sequence of trees and plants i n the Christian t o m b at N i s , L . M i r k o v i c , " L a ncropole palochrtienne de N i s , " A r c h a e o l o g i a Iugoslavica, II ( 5 ) . PP- 85-100, esp. F i g . 7, p. 91. 4. See above, p. 67. 5. S e e C . Cecchelli, J . F u r l a n i , a n d M . Salmi, E v a n g e l i a r i i s y r i a c i vulgo Rabbulae i n Bibliotheca Medicea-Laurent-iana adservati ornamenta (Olten and Lausanne, 1959), F o l . 14b.
I Q 6

3. GARDEN SCENE

The G a r d e n Scene really has nothing to add i n the present context, what there was of i t before i t was destroyed being so poorly preserved and recorded. If indeed i t was a representation of the H e a v e n l y Paradise this is a l l the more regrettable
1. See above, p. 64. 2. See e.g. H . G . Beyen, P o m p e j a n i s c h e Wanddekor a t i o n . T L , 1 (Haag, 1960), Pis. 117a, 117b, 118b.

BAPTISTERY DECORATIONS
partly because its representation is quite other t h a n what the D u r a composition sets before us. In the early Christian funerary art of the West the scene of the W o m a n at the W e l l is presently k n o w n from five examples i n catacomb decoration and from nine examples on sarcophagi. O n l y one of these examples that of Cubiculum A 3 of the Callistus catacomb can be assigned to the t h i r d century a n d regarded as roughly contemporary w i t h the composition i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . I n the discussion of the several types of representation emphasis has hitherto been placed successively on the difference between the purposes (didactic or symbolic) w h i c h the compositions serve, on the distinction between the seated philosopher-type Christ a n d the standing y o u t h f u l miracle-worker, and on the contrast between the type showing a windlass over the wellhead a n d the type showing a real well house w i t h a pulley instead of windlass. Some of these distinctions m a y indeed continue to be of value, l i k e that between the seated p h i l o sopher Christ a n d the standing youthful wonderworker Christ, but others, like that between the so-called " e a s t e r n " and so-called " w e s t e r n " types based on the strength of the k i n d of mechanism
1 2 3

211

1. See above, p. 69. F o r examples of the scene of Rebecca at the W e l l at Bagawat, i n the V i e n n a Genesis, the A s h b u r n h a m Pentateuch, a n d the Seraglio Octateuch, see A . F a k h r y , T h e N e c r o p o l i s of e l - B a g a w a t i n the K h a r g a O a s i s (Cairo, 1951), F i g s . 47-48, p p . 6of.; W . v o n H a r t e l and F . Wickhoff, D i e W i e n e r G e n e s i s (Vienna, 1895),' P l . X I I I ; O . v o n Gebhardt, T h e M i n i a t u r e s of the A s h b u r n h a m P e n t a t e u c h (London, 1883), P l . V I I I ; T . Ouspensky, L ' O c t a t e u q u e de la bibliothque d u Srail (Sofia, 1907), P l . X V (50); the scene appears also i n the V a t i c a n octateuchs, C o d . V a t . Graec. 746, fol. 85 vo. and Cod. V a t . Graec. 747, fol. 45 ro. W h i l e , i n the example f r o m Bagawat, Rebecca is seen at a well whose wellhead is surmounted b y the same k i n d of windlass as i n some of the examples of the scene of the Samaritan W o m a n , i t seems clear that no artist could have stripped the representation of the Genesis episode down to that one element and have expected people to identify the subject. A c t u a l l y , of course, the representations t y p i c a l l y show Rebecca i n the act of g i v i n g Eleazar water to drink, a matter quite irrelevant to the meaning and story of the Samaritan Woman. 2. F o r the statistics and dating see Styger, op. c i t . , p. 7, a n d Klauser, " S t u d i e n I V " , J f A C , I V (1961), p. 134. Styger's figure of examples f r o m w a l l decoration needs to be increased b y one b y reason of the new representation in the catacomb o n the V i a L a t i n a . 3. See W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n , p p . 2 2 4 I and 423-426; E . B . S m i t h , " T h e Alexandrian O r i g i n of the Chair of M a x i m i a n u s " , A J A , X X I (1917), p p . 22-37, P - PP3of. ; Gerke, D i e christlichen S a r h o p h a g e , p. 144, n . 8.
e s

placed over the wellhead, seem to be useless, as the D u r a example shows, for i t is of eastern provenience but lacks a l l machinery. I n the present context the implications of distinction between the seated a n d the standing Christ can be left aside, for the figure of Christ is absent from the D u r a composition, as i t was also from the fresco i n the catacomb of D o m i t i l l a i f Bosio's copy can be t r u s t e d . B u t some attention to the water-drawing procedure portrayed i n the several relatively early examples is i n order a n d instructive. The representation that is standard for all sarcophagi (none antedating the fourth century), and that shows Christ a n d the Samaritan W o m a n standing on either side of a low wellhead over which a mechanical contrivance w i t h a windlass or pulley rises, has a number of features recommending i t to those who produced the bas-reliefs. I t made a compact, centralized composition well suited to sarcophagus decoration; i t permitted showing both figures i n a relaxed standing position, for the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n could be seen to apply one h a n d to the rope near the windlass or pulley without a w k w a r d bending or stooping; finally, the provision for a windlass or well house took proper cognizance of the fact that the well was deep (John 4, 11). Precisely on this last point there m a y well be s a i d to have been a deficiency i n the earlier representations i n catacomb decoration. I n the earliest example of a l l , that from C u b i c u l u m A 3 of Callistus, where the Samaritan W o m a n w i t h tunic s k i r t e d u p dips her p a i l into a h i g h circular basin, the water is seen to splash over the sides of the basin, i m p l y i n g that i t is full to the rim. T h i s is the k i n d of t h i n g one w o u l d expect to find where such a b a s i n was fed from afar off b y water coming through aqueducts. I n the example i n D o m i t i l l a , as i n other early examples,, the form w h i c h the wellhead takes i s that of a pithos set into the ground to the level of its shoulder. T h i s procedure of enclosing the source of a local supply of water in a large storage j a r whose bottom has been
4 6 6 7

4. See W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n , PI. 54, 2. 5. F o r examples see W i l p e r t , / sarcofagi, T a v o l e I, Pis. 114, 4; 116, 1; 148, 2; T a v o l e II, PI. 240, 1. 6. See W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n , PI. 29, 2; i d e m , D i e M a l e r e i e n der S a c r a m e n t s k a p e l l e n i n der K a t a k o m b e des h l . C a l l i s t u s (Freiburg L B . , 1897), p p . 5-11. 7. See W i l p e r t , M a l e r e i e n , PI. 54/2, a n d f o r theexample in Peter a n d Marcellinus, i d e m , E i n C y c l u s christologischer Gemlde (Freiburg i . B . , 1891), P i s . I I I - I V .

14*

212 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
knocked out or i n a bottomless barrel is still i n use i n small villages. It is used where the source of the water is a spring issuing from the ground directly under foot, a n d where the ground would be t u r n e d into m u d and the water roiled if i t were not enclosed around its edges. Here again, as i n the case of the high basin filled to the rim, the source of supply is therefore at the surface, not far underground. I t m a y well be that the representation of the scene as we find i t on the sarcophagi, w i t h the windlass or well house, recommended itself i n t e r a l i a as a correction of the earlier compositions, because i t indicated that the water was i n a deep well, not near the surface. The example from the catacomb on the V i a L a t i n a , belonging as i t does to the fourth century a n d combining the windlass w i t h the pithos, would lend itself to interpretation as a transitional type, perhaps affected b y the representation used on sarcophagi.
1

which the woman's vessel at the other end of the rope she holds i n her hands has disappeared. B u t her pose as described above, appropriate to the action of g i v i n g the rope the t u g that will flip the vessel on its side a n d to the action of pulling i t up hand over h a n d , indicates graphically and w i t h perfect c l a r i t y to those f a m i l i a r w i t h the procedure that the well is deep a n d the work therefore strenuous. The composition, then, is markedly realistic i n local terms a n d i n coping w i t h the biblical account i n this fashion manifests its narrative interest.
3

5. DAVID AND GOLIATH

It should be clear that the two types discussed b o t h associate themselves n a t u r a l l y w i t h the environment of I t a l y a n d G a u l , the first as a spontaneous and unreflective representation of the water-drawing procedure i n lands copiously supplied w i t h springs a n d fountains, the second as a representation of the use of mechanical c o n t r i vances for raising water from deep wells where the t i m b e r needed for the machinery was also everywhere available. It should be equally clear that neither of these two types w o u l d associate itself n a t u r a l l y a n d at an early date w i t h the N e a r E a s t , where spring water is extremely rare a n d where, except i n an especially protected setting, the timbers of a windlass would disappear i n no time at a l l . I t is against this background that the representation of the scene i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y reveals its characteristics. There is no windlass and no pithos, but only a low curb of the type s t i l l found at desert wells, through the aperture of
2

The subject of D a v i d a n d G o l i a t h is not among those that attracted the most attention among early Christian artists. I t is doubtful, therefore, whether the iconographic comparison of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y rendering w i t h other examples w i l l add a n y t h i n g i n the present context. The episode is not treated i n catacomb decoration, so far as present evidence goes. O n Christian sarcophagi there are several instances of its use, a l l of t h e m showing the confrontation of the two champions, both standing erect, D a v i d usually w i t h his staff and sling, G o l i a t h i n m i l i t a r y garb, w i t h shield and sword. T h e scene shows the issue between the unevenly matched champions still i n the balance, illustrating the jeopardy from w h i c h the servants of G o d are delivered b y h i m , quite as i t is described i n the c o m m e n d a t i o a n i m a e .
4 6

1. F o r the example see A . F e r r u a , L e p i t t u r e delta n u o v a catacomba d i V i a L a t i n a (Vatican C i t y , i960), P I . C H I , and p. 65. 2. T h e first examples of the representation i n v o l v i n g the use of a windlass are actually fifth century. T h e example f r o m Bagawat has been mentioned above. Comparable is the one f r o m the R a b b u l a Gospels, which is said to have been inspired b y the construction of the church over Jacob's W e l l , where indeed the protection required for the preservation of such a contrivance is p r o v i d e d , a n d where such a windlass is still i n use today. See. C. Cecchelli et a l . , E v a n g e l i a r i i s y r i a c i vulgo R a b b u l a e , F o l . 6a.

The interest of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y artist is quite different, as we have seen above, for what he has shown is the decapitation of G o l i a t h , where the v i c t o r y is already achieved. N o w i t is important i n the present context to note that this episode is portrayed elsewhere i n ancient and medieval Christian art only i n cycles of scenes dealing w i t h D a v i d ' s early life, or i n materials dependent on such cycles. The earliest of these occurrences is i n Chapel I I I of B a w i t , where we have successive scenes showing D a v i d p l a y i n g the lyre before Saul,
6

3. See above, p. 68. 4. T h e representation of D a v i d alone with his sling i n the catacomb of D o m i t i l l a (Wilpert, M a l e r e i e n , PI. 55) can h a r d l y qualify as an instance. 5. See W i l p e r t , I sarcofagi, T e x t I, F i g , 5, p. 18; F i g . 24, p. 57; T e x t II, p p . 2 6 4 ! 6. See above, p. 70.

BAPTISTERY DECORATIONS
D a v i d accoutred w i t h regular armor, D a v i d i n shepherd garb confronting Goliath, a n d D a v i d beheading the Philistine champion. The narrative interest of the D u r a composition can thus be said to be revealed i n this instance not b y comparison w i t h other contemporary representations of a different character but b y consideration of context i n w h i c h the episode is otherwise portrayed.
1

213

avoided the theme of the W o m e n at the T o m b m a y indirectly tell us more about the k i n d of interest that evoked its use at D u r a t h a n any comparison could.
7. THE GOOD SHEPHERD AND HIS SHEEP

6. THE WOMEN AT THE TOMB

B a s e d as they are on the Diatessaron, i f our judgment is correct, the two scenes of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y representing the W o m e n at the T o m b are fundamentally so different from a l l later treatments of the subject a n d i n their own period stand so thoroughly alone, that there is no basis for comparison and hence no w a y of bringing out their character b y comparative study. A s i t develops, Christian art does eventually have two different scenes i n w h i c h the tomb plays a part, one outside the tomb a n d one inside. B u t the persons i n v o l v e d are not identical i n both, the scene of the W o m e n outside the T o m b uses the Jerusalem Anastasis as its setting and t y p i c a l l y has the seated angel speaking to two women, while the scene inside the T o m b has three women approaching a seated angel who points to an open round-headed sarcophagus standing on end. N o n e of these representations is earlier t h a n the fifth century, a n d the fact that i n the two preceding centuries, when i t was so strongly symbolic and didactic, Christian art seems generally to have
2

As we move on to the scene of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep we return also to the themes that are among the earliest a n d most frequently represented i n early Christian w a l l p a i n t i n g and sculpture. Thanks to the work of Gerke a n d K l a u s e r we are also better informed about the treatment of the theme i n early Christian art t h a n about almost any of the othei-s. A s indicated above, the composition showing the Good Shepherd and his Sheep at D u r a is symbolic i n character, representing Christ a n d his own, and serving as a substitute i n its position on the focal w a l l of the B a p t i s t e r y for the painted image of the cult deity that would have appeared there h a d this been a pagan shrine. B u t while symbolic i n function, the composition is d i s t i n c t l y narrative i n character. I t differs naturally from those representations of the Good Shepherd i n w h i c h he appears b y himself alone whether i n sculpture i n the r o u n d or i n the fields of catacomb ceiling decoration. I t differs similarly from the representations of the Good Shepherd who appear f u l l size, singly or i n pairs or w i t h a n Orans on one-zone a n d two-zone sarcophagi. It differs finally from the seated philosopher Christ w i t h his sheep scattered on the hillside around h i m , as he appears i n the T o m b
3 4 5

1. See J . Cldat, L e monastre et la ncropole de B a o u i t ( I n s t i t u t franais d'archologie d u C a i r e , Mmoires, X I I Cairo, 1904), p p . 13-29, P i s . X V I - X I X . F o r other examples see especially the Aristocratie Psalters that have borrowed t h e m from illustrated manuscripts of the B o o k s of K i n g s , e.g., the Paris Psalter (Bib. N a t . Graec. 139), the Sacra Parallela (Bib. N a t . Graec 923), V a t i c a n Graec. 333 and A t h o s , V a t o p e d i 761. Cf. K . W e i t z m a n n , " T h e Psalter V a t o p e d i 761,its Place i n the aristocratic Psalter R e c e n s i o n " , J o u r n a l of the Walters A r t Gallery, X (1947), p p . 21-51. One further example o n a Silver Plate from Cyprus deserves separate mention. These examples represent two m a i n types one of which shows D a v i d preparing to decapitate his fallen enemy while facing him, the other D a v i d applying his sword to G o l i a t h from behind. T h e latter is closer to the D u r a example, but only i n the B a w i t fresco, which belongs to the former type, does D a v i d have his sword still poised high i n the air above his head before beginning the downward stroke. 2. See i n general G . Millet, Recherches s u r l'icono graphie de l'vangile (Paris, 1916), p p . 517-530.

3. See especially, D i e christlichen S a r k o p h a g e , p p . 31 36, 52-72, and Klauser, " S t u d i e n I " , J f A C , I (1958) p p . 24-51. F o r the literary and liturgical evidence bearing upon the popularity of the figure i n Christian art see Quasten, " D a s B i l d des G u t e n H i r t e n , " p p . 220-244. 4. See above, p. 157. 5. E x a m p l e s of the first two types are too familiar to require specific references. E x a m p l e s of the G o o d Shepherd o n sarcophagi w i l l be found most readily i n Gerke, D i e c h r i s t l i c h e n S a r k o p h a g e , e.g., P i s . 6, 19, 20, where also the whole subject is fully treated. I a m aware that K l a u s e r i n his " S t u d i e n I " cited above questions the Christian connotation of the examples mentioned, and admit that the differentiation between Christian a n d pagan is often difficult. B u t I find i t h a r d to accept the argument from the so-called " n e u t r a l m o t i f s " , preferring to regard them as " a m b i g u o u s m o t i f s " which could have been used b y either pagan or C h r i s t i a n , and would be inclined to suppose that i n the case of examples of a Good Shepherd dating f r o m at least the Constantinian period the antecedent probability would be that they were C h r i s t i a n i n meaning.

214 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
of the A u r e l i i , a n d from the pastoral idylls of shepherd a n d sheep that p o r t r a y the E n d y m i o n m y t h on pagan sarcophagi. I n both of these, quite apart from the pose of the shepherd himself, the atmosphere is completely relaxed i n keeping w i t h the rest that the departed is to find i n death or i n the paradise of the hereafter. B y contrast, as indicated above, there is a n obvious concerted and purposeful movement i n the composition of the Good Shepherd a n d his Sheep i n the D u r a B a p tistery, where also the allusion is not p r i m a r i l y to the hereafter but to the present, w i t h eschatological overtones.
1 2

its members overlapping each other i n three ascending planes, and not distributed around the landscape. T h e suggestion is that the shepherd too is coming to p a y tribute to the deceased. T h e G o o d Shepherd of D u r a , even though a symbol, is equally purposeful. M o v i n g toward the right he is nursing the injured, d r i v i n g the flock to places where they can find a n d are actually finding pasture, a n d at the same time protecting t h e m against a l l dangers. The picture tells a s t o r y ; the representation is narrative.
4

L e a v i n g aside the specific characteristics of the D u r a composition those that make i t a scene composed of a criophoros a n d a flock of rams and considering only the theme of a m a n a n d a group of animals i n motion, i t would appear that the closest analogies are to be found i n scenes depicting realistically the routine activities of life on the farm. T h e so-called " i n u n d a t e d landscape" of the A l b a n i V i l l a provides a simple example. One detail of the composition, i t w i l l be recalled, shows a cowherd d r i v i n g or following closely a herd of cattle that is crossing a bridge over a water course, whether on its w a y to or from pasture. The vignette has the same element of purposefulness of group movement, regardless of the fact that the animals i n this instance are cows. A closer analogy and one actually i n v o l v i n g shepherd a n d sheep appears on a sarcophagus i n the Campo Santo at P i s a (PI. X X X I I , 2). T h e sarcophagus, of w h i c h only a part is shown on the P l a t e , has a clipeus w i t h the portrait of the deceased a g i r l i n the middle. F r o m the right a file of eight women move t o w a r d the center, w i t h the suggestion that they have come to p a y their respects to the deceased. F r o m the left a criophoros w i t h a flock of ten rams strides purposefully toward the right, that is toward the clipeus. T h e flock is compact,
3

8. ADAM AND E V E

The A d a m a n d E v e scene, finally, is also among those frequently represented i n fresco a n d i n basrelief i n early Christian art, a n d K l a u s e r counts at least three examples of i t that are pre-Constant i n i a n . I n the t y p i c a l representation A d a m a n d Eve stand on either side of the tree of the k n o w ledge of good a n d e v i l , up the t r u n k of w h i c h the serpent is curled. T h e y are normally seen p l u c k i n g the fruit of the tree w i t h one h a n d and covering their nakedness w i t h the other. The manner of composition is therefore simultaneous. Sometimes they are already seen clothed i n aprons of leaves. On a l l these points the D u r a example agrees w i t h the standard representation, but there are two points of difference.
5

The first difference is that provided b y the two trees, twice the size of the tree of knowledge, which the D u r a artist has added at the sides of his composition. These are so atypical that B a u r mistook t h e m for the walls of the Garden of E d e n , ignoring the continuation of their foliage i n the field at the left of the Good Shepherd. T h e i r purpose i s , n a t u r a l l y , to show that the tree of knowledge stood i n a garden w i t h m a n y others, as the B i b l i c a l story e x p l i c i t l y states (Gen. 2, 16-17). The representation is approximated i n the " c o n tinuous frieze" type of book illustration used i n the
6 7

1. F o r the former see Cecchelli, M o n u m e n t i c r i s t i a n o eretici, opp. p. 8, and for the latter C. Robert, D i e a n t i k e n Sarkophagreliefs, III, 1 (Berlin, 1897), p p . 59-111, Pis. X I I - X X V . N o closer is the same type of i d y l used as a setting for the scene of Polyphemus and Galatea i n the House of the Priest A m a n d u s at P o m p e i i . See W . J . T . Peters, L a n d s c a p e i n R o m a n - C a m p a n i a n M u r a l P a i n t i n g (Assen, 1963), p p . 9 1 ! , PI. X X I , no. 78. 2. See above, p. 53. 3. See conveniently E . P f u h l , M a l e r e i u n d Z e i c h n u n g der G r i e c h e n , III (Munich, 1923), PI. 336, no. 732.

4. See W i l p e r t , I sarcofagi, Tavole I, PI. L X X X I I I , 3, T e x t I, p p . 100, 138. T h e sarcophagus is said to be of the t h i r d century a n d m a y well be pagan rather t h a n Christian as W i l p e r t maintains. 5. Styger, A l t c h r i s t l i c h e G r a b e s k u n s t , p. 6, counts 19 examples i n w a l l decoration and 50 i n sculpture. F o r Klauser's analysis as to date see his " S t u d i e n I V " , J f A C , I V , (1961), p. 133. 6. See above, p. 55. 7. See R e p . V , p. 257.

BAPTISTERY DECORATIONS
V i e n n a Genesis, where various episodes from Genesis 2 are strung along, "alles i n einer Land schaft" as Wickhoff properly remarked. B u t whereas i n the V i e n n a Genesis the setting for the tree of knowledge is a by-product of the arrangement of the illustrative material, at D u r a i t is intentional.
1 2

215

The second particular i n which the D u r a composition differs from other representations of A d a m a n d E v e is i n the treatment of the serpent. Usually, as indicated above, the serpent is seen curled along the t r u n k of the tree of knowledge. A t D u r a the serpent appears on the ground at the bottom of the composition, m o v i n g along w i t h the fore part of its b o d y held h i g h i n the air. Indeed, i t is possible that there are actually two serpents i n the scene. One representation of the scene that might at first glance seem to provide a parallel is on a V e l l e t r i sarcophagus of t h e " p a r a d i s e " type from the fourth century. Here too the serpent is shown i n the foreground at the foot of the tree of k n o w ledge. B u t again this seems to be a by-product of the manner of composition. A d a m and E v e are shown holding hands instead of p l u c k i n g fruit. T o permit this the tree h a d to be moved to the right of the couple where i t was shown i n greatly reduced size w i t h half of its v-shaped crown hidden behind the sleeve of an Orans figure. U n d e r the c i r c u m stances there was no r o o m on the tree for the serpent a n d i t was shown on the ground.
3 4

an explanation of the particular feature of the D u r a representation under discussion hre. I n showing the serpent w i t h the fore part of its body raised from the ground the artist has indicated that the episode precedes the imposition of the curse upon the serpent that henceforth requires i t to creep on its belly. I n other words, the artist is once again shown to be interested i n m a k i n g his composition fit the B i b l i c a l narrative exactly and tell the story i n accordance w i t h the narrative. However l i m i t e d , the foregoing brief comparison of the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and those of the Christian funerary art of the West permits of two general observations that bear upon the w a y i n w h i c h the question of the origin of Christian representational art is to be posed. T h e first concerns the presence and importance of the narrative element i n the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y . T h i s does not i n our judgment j u s t i f y the hypothesis of Styger that the original purpose of Christian wall decoration was merely to describe. A t D u r a too we have symbolic scenes l i k e that of the Shepherd and his Sheep, just as there are narrative sequences such as that of J o n a h i n the decoration of the catacombs. R a t h e r i t suggests that any hypothesis offered to explain the origin of Christian art must be so formulated as to account simultaneously for its use for symbolic a n d narrative purposes. T h i s is a l l the more necessary because Jewish representational art as i t presents itself to us simultaneously w i t h Christian art at D u r a has the same characteristics. T h e second observation is that the origin of Christian art, to be properly explained, must be visualized not as a local event but as a comprehensive process r e p resenting the response of diverse communities a n d regions to common impulses felt at approximately the same time a n d producing analogous results while satisfying various needs. T h e question is whether i t is s t i l l possible from the evidence a v a i l able to describe a n d define adequately the impulses that motivated the response.
6

The o n l y other examples of scenes of A d a m a n d Eve i n w h i c h the serpent is dissociated from the tree of knowledge are those of the m u c h later octateuchs, where i t is supplied w i t h a body that has legs, m a k i n g i t look something like a camel or giraffe. These representations have been discussed b y W e i t z m a n n , who has seen i n them e v i dence of the influence of J e w i s h legend on Christian narrative a r t . W h i l e the octateuchs are themselves quite irrelevant to present purposes, they suggest
5

1. See H a r t e l a n d Wickhoff, op. ext., p. 7 and fol. I. 2. O n the place of the "continuous frieze" type of manuscript illustration i n the history of Christian art see K . W e i t z m a n n , I l l u s t r a t i o n s i n R o l l a n d Codex (Princeton, 1947), p p . 123-129. 3. See above, p. 56. 4. See Gerke, D i e c h r i s t l i c h e n Sarkophage, PI. 6, 2. 5. See his " D i e Illustration der Septuaginta", M i l n c h ener J a h r b u c h d e r b i l d e n d e n K u n s t , N . F . , I I I - I V (1952-53), pp. 96-120, especially p p . 119L and F i g . 26, p. 120. T h e octateuchs i n question are the Seraglio Codex 8, fol. 43

v o . , the Vaticanus Graec. 746, fol. 37 v o . a n d Vaticanus Graec. 747, fol 22 vo. 6. Alongside the narrative sequences we have i n the D u r a Synagogue the Tree of L i f e w i t h T h r o n e a n d T a b l e in the underpainting of the Center Panels a n d o n the faade of the T o r a h Shrine the Sacrifice of Isaac, all symbolic i n character. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, P i s . X X X I I I a n d L I and p p . 361-363, 385-390.

2i6 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
H. IMPULSES L E A D I N G TO T H E D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E CHRISTIAN U S E OF A R T to say that where the room of a private house h a d passed over into religious service i t could not have had B i b l i c a l decorations, but this is quite another matter. More recent discussions of the subject have been m u c h more specific, thanks i n no small measure to the discovery, precisely at D u r a , of its painted Synagogue a n d its decorated Christian B a p t i s t e r y . Seen i n the fight of the contrast between these two structures the case that can be made for the p r i o r i t y of Jewish representational art and the Christian dependence upon i t seems most i m pressive. H e r e the Synagogue's H a l l of Assembly, a room t e n times as large as the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y i n its cubic dimensions, is adorned w i t h successive registers of pictorial compositions whose excellence of workmanship, wealth of subject matter, a n d coloristic effectiveness so far exceeds that of the relatively few scenes of the B a p t i s t e r y w i t h their modest palette a n d their almost tentative and experimental compositional character as to make comparison seem ludicrous. W h a t is more i m portant, the narrative compositions of the S y n a gogue show a n a b i l i t y to handle a far greater range of iconographie material, to deal far more convincingly w i t h both i n d i v i d u a l figures a n d groups of persons a n d to sustain the t h r e a d of narration b y joining numbers of episodes i n a single composition a n d numbers of compositions i n cycles. The assurance w i t h which the m a n y themes are handled a n d the clear indications of telescoping a n d compressing of material leave little room for doubt that the decorations of the Synagogue represent a repertoire and t r a d i t i o n whose antecedents lie m u c h farther back a n d elsewhere t h a n at D u r a , while those of the Christian B u i l d i n g seem relatively elementary a n d a m a teurish i n comparison. G i v e n the importance attaching to O l d Testament themes i n early Christian art, what is more n a t u r a l t h a n that the Jewish rendering of these subjects should have inspired the Christian ?
2

T h e impulses which played a role i n the origin of Christian representational art a n d w h i c h we propose to test here against the evidence supplied b y the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y are potentially of two kinds, those that m a y have come from without a n d those that m a y have come from w i t h i n . T h e former, again, m a y be considered from various angles, depending on whether i t is thought merely to have encouraged i m i t a t i o n or to have exercised compulsive power i n the competition a n d struggle for supremacy between the r i v a l cults of the second and t h i r d centuries.

4, T h e J e w i s h Use o f r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a l A r t
W h e t h e r or not Christian art was derived from or i n some sense dependent on the prior use of representational art b y J e w i s h communities of the ancient w o r l d is a subject that has been widely discussed d u r i n g the present century. The earlier discussions were necessarily v e r y general i n character, pointing to the prominence of O l d Testament themes i n catacomb art, to the i m p o r tance of converts from among Hellenized Jews a n d J e w i s h proselytes i n the growth of Christian congregations, a n d to medieval illustrated J e w i s h manuscripts then attracting attention for the first time. O n l y one aspect of this discussion need concern us here, namely the suggestion made as recently as Styger's A t t c h r i s t l i c h e G r a b e s k u n s t that Old Testament scenes might have come into the repertory of Christian catacomb decoration from the walls of J e w i s h private houses where t h e y h a d previously served the purposes of simple w a l l decoration. Against this suggestion, w h i c h took its cue, of course, from the so-called Judgment of Solomon among the frescoes of P o m p e i i , what we have since learned about the use of p i c t o r i a l art i n church a n d synagogue argues effectively. The Christians a n d the Jews both of D u r a a n d of R o m e were altogether too clear i n their understanding of where i t was a n d was not appropriate to represent B i b l i c a l scenes to make i t l i k e l y that t h e y were ever w i d e l y used for the sheer embellishment of private dwellings. Of course this does not mean i . Op. cit., p. 89.
1

But i t is one t h i n g to suggest a " n a t u r a l " derivation for early Christian art, a n d quite
2. T h e r o o m w i t h the initiation scenes i n the V i l l a dei Misteri at P o m p e i i m a y provide a neutral pagan parallel.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
another to reconstruct the process of derivation w i t h any degree of verisimihtude. T o date there have been four major suggestions about the way i n w h i c h J e w i s h O l d Testament scenes could have come over into Christian art. These range from the simple to the highly esoteric. K l a u s e r points to themes like the Sacrifice of Isaac engraved on the gems of seal rings a n d to the common J e w i s h and Christian need for a n d use of such seals. W e i t z m a n n t h i n k s of illustrated copies of parts of the Greek O l d Testament t h a t , passing from Jewish to Christian hands, would have provided inspiration and iconography for the use of O l d Testament scenes. Grabar suggests that the Jewish decoration of the T o r a h Shrine areas of synagogues w i t h designs a n d pictures representing the Jerusalem Temple a n d the remainder of the halls w i t h cosmic symbols m a y have inspired the appearance of corresponding themes i n the decoration of Christian churches. Goodenough originally projected the existence of painted shrines erected b y the devotees of a Hellenistic Jewish M y s t e r y Cult, w h i c h Christians i m i t a t e d when the new faith was itself transformed into a mystery religion. E v e n t u a l l y he came to t h i n k of a l l religious symbols appealing to men generally at a subverbal level, w h i c h of course permitted their passage from age to age a n d from c o m m u n i t y to c o m m u n i t y irrespective of creed b y v i r t u e of men's common participation i n fundamental h u man urges and experiences.
1 2 3 4 6

217

The Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a w i t h its decorations has but little direct bearing upon this great discussion. I t was not erected i n i m i t a t i o n of the great painted Synagogue of D u r a ; the program of its decorations, while related fundamentally through

1. See his " S t u d i e n I V " , J f A C , I V (1961), p p . 139-145, a n d his "Erwgungen zur E n t s t e h u n g der altchristlichen K u n s t " , Zeitschrift fr K i r c h e n g e s c h i c h t e , L X X V I (1965), pp. 1-11. 2. See most recently his " Z u r Frage des Einflusses jdischer Bilderquellen auf die Illustration des A l t e n Testamentes", M u l l u s , J f A C , Ergnzungsband I (1964), pp. 401-415. 3. See his "Recherches sur les sources juives de l'art palochrtien," C a h i e r s archologiques, X I (i960), p p . 41 71; X I I (1962), p p . 115-152; X I V (1964), p p . 49-57 4. T h i s phase of his development is reflected i n his B y L i g h t , L i g h t (New H a v e n , 1935), e.g. p p . 256-264. 5. See e.g. his J e w i s h S y m b o l s i n the G r e c o - R o m a n P e r i o d , V I I I (New Y o r k , 1958), p p . 219-232.

common dependence upon structural wall decoration i n the Hellenistic and R o m a n world generally, was not inspired directly b y that of the Synagogue proper; there is no overlapping of pictorial subject matter i n the decoration of the two buildings so far as they are preserved, a n d of the designs used only the ribbon w i t h fruits applied to the archivolt of the Synagogue's T o r a h Shrine reappears on the face of the canopy over the font of the Baptistery. B o t h the J e w i s h a n d the Christian communities of D u r a continued to grow a n d flourish during the last years of the city's history, but there is nothing to show that the Christian community flourished at the expense of the Jewish. The proper names recorded i n the inscriptions of the Synagogue are all traditionally J e w i s h , save for that of a proselyte, while those i n the Christian B u i l d i n g include none that are necessarily Jewish. Indeed, we have argued above that the increase i n the size of the Christian c o m m u n i t y at D u r a is to be associated w i t h the a r r i v a l there of R o m a n m i l i t a r y c o n t i n gents from S y r i a , A r a b i a and Palestine. O n l y two details of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y decorations have potential bearing upon the hypotheses explaining the dependence of Christian on Jewish art. The first is the fact that the A d a m and E v e scene i n the B a p t i s t e r y appears i n the k i n d of isolation that is thought b y K l a u s e r to indicate derivation of the type from gem cutting, but this m a y be thought to result here from the addition of the episode to the basic decorative program, as suggested above. T h e second is the fact that the only other O l d Testament scene, that of D a v i d and G o l i a t h , reproduces that particular episode i n the confrontation of the two champions t h e decapitation of Goliath t h a t appears elsewhere only i n cycles of scenes f r o m the Books of K i n g s . So far as they are relevant to the discussion of the relation of J e w i s h a n d Christian art, these details point not to D u r a itself b u t to other, perhaps adjacent, areas of the R o m a n E m p i r e as the regions where the relationship developed. This means that the further discussion of them, while certainly germane to the basic issue, transcends the necessary limits of the present context.
6 7 8

6. See above, p. 109. 7. See above, p. 56. 8. See above, p. 70.

2i8 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
B . P a g a n f u n e r a r y a n d religious A r t
T h a t Christian art was derived from or is i n some sense dependent on aspects or elements of contemporary pagan art is a conception that has quite n a t u r a l l y played a part i n the discussion of its origins since long before the discovery of evidence of ancient Jewish representational art. T h i s was, of course, i n the m i n d of those who regarded the Christian use of art as being as old as the Church itself, for they thought of the Church as merely t a k i n g over a n d christianizing the pictorial tomb decoration that h a d been traditional i n I t a l y since E t r u s c a n times. N o r has the idea lost its attractiveness and relevance since the question of origins became more complicated. I n Christian catacomb decoration the appearance of ornate designs w i t h symbolic figures on the ceilings, of painted socles, isolated pictorial compositions i n a linear scheme of wall compartmentalization, and of incidental landscape vignettes clearly shows the indebtedness of the work to the t r a d i t i o n of the Second Pompeian Style. I n subject matter, the seated philosopher figure of the catacombs a n d the sarcophagi a n d the appearance of reminiscences of the E n d y m i o n imagery i n the representation of paradise settings chiefly on the sarcophagi provide a l i n k w i t h the subject matter of pagan a r t . K l a u s e r has suggested the introduction of other subjects from ready-made gold-glass beakers, from gems carved w i t h such scenes as Jason a n d Medea confronting each other under a tree w i t h a serpent curled up its t r u n k , and from the representations of p i e t a s on R o m a n coins.
1 2 3

T h e same k i n d of relationship to contemporary pagan art has already been noted i n what has been said above about the formalia of the D u r a B a p tistery's decorative program and has i n an earlier context been pointed out as applying also to the D u r a Synagogue. I n both instances the program distinguishes between a focal area and a system of
4

register division for the lateral walls, quite as i n the pagan temples. The temples commonly devoted the lateral walls to scenes of s u p p l i c a t i o , i n w h i c h individuals and entire families, w i t h or without the assistance of priests, offer incense to the god on t h y m a t e r i a . Here Christians and Jews alike i n their respective structures showed episodes from B i b l i c a l narrative illustrating the divine guidance of history as i t affects h u m a n welfare. W h y they agreed on this point has still to be considered. I n the focal area the Jews of D u r a departed radically from pagan temple decoration, substituting for the painted image of a god the design on the arcuated l i n t e l of the T o r a h Shrine alluding to the Jerusalem Temple and the cult, and i n the Center Panels above the T o r a h Shrine the representation of the Tree of L i f e , w i t h throne and table. T h e i r fear of an idolatrous image could not be more forcefully expressed. The Christians of D u r a , however, d i d not go to the same extreme. T h e y d i d represent i n the focal area the figure of their L o r d , but symbolically as the Good Shepherd, deeming this a sufficient departure from the t y p i c a l pagan treatment to protect them from the charge of i d o l a t r y . There can be no doubt, therefore, that at D u r a not only the Christian but also the J e w i s h program of decoration was related to that of local pagan religious art, i n both cases formally and i n the case of the Christians w i t h a trace also of allocation of subject matter, so far as what was appropriate to the focal area is concerned. B u t there still remains the noteworthy agreement of both the Jews a n d the Christians of D u r a i n substituting scenes from the B i b l i c a l H e i l s g e s c h i c h t e for those of s u p p l i c a t i o shown on the latral walls of local temples. I n this connection a closer look at one particular pagan shrine of D u r a , the L a t e M i t h r a e u m , m a y be both helpful and suggestive not only i n explaining what we find i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y but also i n t r y i n g to understand the antecedents of Christian catacomb art, where the same type of B i b l i c a l subject matter is used.
5

1. See the quotation from M a r u c c h i , above, p. 204. 2. See especially Gerke, D i e c h r i s t l i c h e n Sarhophage, esp. p p . 316-323. 3. See his " S t u d i e n I , " J f A C , I (1958), p p . 33-37; "Studien II," J f A C , II (1959), p p . 115-145; " S t u d i e n I V , " J f A C , I V (1961), p p . 136-145. 4. See above, p. 157, where the history of the D u r a program of temple decoration is followed back into preChristian times, and for the Synagogue F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 3 4 8 !

A m o n g the pictorially decorated pagan shrines of D u r a the L a t e M i t h r a e u m is among other things unique i n that i n the arcuated zone around the cult reliefs i t shows a cycle of twelve scenes set six on each side of a representation of Cronos. T h e scenes depict Zeus annihilating the anguipeds,
5. See F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p p . 54-65.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
Cronos on a Mountaintop, the B i r t h of Mithras from the R o c k , Mithras shooting an arrow at the R o c k , Mithras r i d i n g the primordial B u l l , Mithras, transporting the B u l l to the sacred Cave, the I n i t i a t i o n of Sol b y Mithras, Cautes and Cautopates transporting the slain B u l l on a pole, and the Banquet of Mithras over the body of the slain B u l l . W h a t the cycle does is to show the more important events from the m y t h i c a l life of Mithras, particularly those that affected the immediate and ultimate welfare of m a n k i n d , whether directly or indirectly b y the inauguration of the sacred and salutary rites and r i t u a l acts. I n other words, what we have here at D u r a i n the shrine of Mithras, the closest among the competitors of early Christi a n i t y , a n d what we have i n other M i t h r a e a where similar scenes are occasionally found, is the representation of H e i l s g e s c h i c h t e seen from the M i t h r a i c angle and to that extent a counterpart of what was shown as subjectmatter i n the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and Synagogue.
1 3

219

M e r o t h e s i o n at A r s a m e i a suggests. F o r Isis we have no comparable series of pictorial compositions, but the importance attaching to the aretalogies of Isis i n the hymns a n d prayers addressed to her i n Greek inscriptions of the eastern Mediterranean shows how significant the thought of her benefactions was for her later worshipers.
4

N o w i t is b y no means i m p l i e d i n the analogy thus pointed out that the Christians a n d Jews of D u r a i m i t a t e d what they m a y have seen i n the Mithraeum. W h a t we learn about the Mithraic decorative program at D u r a serves merely to call attention to a phenomenon of the later R o m a n imperial period perhaps much more wide spread t h a n is normally imagined. T h i s is the representation of the a r e t a i of gods who could be said to be benefactors a n d saviors of men. Another example is provided b y R o o m N of the catacomb on the V i a L a t i n a . Decorated exclusively w i t h scenes representing episodes from the life a n d labors of Hercules, i t necessarily implies that the deified hero a n d embodiment of m a n l y strength a n d courage has here become the liberator of m a n k i n d and i n some sense the example a n d mediator of entrance into the life of the blessed. I t is presumably on this basis that his u b i q u i t y i n the religious art of the R o m a n Orient is to be explained as his identification w i t h Verethraegna i n the
2

One difference between the narrative scenes depicted on the lateral walls of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y and the D u r a Synagogue on the one h a n d a n d those i n the D u r a M i t h r a e u m a n d i n R o o m N of the V i a L a t i n a Catacomb on the other w i l l be obvious. It is this that i n the latter instances the benefactions of the pagan deities he far back i n primordial a n d m y t h i c a l times and are of a general nature, while i n the former they are part of the historical process a n d associate themselves w i t h particular individuals. B u t even this difference can be said w i t h some degree of probability to have disappeared i n the case of a deity such as Aesculapius, as seen for instance b y Aelius Aristides. A man w i t h no taste for metaphysics, Aristides knows Aesculapius i n t i m a t e l y as an i n d i v i d u a l person, finds himself i n d a i l y contact w i t h h i m and depends upon h i m for relief a n d counsel i n a l l manner of personal exigencies. Representations of i n d i v i d u a l acts of healing b y Aesculapius were to be seen i n his temples, as at E p i d a u r u s , to w h i c h they had been given as offerings b y those i n receipt of his benefactions.
8 6

Whereas at D u r a we confront the as yet unique phenomenon of a Jewish and a Christian community both using scenes from the sacred history of their faith to decorate the walls of the structures serving their religious purposes, we have to consider seriously the possibility that this was done i n part at least i n i m i t a t i o n of or i n competition w i t h the decoration of contemporary pagan religious edifices and that the scenes depicted were intended to represent the aperou of the G o d w h o m they worshiped. A t Rome, while the T o m b of Vincentius fails to provide scenes of the saving work of
3 See Dorner a n d Goell, A r s a m e i a am N y m p h a i o s , p . 59. 4. See Nilsson, Geschichte der g r i e c h i s c h e n R e l i g i o n , II, p p . 600-606. 5. See A . Boulanger, A e l i u s A r i s t i d e s (Paris, 1923), esp. p p . 199-209; H . B a u m g a r t , A e l i u s A r i s t i d e s (Leipzig, 1874), p p . 59-74; Nilsson, op. c i t . , p p . 538-540. 6. See U . H a u s m a n n , K u n s t u n d H e i l t u m , Unter s u c h u n g e n z u d e n g r i e c h i s c h e n Asklepiosreliefs (Potsdam, 1948), specifically, p. 39.

1. See R e p . V I I - V I I I , p p . 105-110. T h e remaining scenes are destroyed. 2. See F e r r u a , L e p i t t u r e della wuova catacomba di Via L a t i n a , p p . 78-80, P i s . 78-81, and for the interpretation of Hercules i n the religion of the later R o m a n E m p i r e K . L a t t e , R o m i s c h e R e l i g i o n s g e s c h i c h t e (Munich, i960), pp. 22of.; M . Simon, H e r c u l e et le c h r i s t i a n i s m e (Strasbourg, 1955); and F . W . L e n z , A r i s t e i d e s s t u d i e n (Berlin, 1 9 6 4 ) , p p . 223-233.

220 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
Sabazios, whose high priest he was, confining itself to the representation of V i b i a ' s heavenward journey a n d judgment, this part of the representational art of the Sabazios cult is sufficiently close to certain phases a n d elements of Christian catacomb decoration to make the hypothesis of the latter's p a r t i a l dependence upon contemporary pagan and syncretistic tomb decoration attractive.
1

C.

Impulses from

Within

of the repertoire of design as having gradually been enlarged b y religious and B i b l i c a l motifs and scenes borrowed from pagan a n d J e w i s h gems, a n d , finding i n the subject matter of Christian catacomb art a n d i n the isolated representation of its i n d i v i d u a l scenes connections w i t h k n o w n m o n u ments of glyptic art, proposes the w o r k i n g h y p o thesis that Christian wall decoration as we find i t i n the catacombs is the ultimate outgrowth of developments i n the field of the minor arts, especially that of the gem-cutter.
3

W h i l e i t w o u l d not be at a l l strange to find Christians of the t h i r d century influenced b y J e w i s h or pagan prototypes and traditions i n the use of representational art, i t would be v e r y strange indeed if i n accepting the stimuli from without they h a d not been guided also b y impulses from w i t h i n . Since its origin a n d throughout m u c h of its history Christianity has added something of its own character and i n d i v i d u a l i t y to whatever i t has adopted, h a v i n g always been something more t h a n a purely syncretistic religion. A m o n g the suggestions about such impulses from w i t h i n i t is proper to consider here that of K l a u s e r about the role of carved gems i n the development of Christian art. F o r while Klauser's suggestion involves also the thought of borrowings from Jewish and pagan subject matter and designs, this is an extension of a process the beginnings of which i n his judgment lie directly i n the necessities and exigencies of Christian life. The startingpoint of K l a u s e r ' s t r a i n of thought is the familiar passage i n Clement of Alexandria's P a e d a g o g u s that warns against l u x u r y i n dress a n d ornament but permits the use of seal rings for practical purposes and specifies the type of designs he regards as appropriate for the seal rings the Christians m a y wear. A m o n g these he lists the dove, the fish, a ship w i t h swelling sails, the l y r e , and the anchor and i n one case comments on the symbolism of such a design. T h e narrow limits prescribed K l a u s e r regards as i n d i c a t i n g that the representation of h u m a n figures a n d of narrative scenes h a d not yet established itself i n Christian usage. B u t he thinks
2

Klauser's suggestion deserves serious consideration not only because it represents the t h i n k i n g of a scholar well versed i n the subject, but also because the minor arts are indeed not to be neglected i n a n y attempt to understand how Christian art developed. I n the present context our concern can n a t u r a l l y not be w i t h the h y p o thesis as a whole, but only w i t h the question what light the m a t e r i a l from D u r a m a y throw upon i t . N o w i n dealing w i t h the transmission of the forms and themes of monumental art across great distances and political boundaries as i n the relation of Hellenistic art a n d the art of Gandhara i t is sometimes necessary to suppose that products of the m i n o r arts provided the m e d i u m of transmission a n d to fall back upon them to reconstruct the process. Reference is commonly made i n such connections to jewelry, caskets i n precious metals a n d i v o r y , figurines, dishes, a n d mirrors, i n fact whatever is fine enough i n workmanship to record style a n d require proper composition. O n the other h a n d , where products of the minor a n d the monumental arts agree i n style a n d theme across vast distances but w i t h i n the confines of a major empire as i n the case of Achaemenean trial-pieces from E g y p t and the heroic sculptures of Persepolis i t is usually assumed that the cultural u n i t y of the established political organism is sufficient to explain the agreement. I n the case of the late R o m a n E m p i r e , which precisely i n the late second and early t h i r d centuries was develop4 5

i . F o r the Sabazios material see Cecchelli, op. o i l . , p p . 167-179, and Nilsson, op. c i t . , II, p p . 630-640. It m a y be noted, also, that M a n i made a limited use of manuscript illustration. 2 . ] P a e d a g o g u s , III, 56-59, ed. Stahlin, G C S , X I I , p p . 268-270.

3. See his " S t u d i e n I " , J f A C , I (1958), p p . 21-23, " S t u d i e n I V " , J f A C , I V (1961), p p . 139-145. 4. See e.g. M . I. Rostovtzeff, " D u r a a n d the P r o b l e m of P a r t h i a n A r t " , Y C S , V (1935), p p . 157-194. 5. See the exhibits of Achaemenean gold jewelry and trial-pieces set alongside exhibits of monumental sculpture f r o m Persepolis at the Museum of the Oriental Institute i n Chicago.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
ing a KOivri of artistic form and theme w i t h only slight p r o v i n c i a l variations, i t would appear desirable a p r i o r i to keep the work of the gemcarver a n d of the wall-painter separate and to regard the analogies between t h e m as the result of the cultural u n i t y that bred them. So far as D u r a is concerned the i n d i v i d u a l scenes of the Christian B a p t i s t e r y have neither the isolation nor the compositional balance that would suggest they h a d ever existed on or been copied from carved gems. Quite on the contrary, they emphasize the linear, a n d where t h e y depart from linear composition illustrate vertical (Walking o n the Water) a n d triangular (Healing of the P a r a lytic) arrangements. T h e same thing holds true i n even greater measure i n the compositions of the D u r a Synagogue, where the concatenation of scenes w i t h i n a single panel and the long sequences of panels sweep along i n a continuous flow, the natural associations of which are i n such wall decorations as those of the V i l l a dei Misteri and i n the bas-reliefs of memorial columns. I n other words, if, m a y h a p , the work of the gem-carver has at various a n d sundry occasions affected the theme a n d the representation of the wall-painter, as m a y indeed have been the case, this is not enough to provide the necessary antecedents for the work of the J e w i s h a n d Christian artists of D u r a a n d hence not enough of a n d b y itself to explain the origin of Christian art. Something more is needed, a n d that there were more channels and impulses from w i t h i n , rather t h a n a single a l l pervading impulse, is perhaps one of the important contributions that the Christian B a p t i s t e r y of D u r a , a n d the Synagogue together w i t h i t , makes to the understanding of the origins of the Christian use of art. Another factor i n the origin of the Christian use of representational wall decoration as viewed from the angle of the D u r a evidence is suggested b y the nature of its interest i n the subject matter. A b o v e i t has been suggested that this interest is pred o m i n a n t l y narrative, but that we have i n the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y at least one scene that of the Good Shepherd a n d M s Sheep the function of w M c h is symbolic. N o w i t is important to note that these same interests w i t h the same predominance of the narrative appear also i n the decorations of the Synagogue, if our understanding of them is correct, and that the same two interests are also represented i n western catacomb art though i n an inverse proportion. T h i s certainly calls for some k i n d of explanation. It m a y well be, as has been suggested above, that this d u a l i t y of interest reflects the addition of the aretalogical factor i n later R o m a n religious art to the traditional element of the symbolic cult image. B u t i f so, the chances are that there were elements or aspects of the Christian a n d the Jewish faiths that served to abet the process. These i t should not be difficult to define. One of the features which the J e w i s h a n d the Christian faiths have i n common w M c h d i s t i n guishes them from most religions of the ancient Mediterranean w o r l d is the possession of an authoritative, inspired holy book. I n J u d a i s m this feature h a d been long established a n d the Church, h a v i n g since the outset accepted the Jewish scriptures, h a d meanwhile added its own counterpart. A t D u r a , as we have seen, t M s Christian counterpart m a y at first have been l i m i t e d to the Evangelion, but that the authority of an Apostlos was also to be acknowledged the local congregation was i n the process of learning. B u t l i k e theTorah and i n continuation of i t , the E v a n g e l i o n presented the record of how God's saving w i l l h a d manifested itself, a n d for Jews a n d C M i s t i a n s these records were normative for the experience of salvation. I n common they maintained that the only one who t r u l y saves is the one eternal G o d who created the w o r l d and m a n , a n d that true salvation comes only to those w h o m G o d has chosen b y such acts of the divine w i l l a n d under such conditions as are described i n h o l y writ. Christians a n d Jews, therefore, h a d every reason to emphasize a n d maximalize the historical involvement of their respective faiths b y represent i n g episodes from their scriptures i n appropriate contexts.
1

If the importance a n d the role of sacred scripture i n their religious beliefs provided one i n t e r n a l stimulus for the development of representational: art b y Jews a n d Christians, this m a y help explain the one characteristic of that art shared b y both, namely i t s use for both symbolic a n d narrative purposes apparently from the v e r y outset. T M s twofold use of art corresponds, of course, to the
i . See above, p. 202.

222 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
twofold use of scripture i n the literary tradition, where its antecedents can now be traced back to pre-Christian times w i t h the help of the Q u m r a n discoveries. T o the extent, however, that the Christian a n d J e w i s h wall decorations presenting B i b l i c a l narratives served to illustrate the nature and process of salvation properly understood, i t scarcely ' seems appropriate to regard them as projections from the sphere of a K l e i n h u n s t . T h e difference i n the range of the overtones is too great to make the transition easily intelligible. A t best the representation even of a B i b l i c a l scene on a signet ring can only connote ownership, whereas biblical scenes i n burial chambers a n d i n baptisteries associate themselves naturally i n meaning w i t h the crucial junctures of entrance into the company of the elect, whether i n heaven or on earth. If Christian a n d J e w i s h wall decoration derived u l t i m a t e l y from the representation of B i b l i c a l scenes composed i n another medium, the particular line of thought we have been following here would make the illustration of the holy book a m u c h more n a t u r a l source. F r o m the meaning of the B i b l i c a l record as one internal stimulus leading to the development of Christian representational art, we proceed to the consideration of still another, prominently suggested b y the D u r a evidence. A t D u r a , as we have seen, the pictorial wall decorations are applied only a n d specifically to the room serving as a baptistery. E x c e p t i n certain regions where the custom of baptizing i n the open a n d i n r u n n i n g water was perpetuated baptisteries must have been relatively numerous i n the ancient Church. So far as i t concerns form and structure, the evidence for t h e m , brought together for the F i f t h International Congress of Christian Archaeology i n 1954, has received consideration i n an earlier context. H e r e interest attaches to the evidence for baptistery decorations as discussed at that time b y H . Stern a n d Mgr. de B r u y n e . P a r t i c u l a r l y important for our purposes is the program of mosaic decoration applied to the B a p t i s t e r y of S.
1 2

G i o v a n n i i n Fonte at Naples (ca. A . D . 400). T h i s is because the program contains no less t h a n five elements corresponding to that of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y , namely, the representation of the star-studded sky, the Good Shepherd, the S a m a r i t a n W o m a n , the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r a n d the W o m e n at the Tomb. U n d e r these circumstances a closer look at the program is clearly i n order.
3

The decorations of S. G i o v a n n i adapt t h e m selves to the form of the building, which is centralized a n d domical, a n d i n which the dome is superimposed upon an octagon that i n t u r n rests upon a square. The transitions from one step to the next are effected by arches a n d squinches and light is supplied b y t a l l windows filling alternate walls of the octagon. Decorations are l i m i t e d to dome a n d octagon and are so organized as to provide a central field at the crown of the dome a n d two descending zones one i n the dome a n d one i n the octagon separated from the central field and each other b y wide bands, the one arranged for b y the mosaicist in the dome t o balance the one required b y the structural transition from dome to octagon. The central field i n the crown of the dome shows a blue s k y studded w i t h white a n d gold stars into the midst of which is set a large nimbed chi-rho monogram. The H a n d of G o d coming through the canopy of heaven holds a jeweled a n d filleted crown above the head of the monogram. T h e b a n d that frames the central field a n d separates i t from the first of the descending zones is given over largely to decorative elements. These consist of bowls a n d dishes filled w i t h fruit, that alternate tastefully w i t h the representation of shrubs and birds. A t one point only is the r h y t h m of representation broken, namely directly i n line w i t h the head of the monogram, where a phoenix is shown standing on a hillock. B e l o w this b a n d the first of the zones, though still w i t h i n the limits of the dome, is already divided vertically b y floral motifs into eight compartments, preparing the w a y for the second zone provided i n the octagon. The eight compartments of this first a n d upper zone each contained two scenes from the N e w Testament,
3. Reproductions of the mosaics w i l l be found in Wilpert, M o s a i k e n u n d M a l e r e i e n , III (Freiburg, 1917), Pis. 29-38. A diagram of their arrangement appears i n op. c i t . , I, F i g . 68, p. 216.

1. See above, p. 147. 2. See de B r u y n e , " L e dcoration des baptistres palochrtiens" a n d H . S t e m , " L e dcor des pavements et des cuves dans les baptistres palochrtiens" i n A c t e s du Vme congrs i n t e r n a t i o n a l d'archologie chrtienne (VaticanCity, 1 9 5 7 ) , p p . 3 4 - 3 & 9 and38i-390respectively
l

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
but several are destroyed a n d others only p a r t l y preserved. Those whose themes are k n o w n include the M u l t i p l i c a t i o n of the Loaves, the Miracle of Cana, the Miraculous D r a f t of Fishes, the W a l k i n g on the W a t e r , and the W o m e n at the T o m b .
1

223

The b a n d that limits the zone of B i b l i c a l scenes at the bottom a n d is applied to the structural transition from the octagon and its squinches to the dome, has pastoral idylls depicted upon i t , each i n v o l v i n g the representation of a shepherd. The idylls, matching each other across the room, are of two types. I n the one a shepherd is shown leaning on his staff a n d standing between two mountains from w h i c h rivers gush forth toward the sides of the scene, where stags are seen drinking from them. Date palms a n d birds seated on e m i nences or flying about fill the corners of the field and complete the rural landscape. I n the other t y p e of i d y l l the shepherd is shown associated w i t h his sheep. One example represents h i m seated, the other standing i n the pose of the criophoros. B o t h examples have two sheep facing toward h i m from opposite sides of the field. B e h i n d them the corners of the compositions are adorned w i t h the motifs of trees a n d birds such as are used also i n the first type of i d y l : B u t instead of the mountains and the rivers we have here i n the background at either side of the shepherds large flowering plants that give the impression of an i n t i m a t e garden rather t h a n of a mountainous landscape. Clearly the imagery of both types is intended to represent the heavenly paradise, a n d w i t h this theme the bowls of fruit a n d the shrubs a n d birds i n the band between the central field a n d the upper pictorial zone m a y be well associated. The last a n d lowest element of the decorative program is that applied to the faces of the octagon that are not pierced b y windows, a n d to the squinches between the arches leading over to the dome. I n the alternate faces of the octagon the artist has represented pairs of standing apostles, each w i t h his crown. T h e i r number is raised from eight to twelve b y the symbols of the four E v a n gelists applied to the surface of the squinches on w h i c h the other four walls of the octagon are
i . W i l p e r t , op. c i t . , I, p. 230, suggests that one of the missing scenes represented the H e a l i n g of the P a r a l y t i c , which, if true, would increase the similarity to the material used i n the D u r a Baptistery.

carried across the corners of the room to lead over to the dome. A b o u t the decorative program of the B a p t i s t e r y of S. G i o v a n n i i n Fonte at Naples two things are to be noted. The first is that several of its elements appear also separately i n related structures of the W e s t . So, for instance, the star-studded s k y was used i n the baptistery at Albenga and, according to the metrical description of Paulinus of N o l a , also i n the baptistery of the Church of St. F e l i x at N o l a . Shepherds, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Good Shepherd, are even more frequent i n western baptisteries, i n that of St. J o h n L a t e r a n of the period of Pope Sixtus ( A . D . 432-440), i n that constructed b y Pope Damasus near St. Peter's i n the V a t i c a n (A.D. 336-384) a n d that at M a i n z whose inscription Venantius Fortunatus copied. F l o o r mosaics a d d representations of stags d r i n k i n g from watercourses, of the b i r d phoenix and of the rivers of Paradise.
2 3 4

The second t h i n g to be noted about the decorative program of S. G i o v a n n i i n F o n t e is that i t reappears i n a modified form i n two later buildings, namely the B a p t i s t e r y of the Orthodox (ca. A . D . 430-450) a n d the B a p t i s t e r y of the A r i a n s (ca. A . D . 493-520) at R a v e n n a . T h i s concerns us here only because some knowledge of the changes made i n the program, the reasons for which are relatively obvious, provides the best approach to the meaning that i t has at S a n G i o v a n n i i n Fonte. A t R a v e n n a the program passed into the setting of a capital city, a n d the changes reflect its adaptation to official ecclesiastical a n d imperial interests a n d perspectives. T h i s accounts for the disappearance of the simple paradigmatic repertoire of B i b l i c a l
6

2. F o r the A l b e n g a baptistery see W i l p e r t , op. c i t . , I l l , PI. 88. F o r the baptistery of the church of St. F e l i x at N o l a , see Paulinus, C a r m e n X X V I I I , n . 180-184 ( P L , L V I , col. 667) : E s t etiam interiore sinu majoris i n aulae Insita cella procul, quasi filia culminis eius, Stellato speciosa tholo, trinoque recessu Dispositis sinuata locis; medio pietatis F o n t e nitet, mireque simul novat atque novatur. 3. F o r the spread of the evidence see Quasten, op. c i t . , pp. 220-244. F Venantius Fortunatus see his C a r m i n a , II, 11, M G H , A u c t . A n t . I V , 1. pp. o f . 4. See de B r u y n e , op. c i t . , p p . 346-348, 351-354. 359*. 5. See G . Stuhlfauth, " D a s Baptisterium San G i o v a n n i in Fonte. i n N e a p e l u n d seine M o s a i k e n " , R e i n h o l d Seeburg Festschrift, II (Leipzig, 1929), p p . 181-212, and de B r u y n e , o p . c i t . , p p . 362f.
r 4

224 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
scenes and at the same time for the rejection also of the i d y l l i c pastoral elements. I n the central field, i n the crown of the dome, we have at R a v e n n a not the star-studded s k y and monogram but the scene of Christ's baptism, which permits the artist to p o r t r a y here the theophany of the H o l y T r i n i t y , w h i c h the Church confesses and which is the supreme a u t h o r i t y on earth a n d i n heaven. A t the same time the scene of the baptism of Christ establishes the authority for a n d the form of the ecclesiastical rite of baptism b y showing how i t was submitted to a n d undergone b y Christ himself, the L o r d of the Church. I n the first decorative zone below the central field the baptisteries of R a v e n n a depict not the B i b l i c a l scenes but the twelve Apostles who have been moved up one step i n the program a n d i n their new position represent the consolidated authority of the Church for the assurance that he who believes and is baptized shall be saved. The B a p t i s t e r y of the Orthodox, the only one of the two at R a v e n n a that adds a second decorative zone, makes this p a r t i c u l a r l y clear, for here i n a n architectural setting are shown successive representations of the two institutions u p o n which a l l order i n the world depends, n a m e l y the throne of the divinely instituted kingship a n d the altar of the divinely appointed priesthood. T h e contrast between the Ravennate a n d the Neapolitan versions of the program makes i t possible to see the meaning of the earlier form rather more clearly. A v o i d i n g a l l reference t o dogma a n d to the authority of Church a n d State, the S. G i o v a n n i decorations focus attention upon Christ and what he has done for the salvation of m a n as attested to i n the lives and the writings of those who were his witnesses. The savior w h o m we meet here is not so much the " o n l y begotten S o n " of the J o r d a n baptism a n d of the H o l y T r i n i t y as the C h r i s t o s , the Lord's A n o i n t e d , who appeared on earth relieving distress a n d doing wonderful works, who died and rose again, renewing his life i n death l i k e the phoenix a n d who received the victor's crown at God's h a n d i n recognition of the redemption he h a d accomplished b y his sacrificial death. T h e knowledge of this savior comes through the testimony of those who as disciples a n d apostles were his witnesses, who l a i d down their lives as m a r t y r s for their faith, i n token of which t h e y can be shown bearing crowns, a n d who recorded i n the Gospels the account of "the things said and done". Those who credit the testimony a n d accept Christ and b a p t i s m i n faith can expect his help and protection i n this life a n d look forward to the rest and peace of paradise that he has prepared for his own. T h e decorations of S. G i o v a n n i are analogous, therefore, to those of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y not only i n the subject matter used but also i n the meaning they are intended to convey.
1

The comparative s t u d y of baptistery decoration i n E a s t a n d West, made possible b y the discoveries at D u r a a n d only briefly treated here, is suggestive i n several w a y s . It bears i n the first place upon the matter of program as a factor i n early Christian wall decoration. The existence of such programs, sacramental a n d christological, as features of catacomb decoration has been scouted since the last decade of the nineteenth century a n d the familiar studies of W i l p e r t , but the t r a i n of thought supposedly showing the relation of the several scenes i n a given chamber was often quite as dubious as the function the programs could be supposed to have h a d i n their actual settings. More recently attention has been given to the programs of apse decoration a n d to those of chancels generally.
2 3 4

M a r t y r i a and baptisteries now also provide subject matter for discussion. W h a t factors, environmental a n d internal, combined to give the decorations of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y their organization and meaning has been suggested above. T o draw general inferences from this as to the time when a n d the circumstances under w h i c h programs can be thought to have played a part i n Christian decorative art w i l l be possible only i n the context of the special studies of the programming as a whole that w i l l eventually be made. Here only one observation would seem to be called for, namely
1. See above, p. 200. 2. J . - L . Maier, L e baptistre de N a p l e s et ses mosaiques (Freiburg, 1964), p p . 68-96, attempts an iconographie comparison which seems fruitless. 3. See J . Wilpert, E i n C y k l u s christologischer Gemlde a u s der K a t a h o m b e der h e i l i g e n P e t r u s u n d M a r c e l l i r m s (Freiburg, 1891); F r a c t i o P a n i s (Paris, 1896), p p . 60-71; and D i e M a l e r e i e n der S a h r a m e n t s k a p e l l e n i n der K a t a hombe des h i . C a l l i s t u s (Freiburg, 1897), esp. p p . 25-37. 4. See C.Ihm, D i e Programme der christlichen A p s i s m a l e r e i vom vierten bis z u r M i t t e des achten Jahr hunderts (Wiesbaden, i960), and the series of articles b y G r a b a r under the title "Recherches sur les sources juives de l'art palochrtien" listed above, p. 217, n . 50.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
that fundamentally the choice and organization of decorative subject matter that produces programs requires a sense of what is appropriate where; and that those responsible for the production of the earliest k n o w n monuments of Christian decorative art apparently were b y no means deficient i n this particular. T h e analogies we have observed between the subject matter and meaning of baptistery decoration i n E a s t a n d West bear i n the second place upon the subject of impulses from w i t h i n leading to the Christian use of representational ' art generally. Clearly these analogies a n d the sense of propriety they reflect are to be associated with the i d e n t i t y of the function which the structures decorated served. M a y we not then go on from this to suggest that, seen i n the light of the D u r a evidence, the Christian use of representational art is i n part at least a response to a functional situation or need that i t can legitimately be thought to meet ? The pictorial devices on rings, of w h i c h Clement of A l e x a n d r i a speaks, were funct i o n a l i n that they identified the property of the wearer. The gold glass vessels w i t h Christian themes m a y have served purposes connected w i t h the commemoration of the Christian dead. Christian manuscript illustration can be said to have served to emphasize the preciousness of the written W o r d . B a p t i s t e r y decoration enhanced the importance of the i n d i v i d u a l ' s entry into Christ's flock a n d .into the e c c l e s i a m i l i t o n s , quite as catacomb decoration celebrated his entrance i n t o the e c c l e s i a t r i u m p h a n s . There m a y have been other similar contexts i n w h i c h the use of decorative and representational art was deemed proper a n d significant, as there were indeed still others i n w h i c h i t was not. A clear distinction is to be noted i n this connection between the disuse of representation i n the Assembly H a l l of the Christian B u i l d ing at D u r a a n d the use of i t i n the corresponding r o o m of the D u r a Synagogue a n d between the Christian use of B i b l i c a l themes i n catacomb decoration and the apparent J e w i s h disuse of such material i n funerary contexts.
1 2

225

Seen from this angle the contradiction between the extant monuments of early Christian art a n d the Christian apologists' prohibition of images mentioned above m a y be somewhat mitigated. The sense of propriety to w h i c h their programming of pictorial decorations gives expression and the functional contexts i n w h i c h representation is found suggest that art was not cultivated for its own sake or employed wherever i t suited the taste of the i n d i v i d u a l . Indeed, to the best of our current knowledge, i t was not used i n rooms where the regular worship of the Christian communities was performed a n d where pictures could be mistaken for the images that the apologists denounced a n d that the Council of E l v i r a forbad. B y what agency the suggested d i s t i n c t i o n between contexts i n which representational art was or was not proper could be maintained is not evident, and neither is i t clear how long i t was maintained. W h a t is at issue here is the rationale of the introduction of pictorial art, a n d i f i n this there is noticeable a functional norm or standard i t m a y well have been the clergy, associated as i t was w i t h performance, that guided the development. The D u r a B a p t i s t e r y has s t i l l one further potential contribution to make to the question of the origin of Christian representational art, and this has to do w i t h the matter of date. A b o v e we have presented the evidence to show that the Christian B u i l d i n g of D u r a was established as such a n d decorated i n the later years of Alexander Severus, being thus broadly contemporary w i t h the D u r a Synagogue a n d the D u r a M i t h r a e u m . B u t since, as Rostovtzeff pointed out, Dura cannot be regarded as a c i t y distinguished for its creative a c t i v i t y , we have necessarily to t h i n k of the narrative compositions i n a l l three buildings as dependent on models or patterns imported from elsewhere. I n the case of the scenes of the Christian B u i l d i n g , a n d i f style a n d composition went together, we would not need to go farther afield for
3 4

. See E . Freistedt, A l t c h r i s t l i c h e Totengeddchtnisstage u n d Hire B e z i e h u n g z u m J e n s e i t s g l a u b e n u n d T o t e n k u l t der A n t i k e (Minister, 1928). 2. T h e failure of the Jewish catacombs i n the V i l l a T o r l o n i a at R o m e a n d at Sheikh A b r e i q i n Palestine'to produce more t h a n representations of Jewish ceremonial

objects is quite understandable considering the Jewish belief that contact w i t h the dead renders persons ritually impure. F o r a suggestion about the .disuse of representational art i n the Assembly H a l l of the D u r a Christian B u i l d i n g see above, p. 142. 3. See above, p. 38. 4. See D u r a - E u r o p o s a n d its A r t , p. 1 and for its application to the D u r a Synagogue, F i n a l R e p o r t , V I I I , 1, p. 32:

226 I N T E R P R E T A T I O N : D E C O R A T I O N S A N D E A R L Y C H R I S T I A N A R T
their inspiration t h a n i n l a n d provincial S y r i a . E v e n so i t would be necessary to say that the antecedents of the earliest known monument of Christian art i n the eastern part of the R o m a n E m p i r e go back approximately to the age of the Severi, including that of Septimius Severus. T h i s is, as we have seen, the period to w h i c h the earliest evidence for comparable monuments of Christian representational art i n the West is currently assigned. T h a t this is merely a coincidence seems quite u n l i k e l y . R a t h e r i t would seem to reflect a specific set of circumstances particularly favorable to such a development.
1 2

The age of the Severi is widely and properly described as one of transition, for m a n y of the changes that were eventually to transform the E m p i r e so fundamentally were already being inaugurated at this time. Y e t i t was a n y t h i n g but an age of uncertainty and m a n y of the innovations seemed at the time to enhance and enrich what was t r a d i t i o n a l rather t h a n to depart from i t . I n the political sphere, w i t h the crises of the future still mercifully hidden, i t was natural to expect that the established administrative organism protected b y new measures for frontier defense particularly i n the n o r t h would promote the s e c u r i t a s a n d advance the flicitas w h i c h the coins advertised. I n the religious sphere the traditional state cults s t i l l carried great weight and guarded against excesses, as the return of the black stone to E m e s a indicates. B u t there was as yet no tendency to establish a religious l o y a l t y test, or to exclude what was not flagrantly damaging. R a t h e r there was a genuine and open-minded interest i n a l l manner of religious belief, association a n d practice, ranging a l l the w a y from philosophical m y s t i c i s m to so-called science of astrology and g i v i n g particular attention to the cults of the eastern Mediterranean and to reports about and persons supposedly connected w i t h the ancient faiths of distant lands. A l l this is i n marked contrast to the apathy and amused tolerance w i t h
3

which religion had been considered b y the upper classes i n early imperial Rome. T h a t the Severan age thus provided an ideal opportunity for both C h r i s t i a n i t y and J u d a i s m to advance their cause and to add i m p o r t a n t l y to the number of their adherents and to their prestige is clear. Statements i n the S c r i f t o r e s h i s t o r i a e a u g u s t a e suggesting that emperors from Elegabalus through Alexander Severus were themselves favorably impressed and i n v o l v e d i n aspects of Christian and J e w i s h belief have to be discounted as probably spurious, but they m a y assess the climate of belief more accurately at the remove of a century of more t h a n we c a n m a n y centuries l a t e r . T h a t this climate permitted Christianity to penetrate the social order both intensively and extensively at a more r a p i d rate t h a n ever before, the strength of the Church at the time of the D e c i a n persecution indicates. A n d the relative freedom w i t h which the Christian f a i t h was permitted to make its presence felt a n d to recruit converts even among the m i l i t a r y at D u r a , the Christian B u i l d i n g a m p l y demonstrates.
4

1. F o r the style of the D u r a Baptistery compositions see above, p. 171. 2. See above, p. 206. 3. See i n general M . Besnier i n H i s t o i r e r o m a i n e , e d . G . G l o t z , I V , 1, L ' e m p i r e r o m a i n de l'avnement des Svres a u concile de Nice (Paris, 1937), PP- 109-140; N o c k , C A H , X I I , pp. 409-449; M . Platnauer, T h e Life a n d R e i g n of the E m p e r o r L . S e p t i m i u s S e v e r u s (Oxford, 1918), p p . 141-157-

B u t more important than the liberalism of the age generally, for present purposes, is a particular feature of the religious situation which K u r t L a t t e has emphasized. I n proportion as philosophy tended to remove deity from the realm of the knowable to that of the indescribably and u n utterably transcendent, and as astrological fatali s m tended to find man's every action predeterm i n e d b y the movement of wandering celestial bodies, there developed a real need for a repersonalization of the religious object and for a reformulation of the religious relationship that would restore to men a sense of security and hope. Where the m a n of the Severan age could see his own struggle for security and s u r v i v a l symbolized i n religious cult legend, a n d b y r i t u a l participation share i n the revelation and the v i c t o r y of the god, there he found his security guaranteed, his personal d i g n i t y re-established a n d his hopes reassured. It is this search for personal reassurance that
5

4. See especially E l a g a b a l u s , III, 5, suggesting that the emperor proposed to provide for Jewish and Christian rites i n a new sanctuary for himself and the god E l a g a b a l , and S e v e r u s A l e x a n d e r , X X I X , 2, about likenesses of Christ, A b r a h a m , a n d Orpheus i n the lararium of the emperor i n question. 5. See L a t t e , Rmische Religionsgeschichte, p p . 357-359.

D E V E L O P M E N T OF T H E C H R I S T I A N U S E OF A R T
explains the popularity of the savior gods i n the religion of the later R o m a n E m p i r e . It is this that accounts for the appearance of the unusual personal factor i n the relationship of Aelius Aristides and Aesculapius. A n d i t is this w h i c h ultimately underlies the role that the aretalogies p l a y i n the h y m n s a n d prayers to Isis. A b o v e we have suggested that the narrative compositions of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y so far as they concern Christ, like the narrative scenes of the D u r a M i t h r a e u m , are i n a very real sense to be understood as representing the ctpsrcti of the L o r d of the cult. F o r this suggestion the contemporary religious situation provides the needed confirmation. B u t does this not also have some bearing upon the question of the origin of the Christian use of art generally, at least so far as wall decoration is

227

concerned ? Simple Christian symbols, gems carved w i t h Christian devices, and manuscripts w i t h vignette-like compositions m a y well have been produced for particular reasons at a somewhat earlier date. B u t the a v a i l a b i l i t y of a w r i t t e n sacred record replete w i t h incidents of personal divine protection, succor and redemption, a n d the creation of loci associated w i t h important phases of the experience of personal salvation, provided so obvious an opportunity to respond to current h u m a n needs that some form of semi-public display b y the creation of representational w a l l decoration was l i k e l y to recommend itself to local church leaders not only at R o m e but at various places almost simultaneously. A t least, this is one suggestion that the evidence of the D u r a B a p t i s t e r y permits us to make.

ARCHIVAL MATERIALS
The long interval between the original discovery and this F i n a l Report and the desirability of confirming or correcting details i n the P r e l i m i n a r y Report have suggested the inclusion here of such information bearing on the Christian Building as an examination of the Dura Expedition Archives at Yale "University has produced.
S e a s o n of i g 3 0 - 3 1 .

pp. 175-177. The texts areNos. 1,2, (3),4,5,6,7,8 and 9 of Welles' section on the inscriptions in this publication, above, pp. 90-92.
S e a s o n of 1 9 3 1 - 3 2 .

1. Diary of Clark Hopkins, Field Director. Unpublished. Nov. 9, 1931: Shrine in front of tower south of Pal1. Letter of M . Pillet, Field Director, to President myrene Gate: (text of four graffiti). James Rowland Angell. dated December 26, 1930. The inscriptions are Nos. 2, 4, 5 and 9 of the texts found above. Unpublished. Nov. 29, 1931:1 think a good chance for frescoes is the Le Bastion du Sud-Ouest, o le danger, reconnu la wall faced with mud brick in front of the tower just saison dernire, m'avait fait interrompre le travail, south of the Palmyra Gate. venait d'tre repris depuis trois jours; en pratiquant une brche dans le mur sur ct du desert, les trois Nov. 30, 1931." A good chance for frescoes seems to be tours situes entre le Bastion du Sud-Ouest et la Porte the plaster between two mud brick walls in front of the de Palmyre taient en dgagement . . . . L a dernire tower just south of the Main Gate. (no. 17) tait fort avance, mais une importante Dec. 17, 1931: In the building in front of the tower construction dcouverte en avant de sa face, tourne just south of the Main Gate was found part of a stamped vers la ville, en avait retard le dblaiement total. jar with the letters H and O between the represenThis is the first mention of the structure which M . tation of branches. Pillet called, "Edifice de la Tour 17" and which in the On the wall of the building to the west, beneath the completion of its clearance during the following season mud brick wall was found an inscription scratched in was identified as the Christian Building. the plaster (No. 10). The wall was afterwards whitewashed and the letters 2. Rapport general sur les fouilles de Doura-Europos, partly obliterated. It was most interesting for it Octobre, 1930-Avril, 1931, by M . Pillet, Field Director, probably gives the date for the erection of the building pp. xxi-xxiv. Published in English translation in Rep. IV. and a date post quern for the erection of the mud brick The pages dealing with the "Edifice of Tower 17" are support wall. When the building was erected there was 11-13. no mud brick support wall and the mud brick (house) For the benefit of the careful reader the sketch reprowall was raised straight and narrow, just far enough from duced as Figure 11 has been prepared to make intelligible the tower to allow easy passage. When the mud brick support was raised along the enceinte this wall also U N EXCAVATED was blocked up with solid mud brick and probably filled in behind. The present inscription is just below the level of the niches (windows). Jan. 16, 1932: A fresco on the wall was discovered in the little side chamber of the building in front of the tower just south of the main gate. It showed a geometric design in red and black. This is the first reference to the decorations of the Baptistery (Room 6). What is alluded to is the imitation of marble paneling on the south wall of the Baptistery, through the doors of which access was gained to the room. However, after the existence of painted decorations was noted, excavation proceeded from the top of the embankment down. FIG. II
CHRISTIAN BUILDING. ROOMS E X C A V A T E D B Y M. PILLET

M . Pillet's references to the various rooms designated by letters of the alphabet and to show the extent of his clearances. 3. Field Notes of Prof. C. Bradford Welles on graffiti and dipinti of the exposed parts of the "Edifice of Tower 17", which the identification of the structure prior to the publication of R e p . I V made it possible to publish there as inscriptions of "the Chapel Building". See Rep. I V ,
228

Jan. 18, 1932: In the fresco room in front of the tower south of the Main Gate the dirt came off one section and showed five people in a boat two standing below, and one on a bed on the shore. Above, a god on a cloud and a final figure coming up with the springs of a bed. Bob (Deigert) made a sketch and I took photography Jan, 19," 1932. In the fresco room the arched section was uncovered by Deigert and myself. It showed a shepherd with a flock of fat-tailed sheep, black painting

ARCHIVALIA
on light brown background above a deep red. Around ran a narrow black band around dark red," and a second black band. In the lower left were two people, naked except for white loin cloths, picking apples from a tree, and in front a large serpent. The scene was bordered by two trees. Two tents were stretched over the room just before the end of the day and held in place by nails, to protect the paintings. Jan. 20, 1932 : Day of rest. Pearson and I uncovered frescoes in the morning. The lower right-hand side of the room showed two men, one with a wand like a small palm tree in the right hand and a bowl in the left, the second with a stick or sword in the right, bowl at breast in the left, both advancing left toward large white building, pediment style, with a great star over each gable. Scene at lower left side of the room showed the top of a figure with arm raised and holding a sword on the arm was written AAOYIA above an immense prostrate figure (was) inscribed TOAISA. An inscription by the door ran TON XPIC MNHCKETE

22.9

2. Letters and cables of Clark Hopkins, Field Director. Unpublished. Dec. 25, 1931. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura: . . . . In the barracks building before the tower just south of the Palmyrene Gate we took down part of the mud brick wall in front of the back plaster wall and found a graffito (No. 10). The letters are clear and it is most important for it shows that the back wall here was put up probably at that time, 232 A . D . , for it was scratched on soft (Wet) plaster and the plaster was apparently the first layer. But at that time certainly the great walls of mud brick before the towers and walls were not in place. I think the mud brick wall in front of the graffito was put up when the whole course of the city wall was bolstered by mud brick masses. The graffito had been whitewashed once later, so it (the house wall) stood for some time before the mud brick was built. We shall tear down the rest of the- mud brick wall in the barracks building as soon as we tackle the tower itself, before the end of next month CICEON T O N TATTJNON. Jan. 22, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff, from The first reference to the painting of the Women in the Dura . . . . A m just sending off a cable, through Tomb of Christ, which for some time was taken to Naudy's next trip to Deir (ez-Zor), to tell you of the represent the Visit of the Magi. The inscriptions are wonderful find we have just made here at Dura and I Nos. 17, 19, and 20, above. can imagine your excitement when you read the Jan. 21, 1932: A wall was built up in front of the message, butbelieveme, it would be nothing (compared) fresco room when it was found they (the frescoes) to our excitement here as one extraordinary discovery were too wet to clean. Deigert and I tried to fit to(has) followed another with startling rapidity. gether pieces from the top of the shepherd scene. We were digging in the tower building section of M 8, the tower just south of the Palmyrene Gate, for I Jan. 24, 1932: M . Bacquet arrived at 3.00 P . M . , was hoping to find some frescoes on the back wall. delayed by snow in the Liban. Bob (Deigert) and I One wall was completely blank except for the date put together pieces of the shepherd scene in the 232 A . D . , which I reported some time ago, and the other afternoon. didn't even have any plaster on it. A l l that was left Jan. 25, 1932: Made notes on the frescoes. Bob was the doorway to the right in the quter room, measured the room; Bacquet got ready to take them blocked up with mud brick. I had about given up hope (the frescoes) down. of much from the building as a whole, so what was my Important finds of papyrus elsewhere at the site necessurprise when Abdul Messiah called me over, as I was sarily diverted the Field Director's attention during the prowling around just before breakfast one morning, to following week. A spell of extremely bad weather foltell me that there were frescoes on the wall. Sure lowing prevented Mr. mile Bacquet of the Muse enough, just inside the door, not two feet from where Guimet, who had been with the expedition also in 1930 they stopped (digging) last year, you could see a 31 removing the paintings from the walls of the Temple geometric design in Pompeian red and black. We dug of Bel, from continuing this work and getting on also along the upper (edge of the) wall above the fresco with the paintings of the Baptistery. carefully to find the back wall, then started'back at the door. It was another day, about 6.30, when the earth Feb. 2, 1932: A slight rain last night wet the fresco fell away in the middle and revealed the arched of the Three Kings (the Women in the Tomb of sanctuary which you see almost completely Christ), but did no damage. We arranged to make the blocked up. We cut down on the sides leaving six drip (run) further out. inches of earth, so that the walls would not be injured, Feb. 3, 1932: Work was stopped at 9.30 and again at and suddenly part of the dirt dropped off the side and 2.30 on account of rain. Spent the day arranging there was the boat scene, several people holding up tents to cover frescoes ets. their arms, the upper part of a man below. I took March 4, 1932: We began excavations again in the away the dirt to the left and saw the man on a bed, Christian Chapel and found a series of feet along the another carrying a bed and the god on a cloud above. east wall and a basin for baptism ( ?) under the niche. Of course the Bible story of the sick man picking up his bed and walking occurred to me, but I thought it March 5, 1932. The Christian. Chapl was cleared. was more likely someone who had been saved from March, 27 1932: The street beside the Christian Chapel shipwreck and had erected the chapel displaying the (on the north side) was partly cleared,, showing a escape and his cure by the god. Deigert and I dug out doorway leading to the north. the sanctuary and there was the Good Shepherd and April 18, 1932: M . Bacquet began work on the fresco the sheep plain enough, with a second scene in the left hand corner two people in white loin cloths of the Women at the Well. picking fruit and a great serpent in front. The season of 1931-32 closed on April 29, 1932.

230

ARCHIVALIA
driving showers, terrific winds and even a flurry of snow, that we have not been able to go on with extracting the crumbling parchments by parafine. I expect the work will take a considerable time. Then we have about 50 baskets of fresco fragments which ought to be sorted and put together as far as possible. Bacquet for this is useless. Deigert and I spent three days putting together pieces from the Shepherd Scene. . . . Bacquet has finished taking down the Shepherd Scene and is now taking down that of the three kings. A m glad to get these down as they are rather hard to protect adequately. Then I shall ask him to work in the Palmyrene temple while we clear out the rest of the Christian Chapel, sift for fragments and uncover and dry out the frescoes on the south wall. Feb. 28. Letter to Allan Little from Dura. . . . Bacquet has finished part of the Christian Chapel and will be tackling the Palmyrene frescoes very shortly. . . . The work will stop on the 20th of March, but we shall be here till the end of April so that M . Bacquet can take down the frescoes. We have plenty to keep him busy: It is going to be exciting work this next week, finishing cleaning the Christian Chapel and seeing what little frescoes may be hidden down beneath on the sides. . . . Mar. 5, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura . . . . Bacquet has started on the pillar frescoes in the Palmyrene temple. . . . Bacquet is going to do the priest on the pillar, then the mythological scene, then go back to the Christian Chapel. We are excavating the rest of the Chapel now and find a basin well made, set in the floor of the niche. It looks like a baptismal arrangement. I think I said in my report that the Chapel was blocked with mud brick, so i t must date before the last siege of the city. The east wall was almost entirely destroyed but the feet of three more people are shown there. We are sifting the earth for all fragments. March 15, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura . . . . M . Seyrig arrived yesterday for the final "partage" and departed today. Syria asked for the bas-reliefs of Aphlad, Azzanathkona and Hadad. In return they are giving us all the frescoes of the Christian Chapel . . . . Seyrig says he now thinks the fresco of the Bringers of Offerings represents the women coming to the tomb (of Christ) and that accounts for the white blank building. . . . M . Henri Seyrig was at the time Director of the Service des Antiquits of Syria and Lebanon. March 23, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Beirut. The "partage" turned out with Yale receiving the frescoes and Syria the bas-reliefs, even that of Hadad. I am going to have one of the architects make a special study of the Christian Chapel so that it can be reconstructed exactly at New Haven. The frescoes will all be there; it would not be hard to reconstruct the niche and baptismal font; the architect will be able to supply the border designs and the whole thing will be complete. April 8, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura . . . . Bacquet is working for the moment on the fresco of Aphlad, which fell off the wall. Luckily the chief scene remained in large pieces and very little if any of

We reached that point when the day of rest came and we just had time to cover the whole room with two tents and railroad tracks. The next day Pearson and I dug down to the right, below the scene of the boat and the sick man, and found two persons with wands and offering bowls advancing left to a great white empty building above each corner of which stood a great star. The background here is Pompeian red which makes a magnificent setting. Unfortunately, as you see, the mud brick wall cuts down and through the ship and then into the lower picture, so only a small part of the third wise man remains. We attacked the south wall next and found the plaster rather poorer, though no mud brick wall cuts through. Above were some green plants etc., perhaps a representation of Paradise, (and) below, close to the door, the top of a figure holding a sword in raised right hand. You can imagine what a thrill it was when I read the letters clearly written along the forearm AAOYIA, and then could make out dimly an immense form stretched out on the ground beside him with TOAI0A written above. Finally, a graffito by the door, encased in a red and black border, TON XPIC MNHCKETE CICEON TATTINON. The letters are perfectly clear except the IF and I which are run together I suppose it must mean "the humble (Tonravos) Siseos", but my knowledge of the Bible fails me at this point and I don't remember any such (person). Perhaps it is just the name of the dedicant. Close to the niche on the left, beneath the garden scene, is a picture of a woman reclining. On the face of the niche, as you see, you have wheat ears and apples on the left perhaps grapes but I am more inclined to a tree on the right. The photos are not good and the pictures are not yet cleaned except the shepherd one, for the earth is not dry. You can see the style is Roman and not of the best (rather like the "berger" scene and the Otes of the temple of the Palmyrene gods), but the colors are still clear and the subjects magnificent. Next time I hope to have good photos of all, so far I have only the two enclosed. (They show) the figures in the boat some clad in pink some in green holding up their hands, a man walking to the right on the water and holding out his arms to a second who advances left. Only the forearms of the second remain. To the left of this picture a man reclines on a bed, a god on a cloud is depicted above. Left again the man is seen again, carrying his bed on his back Certainly they are the most astounding discoveries since the big frescoes and perhaps in a way even more sensational. Jan. 25, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura . . . . M . Bacquet arrived yesterday and I am much pleased. Bacquet is starting with the Christian shepherd scene, then is going on to the frescoes at the Palmyrene temple while the other Christian frescoes are drying. Jan. 26, 1932. Cable to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Deir ez-Zor: Cinq belles fresques chrtiennes et salle aux gradins trouves. Hopkins. The salle aux gradins is that of the Temple of Azzanathkona. The next letter, dated Jan. 29, 1932, addressed to to Prof. Rostovtzeff, reported on papyrus discoveries which had required Hopkins' full attention. Feb. 8, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura . . . . The weather has been so bad the last week, with

ARCHIVALIA
the painting was lost. The plaster is exceptionally thin, being about a half to a whole centimeter thick and so pretty difficult to work with. After that he returns to the Christian Chapel. April 11, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff from Dura. . . . Bacquet says he is going to complete the removal of the frescoes he is working on now and that of the Woman at the Well, but that he will not have time for the scene of David and Goliath, the Sassanian frescoes and the ink inscriptions in E 7, W 12 . . . . As a matter of fact the fresco of David, though small, will be a big job, for it is on rubble and the plaster is pretty bad. He suggested that he do the rest of the frescoes and the bas-reliefs next year. Aprii 18, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff. . . . Have been thinking of the fresco of the Offering-Bringers in the Christian Chapel. As you know, on the east wall of the Chapel there are the feet of five personages heading toward the north wall. The north wall starts with the bottom of a door, of which I have sent you no picture, then has a personage or two, then the three with torch and bowl, finally the white building with the two stars. I wonder if the whole does not represent a procession to the tomb, those on the eastwall outside approaching the door, those on the north wall inside the tomb and approaching the white sarcophagus. The stars would be, of course, a bit hard to explain inside a tomb, but were probably mystic signs. Deigert made a colored copy in scale today of the door and feet, which will arrive at Yale with the other maps and plans. April 25, 1932. Letter to M . I. Rostovtzeff. . . . We are completing our packing now and shall leave on Saturday for Palmyra. Just had a most kind letter from Cumont, who says that the Christian frescoes are already causing a sensation. 3. Report of Clark Hopkins, Field Director, to President James Rowland Angell from Dura, dated Feb. 10, 1932, Unpublished. Just at the time when these discoveries were being made in the northwest end of the city, an even more important and startling discovery was. made in front of the tower of Block M 8. The great part of this building had been excavated in the last campaign, but the back wall remained blocked with mud brick, the little side chambers stood unexplored. The plaster on one of the rear walls was completely gone, on the other it remained in place in an excellent state of preservation, but to our disappointment contained neither graffito nor inscription. We had no sooner removed the mud brick from the entrance to the side chamber, however, than we found the corner of a fresco, a geometric design in black and red. Digging down carefully we found that a little niche or sanctuary, the top supported by two columns, reached out from the back wall toward the center of the room. In the back of this, framed by the curving arch of the back, a fresco almost intact came to light and on both sides of the little room in front of the columned niche other paintings came to view. In the last days of the city the room had been blocked up and the mud brick wall which bolsters the fortifications had been so placed as to cut through

231

the north wall of the room. Even so a large part of the frescoes remained, their colors still fresh and clear. It was slow but most exciting work cutting down carefully to reveal the frescoes without injury to the fragile plaster and colors. Last to be uncovered was a little scene near the door, the figure of a boy holding aloft a sword in upraised right hand and standing before an immense figure of a man stretched prostrate on the ground. Along the forearm of the boy was written in clear letters AAOY1A and above his conquered enemy the word rOAIGA. It was this striking scene of David and Goliath that confirmed the impression which had been growing on me as we advanced; we were in a little Christian Chapel, the first certainly Christian work to be found at Dura. As if to set any lingering doubt to rest, a graffito framed in the red and black geometric design which had first attracted our attention in the sanctuary called upon the reader to remember the C h r i s t . . . . We could then go back and interpret with more confidence the scenes already revealed. That at the back of the niche depicts the Good Shepherd and his flock. Below, just visible against the dark red background of the lower part of the fresco, Adam and Eve. The shepherd depicted in threequarters front view stands behind his flock, carries a great ram on his shoulders and advances slowly right. The figure is painted in dark red against the orangepink background. Details of the feet are invisible; the legs are bare as is also half the breast and the left arm. The robe of yellow brown with dark edgings and folds comes over the left shoulder and across the chest to the right side. Apparently it is an outer garment, for it flares out on the left side beyond the lower shirt which descends halfway to the knees. The head is represented with a band of dark hair and eyes with dark points beneath the curve of the eyebrows. Nose and mouth are scarcely distinguishable. He holds the back leg of the ram he carries in his left hand, held just below and close to the left shoulder. In front of him to the right a serried rank of six or seven rams all with curved horns advances right behind their leader. The sheep are outlined in dark color against the light background but many of the details are indistinct. They are of the fattailed variety, all have long curving horns and all have their heads raised. A white spot marking the head of the nearest animal in the rank of the flock is the only individual feature observable. Ahead of this group and further in the foreground for their feet rest on the dark red of the lower picture a second series of rams is represented. Apart and leading this flock is one which lowers his head to pluck at the leaves of a bush. In the left lower corner of this fresco, against the dark red of the earth, is presented a little scene bordered by two trees, the straight trunks of which rise to the top of the earth background, then flower out in clumps of branches. In the middle a smaller tree rises, almost like a palm. On either side of the central tree is represented a figure facing front. Both are clad about the waist with a white garment held in place by a closed hand. The figures are merely outlined against the background, the hands indicated by painting the white of the garment around them. One can just distinguish (toward) the center (the other) arms of the figures raised shoulder high, bent at the elbows and

232

ARCHIVALIA
The height of the two figures is almost equal to that of the field (0.88 m.) and they are consequently represented only a few centimeters lower than the building toward which they advance. One may see certainly in the scene as a whole the story of those who came bearing gifts to the new-born Christ. I am inclined to think that the three kings are portrayed, the difference in the colors of the faces revealing the different races and the sword or sceptre of the second figure symbolizing his earthly rule. The photographs give, except for the color, a good idea of the two smaller scenes depicted above that of the three kings and separated from it by horizontal bands of black, red and white. In the scene to the right a great yellow galley advances across the sea. One sees only the prow and bow of the boat with a part of the rigging, for the amidships and stern have been lost. In the part remaining sit four little figures, all holding up their hands in astonishment and gazing with wide-eyed amazement at the scene before them. Here in the foreground on the dark splashes of the waves a figure advances slowly to the right and holds out his hands to greet a second figure advancing left. One sees the arm of the second figure and the body from the waist down but again the mud brick wall has cut diagonally across to destroy head and left shoulder. Both figures wear sandals and white chiton, In addition the figure on the left wears the himation drawn across the lower right side and up over the left shoulder, the end of the garment falling in folds along the left side to the knee. The dark red band which outlines the chin, obviously intentionally made uneven, probably represents the head.. As is not uncommonly the case, the eyes are too large, very wide and reach from nose almost to ear. A broad band outlines the ridge of the nose and the nostril. The scene is dark for the water is represented by a background of grey with a touch of pink to make it a light brown and the waves are thrown in by broad strokes of black. What the foreground lacks in color, however, is made up by the background for the boat is a brilliant yellow brown; planks are outlined in red lines, the portholes are squares of white and above the four figures are clad, from left to right in solid dark green, pink, white and pink. A fraction of a fifth figure still visible to right shows part of another pink chiton. The little figures are dumpy and rather crudely drawn, "the style reminding one of the "berger" scene of M.Cumont. The representation as a whole, however, is striking with, its bold colors and its spirit of action. The scene is obviously that of Christ walking across the water toward his disciples in the boat. Peter, apparently the figure on the right, has left the boat and advances to meet Christ with outstretched arms. It maybe said here, however, that these colors are most difficult to preserve. They are made apparently with a sort of earth paint, like chalk, that rubs at the slightest touch and sometimes falls with the fragments of dust that covered it. Cleaning, however, was accomplished by allowing the dirt which clung to the frescoes to dry thoroughly and then fall as far as possible by its own weight. When varnish is applied to hold the tints, the colors are fixed satisfactorily, but apparently are unavoidably rubbed a bit into the plaster and the sharpness of outline and the contrast

reaching up into the branches of the tree. The bottom of this scene is represented by grey horizontal lines of paint across which the dark folds of a serpent advancing left are seen. These two scenes placed in the most important position of the sanctuary very appropriately represent the origin of Man, and the guidance of the flock by the Good Shepherd. The second most important position was obviously that of the lower north wall just opposite the two entrances, and here was portrayed a scene both more striking in color and better drawn. Against a background of brilliant red, a large white building is represented its black outlines breaking the abrupt change from red to white. The building is of pediment style and a black band running across the end some little way below the gables seems to frame a field for ornament. A few wavy lines of red running through, however, make the only decoration of the pediment, and in the building itself there is nothing to break the monotony of the white background. Above either gable stands a great star, the one of the left of twelve, that on the right of eleven points. The centers of the stars are made of three concentric circles of black on a white field. In the center is a small black circle about a centimeter in diameter. From the edge of the outer circle radiate the points fashioned by black lines outlining the white rays against the red background of the picture as a whole. On the right of the picture three people advance left toward the building. Unfortunately the wall of mud brick has cut through the end of this picture and left us only a fraction of the robe of the third personage. The second is mutilated, for the head has been cut by the brick below the eyes. A large piece of plaster fallen from the first figure leaves only the representation from the waist up. Both figures that we see face front but advance left. The figure to left is clad in the usual chiton with long : sleeves and girt at the belt. The robe is white but a touch of color is given around the neck band, the belt and belt tags by pink strokes which may represent embroidery. Certainly the two broad pink bands represented as running around the forearm represent . some kind of ornament. Outlines of the sleeves are rendered by a narrow yellow and black band, and folds in the garment by light yellow and brown lines. Around the head a field of white like a halo has been left to allow the outlines of the head and hair to stand out to more advantage. The hair is represented in small brown locks and the lips and nose drawn with lines of red of varying shades. The man holds his right hand extended to the left and holds what may be a sceptre or torch. One sees a wand with cup-shaped top from which . black bands almost like the petals of a flower arise. The left hand bent across the center of the body holds an open bowl, its content depicted by two dark red lines. The second figure is represented apparently intentionally as more swarthy, the neck and face being a decided grey against the white field around the head. This figure also has the right hand extended but the arm is raised a bit further so that the sword or sceptre carried is bent back over the right shoulder. The left hand carries a bowl similar to the other and he has the same type of white robe, though this time with green ; belt ends instead of pink.

ARCHIVALIA
of colors sensibly diminished. Fortunately M . Bacquet arrived from Paris on the 23rd and immediately took charge of the preservation of the painting and the delicate task of removing the thin plaster from the wall. Left of this "Walking on the Water" tableau, apparently with no transition between, is another picture. The waves of the sea-scene dash high against a red brown background of earth and just above on the edge of the ground lies a bed. This is tipped forward slightly by representing the legs in the foreground as resting on lower ground and partly concealed, and allows one thus to see more easily its occupant. He lies at full length, is clad in the usual long-sleeved robe which reaches to the knees and rests his bent left elbow on the couch, supporting his raised head with left hand. Details are not at all clear but apparently the head rests on the tips of the fingers for it is depicted almost upright. One can see the round of the brown hair and the faint outlines of the neck with the pink border just beneath the edge of the robe below; nothing more. A patch of green behind sets off the head and perhaps represents a pillow. Little lines of red falling from the edge of the bed and all around it probably represent the fringe or tassels of the rug on which the sick man lies. Three centimeters above the bed a little band of red, made by several brush strokes, represents either ground in the background for it is the same color as that in the foreground, or a cloud, probably the latter. Supported on this a figure advances toward the bed, holding out his right hand toward the couch. He wears the usual type of sandals with thong from the big toe, and fastening-strap around the ankles. Again the legs are bare almost to the knee, the body covered with the long sleeved chiton and a himation which reaches around the right side, up over the left arm and falls in folds to below the edge of the chiton. The thick mass of hair made with dark red color between two small bands of black sets off the head against the light background. The eyes are carefully drawn with almost

233

black eyebrows above the red-brown of eyesocket and upper lid and the round black dot for iris and pupil together. Just beside the bed to the left so that his outstretched right hand touches the edge, another figure appears. His features are almost indistinguishable. He is clad in the long-sleeved chiton and over his back he carries a bed. The bed is poorly drawn for the upper left leg is placed at such an angle as to give the appearance of being behind instead of in front of the bed proper. Since the bedstead has no covering one can see the cord or thong lacings of the top crisscrossed through holes in the edges to support the rug or mattress. The picture may represent simply the two scenes in the one story of the sick man picking up his bed and walking. I am inclined to think however it represents one man already healed and carrying his bed, a second about to be healed, to whom the first brings the good news. Christ above is performing the miracle of healing and perhaps the rising attitude of the semirecumbent figure signalizes the fact that healing is already taking place. Opposite this group of pictures the south wall of the room is cut by two doorways and a niche. The scenes therefore with which the plaster is adorned are small ; nevertheless they are most important. The tableau of David and Goliath stands between the two doorways just beneath the semicircular niche. Close to the "altar" columns, beyond the second door a reclining figure in a frame of broad bands is depicted. Above one sees part of a garden, perhaps Paradise, adorned with a mass of green trees and bushes. To preserve the pictures, however, the wall was blocked up immediately, even before thorough cleaning, until preparations could be made for fixing the colors and removing the plaster. Perhaps it will be better therefore to leave the detailed description of them until a more careful study can be made and photographs sent to accompany the report.

PLATE I

I.

BEGINNING

OF

T H E

EXCAVATION,

LOOKING

NORTH

ALONG

CITY

W A L L

2.

VIEW

FROM

T H E

EAST

AFTER

CLEARANCE

PLATE II

P L A T E

III

I. 2. VIEW NORTH

VIEW

OF COURT COURT

DURING TOWARD

CLEARANCE, LOOKING NORTH VESTIBULE. HOLES IN OUTER

TOWARD HOUSE FLOOR

ROOM 6 AND W A L L SHOW

STAIRWELL LOCATION OF BEAMS OVER

FROM

CELLAR

SUPPORTING

VESTIBULE

1'i.ATi:

IV

I.

VIHW

WEST

ACROSS 2.

COURT

INTO

R O O M 5,

WITH 3,

DOORS

TO

ROOMS

AND

7A

AT

RIGHT

VIEW

WEST

FROM

ROOM

SHOWING

ROOM

.}

P L A T E

I.

COPING

OF

ROOF

PRESERVED

AT TOP

OF WEST

W A L L OF

R O O M 4,

LOOKING 4

NORTHWEST

2.

GRAFFITO

(NO.

10)

ON

WEST

W A L L OF

ROOM

'I.ATE V !

PLATE V I I

VIEW

NORTH

FROM ROOM

4,

SHOWING

PODIUM

AND IN T H E

EAST

W A L L

IN

FOREGROUND.

T H E

PORTICO

AND

VESTIBULE

ARE

BACKGROUND TOWARD AT LEFT T H E VESTIBULE. T H E U N E X C A V A T E D DOORWAY

VIEW

FROM T H E

E M B A N K M E N T ACROSS

ROOM

NORTH EAST ROOM 6 IS

INTO

PLATE X III

PLATE I X

I.

EAST

END

OF

ROOM

6,

LOOKING SOUTH

ACROSS

COURT 6,

TO

STEPS

LEADING

TO

ROOM

1.

NICHE

BETWEEN

DOORWAYS

EN R O O M

LOOKING

SOUTH

PLATE X

I.

FACE

OF

FONT

AT

WEST

E N D

OF

ROOM

2.

FOUNDATIONS

OF

FONT

IN

ROOM

PLATE X I

CANOPY

OF

FONT,

SOUTH

E N D

2.

CANOPY

OF

FONT,

NORTH

E N D

PLATE X I I

I.

CANOPY

OF

FONT,

INTRADOS

2.

INTERIOR

ARCH

OF

FONT,

NORTH

E N D

PLATE X I I I

PLATE X I V

PLATE X V

PLATE X V I

PLATE X V I I

a. w
7.

5 p
y,

=
0 c 0 o w a
H

PLAI; X V I I I

PLATE

XX

T H E

WOMEN

AT

T H E

TOMB,

THIRD

ELEMENT,

NORTH

WALL,

WEST

E N D

PLATE X X I

PLATE X X I I

7.

PLATE X X I I I

PLATE X X I X '

PLATE X X V

PLATE X X V I

PLATE X X V I I

PLATE X X V I I I

PLATE X X I X

PLATE X X X

THE

GOOD

SHEPHERD

AND

HIS

SHEEP

THF.

C.OOI) S H E P H E R D

AND

HIS

SHEEP.

TRACING

PLATE X X X I I

PLATE

XXXIII

DIAGRAM

OF

T H E DECORATIONS

OF T H E

BAPTISTERY.

NORTH

AND

SOUTH

WALLS

PLATE

XXXIV

T H E

HEALING

OF

THE

PARALYTIC

PLATE X X X V

THK

HEALING

OF

T H E

PARALYTIC.

TRACING

PLATE X X X V I

THK

WAI.KTNG

ON

THK

WATER

PLATE

XXXVII

T H E

WALKING

ON

T H E

WATER.

TRACING

PLATE X X X V I I I

PLATE

XXXIX

I.

GARDEN

SCENE.

EXCAVATION

PHOTOGRAPH

2.

DICTAU.

OE

Till-:

REGISTER

DIVIDER

PLATE X L

PLATE X L I

I.

DAVID

AND

GOLIATH.

EXCAVATION

PHOTOGRAPH

2.

DAVID

AND

GOLIATH.

TRACING

PLAI: X L I I

I.

WOMEN

AT

THK

TOMB,

FIRST

ELEMENT,

EAST

WALL.

EXCAVATION

PHOTOGRAPH

2.

WOMEN

AT

T H E

TOMB,

FIRST

ELEMENT,

EAST

WALL.

TRACING

PLATE X L I I I

I.

WOMEN

AT

T H E

TOMB,

SECOND

ELEMENT,

NORTH

WALL,

EAST

END.

EXCAVATION

PHOTOGRAPH

2.

WOMEN

AT

T H E TOMB,

SECOND

E L E M E N T ,

NORTH

WALL,

EAST

END.

TRACING

AND

RECONSTRUCTION

PLATE X L I V

PLATE

XLV

PLATE X L V I

PLAN I

MAP

OF T H E TIGRIS-EUPHRATES

BASIN

(DETWEILER)

PLAN

II

BLOCK

M8,

PLAN

(PEARSON)

PLAN

III

CHRISTIAN

BUILDING.

ISOMETRIC

PROJECTION

OF

EXTANT

REMAINS

(PEARSON)

PLAN

IV

HOUM-'.

l't.AN

hf'.VoUK.

IVAN>KCJi!MAi'l</Il

Ht To U t l f l

T I A I I IVHII.JiJ t i '

UV.

.,'.<{

H O U S K P L A N B E F O R E T R A N S F O R M A T I O N INTO C H R I S T I A N

BUILDING.

RESTORATION

(PEARSON)

PLAN V

HOUSE PLAN AFTER. TRANSFORMATION INTO CHRISTIAN BUILDING/

RESTORATION"

7TZ7Y.
tiOAirilO
COVERED b Y

O N KAl.U
KCPLA-JTEMING ' 1Z

FLuuft PLASTCRID WALLT KfcPLAS 1 E R E D

tABT I I I O N L I

VI C >

O an

Q 'j

I
.TI/IMA'ID

'.( i.- <

oft

\<==D
* t i l l
>-' - - .

F L O O C FlL-LCll T O 5 E H C H ME H i H T r,

.-!

r ' ' ;.rf H

'i

A:.TI

PA

..."

: I

_1

1
- ^ j ' HOUSE PLAN AFTER TRANSFORMATION INTO CHRISTIAN BUILDING. RESTORATION (PEARSON)

PLAN V I

D E T A I L S

O F

C O N S T R U C T I O N , T H E

CHRISTIAN

BUILDING-

T H F . V/ALL.*> M T O f HJLT M P WJ(_.R (<>ft*4l*-tn .*A < ' JJI F UNHATKHa Or PLAWttlii itfJh ko<-K ^Uf.flLX fcUU.T I N T l t u : . fcNP ^ T C P P t n U P T* BUTTREfii uORMKUA AND l O O k V A V a T H E Y A a t P L A J T K L ' F . I - WITH MUD ft.wn
T L A W Lifa, W I T H G Y P U M Pl.A VK-

. ICTE.

CHRISTIAN

BUILDING.

DETAILS O F CONSTRUCTION

(PEARSON)

PLAN

VII

Of 5E.CTION THUGM C O U R T , TOWABD5

THE S O U T H

CHRISTIAN

BUILDING,

SECTIONAL

ELEVATIONS.

RESTORATION

(PEARSON)

PLAN V I I I

CHRISTIAN

BUILDING,

BAPTISTERY.

PLAN

AND

SECTIONAL

ELEVATIONS

(PEARSON)