Jurnal BJRS Edisi 2 Tahun 2013 English Version

AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)
BORNEO JOURNAL OF RELIGIOUS STUDIES (BJRS) VOLUME 2 NUMBER 1 (JUNE 2013) CONTENTS
ARTICLES 1. The Politics of Multiculturalism of The Towani Tolotang Minority In South Sulawesi Zuly Qodir................................................................................................................ 3 2. When Culture Meets Religion: The Muludan Tradition in the Kanoman Sultanate, Cirebon, West Java Mohamad Yusuf ..................................................................................................... 19 3. Religious Democratization In Indonesia: Strengthening the Procedural and Substantial Religious Democracy Eka Hendry AR. ..................................................................................................... 33 4. Islam In The Javanese Cultural Pluralism And The Keraton Performing Arts KRT. Sunaryadi Maharsiworo ........................................................................... 51 5. Religious and Multicultural Education: Introducing Interfaith Dialogue in the Indonesian Educational System Nina Mariani Noor and Ferry Muhammadsyah Siregar............................. 67 6. Multiculturalism and Religious-Based Conflict: Events of Conflict Based on Ethnicity, Religion, Race, and Inter-Group Relations (SARA) in the City of Pontianak Lailial Muhtifah ...................................................................................................... 77 7. Inter-Religious Dialogue Within The Hare Krishna Mandir Community Yogyakarta Vanny Suitela ........................................................................................................... 87 8. Indigenous Community, Customary Law and Multiculturalisme In Indonesia Zaenuddin Hudi Prasojo ..................................................................................... 99 9. Baduy Pluralism: From Myth to Reality Abdurrahman Misno Bambang Pawiro .......................................................... 111 10. Building Pluralist Attitude In Doing Islamic Education At Hight School and Madrasah Moh. Haitami Salim .............................................................................................. 125 BOOK REVIEW 1. Teguh Setiawan: Chinese Indonesians: Chinese Muslims and the collapse of the Business Republic. Reviewed by Cucu Nurjamilah ......... 133 2. Muhtar Haboddin and Fathur Rahman: Gurita Korupsi Pemerintah Daerah (The Roots of Corruption of the Local Governments) Reviewed by Romi Yati................................................................................................ 136 3. S. B. Pramono & Dessy Harahap: A Desirable Leader: Reflection of the Populist Characteristics. Reviewed Irfani............................................. 139 [ by 1 Amalia ]
AL - ALBAB
Volume 2 Number 1 June 2013
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THE POLITICS OF MULTICULTURALISM OF THE TOWANI TOLOTANG MINORITY IN SOUTH SULAWESI

Zuly Qodir University of Muhammadiyah,Yogyakarta Abstract This article provides a description of the ethnographical and political issues of the minority group located in South Sulawesi, i.e. the believers of Towani Tolotang that still exist there even in the national political scene as they have representatives in the legislature. The community seems to be playing the politics of Towani Tolotang accommodating and making use of the will of the political regime of Muslims and Hindus, where both of them are scrambling for mutual acknowledgment and entering into the tradition of the religion: Islam or Hinduism. As a minority group, the Towani Tolotang community has a variety of strategies to survive and fight in various kinds of interest. Economic and political gain, and commodification of ethnicity and religion are rampant in the area due to decentralization. This article is based on field library and research on the minority people who have been dealing with political suppression and discriminatory treatment. Keywords: Towani, Tolotang and minority, political rights. INTRODUCTION Tracing the history and ethnography, Indonesia is clearly known as a country with many ethnic, tribal and religious groups (popularly known as SARA in the New Order era). Unfortunately, the multi-ethnic relations in Indonesia are contrary to the reality. A study conducted by Denis Lombart, a French historian who wrote about Indonesia and the history of Java gave an explanation that the land which experienced colonial rules the Europeans (referred to as the others) had so many tribal, the ethnic and religious groups. There were not less than 100 of indigenous religions and each had adherents in different parts of the archipelago. The Europeans, who were referred to as the others, wrote that ethnographically the islands now known as the archipelago really had diverse traditions, languages, peoples, religions and cultures. Other ethnographic notes mention that Indonesia has long had a diversity of [ 3 ]
300 thousand ethnic, religious, linguistic, and cultural groups. For the colonial Dutch, the diversity was used as a means of creating social segregation and implementing a centralized bureaucracy of government, so it was easy to control all power in the community. The Dutch understood how important the strength of the social power, so they needed to apply strict bureaucratic policies to easily dictate and reduce the authority of the groups scattered throughout the archipelago. The Dutch applied bureaucratic politics as capital for economic control of the archipelago so as to easily rule the territories from the islands of Sumatra, Sulawesi to Ambon and Timor. Regarding such diversity, Sukarno --a figure referred to as an intelligent man by Benedict Anderson and a messiah by some Indonesians-- used the term Bhinneka Tunggal that was used in the book of Sutasoma by Empu Tantular, rather than unity and the unification of Indonesia, as used the New Order. Sukarno gave a positive appreciation of the diversity that has long existed in the archipelago, while Suharto gave the imposition upon the diversity of the country. That is the main difference between the accommodating politics of Sukarno as compared to Suharto with the repressive politics toward his own people. The diversity of this country, in fact has not changed since the colonial era as argued by J.S. Furnivall, an expert in political economy of Indonesia who wrote about the levels of the Indonesian people from the perspective of political economics and ethnicity. Furnivall wrote about the diversity of Indonesia as follows: That it is the strict sense of medley for they mix but do not combine. Each group hold by its own religion, by its own culture, own ideas, and own ways. As individual they meet but only on the marketplace in buying and selling. There are pluralist societies with different sections of the community living side by side but in the same political unit. With regard to what is said above by Furnivall, an economic anthropologist, we as a nation have long been diverse. It is unfortunate that the recognition and management of the pluralism by the political regime in power have failed. Because of the failure to manage and acknowledge the factual pluralism in Indonesia, we have often witnessed conflicts, resistance, and even revolt by ethnic communities, both religious and cultural communities that live and thrive in the society of Indonesia. Pluralism has failed to function as a social basis of political regime to rule as desired by our Constitution. Pluralism was even forbidden. [ 4 ]
The regime of power even tended to apply political harmonization by suppressing the minority groups except those seen to have an emotional attachment and used serve as a base of support in the exercise of political power. Thousands of minorities as Simon Philpot described above were not given freedom, and they actually became a real minority and were controlled in a peaceful coercive way politically by the new order regime. This article provides political and ethnographic description of the minority group in South Sulawesi, i.e. the followers of the Towani Tolotang that still exist there even in the contemporary national political scene as they are blessed because they have elected representatives in the legislative body. The community seems to be playing the politics of Towani Tolotang accommodating and making use of the will of the political regime of Muslims and Hindus, where both of them are scrambling for mutual acknowledgment and entering into the tradition of the religion: Islam or Hinduism. THE POSITION OF INDONESIAN ISLAM AMONG LOCAL RELIGIONS Indonesia, despite not being an Islamic state, has no less than 88. 6% of Muslims, a population of 223 million (2005), see Aris Ananta on Indonesias population and ethnicity. Currently, the population of Indonesia has reached 237.4 million which makes it appropriate to refer to it as an Islamic society. Though its Constitution does not allow a person to have no religion, according to a survey conducted in 2000 Indonesia had 2.9% of atheist population. Despite the fact that atheism is not recognized in the country as its Constitution does not regulate it, the reality is that there are communities who do not embrace any of the official religions, so they are similar to the nihilists. Muslims often exercise a standard to judge whether a society is religious or not by the belief in God. Therefore people who have faith but do not believe in God will be grouped as the unbelievers. In fact, if there are communities who have different interpretation of the teachings of the Islamic pillars of faith, they will be categorized as those who have gone astray. Examples in this regard are numerous, such as the communities of Ashidiqiyah, Jamaah Islamiyah, Jamaah Salamullah and Ahmadiyah that have been grouped as the lost society by the mainstream Islamic community in Indonesia. In Indonesia sociologically and anthropologically there are many variants of Islam. The Indonesian Islam is not the sole Islam but the dominant Islam as expressed by historians as the Islam of the school of Syafiiyah, Ahlusunnah waljamaah with its fiqh dimensions being stronger than Sufism. Even in certain dimensions, Sufism in Indonesia is often considered less acceptable [ 5 ]
to the mainstream Muslims, for Sufism could be regarded as society opposing the Islamic Shariah which stresses on formalism, while Sufi Islam is closer to substantialism. The Shariah Islam is the exoteric Islamic style. Sufism is also considered syncretic Islam and less pure, and thus will destabilize the Shariah Islam or disrupt the pure wahabi Islam. Under such dominant Islamic conditions, it has become clear that the position of local Islam developed by Muslim actors in the communities of Sunda, Java Dayak, Sulawesi and several other regions in Indonesia is apparently often considered heretical by Shariah Islam which emphasizes on formalism. Local Islam is regarded as syncretic and impure Islam that needs to be straightened out, while Shariah Islam is considered to be in accordance with the teaching of the Scriptures and the Prophets. The Indonesian Muslims eventually can no longer critically position local Islam and metropolitan Islam as a variant of Islam that have sociologically and anthropologically developed in the archipelago centuries prior to Indonesias independence and the coming of Islamic missionaries from Persia and other Middle Eastern regions in the seventh or the 13th century. In this light, Islam is clearly very important and strategic in Indonesia. When Islam has emerged in the form of violence in the last five years, since the numerous acts of terrorism have allegedly been carried out by Muslim people, the religion has suffered a slap in the face as it is often associated with violence and terrorism. Islam and terrorism are obviously not the same as normative Islam does not teach people to be terrorists. THEORETICAL AND LITERARY PERSPECTIVES To explain the Towani Tolotang community, this paper adopts a perspective from the belief community rather than from an outsider. Therefore, there is a possibility of a defense or partisanship over the Towani Tolotang minority in study. The defense of the Towani Tolotang community is intended as a form of proof of the various issues faced by the community itself, in addition to the presence of elements of accommodation and strategies employed as this community has experienced various forms of political or legal discrimination in Indonesia, particularly by the majority of Islamic community of the Bugis (South Suawesi). From here it is expected that this paper will give description of the fate of the minority in the midst of the Muslim Bugis majority and MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council). The Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) is a religious institution that is a representation or claims to represent Indonesian Islam, but often marginalizes
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local religious groups. In fact, the attitudes and actions of MUI toward local religious groups are at times inhumane. Local religious groups are often banned, in other words, forbidden to live in Indonesia even though they claim to be local religions that profess to Islam or believe in God. Therefore, local religions in Indonesia are forbidden and heresy that need to be reconstructed to get back on the right path, of course in accordance with the MUI version. The main purpose of the MUI is to accommodate the aspirations of Indonesian Muslims in terms of taking care of the issues of the Ummah rather than questioning other peoples belief or accusing someone of heresy. The Towani Tolotang is positioned as a minority that should get the attention in this case to become Muslims or a Hindus, though they are actually refuse to be both. The MUIs issuance of a fatwa that pluralism, secularism and liberalism are forbidden is the perfect example of the attitude and actions of the MUI which tend to be defensive and coercive toward local religions regarded as unfit to the culture of the six officially recognized religions in Indonesia. There are many small ethnic groups with their local religions (indigenous religions) in the archipelago. However, their existence is often unknown in detail to religious organizations including the MUI as they are scattered on remote islands in the country. Local religions are part of the wealth of Indonesia, each with its diversity. The MUI and other Islamic organizations often treat these local religions as targets of anger as they often become victims of vigilante actions such as destruction of the facilities belonging to them, dispersion and even expulsion by force. However such things are not taught by normative Islam, because Islam does not allow expulsion and violence let alone the destruction of property of another person unless the person accused of heresy is doing the expulsion, violence and murder of the Muslims. The Towani Tolotang community being the focus of this paper is not popular among the community of Indonesia except for some people who have a strong interest in local religions such as anthropologists or social researchers. If no one cares about the Towani Tolotang, they will have similar fate to the Sedulur Sikep in Blora, the Sunda Wiwitan in Cigugur, the Kaharingan in the interior of Kalimantan, the Parmalim in North Sumatera, the An-Nadhir that perform pilgrimage on the Mount Bawakaraeng in South Sulawesi whose existence is unknown in the Indonesian literature, let alone in the literature of religious institution of the MUI. There are still so many local communities in Indonesia and they already practiced their own religion before the official staterecognized religions came to them. The MUI should be concerned with the issue as local religions had been embraced by the community particularly in the rural areas long before Islamic organizations were founded in the country.
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When discussing the alienated communities, what often appears is various kinds of punishment over them. They are considered heretical, regarded as harming the public order and violating religious norms shared by the majority. Unfortunately the majority of communities show little empathy to them and do not give a positive appreciation, and even worse the existence of this socalled alienated community is often seen as an enemy of the majority. This happens to the Sedulur Sikep in Blora, Kaharingan, and of course the Towani Tolotang. The majority of people and the State have become coercive over the Towani Tolotang because they are considered as going astray from Islam. What should be done is to guide and provide insight into the diversity of religions. Religion in Indonesia is not single depending on the perspective where we see it from. If we insist on exposing Islam in perspective of right and wrong, then local Islam and metropolitan Islam will always be regarded as heretical and there will always be syncretic Islam against Shariah Islam or pure Islam. A study by Atho Mudzar, former Rector of IAIN Yogyakarta, among the research that provides a picture of the Towani Tolotang and gives an explorative idea of what the Islamic community of Bugis Towani Tolotang is like. The Bugis Muslims perceive that the Towani Tolotang are not part of Islam as they practice Hindu traditions. Atho Mudhar described how the community of Towani Tolotang interacted, adapted to social change, and accommodated as well as resisted the state and the Islamic community of Bugis. He did not elaborate on the cultural and structural issues when the Towani Tolotang were about to be included into one of the official state religions. Mudzar also specifically did research on the Towani Tolotang in relation to the position of the state that put various kinds of social conflicts between the Towani Tolotang and the community around them. Mudzar stated that the Towani Tolotang in Sidenreng Rappang and Amparita often had conflict with the Muslim Bugis community. The Towani Tolotang also had to encounter the state as they intented to include the Towani Tolotang belief into one of the official state religions (Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism) with the various regulatory and repressive actions as well as discrimination against them. However Mudzar failed to give attention to the sustainability of the Towani Tolotang and the impact of various forms of regulation imposed by the State. A study conducted by Nasir Baki on the Towani Tolotang explained that Islamic organizations, such as the Whabi-influenced Muhammadiyah, are unable to accept the existence of the Towani Tolotang because many things practiced by the community are considered straying from the modernist creed of Islam. The Towani Tolotang, if they keep practicing their current belief, should [ 8 ]
become Hindus not Muslims as they have gone astray from Islam in terms of worship and belief. Meanwhile, the NU (Nahdhatul Ulama) in Bugis are not so vicious against the Towani Tolotang who live around the mountains near Lake Sidenreng Rapang. The NU seems to be more accommodative than the Muhammadiyah in South Sulawesi. In short, the Towani Tolotang in eyes of the modernist Islamic organizations are not an Islamic community, and should they wish to be one, they have to leave the things considered by modernist Islamic organizations as heresy, khirafat and shirik such as the worship of stones, trees, planting and throwing the corpses through the window instead of the door during a funeral. Nasir Tray explained that Towani Tolotang are not considered an Islamic community by the Bugis (Makassar). Ibnu Qayims research (2004) on local religions, religiosity of the communities such as the Tolotang and Patuntung, Parmalim, Saminism and Sunda Wiwitan explained that the country actually is in a position of setting up a formal regulation of local religions in various regions in Indonesia. Local religions in view of Ibnu Qayim have been placed in the shadows of the dominance of the state policies and formal religions. The state policies that require religious formalization have indirectly marginalized local religions, and failed to acknowledge their existence. Local religions have lost freedom to practice their beliefs and rituals. In his research, Qayim said that local religions have suffered a wide range of discriminatory actions by the State and other official religions by requiring them to follow the State policy of religious formalozation. The position of local religions such as the Towani and the like is actually being suppressed by two major institutions: the State and the religious institution called the official/state-recognized religions. Muslimin (1996) reviewed leadership of the Towani Tolotang in detail. Muslimin explained that the position of Uwa (a figure that is considered to have the leadership qualities) is so high that every member of the Towani Tolotang society who intends to planting rice always asks for tips from the Uwa. The role of the Uwa is very dominant in the society, although the Towani Tolotang according to Muslimin were not economically well-off. Uwata is a figure that is asked for advice regarding various terms related to fate. Although in some cases, the advice of Uwata is not accurate, his position remains dominant, since the Towani Tolotang are uneducated and there is a tendency education is often overlooked. They even consider those attending schools to be no longer a member of the Towani Tolotang. Syamsul Maarif (2001) compared the Towani Tolotang with the Ammatoa community in South Sulawesi. In his research Maarif expleined that the position of the Towani Tolotang was in fact similar to the Ammatoa community [ 9 ]
in that they were both discriminated in the form of discriminatory rules set by the State. Some regulations were issued to make local religious followers unable to freely to observe their beliefs, rituals and activities as part of their conviction. The local religious communities have been marginalized through the regulations issued by the state. Maarif described that local religious issues such as those of the Ammatoa and the Towani were developed by the state as a method to marginalize the local communities social and political roles and to hamper the inclusion of local religions to become one of the state-recognized religions. With a theoretical representation of the minority in the perspective of the state, and an inside look at the position of the Towani Tolotang by researchers, it is clear that the local community has received a positive response from researchers not from Islamic organizations such as MUI, Muhammadiyah, and of course the Wahabi Islamic Islamic Groups that are more concerned with the purification of Islamic teachings. Meanwhile, the NU has shown a more tolerant attitude toward this community. Moreover, the Hindu Dharma Indonesia recognizes the Towani Tolotang as part of the Hindu religion. It can be seen here that there is actually a fight between Islamic organizations and those outside the Islamic community for recognition of the Towani Tolotang in Bugis Sidenreng Rapang. However as the Towani Tolotang is deemed incompatible with Islamic teachings by the wahabis, they feel obliged to reconstruct the Tolotang in South Sulawesi to conform with Islamic doctrine believed by the majority Islamic sects. On the other hand, the NU does not question the existence of Towani Tolotang for some of their activities are considered common; it is just with a different method. The Towani Tolotang are not considered heretic or infidels. VARIANTS OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Indonesian Islam is interesting to note from one political regime period to another. From there, we can grab multiple variants of the faces of Indonesian Islam. John L Esposito, an observer of Islam based in Georgetown, United States, gave appreciation to Islam Indonesia in the form of colorful Islam which all leads to one God. Many variants of Indonesian Islam should be seen within the framework of diversity (plurality) that complements each other and serves as part of the countrys riches. Islam in Indonesia is clearly different from that in the Middle East, sub-Saharan Africa or in other Southeast Asian countries though they also observe the Ahlus Sunnah Waljamaah which is part of the schools of Shafii and Hambali, in addition to Maliki and Hanafi. In Indonesia Sufic Islam such as the schools of Al Junaid and Al Ghazali which [ 10 ]
are very popular in Java. Meanwhile other Sufic sects i.e. Al Maturidiyah and local Sufism are also developing, such as the Rifaiyah in Pemalang, Indonesia, and even Sadzaliyah in Jepara and Rembang. Other Sufic sects found in the country are the Naqsyabandiyah and the Qadariyah in addition to the Jabariyah that have become the majority of Sufism in Indonesia. Sufic Islam is believed to be the exponent of Islam that gives color to the moderate Islam by developing Islamic dakwah among the public which has triggered the emergence of Wali Songo tradition in Java and the Sufis in Sumatra, Sulawesi and Kalimantan such as Hamzah Fansuri, Sheikh Yusuf and Sheikh Al Banjari of Banjar South Kalimantan. In the recent development, we also find more variants of Islam, as reported by Kuntowijoyo that Indonesian Islam contains Islamic patterns as diverse as Islam Without mosques, Peasant Islam (messiah of Islam), political Islam and substantial Islam. Kuntowijoyos description provides diverse maps of Indonesian Islam in historical perspective and social movements. In addition to Kuntowijoyo, Bahtiar Efendi and Fahri Ali also divided Indonesian Islam into several categories, the modernist Islam, formalist Islam, neo-modernist Islam and traditional Islam. Bahtiar and Fachris explanation revolves around the social and political Muslim intelligentsia in responding to modernity and contemporary issues.(see Bahtiar Efendi and Fahri Ali, Merambah Jalan Baru Islam Indonesia, 1986). M. Syafii Anwar also categorized Indonesian Islam into variants of Substantial Islam, Ideal Islam, Historical and Political Islam. Meanwhile, the recent development Zuly Qadir also conduvted a study on the format of Indonesian Islam which was different from its earlier form. The author gave an overview of the various kinds of variants of Islam in Indonesia which are struggling to exist in the public sphere. Indonesian Islam has appeared in the format of the revivalist Islam (political Islam), neomodernist Islam, Neo-Traditionalist Islam, Progressive Islam, Sufic Islam or Popular Islam. All the forms of Islam mentioned are competing to gain public recognition in the country. Their activities include offering certain programs, conducting recruitment, promoting ideology from villages to campuses. The diversity of Indonesian Islam was also reviewed by Abdullah Ahmed AnNaim, an Islamic Law expert from Sudan who provided a very interesting explanation though not at length about the state of Indonesian Islam which he reported as showing respect toward pluralism and being liberal. Therefore, Prof An-Naim stated that the development of Islam in the world will actually depend on the maps and development of Islam in Indonesia. If Indonesian Islam shifted from the pendulum of pluralist, inclusive, and liberal Islam to [ 11 ]
conservative, radical and revivalist, the state of Islam in the world would look like that in Indonesia. This is due to the fact that Indonesia has the largest number Muslims in the world and it is growing fantastically. Indonesian Islam varies and is embraced by no less than 88% of the countrys population. The number of such large Islamic population of Indonesia would have influence on the development of Islam in the world, and at the same time the positive or negative image of the Islamic world would be reflected from Indonesia. Based on the literature survey on the variants of Indonesian Islam we can draw a conclusion that Indonesian Islam is not single. Indonesian Islam has many faces, not only the Shariah Islam which is now part of the discourse of Indonesian Islam, but also Substantialist Islam that has become a reference for most middle-class Indonesian Muslims and Urban Sufic Islam which is a trend among the urban Islamic culture. All three are scrambling to get public space for existence. However Shariah Islam seems to be the one that is making every effort in the Islamic community that it appears to rule Indonesia. In reality as the surveys conducted by survey institutions such as the Center for the Study of Islam and the Community stated that those who agreed with the idea of the Islamic State of Indonesia only reached 34%, while those agreeing with the pancasila reached 88%. It means that Shariah Islam that often claims to get support from the majority of Muslim population in Indonesia cannot be justified. That Muslims agreeing with enforcing Shariah reached 87% is not fabricated, but that it does not mean the Indonesian Muslims agree with the establishment of the Islamic State of Indonesia which is said to be the alternative to the secular State. In later developments in contemporary Indonesia it seems that the school of native Islam which is deep rooted in the Islamic culture of Indonesia, as desired by Abdurrahman Wahid, often referred to as Indigenous Islam or Archipelago Islam, did not really develop. In the world of Indonesian Islam, pure Islam or Wahabi Islam seems to have so strong an influence that Shariah Islam of formalist Islamic in addition to revivalist Islam in the form of the establishment of Islamic political parties. Nusantara Islam or Indigenous Islam lacks the publicity and recognition from the MUI. The MUI, as the institution that seems to have the right to define the Islamic religion, has placed Islam in its own construction. Thus, what is the position of the Towani Tolotang in Indonesia? Are they one of the Islamic groups in Indonesia, or shall they remain in their culture? This is what will be the next focus of this paper. TOWANI TOLOTANG MUSLIM MINORITY The ethnography of the Towani Tolotang is, to a certain extent, important to [ 12 ]
this community in South Sulawesi and Indonesia in general. One can take note on the social and demographic data of the Towani Tolotang in Sidenreng Rapang, Amparita, South Sulawesi which is a province with a strong Bugis Islamic characteristics, even lately regarded by some as radical. Here, Muslims insisted on enforcing Shariah-related Regional Regulations voiced by the Committee of the Preparations for the Enforcement of Islamic Sharia Law in South Sulawesi (KPPSI) that have issued legislation concerning mandatory reading and writing of the Quran to civil servants who wish to be promoted to a higher rank at the Government of Bulukumba, regional regulations on Zakat in Bulukumba and liquor and Prostitution in the city of Makassar. The ethnography of the Towani Tolotang can be described as follows. They inhabit most of the Sidenreng Rappang District in South Sulawesi; they live with other communities in Amparita. The distance is 231 km from Makassar city. When using land transport (private cars or taxis) it will take 4.5 hours with a fee of thirty thousand rupiah. When renting a car, it costs three hundred and fifty to four hundred thousand rupiah to arrive at Sidenreng Rappang. To get to Amparita, we can use pete-pete or take a motor cab that costs fifteen to twenty-five thousand rupiah depending on that bargain we make with the driver. It takes about fifteen minutes to Amparita where we can find settlement houses lined along the streets. As an urban area, Amparita has sufficient infrastructure such as highways, roads, electricity, telephone lines, and even the cellular phone service, clean water and public transportation. However, during the dry season, Amparita is very hot and dry and dusty. Dust is always found around the area due to a lack of vegetation. The existing road facilities at Amparita are severely damaged at some spots because of the heavy traffic of vehicles and the poor asphalt quality. People of Amparita have diverse livelihoods. Most of them engage in fishing at the lake. Freshwater fish are a blessing for the people. However, the majority of them choose agriculture as the main source of earning due to its topography. The lowland stretching with hills serves as fertile farmland and is therefore very promising to the community. The agricultural area covers 478. 10 hectares and for the settlement area is more or less 37.10 hectares. The community has been familiar with modern tools such as the tractor instead of plowing with cows or buffaloes. So the people of Amparita are flexible to adapt to modernity. The Towani Tolotang are ethnic Bugis. In general, they wear clothing like that of the Bugis. The difference between them can be seen when the Towani Tolotang come to a place of worship to perform rituals before the uwata (community leader that leads the ritual). The Towani Tolotang jointly perform the ritual with the uwata only once a year in January. Another difference is [ 13 ]
when a member of the community dies. The dead body is planted in trees instead of being buried, and before planting it in a tree, the corpse is thrown out through a window or an opening that is not the exit door. Regarding marriage, there is a little difference from the Bugis community. The community of Islamic Bugis does not perform ritual outside the Islamic tradition, while the community of the Towani Tolotang still practices the tradition of Hinduism that they are often regarded as practicing syncretic Islam. The debate about the practice of Syncretic Islam as opposed to pure Islam has drawn a lot of attention from many writers on Islam such as Azyumardi Azra, Bambang Pranowo, Taufik Abdullah, Moeslim Abdurrahman and Kuntowijoyo when observing Indonesian Islam in general. The practice of marital rituals not only rests on the Islamic tradition but also on that of the pre-Islamic Bugis which is held by the majority community of the Towani Tolotang in Amparita Sidenreng Rapang, South Sulawesi. MINORITY POLITICS OF THE TOWANI TOLOTANG Until 2007, the population of the Towani Tolotang at Amparita was 6,620 (60%) of the total population of Sindenreng Rappang. Muslim population was 4,711 (37, 36%) out of a total of 12,279 inhabitants. (BPS, Subdistrict of Tello Limpoe, 2007). The community Towani Tolotang is generally divided into two large categories: the Towani Tolotang, later called the Towani by Atho Mudzar as they have been reluctant to convert from the Towani who were not Muslim, and the Towani Benteng who were willing to convert from their original Hindu religion but also not willing to be referred to as Muslims. They are better known as the Towani Benteng (Fortress Towani); since they did not remain in their fortress, then they were referred to as the Towani Tolotang. (Mudzar, 2002). Meanwhile Hase Juba called them Islam Tolotang because they converted to Islam. The Towani Tolotang community comes from Wajo and Luwu an area near Sidenreng Rappan. Following a clash between the Kings of Wajo and Luwu, they fled to Sidenreng Rappang in the South and thus they are called the Southerners and referred to as Tolotang. They refer to themselves and their teachings as the Towani Tolotang according to Matulada (1982). They came to Sidenreng Rappang around 1666, as Islam was spread there in 1606. The religious pillars of the Towani Tolotang are as follows. First, believing that there is no God worthy of being worshipped except the Dewata Seuwae; saying prayer through the ancestors; saying prayer in the mornings and afternoons and when the harvest comes. Second, performing the obligation
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to the ancestors (attomatoangeng) namely doing all that is inherited from the ancestors such as the ritual of funeral in which the dead body is prepared with a mattress, pillow, bed and dishes, and this is still performed to date. Third, promoting malilu sipakainge, a pillar of promotion of virtue and prevention of vice. For example, if one makes a mistake other will remind and forgive them. Fourth, marrelau (praying), which is done by gathering at the Perriyameng near the ancestral graves through the medium of uluwwatu. Viewed from their pillars of the faith there are several differences and similarities between the Towani Tolotang and other religions. The similarities lie in the teaching about God, charity, and prayer. The differences are among others: prayer being said through the uluwwatu, death rituals, and offerings to the ancestors. We can see that in Indonesia religion and the state are pretty important, especially the majority religion (in this case Islam), so in the political strife, Islam has always occupied a significant position. Religion and the state may take advantage of each other as argued by Milton Yinger, that religion in Indonesia is often used in the interests of the political power of the ruling regime and at the same time may be used by the opposition over the regime in order to gain influence and position. I use this term official religions also to refer to religions which are not recognized by the sate such as the local religions of Towani Tolotang, Parmalim and the like whose position is not strong. On the other hand, the official religions are very strong in the two sides, gaining recognition and being controlled by the regime in power. The official religions are locked up tight by various regulations and guidelines as required when dealing with unofficial religions as reported by Karel Steenbrink. The Towani Tolotang were safe when the King of Wajo implemented Islamization. When they showed disobedience, they were expelled from Wajo and ultimately ended up in Sidenreng Rappang today. The Towani Tolotang chose Hinduism as their religion with various consequences. In 1966, the Regent of Sidenreng Rapang issued a decree that ruled out that the Towani Tolotang were not a Hindus, not even a religion, so that any form of religious practice should be eliminated and should not be performed by the community. They were required to choose either Hinduism or Islam as a religion. In 1966, with the issuance of the Decree of the Minister of Religious Affairs and the District Attorney, the Towani Tolotang religion was dissolved. Under such condition, the Tiwani Tolotang temporarily chose to remain under Islam while waiting for the political conditions and the decisions of the Central [ 15 ]
Government. Several Islamic figures recognized the Towani Tolotang as Islam while several Hindu leaders said that the thay were part of the Hindu religion. Rivalry of control over the Towani Tolotang was inevitable between Islamic and Hindu institutions as both were the official state institutions that deal with the religions in the country. The rivalry between the Islamic and Hindu institutions can be seen in three forms: first, the Islamic elites desire to include the Towani Tolotang into Islam because of the regulations issued by of the District authorities of Sidenreng that there can be no other than Muslim communities in Sidenreng Rapang; second, the Muslim elites desire to get rid Sidenreng Rappang of communities other than Muslims; and third, the long-term political interests given the number of followers of the Towani Tolotang. The Golkar is the political party that has giving attention to the community for their political support in elections. Responding to the debate about the Towani Tolotang, the elites have chosen to side with the powerful party. The Towani Tolotang have joined the Golkar party. By being part of the Golkar, the Towani Tolotang have become part of the country and integrate themselves with Islam as the majority religion in Indonesia including South Sulawesi and Sidenreng Rappang that tried to exclude any community other than the Muslims. In this light, the Towani Tolotang display an inclusive and accommodating attitude on developments and realities in Sidenreng Rappang. The accommodating attitude of the Towani Tolotang includes receiving the influx of foreign cultural elements in everyday life, such as the use of modern tools and means of communication. They also showed an inclusive attitude of mingling with other communities especially Muslims and Hindus. However, their exclusive attitude has remained unchanged, i.e. not allowing outsiders to be involved in their annual ceremony at Sipulung rituals. To respect other communities, they host the massempe ceremony for outsiders. CONCLUSION Looking at what happened in Indonesia over its history (so to say), the treatment of political regime to a religious community that is not the mainstream, such as the community discussed here the Towani Tolotang, we have some important notes to take. Indonesia is a country that since the beginning of time has been plural. In the last few decades due to economic and political interests, the differences have been dwarfed. Political coercion over minority groups has been very common. Three are at least three important agenda that should be considered by the regime in power. First, the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was proclaimed by the founding fathers without applying the [ 16 ]
principle of a specific religion. Although Islam is the majority, but it has never served as the basis of the State, and it is a political commitment of the country to remain this way. That the country is in the process toward a prosperous, fair, and independent state should maintain the pluralist characteristics. The State should provide control over space and simultaneously the aspirations of the citizens to communicate their will, such as local culture and religions. On the contrary, the state should also warn any group of citizens who wish to change the basic principles of the Unitary State with a particular religion. This must be done to prevent a breach of human rights as there will be a greater human rights violations committed by certain groups over others. Second, the State should be willing to enforce the law firmly and consistently so that the State is seen to have a resolute attitude of defending the human rights and enforcing the law in Indonesia. It is true that in Indonesia there are customary law, religious law and positive law, but the state is based on the national constitution (positive law) that is progressive. So when there is a group with an attitude of wishing to dissolve a religious community, the State must immediately act in the corridors a productive and positive law to stop such unlawful acts. Third, the State must intervene over human rights violations that have occurred over the minorities in the country. If the state is reluctant or even afraid of intervening over human rights violations, then the State has no true political attitude and good will to uphold the law and various regulations made in this country. The state should not run away from the responsibility to eradicate the groups that often claim to represent the majority. The state must really take a decisive action to crack down on the offenders of the human rights including the cases of dissolution of the existing minority communities in Indonesia. The State should not be subject to the strength of small groups that often threaten and manipulate their activities under false religion claims for their own political and economic interests. Minority groups should not be removed and merged with a larger group because they have their own guidelines and conviction clearly stipulated in article 28 of the Constitution. In this context, the minority communities should continue to live and survive in their own conviction as expressed by Benedict Anderson in his works on the minority communities in Indonesia. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdullah, Taufik, Islam dalam Lintasan Sejarah, LP3ES, Jakarta 1987 Anderson, Benedict ROG, Imagimen Communities, Cornel University Indonesia Project, USA, 1981. Edisi Indonesia, Komuitas-komunitas Ter-
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bayangkan, Yogyakarta: Insist 2002 An Naim, Abdullah Ahmed, Islam dan Negara Sekular, 2009 Anwar, M. Syafii,Peta Pemikiran dan Aksi Islam Indonesia dibawah Rezim Orde Baru, Paramaidna, Jakarta 1998 Bagir, Zaenal Abidin,Politik Kewarganegraan, Mizan CRCS UGM, 2011 Budiman, Hikmat (ed), Hak Minoritas : Dilema Multikulturalism di Indonesia, Interksi dan Tifa Indonesia, 2007 Effendy, Bahtiar dan Fahri Ali, Merambah Jalan Baru Islam Indonesia, Mizan, Bandung 1986 Furnival, JS.Indonesian Economic Society, USA, 1978 Helen James, Civil Society Religion and a Global Governance, 2009 Heru Prasetio, Lintas Batas Towani Tolotang dan Artikulasi Towani Tolotang, dalam Jajang Jahroni, dan Endang Turmudi, Radikalisme Islam di Indonesia, PPIM dan LIPI, 2001 Juba,Hase, Keberadaan Towani Tolotang di Kabupaten Sidenreng Rappang Sulawesi Selatan, UGM, 2012 Kuntowijoyo, Paradigma Islam: Interpretasi untuk Aksi, Mizan, Bandung, 1996 Maarif, Syamsul, Religious Freedom in Indonesia, Islamization of Amatoa of Sulawesi, UGM, 2003 Martin van Bruneisen, Pesantren dan Kitab Kuning, 1997, Naqsabandiyah Qadariyah di Indonesia, Mizan, Bandung, 1996 Mudhar, Atho, Pendekatan dalam Studi Islam, Pustaka Pelajar ,Yogyakarta, 2002 Mudhar, Atho, Masjid dan Bakul Keramat, Pustaka Pelajar, Yogyakarta, 1985 Nasir Baki, Towani Tolotang dalam Masyarakat Sidenreng Rappang dan Amparita, Sulawesi Selatan, 1990 Nur Khoiron, Hak Minoritas dalam Dilema Negara Bangsa, Yayasan Tifa, 2007 Lombart, Denis, Silang Nusa Jawa, jilid, 2, Gramedia, Jakarta, 2001 L. Esposito,John, Islam Warna Warni, Paramaidna, Jakarta 2001 Qodir, Zuly Format Islam Indonesia Kontemporer, dalam Ulil Abshar Abdalla dan Luthfi As Syauknai, Pembaruan Pemikiran Islam di Indonesia,Jakarta, LSAF, 2012 Qayim, Ibnu, Religi dan Pandangan Hidup : kajian tentang masyarakat Penganut Religi Tolotang dan Pantuntung, Sipelebegu (Parmalim), Saminisme, dan Agama Jawa Sunda Wiwitan, Yayasan Tifa Jakarta, 2004 Philpot, Simon, Menjadi Indonesia, LKiS, Yogyakarta, 2002
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WHEN CULTURE MEETS RELIGION: The Muludan Tradition in the Kanoman Sultanate, Cirebon, West Java
Mohamad Yusuf Radbout University, Nijmegen, the Netherlands Abstract This article is based on a fundamental question, what is the relationship between practicing the Muludan tradition and seeking of power by the Royal family of the Kanoman Sultanate in Cirebon? The Muludan is a tradition conducted by the Royal family, and thousands of people participate in this tradition. This article is aimed to analyze the extent of which the Royal family uses Muludan tradition to regain their political power as they had in the past. Our participatory research shows that the Muludan tradition could be defined as a religious-cultural system. This is not only a religious ritual but also a cultural tradition. On the one hand this tradition is done primarily based on the knowledge, beliefs, norms and moral values of religious teachings. People participating in this tradition believe that they would gain God blessing (Ngalap Berkah) and Shafaat as cited by the Quran and the Hadith. On the other hand, this tradition involves cultural tradition that has been practiced by the local people since long time ago. This research also found that the Royal family fails to use this tradition to gain political power as they intend to do. This tradition could mainly effectively be implemented in terms of the socio-cultural relationship between the Sultan and the followers. Political power, the Royal family aims to gain through conducting the Muludan tradition, does not significantly happen. Key words: The Muludan Tradition, Power Relationship, Religious Identity, and the Kanoman Sultanate INTRODUCTION The celebration of the birth of the Prophet Muhammad in the Kanoman Sultanate in Cirebon, West Java is performed every year and is followed by thousands of people. It is a noble inheritance from which the Sultanate maintains and preserves this tradition up to the present. There are series of rituals carried out in the Kraton of Kanoman, begun on Safar 15th.1 . The peak
Cirebonese people, similar with Javanese people use the moon calendar besides the sun calendar. Different with the sun calendar, the moon calendar is more difficult in determining new month or New Year because the revolving of moon is 29,5, thus in one month can be 29 days or 30 days. We, however, cannot determine which month is 29 days and which one is 30 days.
1
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of the Muludan tradition is so-called the ritual of Pelal2 or Panjang Jimat that is performed on Rabiul Awwal 12th. Among the series of the rituals following the Muludan tradition, it also includes the performance of the Gamelan Sekaten or Gong Sekati started from Rabiul Awwal 7th at 8 PM. This particular gamelan is inherited by the daughter of Sunan Gunung Jati (a Muslim missionary in this area d. 1521). He used this gamelan to spread Islam not only in Cirebon, but also in all areas in Java Island. The tradition of celebrating the birth of the prophet Muhammad was initially introduced by Shalahuddin al-Ayyubi who governed Baghdad 700 years after the death of the Prophet Muhammad. The initial purpose of this celebration was to encourage his people to remember the life of the Prophet and to take good examples from what the Prophet Muhammad did during his life. The celebration did not only include reciting the life story and the good example of the Prophet Muhammad but also by reciting the Shalawat Nabi3 as a reflection of the love of the Prophet. This, furthermore, gained successful to strengthen the spirit of struggle against the Christian soldiers. This tradition then spread across the world, including to Cirebon. Sunan Gunung Jati and his uncle, who was also the son of Pangeran Cakrabuwana (the first governor of Cirebon), brought about this tradition to the people of Cirebon. Even though they perform similar ritual from what has been done by Shalahuddin Al-Ayyubi, but, as they also involve Hindu and Buddhist traditions makes this tradition differs from the one performed by Shalahuddin al-Ayyubi.4 As mentioned earlier, the peak of the Muludan tradition is the ritual of Pelal or Panjang Jimat. This ritual is the climax of the Muludan tradition. Literally, the word Panjang means eternal or everlasting (lestari). While Jimat means something honorable. Therefore, Panjang Jimat literally means something that has an everlasting honor. Contextually, Panjang refers to several long plates with the diameter of 50 cm, and full of beautiful ornaments. The Panjang Ceramics belong to Pangeran Cakrabuwana, and he got these ceramics from a Buddhist Monk, Sang Hyang Bango. Pangeran Cakrabuwana received those ceramics on his way back from Padjajaran (150 Kms from Cirebon) to learn Islam. From this, we might see the influence of the Buddhist teachings in the Muludan tradition. The Jimat refers to rice boiled in a special way used special
The word Pelal comes from Arabic word, Iflal means the peak of the something. The command on reciting the Shalawat is based on the Quranic text. Those who recite the Shalawat Nabi will get blessing from the Prophet. Innallaha wa malaikatahu yushalluna ala al-nabi, ya ayyuha alladzi na amanu shallu alaihi wa sallimu taslima (Q.S.33.56) 4 According to RM. Arief Rahman, the Vice Secretary of the Family of Kanoman Sultanate Foundation (Yayasan Keluarga Kesultanan Kanoman), Cirebon has been known as the melting point of various religious beliefs and various ethnicities. The entity of Cirebon itself is the syncretization and the acculturation among them.
2 3
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flavors. This type of rice is believed to be a device of honoring the Prophet Muhammad. The rice is put in a long plate called Panjang Suku or Panjang Rasul, and supplemented with side dishes and nine plates of various fruits. The Muludan tradition is obviously an attractive event for the people. The ritual, which lasts for one month and is performed once a year, was originally created to spread Islam by adapting local traditions. However, as time passed, this tradition is perceived as being used by the Royal family of the Kanoman Sultanate to regain their political power over the people in Cirebon. Our assumption is based on the fact that in the era of Sunan Gung Jati until the era of Pangeran Walangsungsang, the Cirebon Sultanate possessed strong political authority. Cirebon, at that time was the only powerful sultanate in West Java, particularly after the collapse of the Padjajaran and Galuh Kingdom. According to Unang Suharjo,5 there are three phases when the political power of the Cirebon Sultanate decreased. Firstly was occurred after the Sunan Gunung Jati Era. After Sunan Gunung Jati died, Cirebon was governed by Panembahan Ratu Pakungwati I or Pangeran Zaenul Arifin. Cirebons power at that time has significantly decreased because Cirebon did not have a powerful army, and thus the Mataram kingdom could easily conquer Cirebon. Since then, Cirebon became the colony of Mataram kingdom. Secondly, similar developments took place during the era of Dutch colonial. Even though Cirebon had no more political power, they were suspected by the Dutch to revolt against the colonial power. The Dutch administration divided Cirebon into three Sultanates: Kasepuhan, Kanoman and Kacirebonan Sultanate. Even though the division of the Cirebon into three Sultanates was presumably caused by internal conflicts among the three sons of Panembahan Girilaya, but the Dutch government took an active part in the process of dividing. Thirdly, it happened after the independence period. The new born of the Indonesian authority took over the political power of the Cirebon Sultanates, as also happen in other areas. Since then, the Cirebon Sultanates mainly possess cultural power. Even though many Cirebonese people realize that the political power of the Sultanates in Cirebon6 is over, every tradition and ritual conducted by the Sultan attracts a lot of people. We might consider that the Sultan still possesses cultural and spiritual power. But, there might be an attempt of the Royal family of the Sultan to regain political power by using the Muludan tradition. The Royal family might refer to the history that their ancestor, Sunan Gunung Jati, not only possessed religious and cultural power, but also political power.
See Unang Suharjo, Meninjau Sepintas Panggung Sejarah Pemerintahan Kerajaan Cerbon 1479 1809, Bandung: Tarsito, 1983. 6 Cirebone has three big sultanates: Kasepuhan (the oldest and the biggest sultanate), Kanoman (the midst sultanate), and Kacirebonan (the youngest and the smallest sultanate).
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Therefore, it is obvious that the Muludan tradition that stands in continuity to the religious and cultural inheritance from Sunan Gunung Jati, is considered as an important instrument to regain political power of the Royal family of the Kanoman Sultanate.7 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Everyone who tries to identify the ritual activity in Cirebon will face semantic difficulties when relating to meaning in language or relating to the connotations of words, because there is no proper comparison in the English language. In Cirebon, every ritual has its own name. The religious rituals that follow the tradition of the Muludan, could be understood as a ritual that contains of myth meaning because the reciting of Asyraqalan,8 Barzanji, and Shalawat Nabi are considered spiritual communications between those who believe and practice it and the Prophet Muhammad. ODea9 explains that ritual is a ceremony that expresses deep feelings in terms of psychological and sub-consciousness feeling. Ritual has high emotional meaning, which is very complex and permanent. It also has functional meaning that is very important to certain people. The worship, giving honor and respect in religious terms, can be used to strengthen community solidarity. Another definition is found in Alexanders statement that traditional religious rituals open up ordinary life to ultimate reality or some transcendent being or force in order to tap its transformative power.10 A fundamental problem in defining ritual stems from the basic assumption that what the writer identify as ritual could be sometimes regarded as a crosscultural category with parallels elsewhere. There is no single type of activity called ritual that is instantly and universally recognizable, but there are certain forms of behavior that can be identified. S.J. Tambiah11 stated that the difference between ritual and non-ritual is relative rather than absolute and suggested the following working definition: Ritual is culturally constructed system of symbolic communication. It
According to Ratu Raja Arimbi Nurtina, a sister and the spokeswoman of the Sultan of Kanoman, the Kraton should regain the political power from the people just like the era of Sunan Gunung Jati. She, furthermore explains that one of the ways to realize that condition is by regaining the trust of the people and shows that the existence of the Kanoman Sultanate by conducting ritual. 8 Asyraqalan refers to the reciting of asyraqal badru alaina, the adoration to the Prophet Muhammad that is written by Ahmad Barzanji. 9 ODea, Thomas, Sosiologi Agama. Jakarta: Rajawali, p. 77-78. 10 Ibid, p. 139. 11 Tambiah SJ. A Performative to Ritual. London: The British Academy and Oxford University Press.
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is constituted of patterned and ordered sequences of words and acts, often expressed in multiple media, whose content and arrangement are characterized in varying degree of formality (conventionality), stereotypy (rigidity), condensation (fusion), and redundancy (repetition). The idea of power of the Cirebonese society is hardly separated from their understanding of Islam. Using Andersons idea of the concept of power in the Javanese society, for the Javanese conception differs from the concept of power that has evolved in the West since the middle Ages, including the views of the workings of politics and history:12 Clarification of the Javanese idea of power may be facilitated by schematic contrast with the more significant aspects of the modern European concept, which can be summarized under four main headings: Power is concrete; Power is homogeneous; The quantum of power in the universe is constant; and Power does not raise the question of legitimacy. THE PRACTICE OF THE MULUDAN TRADITION IN THE KANOMAN SULTANATE How is the Muludan tradition performed by the Kanoman Sultanate? The procession of the Muludan tradition that is routinely done in Kanoman Sultanate is begun on Rabiul Awwal 1st or 12 days before the ritual of Panjang Jiamat as the peak ritual for the entire Muludan ritual in the Kanoman Sultanate. The tradition is begun with the ritual of making rice, which is called the Nasi Jimat13. The virgin women of the Keraton family make the Nasi Jimat. Firstly, they peel the rice one by one then they pound the rice very cautiously in order not to smash the rice. Then, the rice is boiled carefully. The rice after it is boiled is called Nasi Jimat.14 The uniqueness of this event is that the virgin women must do the process and their condition is not in menstruation. After the making of the Nasi Jimat, the virgin women peel yellow sandalwood (Kayu Cendana) to make herbal cosmetic (Lulur), wax, sour fish, etc. All of these are part of ritual offerings (Sesaji) during the Panjang Jimat ritual. What is interesting from this process is that when they boil all these foods, they
Anderson, Benedict R. OG. The Idea of Power in Javanese Culture in Culture and Politics in Indonesia, Claire Holt ed. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. Pp. 21-22 13 Jimat means si (ji) kang di ru (mat) or one thing that must be put up with, which means the Kalimat Shahadat. Thus, the festival of Panjang Jimat is a symbol of Muslim careness to put up with Kalimat Shahadat in their life. The Kalimat Shahadat, as I explained above symbolizes the key word to become Muslim. Therefore, the ritual of Panjang Jimat asserts the necessity of the Muslim to put up with Islam in entirely of life. 14 According to some informants, rice is part of God blessing. Islam, furthermore, is descended through Muhammad as the Bless for entire world. The enthusiastic people to get the Nasi Jimat represent their enthusiastic to get berkah.
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must use the coconut oil that is used in the making of sesaji and the coconut must be picked from the coconut tree planted in the Pesantren Bendakerep. The next ritual is the butchering of buffalo. The meat of the buffalo is shared to the people and the head is put in the center of the Palace court (AlunAlun). All these processes: from the making of the Nasi Jimat until the ritual of butchering is undertaken from 1-7 Rabiul Awwal. On Rabiul Awwal 7th at 9 AM, there is a ritual of heirlooms bath that is performed in the Mosque near by the Palace. Before the bathing ritual, the hairloms are processed from the Palace to the Mosque. During the procession, the people recite the Kalimat Shahadat and Shalawat Nabi. During the bath processes, there is also bathing of a set of the Gamelan Sekaten that will be used for a performance starting at 8 PM. During the process of the bath of Gamelan Sekaten, hundreds of people attempt to obtain the water from the bathing. They perceive that the water from the bathing of the Gamelan Sekaten and other heirloms will bring supernatural power (berkah). People use the water to water their plantation and to treat skin problems.15 The performance of the Gamelan Sekaten begins on 7 Rabiul Awwal around 8 PM. Prior to the performance, the Sultan of Kanoman, Sultan Raja Muhammad Emiruddin gives simbolic speech to open the performence, and gives authority to Lurah Nayaga to begin the Gamelan performance. As a means of spreading Islam in West Java, the Gamelan undoubtedly has historical meaning for Muslims. The gamelan is the symbol not only of the harmony between religious and local culture, but also the symbol of the struggle against the darkness. The last and the peak of ritual in the whole series of the Muludan tradition is the ritual of Panjang Jimat. This ritual is performed in Rabiul Awwal 12th started at 8 PM. The procession of the ritual of Panjang Jimat is attended by thousands of people from various places in Indonesia. Our observation found that some of the attendance come from obroad, such as Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam. The procession of the ritual of the Panjang Jimat has sacred meaning for the people. The procession symbolizes the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. The procession started from the Sultanate Palace to the Great Mosque around 300 meters. This procession consists of four stages before the baby is born. The four processes are symbolized by the so-called four to five Pancer (Papat kang kelima pancer/ the fourth stage and the fifth stage is the stage of baby is birth). The meaning of that symbol is the series of events of a persons birth from the breaking of the fetal membrane (Kakang Kekawah), the birth of the baby (Pancer), the stream of the blood from the mother (Adi Getih), the moving out of the placenta from the womb until the breaking of the navel (Tali Pusar). All
Some other people even believe that by washing their face by that water, it will affect their face look younger.
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these stages are simbolized foods, sherbet of water, etc.16 Next, we would explain the symbol of the rows. The first row is the row of the Payung Keropak (the magnificence of umbrella that was made from the leaf of Palmyra), followed by the Penghulu of Keraton (the Sultanate officials that work for Sultan to conduct religious rituals in Kanoman Sultanate) and their staff. This row is the symbol of Abdul Muthallib (the grand father of the Prophet Muhammad) and Abu Thalib (the Uncle of the Prophet Muhammad). In the back of this row is the row of Bandrang Keraton (the row of the soldiers of the Kanoman Sultanate) who bring several traditional weapons, for instance: the Ekasula and the Catursula spear. In the third row is the row of people who bring the sacred of Tunggul Naga; one of the Cirebon sacred stuffs of the Kanoman Sultanate. It is a bound of the skin of the dragon, that according to the legend of the Cirebon Sultanate, is a follower of Panembahan Ratu, the grand son of Sunan Gunung Jati. The fourth row is the Chief Minister of Kanoman Sultanate (Patih), Pangeran Raja Muhammad Qodiran, who wear the golden long flowing robe and the turban with small crown on his head who represents the Sultan. That symbolizes the newborn baby of the Prophet Muhammad (symbolized by the golden robe), guarded by the elders and the relative of Kanoman Sultanate. During the ritual and while wearing the golden robe, the Patih is prohibited to speak a word. The seventh row is the row of seven kinds of Tumpeng Jeneng that symbolize the seven days of the birth of human beings. The last row is the row of Nasi Jimat that consists of ten ceramics of Pangeran Cakrabuwana the place of Nasi Jimat and the fruits. The first ceramic and the Nasi Jimat symbolize the gift from the Sultan to the Prophet Muhammad. The other nine ceramics are used as the gift to the companions of the Prophet Muhammad or Khulafa alRasyidin,17 Syekh Abdul Qodir Jaelani, Sunan Gunung Jati, and the leader of Egypt Sultanate the family of the father of Sunan Gunung Jati. While, the fruits symbolize the prosperous city as the dream city, that is put on a kind of plate, which is called the Dongdang. The rows move from Bangsal Jinem, the place in which the Sultan usually receives the guests, to the Great Mosque. On the way from the Bangsal Jinem
Abdullah, Irwan involves the sign and the signal, besides the symbol as the operator in the process of communication. All the three are the expressive action, at which, whether merely say something to the world order, or wants to change the order by metamorphosis. See Abdullah Irwan. Simbol, Makna dan Pandangan Hidup Orang Jawa Analisa Gunungan pada Upacara Grebeg. Yogyakarta: Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional. C.F. Edmund Leach in Culture and Communication, Cambridge University Press, 1976. 17 There were four companions who were caliphates replaced the Prophet Muhammad to govern Arabs. There are: Abu Bakr shiddiq, Umar ibn Khattab, Utsman ibn Affan and Ali ibn Abi Thallib.
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to the Great Mosque, people recite the Shalawat Nabi. In the Great Mosque, they listen to the reciting of the history of the Prophet Muhammad from the Imam of the Mosque. Around 12 PM, the reciting of the history of the Prophet Muhammad finishes and the praying to Allah closes the ritual. All the charms are put in the mosque surrounding the seat of Pangeran Patih. In the end of the ritual, all the charms: Nasi Jimat, fruits, etc are shared with the people. Thousands of people in the mid night struggle to obtain part of the charms. They regard the charmes as having spiritual and supernatural power. THE MULUDAN TRADITION: A RELIGIOUS OR CULTURAL RITUAL? Having discussed the Muludan tradition, we would analyse this tradition particularly with regard to the idea of power existence. The Muludan tradition in the Kanoman Sultanate could be seen not only as a cultural system but also religious norms as this tradition consists of religious teachings and local culture. Many people consider that the Muludan tradition, which is held once a year in every Rabiul Awwal month in Kanoman Sultanate, is a manifestation of Islamic culture, because it contains a system of Islamic belief, knowledge and teachings. Learning a particular cultural system is very important in sociology and anthropology, in terms of peoples social activity, which contains the meaning of cultural symbols, including Islamic symbols in the Muludan tradition. As a cultural system, the Muludan tradition consists of the noble values of human life, especially the honor of the Prophet Muhammad. The Muludan tradition has the meaning of knowledge, because there involves knowledge transfer from across generations.18 People understand the meaning of the tradition from their ancestors and they take for granted the obligation to participate in this tradition. People are aware of the fact that the Muludan tradition is symbolized by reciting Barzanzi, Asyraqal, and so forth, as the manifestation of the respect and honor to the Prophet Muhammad.19 The Muludan tradition also involves cultural beliefs, because it consists of the belief of the coming of Gods blessing to those who honor the birth of the
From the conversations with some people who follow the Muludan tradition, I found that they come routinely and from various places such as Bandung, Jakarta, even from outside Java, like Medan, Padang, Lampung, etc. They come to the Muludan tradition, of course, for various reasons. Most of them, however, need to get berkah and shafaat. 19 According to Muhammad Rais, the Lurah of the Kanoman Sultanate, Every Rabiul Awwal month, almost in every place in Indonesia, Muslims celebrate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. They obviously can celebrate the birthday by various ways, such as sermon in the Mosque, etc. However, why they more likely to come to the Kanoman Sultanate than celebrate it in their own place? Pak Rais convinces that the celebration of the Prophet Muhammad in the Kanoman Sultanate is not merely the celebration, but it has deep meaning for the people.
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Prophet Muhammad.20 In relation to the historical places that are considered sacred, or the ancient objects that are believed to have extra-natural powers, people believe that myth also has that kind of power. The Muludan tradition that is routinely conducted in the area of the Kraton provides the chance for people to bring their mystical wishes into reality. In relation with the perception above, Eliade21 with the concept of Hierophany, proposes the presence of the Ultimate reality in the ritual. The Muludan tradition also has religious norms and values. People are integrated in the name of religious values and norms. Through the participation of the Muludan tradition, Muslims honor and respect each other, and society can remain unbreakable. Boisard22 describes how spiritual patterns are related to the worldly elements. In other words, the influence of religious norms and values that make up the Muludan tradition to the daily activities obviously represent the very basic understanding of Muslim to Islamic teachings. People believe that Islam invites its adherents to obey Gods commands. The Quran teaches the norms and values to arrange the human relationship so that every Muslim as an individual and also as a collective, can ask other Muslims to do good deeds and prohibit the bad deeds. The application and the implementation of religious teaching create the transformation of every human being. As a religious and cultural tradition, the Muludan tradition appears as the active and dynamic expression of collective interest.23 The symbols that are used in the Muludan tradition, such as the reciting of Shalawat Nabi, Asyraqalan, dzikr, show the manifestation of Islamic culture that is crystallized in the Muludan tradition with the sub-system of knowledge, belief, and social cultural values that have been acknowledged by people.24 The reflection of culture, according to Ian Craib,25 obviously is an action or what people do on the basis of an idea or ideology that relates to a social system. Moreover, culture is a social world that relates to the idea of society, which contains norms and values.
The Prophet said, Those who honor my birth get shafaat from me in the hereafter. Eliade, Mircea, The Sacred and the Profane, the Nature of Religion. New York: the Free Press Inc. p, 23 22 Boisard, A. Marchel, Humanisme dalam Islam, Jakarta: Penerbit Bulan Bintang, 1980, p. 150. 23 Islamic tradition has a concept emphasizing the need of collective behavior among its adherents to do in good deeds and refuse bad deeds, the so-called Amr maruf nahyi munkar. 24 Even though some Muslim refuse to acknowledge the reciting of Barzanji is an Islamic tradition because they only recognize the Islamic teachings are merely on what are written in the Quran and the Hadith, most Muslim as majority, however, regard the reciting of Shalawat and Barzanji are part of Islamic traditions. 25 Craib, Ian, Modern Social Theory; from Parson to Habermas, Trans. Paul S. Baut, Jakarta: PT Grafindo Persada.
20 21
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RITUAL AND POWER RELATION IN THE MULUDAN TRADITION How does the performance of the Muludan tradition represent the power relations? There was Emile Durkheim26 who introduced the concept of understanding society as an independent organic phenomenon. According to Durkheim, society has its own regulation, which develops to become a social norm. The entire methodology of Durkheim relates to the deterministic argument, explaining that every individual has no power over social boundaries, which are called collective solidarity; consensus or integration that produce the behavioral adaptation based on the social agreement of norms. Based on the solidarity concept as the implementation of social agreement, the relation among individuals must be developed on the basis of morality, religion, ideology and tradition that have been acknowledged by the society.27 Using the adhesion of the inter-relationship between religion on the one hand, and the tradition on the other hand implements a social solidarity system based on social consensus. What Durkheim proposes, is similar to what Ibn Khalduns concept of Ashabiah. This concept is known as the concept of togetherness and brotherhood among the various different backgrounds of people. It, however, can be reached because of the similar interest of the people. People are bound by similar interest and goals of life. According to Ibn Khaldun, no single individual can live alone separate from other people. The ideal of collectivity, moreover, is the collectivity on the basis of religion and ritual. Religious ritual is a cohesive power that potentially creates strong social solidarity. The Muludan tradition, as a religious and cultural tradition, effectively creates solidarity among many people. The involvement of thousands of people in this ritual, as the followers, proves that the Sultan has successfully bound the people into the collective consciousness either in the name of preserving the tradition or in the name of religious activity. In the name of preserving tradition, on the one hand, the Muludan is the continuation of the tradition that is performed by Sunan Gunung Jati. On the other hand, the Muludan tradition could also be regarded as a religious tradition because the reason that lies behind the tradition is to celebrate the birth of the Prophet Muhammad. People believe that by celebrating the birth of the Prophet Muhammad, they will not only get the blessing from God or shafaat in the hereafter but also that it can bring the success in their live in the worldly life.
26 See Durkheim, Emile, the Rules of Sociological Method. Edited by George E.G. Catlin, New York: the Free Press, 1966 27 Ibid, p. 35.
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However, the collective solidarity from conducting the Muludan tradition could only effectively occur on the level of religious and traditional power. The Muludan tradition has succeeded in maintaining the spiritual and traditional power of the Sultan. Many people during the Muludan tradition come and visit the Sultan and ask for his blessing and hope to get shafaat from God. Some of them bring Sega Tumpeng as the offering to the Sultan, and bottles of water to ask a prayer from the Sultan. They queue up patiently waiting for their turn to be able to see and kiss the arm of the Sultan. This phenomenon, however, merely occurs during the procession of the Muludan tradition in Rabiul Awwal month. Whereas in another time, the existence of the Sultan is almost forgotten by the people The Muludan tradition has awakened the consciousness of the people to the existence of the Sultan as the descendent of Sunan Gunung Jati. People love the Sultan as apart of their obedience to Islamic law. The affection of people to the Sultan stems from the assessment that the Sultan is of the descent of Sunan Gunung Jati. Meanwhile, the affection of Sunan Gunung Jati is based on his descendent from the Prophet Muhammad. Whereas, the affection of the Prophet Muhammad is commanded by God. Thus, the affection of the Sultan is part of the affection of Sunan Gunung Jati. The affection of Sunan Gunung Jati is part of the affection of the Prophet Muhammad. The affection of the Prophet Muhammad is part of Islamic teaching. According to Ratu Raja Arimbi Nurtina, a personal secretary of the Sultan, there are at least three reasons why the Sultan conducts the tradition of Muludan in Kanoman Sultanate: 1. As the manifestation of the affection to the Prophet Muhammad. 2. As the continuity and the preservation of the tradition that was introduced by the founding father of Cirebon, Sunan Gunung Jati. 3. As a medium to gather between the Sultan and the followers. The three reasons above obviously have attracted people to come and follow the Muludan tradition. Thousands of people are involved during the procession rituals and they acknowledge that the Sultan is their leader, both as the religious leader, and as the tradition leader. The Sultan is acknowledged as the religious leader because he represents a person who masters in Islamic teachings, called Ulama. Meanwhile, as the traditional leader, the Sultan is acknowledged as the preserver of the tradition. People are obedient to follow all series of the Muludan tradition. People believe that their involvement in the Muludan could benefit to their life in the world and in the hereafter. Historically speaking, the spread of Islam, especially in Java, implemented the socio-cultural model of the concept of a good relationship between Ulama and [ 29 ]
Umara, in other words, between religious leader and political leader. Sunan Gunung Jati was the model of the unity between these two characteristics. On the one hand, he was Ulama, a Panetep Panata Gama Rasul, and well known as an Islamic missionary; on the other hand, he had political authority as the leader of Caruban Empire. The unity of those two characteristic brought Sunan Gunung Jati as the ideal person in the history of Cirebon civilization. In the context of Cirebon at present, however, the position of Sultan Kanoman only has traditional power as the preserver of the tradition from his ancestors, as well as religious power as the Imam in the Mosque. CONCLUDING REMARKS Using Durheim analyses of social solidarity, the Muludan tradition could be seen as the adhesive of social solidarity, which aims to create integration not only between the Sultan and the followers, but also among the people. The Muludan as a religious and traditional ritual is the best way to create communication between the Sultan as the conductor, and the people as the practitioners. In addition to the concept of Javanese power that is proposed by Anderson is appropriately used in the context of Cirebon. People believe that the power is something concrete, homogeneous, and constant in total quantity, and without inherent moral implication. As Turner has observed that traditional religious rituals like the Muludan ritual open up ordinary life to ultimate reality or some transcendent being or force in order to tap its transformative power. In the context of the Muludan tradition in the Kanoman Sultanate, however, those theories can be effectively implemented in terms of socio-cultural relationship between the Sultan and the people. The adhesive binding could mainly work in the level of traditional and religious domains. Whereas in the political aspect, the Muludan tradition, so far, had not any influence. However, the Muludan is successfully in awakening people consciousness of the existence of the Sultan as their leader. Comparing with the Kacirebonan Sultanate that does not conduct the same ritual, the Kanoman Sultanate has stronger religious and traditional power. However, the Kanoman Sultanate has less political power if it is compared with the Kasepuhan Sultanate because, the Kanoman Sultanate involved in internal political conflicts, thus the Cirebonese does not give political support in the General election. Based on the fact above, if the Sultan of Kanoman aims to gain both political and religious and traditional power over the people he must not only preserve the Muludan tradition, but also preserve a conducive condition internally among their internal stuff members
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdullah, Irwan., 2002. Simbol, Makna dan Pandangan Hidup Orang Jawa Analisa Gunungan pada Upacara Grebeg. Yogyakarta: Balai Kajian Sejarah dan Nilai Tradisional. Alexander, Bobby., 1987. Ritual and Current Studies of Ritual: Overview. In Stephen D. Galzier (ed.), Anthropology of Religion: a Handbook. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Anderson, Benedict R. OG., 1972. The Idea of Power in Javanese Culture, in Claire Holt, ed. 1972. Culture and Politics in Indonesia, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press. -------------., 1990. Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University. Bell, Chaterin., 1997. Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press. Craib, Ian., 1999. Modern Social Theory; from Parson to Habermas. Trans. Paul S. Baut, Jakarta: PT Grafindo Persada. Dillistone FW., 2002. The Power of Symbol. Trans, Yogyakarta: Penerbit Kanisius. De Graaf and Pigcaut., 1989. Kerajaan-Kerajaan Islam di Jawa: Peralihan dari Majapahit ke Mataram. Jakarta: Grafitti Press. Durkheim, Emile., 1966. The Rules of Sociological Method. Edited by George E.G. Catlin, New York: the Free Press. --------------- ., 2001. the Elementary Forms of Religious Life. translated by Carol Cosman, New York: Oxford University Press. Eliade, Mircea., 1990. The Sacred and the Profane, the Nature of Religion. New York: Basic Books Inc. Publisher. Geertz, Clifford., 1975. Islam Observed. Chicago: the University of Chicago Press. ---------------., 1976. The Religion of Java. New York: The Free Press of Glencoe. Kuntowijoyo., 2004. Raja, Priyayi dan Kawula. Yogyakarta: Ombak. Schilbrack, Kevin (ed.)., 2004. Thinking Through Rituals Philosophical Perspectives. New York: Routledge. Nasution, Harun., 1994. Islam ditinjau dari Berbagai Aspek. Jakarta: Universitas Indonesia Press. ODea, Thomas., 1998. Sosiologi Agama. Trans, Jakarta: Rajawali. Soenardjo, Unang., 1983. Meninjau Sepintas Panggung Sejarah Pemerintahan Kerajaan Cirebon 1479 1809. Bandung: Tarsito. Tambiah SJ., 1979. A Performative to Ritual. London: The British Academy and Oxford University Press. [ 31 ]
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RELIGIOUS DEMOCRATIZATION IN INDONESIA: Strengthening the Procedural and Substantial Religious Democracy
Eka Hendry AR. Center for Acceleration of Inter-Religious and Ethnic Understanding, Pontianak Abstract Inspired by the book of Michael Mann about the dark side of democracy that discusses the paradox between the ideality of democratic values and empirical realities of violence in the name of freedom (democracy), this paper begins with the exposure of the paradox, such as the rise of the violent conflict between groups of people (both ethnic and religious-based) and the high prevalence of violence between religious groups in Indonesia. Even worse, a very wrenching violence involves state actors (rulers). This paper tries to understand the roots of the paradox, with a look at how the relationship between state and religion and the religious community trend of Indonesia (especially Muslims). The author argues that the democratization of religion is a solution to the issues. To answer what kind of religious democracy lives in Indonesia, the author analyzes through a religious procedural (or constitutional) democratic dimension and religious substantial democratic dimension. The phenomenon of disobedience of law and system and the euphoria of law-making that reflects intolerance in several places in Indonesia display the fundamental issue in the religious procedural democracy. Whereas in the context of religious substantial democracy, the prevailing trend of religion that serves as a political and economic vehicle and ignores religion as a substantial aspect of the behavior of the Indonesian society has resulted in the marginalization of religious position and function. Then, the infiltration of the model of political Islam has also led to alienation of the character of the Islamic society of Indonesia, from a democratic pattern to a revival (radical) one. In this light, the author needs to present a strategy to encourage religious democracy in Indonesia, structurally through formulating the ideal relation model between state and religion and culturally through a substantial pattern of religion embedded with the character of Indonesian religious communities as well as the need to revitalize the true Indonesian Islamic model which will be intrinsically familiar with the principles of democracy. Key words: Democracy, religious procedural, substantial democracy, intole rance, law and system of disobedience.
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INTRODUCTION This paper is inspired by Michael Manns book, The Dark Side of Democracy. In the book, Mann discussed the dark side of euphoria of freedom in several countries in the world. Through this book Mann revealed the paradox behind the ideality of democracy. It appears that behind the strong desire for democratic societies, the phenomenon of violence in the name of freedom also tends to escalate. It shows something of a contradiction, as though democracy and violence are two sides of the coin. It is a paradox because ideally democracy aims to contain violence (Susan, 2012: 160). Not lingering to argue about this issue, the author believes that, violence is definitely not part of the intrinsic principles of democracy. According to the author, violence is clearly a dark passenger in the ideal of democracy, and may serve as logical consequences of the collateral sacrifice that occurs during the maturity in democracy. This important assertion is necessary to be stated earlier in this paper as we do not want to get trapped into the mistaken assumption that democracy leads to a new outbreak of conflict everywhere. Should this be the case, then this is a step backward. The same thing also became Manns concern (2005: 2); he argued that democracy should remain an ideal, not something synonymous with violence. It coincided with the growing likelihood of a violent practice of democracy. Therefore, we need to straighten it out that the democracy show must go on, after that we will deal with this tangle in which deviations might occur. My first thesis concerns the broad historical era in which murderous cleansing became common. Murderous cleansing in modern, because it is the dark side of democracy. Let me make clear at the outset that I do not claim that democracies routinely commit murderous cleansing. Very few have done so. Nor do I reject democracy as an ideal I endorse that ideal. Yet democracy has always carried with it the possibility that the majority might tyrannize minorities, and this possibility carries more ominous consequences in certain types of multiethnic environments(Mann, 2005:2). The authors mindset is clear that violence is not part of the order of the ideal of democracy; it is a form of distortion of democracy. In other words, while the violence that arises along with democratization, it is regarded as a form of deviation in the internalization of the values of democracy. So there is no reason to get rid of the democracy of a nations life. To prove what is stated by Michael Mann, we can look at countries that were [ 34 ]
on the path to democracy always had violent conflicts in the form of ethnic cleansing and genocide; examples can be seen in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1999), Angola, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, India, Burma, Sri Lanka, Sudan, Bangladesh, Belgium, Burundi, Bhutan, Ethiopia, Iraq, Latvia, Mali, Moldova, Nigeria, Northern Ireland, Spain, Turkey and the Philippines, including in Indonesia. (El Fatih A. Abdel Salam, 2008). Indonesia, in the wake of the reform movement as a starting point toward a democratic society, was also overshadowed by violent conflicts. Just to mention a few among them are conflicts that took place Ambon, Poso, Sambas and Sampit. The violent conflicts involved ethnic groups and religious. These conflicts have continued to this day with the motif that continues to grow, such as those related to the elections of regional heads, and the natural resource issues. The conflict that occurred during the plan for the establishment of North Tapanuli Province resulted in the death of the Chairman of the local parliament. The violence also occurred between local people and a company in Lampung, and between the authorities and the people of Musi Rawas in South Sumatera due to the desire for the creation of a new district. Violent acts in the name of religion also became a trend in the political context. In the last three years, the acts of violence between religious groups also increased. Refusal accompanied by acts of violence against religious groups considered heretical has also become widespread i.e. in the case of Ahmadiyah group in Ceukesik, Temanggung and Mataram. Forced closure of houses of worship, bomb threats against parties deemed liberal minded, burning of the Shiah Islamic boarding school were just among a few to mention. The above events of conflicts are part of the journey toward the maturity of democracy in several countries in the world, including Indonesia. According to Donald L Horowitz (in Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner 1998: 43) the conflicts on the path to democracy in many countries in Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe tend to be the cause of the failure of democratization. This paper will not discuss these conflicts as there have been many writers who examined the issue. It focuses on the implications of the violent conflicts on the future religious democracy in relation to the state and between religious believers in Indonesia. The authors thesis is that religious democracy is the answer to all forms of deviation of the freedom of expression (democracy). This paper is presented firstly to discuss the root issues that arise in the paradox between the ideality of democracy that is considered appropriate for Indonesia and the empirical realities of life found in the nature of democracy. Secondly, it intends to question the model inter-relations that fit between state and religion in Indonesia. This question arises because the state also became part of the intolerance actor. Thirdly, this paper also aims to find out [ 35 ]
the strategies to encourage the realization of democratization of religion in Indonesia. INTERPRETING DEMOCRACY IN THE CONTEXT OF INDONESIA Democracy is in fact a constructive instrument if implemented correctly. However it could also be the opposite when democracy is a mere jargon. Michael Mann explicitly explained that many people have mistakenly interpreted democracy and this has eventually resulted in counterproductive acts in the name of democracy. Therefore, there are a lot of criticisms (or warning) against it. Thomas Hobbes (in Runciman, 2012: 7) argued that democracy is no more than just a stage for hypocritical politicians. In the name of democracy, evil politicians are feeding lies on the community. M Natsir criticized the guided democracy under Sukarno in which Natsir said that in the guided democracy era everything was there, except the democracy itself (Hendry, 2013: 4). This is a form of satire that democracy only exists as mere jargon. Natsir warned that democracy should not become party-cracy or crony-cracy (An-Naim, 2007: 441). Therefore democracy should be practiced according to its main purpose. Democracy is in fact a humanitarian ideal and the life of the nation. It is meant to uplift the human sovereignty, the sovereignty of the law in the context of the life of nation and the state. For that purpose, then democracy must be manifested into every aspect of human life, both in the context of personal and collective scope. It must serve as the basis for human thought and behavior because the substance of democracy is freedom, the freedom of thought, freedom of speech and the right to equality, equal rights before the law, and the right to a decent life (socially and economically). Therefore, these democratic values should be allowed to grow in a range of institution of life, such as in the academic, economic and social, as well as in cultural and religious institutions. In the context of democratic practice, the term is usually divided into two categories namely the formal (or procedural) category and the substantial category. This formal category is associated with democratization mechanism as stipulated in the Constitution, while the substantial category should be reflected in the way one thinks, behaves and acts when implementing democracy. The latter often refers to the democratic culture. For example when we are grouping democracy with political analysis unit, it is usually divided into two categories, namely procedural or constitutional democracy and substantial democracy. Procedural democracy is a condition in which the will of the freedom of speech and political aspirations is channeled through formal [ 36 ]
political procedure regulated in accordance with the Constitution, such as the process of the elections. Procedural democracy highlights how sovereignty is in the hands of the people and the Constitution, while substantial democracy is how democratic values such as freedom to convey the aspirations, the readiness of accepting and appreciating differences, and open attitude to conduct deliberations. In reality, especially in cases such as the election of the head of a region, procedural democracy looks relatively good, while in the substantial context it still has a lot of serious issues. Then what about in the context of religious life? Formal or procedural democracy manifests itself in the form of statutory rules that govern the relations between religious groups, while in its substantial category it should be interpreted into a way of thinking, attitudes and social behavior, such as practicing religious tolerance, respecting different beliefs, providing a room for the growing development of doctrines different from the mainstream religions, as well as the ability to work together in diversity. In the context of politics, democracy in the procedural category relatively runs better than substantial democracy, but in the context of the democratization of religion, both in this category still have crucial issues. As a country that upholds the values of religion, though not a theocracy, Indonesia still has some crucial issues related to the question of the relations between religious groups and between state and religious institutions. Formally, the state is concerned with regulating the relations between religious groups by issuing a variety of laws such as freedom of religion as stated explicitly in the Constitution article 29 paragraph 1, 2 and 3. In addition, the state also regulates on how the spread of religion and the construction worship houses should be done, how disputes between religious groups should be resolved as in the issuance of the Joint Decree of the Minister Religious Affairs and the Minister of Interior No. 8 and 9/ 2006 on the guidelines for Heads of the Regions to maintain religious harmony as a replacement for the Joint Decree number 1/1969. The problem, according to Mohammad Fathuddin (in Hendry et al., 2012: 41) is that, in practice there are still a lot of controversies mainly related to the substance of the law contained in the decree. Fathuddin noted there are at least five problems arising from the joint decree, namely first, the administrative requirements for the construction of houses of worship must be accompanied by a recommendation from the FKUB (Inter-Religious Harmony Forum), and it more difficult to obtain compared to joint decree (which only requires the permission of the Department of Religious Affairs and Chairman of the RT/RW); second, despite being formed by the people, FKUB is more [ 37 ]
bureaucratic and structural in nature. FKUB is considered to be the puppet of local governments. There have been concerns that It is concerned that FKUB may serve as political tools to suppress the people; third, the bureaucracy for getting permit to construct places of worship may trigger minority and majority sentiments between religious followers; fourth, the minority and majority politics may likely cause segregation in society based on religion; fifth, a difficult bureaucracy regarding the construction of houses of worship is potential to cause suspicion among the minority. A study conducted by the author together with Hamzien Bunsu and Ria Hayatunnur Taqwa (2012) in relation to the enactment of the PBM (joint decree) showed that despite the PBM No. 8 and 9 is already far better than that of No. 1/1969, it turns out that the PBM is still problematic. It is even considered to be a trigger of dispute in the society, as viewed by some to contain discrimination against minority groups. This research showed that religious groups such as Christians (formerly Protestants) usually build a Church based on ethnic groups, for example the Church of Batak, Dayak etc. They are usually a minority ethnic group in a certain region and are in need of a house of worship. The construction is sometimes hampered by administrative provisions from the PBM that requires a certain number of people belonging to the ethnic group. The PBM is in fact a trigger issue, and is considered the root of discrimination against minority groups. In terms of the substance of democracy, it seems that a lot of data to date that show that, the democratization of religion remains a crucial issue for Indonesia. It can be seen in table 1 and 2, where the number of cases of intolerance is still quite high. Table 1 183 Non-state actors forms of action Form of action Number of cases Condoning 12 Intimidation 4 Intolerance 52 Report to the authority 3 Prohibition of religious activities 6 Prohibition of religious sects 3 Prohibition of religious observance 16 Prohibition of construction of worship houses 17 Coercion of faith 2 Arson of property 1 Arson of worship houses 5 [ 38 ]
Road blockage 1 Property teardown 1 Dispersion of religious activities 1 Physical harassment 1 Property destruction 7 Destruction of places of worship 21 Sealing off places of worship 8 Closure of places of worship 1 Expulsion 1 Assault 8 Perversion of religious teachings 11 Attempted assault 1 Total 183 Source : (Ismail Hasani and Bonar Tigor N. [ed], 2010:23-24) Based on reports from the Setara Institute in 2010 there were 216 violations of religious events with 286 forms of action occurring in 20 provinces throughout Indonesia. (Hasani and Tigor N. (ed.), 2010: 19) The data in 2011 as presented in the annual report of the religious life in Indonesia issued by the CRCS UGM showed that there were 7 cases of alleged desecration of religion (excluding the case of Ahmadiyah) including accusations of heresy against Abraham Millah Community in Aceh and Medan, the expulsion of the Shiah community in Sampang Madura. In the case of Ahmadiyah, CRCS reported violent acts against 20 communities throughout January August 2011. The forms of violence actions like raids and destruction of homes, demolition of mosques, burning the books, beating, assault, murder and the dismantling of the tombs of the adherents of the Ahmadiyah (Center for Religious and Cross-Cultural Studies, 2012). The reports compiled by the Setara Institute (in 2012) showed there have been 264 events of violation of freedom of religion with 371 violent acts in 28 provinces. There were five provinces with the highest levels of offence namely West Java (76) events, East Java (42), Aceh (36), Central Java (30), and South Sulawesi (17) (Setara Institute, 2012) Of the 371 cases of violation of religious freedom, 145 (39%) of them were actions involving the state authority. Of the 145 cases, 117 were actions taken by the state and 28 were cases of negligence by the state (Setara Institute 2011: 5) For comparison, the same data was also reported by The Wahid Institute. During 2011 (January-December), there were 110 cases of violations of freedom of religion. When compared to the year 2011, the violation of freedom of religion that occurred in 2012 reached [ 39 ]
110 cases as compared to 93 cases or approximately 8% increase. The monthly average of violation cases in 2011 was 7, while in 2012 it increased to an average of 9 cases per month. Even if the cases December were not counted, the average violation was 10 cases per month. The Wahid Institute concluded that the protection of and respect for religious freedom is getting worse. There has been an increase in the cases of violations of freedom of religion in the last three years. (The Wahid Institute, 2012: 3-4). The same thing was reported by the Setara Intitute that negligence by the state apparatuses still occupied the highest cases (33 cases) as seen in graph 1. The above data shows the forms of violation of freedom of religion committed by vigilantes (in addition to violations by the state institutions). Of the various forms of action, the dominant offense was an attitude of intolerance (52 cases) and the destruction of houses of worship (21 cases). As for the religious groups who are likely to become victim are the Jemaat Kristiani (Christian congregants) (75 cases) and the Ahmadiyah (50 cases). The places of worship that received attacks include the Church of Jemaat Kristiani (43), Ahmadiyah Mosque (9) and several Islamic Ummah Mosques. (Hasani and Tigor N. [ed.], 2010: 26-27) The data (tables 1 and 2) show that, the democratization of religion in Indonesia (both procedural and substantial) remains a serious problem. What factors may cause this to happen. To answer the question, the author conducted an analysis in two dimensions, first, related to the democratization of religion in the procedural dimension and second, related to religious democracy in the substantial dimension. Table 2 Violation of religious freedom in 2012 (The Wahid Institutes version) Form of violation Number of cases Negligence by the state apparatus 33 Worship house ban 26 Religious activity ban 18 Criminalization of Faith 17 Coercion of faith 12 Intimidation 4 PROBLEMS OF (PROCEDURAL) RELIGIOUS DEMOCRACY The procedural religious democratization with regard to factors that lead to the implementation of religious democracy in Indonesia is still problematic.
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Among the factors are the existence of bias from the model power relations between state and religion (state and religious followers). Then, the domino effect of the matter is the legitimacy of the state in enforcing the rules that govern the relationship between religious followers. a. Bias from the interests of the stability of power The relation model is not too firm between the sate and religions in Indonesia, creating a dilemma for Indonesian government. According to Abdullahi Ahmed An-Naim (2007: 401) the government is faced with the dilemma whether the state should impose the implementation of Shariah, for example, by using the hands of power, or the state should be neutral and merely in charge of safeguarding the rights of citizens to observe their faith. In the context of religious doctrine, does the state have to choose between taking the role of legalizing a religious pragmatism and letting the religious followers with their own dialectics. In fact, the state has always intervened in the religious affairs by serving as a judge regarding religious doctrines. It is justified due to the potential instability effects certain religious teachings may have on the community. In such condition, the state usually loses its objectivity and impartiality because of the strong pressure from the majority group. As in the case of Ahmadiyah where it was declared heretical by MUI decades ago, but only in the last few years has there been a strong pressure on the government to eradicate it. So it is natural that the country is considered to be part of this intolerance. If we adopt a purely secular state, the state can freely stay away from the matter; or in a theocratic state, intervention in any religious decisions can be done earlier. In our case, the state tends to keep social stability as the logic of power and justification to get into the realm of religion. The tendency of the state policy on religion in the context of relation model in Indonesia will bear the following impact: first, the state will explicitly act on the tendency of the majoritys interests, as a pretext for maintaining stability because of the risk of dealing with the minority groups is smaller than the majority. Second, religious groups that have access to those in power will have the privilege of being the party that determines the direction of the state policy in religious affairs. In the context of Indonesia, the organizations such as the Nahdhatul Ulama have access to the center of power so they are more dominant, for example the decision of the start of Ramadan and Eid. Consequently, Indonesias religious groups will be split into multiple polarization based on interests and ideology based on their religious beliefs. Therefore the face of religion would also be split into structural and cultural [ 41 ]
restrictions. Religious institutions whose legitimacy is recognized by the state and is regarded as the representation of various religious institutions in Indonesia such as the MUI will conform to the representation of the governments efforts in structuring religion. (Alkaf, 2011: 211) In other words, the potential for using religious institutions to extend the hand power will be even greater even though the MUI itself would not admit to be an extension of the authority. b. Weak law enforcement (due to law and system disobedience) Based on research conducted by the author in collaboration with Hamzien Bunsu and Ria Hayatunnurtaqwa (2012), among the root causes of religious dispute is a question of law disobedience. According to Benget Silitongga (in Hendry et al., 2012: 39) there are two patterns of law disobedience; acting against the legal decisions and ignoring the political decisions. Benget cited the cases of dispute in the construction of HKBP Philadelphia church in Jakarta and GKI Yasmin in Bogor. The Supreme Courts decision was to permit the construction of houses of worship, but at the local level, the decision of the Court was not implemented by Local Authorities for various reasons. Related to the disregard of political decision, Benget took the case of the sealing of a number of worship houses in Aceh Singkil. The Joint Decree No. 9 and 8/2006 turned out to be ignored by local political decisions i.e. the agreement of the ulemas and the community leaders. The root of the problems is because the law does not run properly; I other words, the law has lost to the pressure from the political forces and the masses in the region. The study concluded that Bengets argument was correct with regard to all the administrative procedures according to applicable regulations. However, in the case the writer pointed out above (in the previous chapter) the manipulation of legislation is of course different. It is important to find out the cause why they choose to manipulate rather than have a dialog or find an open approach to the issue. To answer this question, researchers saw the criticisms of the Joint Decree No. 9 and 8/2006 as a relevant subject to discuss. From the beginning there were parties that argued that the Joint Decree is discriminatory and reflect a misleading logic. The Decree is discriminatory because it hurts the minority groups while they also need places of worship protected by the 1945 Constitution. It is misleading at least for two reasons namely: first, the local-based proven procedures are often problematic as the dynamics and local interests that are filled with ethnic/religious sentiment in the context of vulnerable local politics on religious issues such as the construction of houses of worship. Second, houses of worship are not the same with other secular buildings, so the permit should not be the same because houses of worship are
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intended to glorify God and should be protected by the state (Silitonga, 2012). According to John Cameron (in Susan, 2012: 165) behavior of neglect in the legal system (disobedience to system) typically occurs for two reasons: first, it is associated with euphoria of the excessive freedom of interpretation. Second, it deals with confidence in the agencies that have the authority in law enforcement or the system itself. To explain latter, James Manor (in Susan, 2012: 166) asserted in the case of countries that recently began the process of democracy, public distrust of government authority system is due to irregularities within the government such as corruption, sluggish public services and the practice of clientelism. So, why does the legislation fail to produce effective measures especially in the case of religious dispute? This may be due to two factors, namely the existence of the majority group euphoria that has power to impose their views and interests on the minority and the government. The government is also powerless when dealing with the pressure from the majority. The birth of Shariah related regional regulation in several parts of Indonesia may represent this assumption. For instance, the East Java Governor Regulation No. 55/2012 on conducting religious activities and monitoring of heresy in East Java. Then, on April 4, 2012 there was a discussion on a draft law regarding the improvement of quality early Islamic education in Tasikmalaya District. The Local Government of Tasikmalaya also issued Regulation No. 12/2009 on issues related to Islamic Values. It contains values in a community life based on teachings of the Islamic religion in Tasikmalaya, West Java. Similarly, the Joint Decree No. 21/2005 contained a ban on Ahmadiyahs activities in Cianjur. (The Wahid Institute, 2012; Mudzakkir, 2011: 13-14). A lack of trust in the government due to its inconsistency regarding the process of law enforcement may also contribute to issues faced by the minority. The law is still regarded as being discriminatory and has yet to provide relevant implications in addressing the existing problems. Corruption cases from time to time are becoming even more rampant. As a result, an expression of protest from society is the disobedience law issued by the government. PROBLEMS OF (SUBSTANTIAL) RELIGIOUS DEMOCRACY The democratization of religion on the substantial level is closely associated with the root cause of our difficulties in developing a way of thinking, behaving and acting democratically in terms of religious affairs.
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a. Transforming the Institutionalization of Religion into Religious Substantialization As far as violence involving religious followers (especially in Indonesia) is concern, religion has always been described as the victim by the other more empirical factors, such as political expediency and the seizure of economic resources. Religion has been utilized merely as a campaign tool and the symbols for political or economic purposes. We can easily hear the average political candidate selling the issues of religion as a way to gain sympathy from voters (gimmick politics). Even in the fields of economy, economic institutions ranging from banks, supermarkets, service and property businesses are also using religious terms as the icon (in the form of Shariah or Islamic products). There is gap between the symbols or the institutionalization of religion and the substantial awareness of religion itself. In other words, pragmatic interests have become a more dominant motive than the religious orientation. As a matter of fact, in the context of Indonesian society, religion is vital, serving as a worldview, ideological base (social and political), norm and the living standards of the society. Religion inspires a spirit of unity as the Islamic Union. Religion is also a motor, a process of transformation in society, and even an initiator spirit of liberation and resistance (Liberation theology), such as the resistance against the invaders. It lives and is really functional for the community of Indonesia. In fact, religion is intertwined with various dimensions of human life. Without question, when religion loses its substantial dimensions, it is castrated or dwarfed of its position and function in society. Religion is not viewed as something important; it is seen as merely a complement to understand the society. In science, analysts and researchers consider religion merely a minor analysis unit. It is seen as a mechanical positive instrument, helpless without energy from other areas. Therefore, when there is violence involving religion, almost all experts say that the root of the problem is politics and economy because religion is just a symbolic aspect. Yet when we are talking about historical religion, religious life flourished in one objective space i.e. Indonesia. The country is very divergent in terms of ethnicity, race, religion, culture and customs. The country resembles a mosaic. The history of this nation can hardly be separated from religion, from animism, Hinduism, Hindu-Buddhism, Islam and Christianity. Religion is transferred to the basic Constitution of the country, forming the basis of the country although it is neither explicit nor formal. Later in the context of cultural values of the community, these values are derived from the beliefs of Buddhism Hinduism, Islam and Christianity. Therefore, almost all aspects of [ 44 ]
peoples lives in this country are somehow related to religious values (beliefs, rituals and religious moral values). An embedded term might be correct here to illustrate a reciprocal relationship between religious values and other institutions. So, there should be efforts to straighten out the understanding that religion, in addition to the symbolic aspect of religious life, serves as a substantial awareness. As a substantial awareness, religious values form the awareness, attitude and behavior as well as the virtue values such as truth, justice and humanity. When the religion of seen as a substantial awareness, further implications (in the scientific context), religion will be one of the major analysis unit that stands equal to other major political, economic and social units. Therefore it is important that anyone who wants to understand the phenomenon of radicalization in the Indonesian society should also understand its tendency of (formal and substantial) religious models. It is an uncontested logic of the public that political and economic factors serve as the root of social problems. However, it is less comprehensive to understand the phenomenon of radicalism in Indonesia only from the two factors mentioned without placing a religious analysis as one of the major analysis units because it is the fact that happening in the Indonesian society. b. Religious Models Developed in Indonesia (alienation from the culture of Indonesian society) The religious model that developed in Indonesia is the result of acculturation among religious traditions unique to Indonesia and the Middle East. In some ways, the mosaic of cultures and customs of the Indonesian society really stand out, as seen in the various forms religious tradition of technology in Indonesia such as tahlilan, religious arts, celebration, etc. But in the last decade, the religious trend of the Middle Eastern-style seems quite noticeable. The diversity of religious practices in Indonesia is difficult for a limited space to sum up. I would only emphasize that the tradition of tolerance which develops among the various different religious practices that seem to be eroded by a different hegemonic religious discourse in recent times (An-Naim, 2007: 409). It is seen in terms of the discourse developed, then of religious symbols worn, then the approaches in implementing Islam in Indonesia. The discourse about the enforcement of Islamic Shariah as the ideological alternative is so fast. As the State has not yet implemented, the Shariah related legislation can be found in the form of local government policies such as Shariah Regional Regulations. Symbols are used to highlight the relative model of the Middle East such as [ 45 ]
clothing, banners, flags, etc. Similarly, the approaches in fighting for Islam appear to be aggressive (such as the cases of terrorism). Such model actually had no precedence in the history of the development of Islam, because from the beginning we know that the process of the arrival of Islam in Indonesia was very smooth and peaceful. Acculturation between Islam and Indonesian cultures that were previously influenced by the Hindu teachings could run well. Therefore, decades after the country became independent, we can see the peaceful way of practicing religion among Muslims. The original character of the Indonesian culture was noticeable in the conduct of religious Muslims, so countries such as the United States and those in Europe prefer to make the Indonesian humanist Muslims model as a prototype of contemporary Muslims to be promoted to the outside world as a counter image of the hegemony of the Middle Eastern-style Islamic prototypes that are considered tough, less humanist and against modernity. Today, that hope is fading away as a result of the increasingly intolerant, reactive and exclusive face of religion. This is also due to the deviation religion from in Indonesia. In Abdurrahman Wahids term, Indonesian Islam has gone through the process of nativism , or Islam that has intertwined with the culture and behavior of the Indonesian society. This wave may be due to the strong currents of political Islamic dominance, rather than cultural Islam. The urge to present Islam with Indonesian mosaic is because Indonesian Islam that has been growing substantially in dimensions of democracy. Islam itself is substantially and historically proven to conform with democracy. From the beginning, Islam has introduced the principles of Deliberation (al-syura), equality (al-musawa), Justice (al-adalah), freedom (al-hurriyyah), trust (alamanah), peace (al-salam) and tolerance (al-tasamuh), all of which are the principles of democracy. (Abdul Salam Arif, 2004: 11-18). Furthermore, in the context of Indonesia, we can find a variety of customs and traditions which contain principles of democracy, such as the cultural pattern of the people of Aceh, Minangkabau, Batak, Malacca and Java Nazaruddin Sjamsuddin, (1996: 41; Mohammad Najib et al., 1996: 1437). By showing the pattern of Indonesian cultural Islam, we can expect to be able to present a more humanist and democratic religious model, not that of the exclusive, radical and antidemocracy. STRATEGIES TO EMBODY RELIGIOUS DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA. It takes the right strategies to encourage the democratization of religion in Indonesia, both procedurally and substantially. The key to the embodiment [ 46 ]
of procedural religious democracy is a need of constitutional consensus about the relationship between the state and religion. What kind of relation model fits for a country like Indonesia, semi-secular model (to avoid secularism), semi-theocratic model (to avoid the authoritarian theocracy?); or should we maintain the current ambiguous model? A semi-secular model allows the state to accommodate and protect religions but it is not involved in any religious decisions, such as one on religious holy days, whether or not a particular religion is a heresy, halal food products, etc. Religious institutions, instead, make the decisions without the states intervention. The state can intervene only when certain religious groups conduct unlawful acts (crime). A semitheocratic model is a model in which the state not only accommodates and protects religion, but it is also in control of any decision related to religious affairs. A theocratic state needs religion as the basis of the law, while in a semitheocratic state it does not, but the state has the right to intervene in religious decisions. Although each model its strengths and weaknesses respectively, the author thinks that a semi-secular model perhaps is better suited for Indonesia if we want to encourage the procedural and substantial democratization of religion for the following reasons. First, procedurally the state will not be stuck into partiality in resolving religious issues. Second, it will foster maturity among religious followers in solving problems related to religious issues. The trend of inter-subjective thought and consciousness will be dominant when religious groups solve the problem with their own dialectics. Disobedience of the law will occur when decisions made by the state are deemed not in line with certain groups interests. Third, the substance of the spirit of pluralism and multiculturalism is not simply an awareness of the diversity, but a way to manage diversity through dialog, mutual understanding, cohesion and cooperation in dealing with such differences. These are the core values of the substantial democratization of religion. Therefore, we need to encourage the idea of (substantial) democracy as a basis for decision making when dealing with religious problems, not merely as a complementary tool which is peripheral in nature. Religion should become one of the macro-analysis units, which runs hand in hand with other social, political and economic components so we can really understand religious dimensions of the Indonesian society since the process of integration between religion and public life is running well so far. Thus, when we put a religious analysis unit aside, it means we become less comprehensive in our analysis. Last but not least, in the framework of the revitalization of the democratization of religion, it needs to revive the Indonesian religious image which presents
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the Islamic cultural face. The face of cultural Islam is intertwined with the cultural characteristics of the pluralist communities of Indonesia. It is the antithesis model of the Middle Eastrn Islam which is historically and culturally different from the actual history and culture of Indonesia. History proves that Indonesian Islam has its own mosaic, different from the models found in other countries. Being egalitarian, inclusive, peaceful and cosmopolitan is the nature of Indonesian Islamic culture which has been practiced for centuries and completely different from the character of the Middle Eastern Islam due to dissimilar experience, history and geographical conditions.
BIBLIOGRAPHY An-Naim, Abdullahi Ahmed. 2007. Islam dan Negara Sekuler : Menegosiasikan Masa Depan Syariah). Mizan. Bandung. Arif, Abd. Salam. 2004. Politik Islam antara Aqidah dan Kekuasaan Negara (dalam A. Maftuh Abegebriel dkk.). 2004. Negara Tuhan : The Thematic Encyclopedia. SR-Ins Publishing. Yogyakarta. Alkaf, Halid. 2011. Quo Vadis Liberalisme Islam Indonesia. Kompas. Jakarta. Effendi, Tadjuddin Noer. 1996. Demokrasi dalam Persfektif Budaya Batak. Dalam Mohammed Najib dkk. 1996. Demokrasi Dalam Persfektif Budaya Nusantara. LKPSM. Yogyakarta. Hasani, Ismail dan Bonar Tigor Naipospos (ed). 2011. Negara Menyangkat, Kondisi Kebebasan Beragama/Berkeyakinan di Indonesia 2010. Pustaka Masyarakat Setara. Jakarta. ________. 2011. Mengatur Kehidupan Beragama; Menjamin Kebebasan ? (Urgensi Kebutuhan RUU Jaminan Kebebasan Beragama/Berkeyakinan). Pustaka Masyarakat Setara. Jakarta. Horowitz, Donald L., Demokrasi Pada Masyarakat Majemuk. Dalam: Larry Diamond dan Marc F. Plattner (ed), 1998, Nasionalisme, Konflik Etnik, dan Demokrasi (Terjemahan), Penerbit ITB, Bandung. Hendry Ar, Eka. 2009. Sosiologi Konflik. STAIN Press didukung oleh Caireu STAIN Pontianak, WMC Semarang dan NUFFIC Belanda. Pontianak. Hendry Ar, Eka (at all). 2013. Peran Forum Kerukunan Ummat Beragama (FKUB) Dalam Penyelesaian Sengketa Pendirian Rumah Ibadah (Studi Terhadap FKUB Kota Pontianak). Laporan Penelitian Kompetitif STAIN Pontianak Tahun 2012. (Tidak diterbitkan). STAIN Pontianak. Mann, Michael. 2005. The Dark Side of Democracy (Explaining Ethnic Cleansing). Cambridge University Press. Los Angeles (USA). Mudzakir, Amin. Minoritasisasi Ahamdiyah di Indonesia. 2001. Jurnal Mas[ 48 ]
yarakat Indonesia Majalah Ilmu-Ilmu Sosial Indonesia. Edisi xxxvii. No. 2. 2011. LIPI. Jakarta. Nasution, Adnan Buyung. 2011. Demokrasi Konstitusional. Kompas Gramedia. Jakarta. Runciman, David. 2012. Politik Muka Dua : Topeng Kekuasaan Dari Hobbes hingga Orwell. Pustaka Pelajar. Yogyakarta. Susan, Novri. 2012. Negara Gagal Mengelola Konflik: Demokrasi dan Tata Kelola Konflik di Indonesia. Kopi dan Pustaka Pelajar. Yogyakarta. The Wahid Institute. 2012. Ringkasan Eksekutif Laporan Akhir Tahun Kebebasan Beragama dan Intoleransi. The Setara Institute. 2012. Presiden Tanpa Prakarsa (Kondisi Kebebasan Beragama/Berkeyakinan di Indonesia, 17 Desember 2012) Internet Abdel Salam, El Fatih A.,. Kerangka Teoritis Penyelesaian Konflik. Diakses dari: http://www.scripps.ohiou.edu (selasa, 21 okt 2008). Hutomo, Nandro. 2010. Demokrasi Prosedural dalam Polemik Keistimewaan DIY 2010. http://iesdepedia.com/blog/2013/01/15/demokrasi-prosedural-teori-2/. (Selasa, 15 Mei 2013
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ISLAM IN THE JAVANESE CULTURAL PLURALISM AND THE KERATON PERFORMING ARTS
K.R.T. Sunaryadi Maharsiworo Indonesia Arts Institute, Yogyakarta Abstract The religion of Islam as new religion in the 15th century managed to internalize in the religious and cultural field of Javanese society peacefully. The religion was easily accepted because all its teachings are based on a search of sangkan paraning dumadi and promote Manunggaling kawula lan Gusti as in principles of the Javanese human life. The concept of kewalian, the mysticism and the concept of perfection of life could be applied in the formulation of the Keraton (Javanese Sultans Palace) which became a model of the traditional conception of a variety of social rules and rituals, so that there is mutual interdependence between the Islamic teachings and the community who are still bound by tradition and customary norms. Then various rituals that have been Islamized emerged. Islam was conceived and developed with the Javanese view, absorbed and processed into different forms of Kejawen (Javanese) culture different from the original form, and acceptable to society. In the world of performing arts, needless to say, it has been affected by subculture of Javanese Islam. At least such impressions can be seen in the wayang (Javanese traditional puppetry) performance and ritual dances such as bedaya, wayang wong,or Golek Menak in the Keraton of Yogyakarta. Keywords: Islam, cultural contact, Javanese Philosophy, Dance INTRODUCTION The coming of Islam to Java has so far become an unfinished debate. How Islam came to the Indonesian Archipelago is still questionable as no authentic evidence can be accounted for. Several historical sources explain that Islam came from two different places; one from Southern India and the other from Northern India. Southern India, particularly the region of Kerala was the harbor for traders from Sumatra, Malaysia, China, and the resellers of pepper trade relations between Arabia, India, Southeast Asia, and China. The Kerala Islam was influenced by the Arab traditions and embraced by scholars along the northern coast of Java, while Northern India (Deccan) was dominated by religious and political systems of Indo-Persian (Mark R. Woodward, 1999: 81). This fact is supported by the description in the document of Babad Tanah [ 51 ]
Jawi, Babad Gresik, Hikayat Hasanudin, and Serat Kandaning Ringgit Purwo regarding the existence of the relationship of marriage between the Kingdom of Campa which had embraced Islam with the Majapahit Kingdom, as well as a sign of the emergence of Islam among the Royal family around the 14th century. The evidence is clear that enculturation of Islam in the Javanese society is a continuous process which is mutually giving and accepting, or critical reciprocity (Marcel Mauss, 1952: 12-17) between the values of Islam and those of Javanese society. Some of the changes caused by the mixture have, in fact, enriched both the Islamic religion and the Javanese culture. As a process (which is still in progress), the transformation of culture also reflects a dialectic between the adjustment and incompatibility, acceptance and rejection on a broad background as Islam was trying to enter the gate of Javanese culture, from the coastal areas to the far inland (M. Ricklefs, 1993). THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN THE SPREAD OF CULTURE Long before Islam came, the people of Indonesia or the people of Java had practiced beliefs related to ancestral spirits or souls contained in objects, plants, animals or human beings. Objects, plants or animals are thought to have supernatural powers or spirit, be it evil or good. Thus the relationship between humans, animals and plants becomes very close. All forms of beliefs affect human behavior especially in facing the difficulties of life. Natural disasters or disease outbreaks are often associated with the rage of spirits or the various imbalanced forces in natural objects. The anger of many of the spirits and the imbalanced forces in natural objects will end if people approach them by giving offerings or holding ceremonies accompanied by dances and sounds that are intended to provide a mystical atmosphere to spirits or supernatural powers from which help is expected to be present in the ceremony. The Javanese community believes that the forces of nature are one of the deciding factors in their lives. Agricultural success depends very much the forces of nature, the sun, rain, and wind although they also believe that there are supernatural forces behind all those powers. When the Hindu religion came to the Indonesian archipelago, the preHindu beliefs did not experience the significant turmoil, since they shared some similarities. Hinduism is also loaded with various ceremonies to gain prosperity. The pre-Hindu beliefs depend on the spirits of ancestors and forces of nature or the unseen while the harmony of the cosmos in Hinduism is reached by getting closer to the help of the gods. The Hindu communities also recognize the rituals of fertility, believing in the eternal spirits of the ancestors (through understanding of moksa), as well as the spirits of good and evil, a [ 52 ]
circle of suffering (samsara), and the law of karma. With respect to the belief, in the teachings of Buddhism also recognize the four kasunyatan (truths), namely dukha (suffering), samudaya (cause of suffering), nirodha (controlling ones desire), and marga or the release into Nirvana (Abdul Jamil, 2000: 124). It means in some respects the nature of the teachings of both Hinduism and Buddhism fits the religious heritage of the native peoples of Indonesia, so as to facilitate the smooth process of acculturation between cultures that have developed in the community and those of Hinduism and Buddhism. The religious beliefs of Hinduism, Buddhism, and animism as well as all the dynamism in the process of the development of Islam inter-relate with Islamic beliefs. There are two issues that need to be kept in mind with respect to the arrival of Islam in Java. First, the existence of Hinduism, Buddhism, and the old beliefs that had rooted and grown in the society long before Islam came. When Hinduism and Buddhism began to flourish, the Javanese culture did not dissolve into the two religious beliefs, but on the contrary the two cultural elements were Javanized thus the term Hindu-Javanese culture appeared, because the religious-magic values of Hinduism and Buddhism were in line with the pre- Hindu animistic- dynamistic cultural values. While Hinduism and Buddhism thrived among the elites of the Keraton, the traditional beliefs which are based on animism are pervasive among the commoners. Although the three faiths have different teachings, they all share one point of destination. All of them are rich with mysticism and aimed at finding sangkan paraning dumadi (genesis) and manunggaling kawula gusti (union with God). Second, the exact period of the coming of Islam to Java is still disputed. The massive Islamization occurred in the 15th and 16th century marked by the fall of Hindu-Javanese Majapahit (1478) and the establishment of the first Islamic Kingdom of Demak. The massive Islamization in Java thus occurred at a time when the Muslim world suffered a setback in many ways. In the year 1000 there were a lot of setbacks in the field of thought and science, so the practice of Sufism, the mysticism, tarekat. Therefore, Islam that came to Java at that time was filled with mysticism. Since mysticism was commonly found among the Javanese, the task of the mubaligh (Islamic proselytizers) called Wali Songo (Nine Guardians/Saints) to spread Islam was easier. The Walis were tolerant and open in facing different views related to local cultural traditions. They kept the Javanese traditions alive by giving the nuances of Islam to the traditions such as Sesaji (ceremonial offerings for the worship of spirits and gods) which was replaced with the tradition of kenduri or selametan (communal feast). Giving kenduri [ 53 ]
to the neighbors will create harmony between them which corresponds to the Islamic teachings. Previously, sesaji was accompanied by spells and Sunan Kalijaga replaced it with slametan which was then accompanied by khalimah thoyibah. Sunan Kalijaga was known for using methods which were not against culture but instead filling it with the teachings of Islam, and based on deliberation. The Walis also proselytized through cultural and artistic approach. Sunan Giri (Raden Paku) wrote Asmaradana and Pocung songs, and taught religion to children through games as well as spreading Islam in Sulawesi and Sunda Kecil. Sunan Kalijaga wrote the song Dandanggula, created the puppet play with the Islamic message as well as puppet props made of leather such as kelir (as a symbol of the universe), debog (earth), blencong (symbol of the Sun), puppet master to play the puppets. Meanwhile, Sunan Bonang (Mahdum Ibrahim, son of Sunan Ampel) who served on the northern coast of East Java, wrote the song Durma. He also attempted to change the names of the gods with Islamic names. Sunan Kudus, whose area of operation included the coast of Central Java, wrote the songs Maskumambang and Mijil as well as fairy tales about Islam. Sunan Drajat, a philanthropist who helped orphaned children and sick people, also composed the song Pangkur. Sunan Muria was popular among fishermen and merchants. He wrote the songs Sino and Kinanti, and preserved the gamelan (traditional musical ensemble), as well as gendhing-gendhing which contains the teachings of Islam. Sunan Gunungjati (Syarif Hidayatullah) or Fatahilah or Faletehan incorporated Islamic elements into praises, dzikir, and prayers (Karkono Karnajaya Partokusumo, 1995: 291-294). The Walis also wrote some of the puppet plays which contain the message of Islam such as Dewa Ruci, Jimat Kalimasada, Jaya Pusaka, Bagawan Ciptoning, Petruk dadi Ratu, Pandu Pragolo, Semar Mbarang Jantur, Bale Sigolo-golo, Wahyu Widayat, dan Kresna gugah (Ridin Sofwan, et al., 2000:157-158) In the economic field, Sunan Kalijaga contributed through his work related to agriculture through the philosophy of bajak dan cangkul (plow and hoe) in his book called Cupu Manik Astagina. The plow and hoe is made up of several sections as follows: 1. Pegangan, meaning that to achieve the goals of life, one should have firm life principles and enough experience. 2. Pancatan, if the principles already exist, one should act soon. 3. Tanding, meaning that before acting, one should make comparison as to which action to take. 4. Singkal (metu saka ing akal) after making consideration and doing research, [ 54 ]
one will get a sense or way to achieve the expected results. 5. Kejen (kasawijen), the unity between the energy and mind. 6. Olang-aling, having achieved the unity of energy and mind, then there will be no obstacles. 7. Racuk (ngarah ing cucuk), if we pursue the ideals and act according to the instructions above, we will definitely reach our dreams. The plow and hoe philosophy served a medium of education on philosophy and preaching among the community at the time. The Walis also taught that occupations related to trade, agriculture and carpentry were not a low status as defined in Hinduism regarding human categorization in castes (Brahman for religious leaders, Kshatriya for the nobles, Vaisya for the merchants, artisans, farmers, and Sudra for the workers/porters or landless peasants). In addition to being religious figures, the Walis also made their living as merchants. Thus, they indirectly enforced the egalitarian views among the Javanese society and eliminated the differences. To avoid conflict in the community, the development of Islamic propagation in the field of education was conducted through establishing pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) which took the form of education originally taught the monks and clergy. The Pesantren is a continuation and modification of Hindu institution, the Mandala. Various terms related to Hindu, Buddhist rituals are still used today, such as the term sembahyang (worship) which is used to refer to salat (prayer). For places of worship, the term used is langgar, a similar term for sanggar which is a temple. The students are called a santri, derived from the word shastri in Hindi meaning one who studies the holy books. The boarding school system which was a pre-Islamic cultural transformation was for the first time developed by Syekh Maulana Ibrahim in Gresik. Apparently the spread of Islam in Java was done through the Islamization of the Java culture on the one hand, and Javanization of Islam on the other. The Islamization of Culture is an attempt to preserve an existing Javanese-style Islam, either formally or substantially. As mentioned above, these efforts were conducted through using the Islamic terms and names, telling about the role of historical Islam figures, as well as applying of the law and the norms of Islam in various aspects of life. The Javanization of Islam is defined as the internalization of the Islamic values into the Javanese culture by maintaining the use of Javanese names and terms. Acculturation and syncretization occurred between local traditions and beliefs with the Islamic teachings and culture. In this acculturation, Islam has influenced the local traditions and beliefs, and similarly the local traditions have also affected the implementation of the Islamic teachings. As a result, there are a lot of original Javanese rituals [ 55 ]
that have Islamized such as ceremonies of surtanah, nelung ndina, mitung ndina, matang puluh ndina, nyatus, mendhak, nyewu and so on. An attempt to accommodate the Islamic values and the local cultures can be seen here, although in some respects, the pre-Islamic cultural heritage is still evident. Islam that entered Indonesia (Java) was that which has been combined with the Persian and Indian mysticism. The Javanese mystical and philosophical world is the link which facilitated the inclusion of the elements of Islamic cultures in Javanese peoples daily lives. In this case the Javanese historiography assumes that all events have mystical and religious reasons. Therefore religion is a political power and the legitimacy of the Keraton. FROM POWER TO CULTURAL VALUE OF KEJAWEN The spread of Islam into the interior part of Java has caused the Keraton Javanese culture which is oriented toward political values to be confronted with the Islamic culture that focuses on the Shariah. The result of the differences sometimes may cause a tension to become an open conflict. This occurred during the Mataram Kingdom which was ruled by Senopati. Mataram was a representation of the Javanese community that had agrarian cultural roots. In the context of culture, agricultural societies are static and often place power as a central theme in life. In the political dimension, all the political aspects tend to be a tool of power. It was also the case in the process of acculturation between Javanese-Hinduism-Buddhism and Islam. The difference of concept between Mataram and the relatively dynamic and open coastal Islamic community led to the emergence of conflict with the coastal regions. Sultan Agung, Senopatis successor, realized that the condition would undermine Mataram. Therefore, he was trying to build a cultural strategy in order to maintain power, taking the coastal Islamic culture to be synthesized with the Javanese inland culture, which is then referred to as JavaneseIslamic culture or Kejawen, with the goal of keeping a socio-cultural stability throughout the territory of the Keraton. When the Islamic coastal power represented by the Giri region was defeated by the ruler of Mataram, there appeared a combination of Javanese culture called Kejawen Islam. Regarding the process of transformation, the culture strategies adopted the rulers of the Kingdom when dealing with Islam can only be understood from the way of power mythicism (R. Von Heine-Geldern, 1956: 14-18), as seen in the use of the term khalifatullah sayidin panatagama for the title of the ruler of the Mataram Kingdom. The title of a King, in addition to having earthly powers, also serves as a religious leader. There was similar concept between the period of Hindu-Buddhism and that [ 56 ]
of Islam. During the period Hindu-Buddhism, the legitimacy of a monarch was approved by the understanding that the ruler was a representative of god. During the Islamic period, a ruler (king) was trying to find the level of godking by styling himself as the khalifatullah (representative of Allah). The King of Yogyakarta carries the title of Sultan in the sense of unity as Ngarsodalem Sampeyandalem Ingkang Sinuwun Kanjeng Sultan hamengkubuwana, Senopati Ing Ngalaga Ngabdurachman Sayidin Panagama Khalifatullah Ingkang Jumeneng kaping. The title of the Sultan is a practice of ngarsodalem or one that stays in front of sampeyandalem (your feet). The two words contain the notion that in life every person has to step forward. Ingkang sinuwun or the expected that kanjeng sultan (a will to uphold justice), Hamengku Buwana means protecting the world (martyr) for all the people, thus achieving unity between kawula and Gusti. The Javanese ideas of manunggaling kawula Gusti are basically the teachings of Kejawen Islamic Sufism (mysticism), which had evolved in the 17th and 18th century, and became the Mataram Kingdoms political system. Manunggaling kawula Gusti has a concrete meaning of the unity of people with the King. The core of this idea, in addition to a notion of unity, also means balance. Balance between physical and mental state, between faith and charity, between science and ethics, between ability and willingness, in an introspective way. With such concept, the King as Gods representative in the world is the chosen one who is born to lead the world. Javanese or Kejawen Islam is indeed a unique phenomenon. Not only is it able to maintain cultural and religious aspects of the pre-Islamic era, but it is also due to the concepts of kewalian (saintdom), mysticism, and perfection of human life applied in the cult of the Kingdom. The Keraton Cult here is an attempt to unify various Muslim traditions by implementing the interdependence between the teachings, rituals and social life. So Javanese Islam is not simply a replica of the Middle Eastern or South Asian Islam, but it is a picture of an intellectual and spiritual traditions of the dynamic and creative Muslim world. It can be said that Kejawen Islam is the Islam teachings understood and developed in the framework of the Javanese tradition. Although not so solid as the Santri Islam, Kejawen Islam is credited as an introduction for the culture lovers to get to know the teachings of Islam. ISLAM AND THE PERFORMING ARTS KERATON According to Soemarsaid Moertono, the theory of the Javanese kingdom is based on a splendor cult which leads to the equation between the theory of kingdoms and kewalian and Sufic doctrine of unity with mysticism. Officially, [ 57 ]
the Javanese Keratons embrace Islam, though their lifestyle has been heavily influenced by the Javanese-Hindu traditions. The King has a strong mystical power so he can marry Ratu Kidul, the sovereign of the South Sea who is an important figure in the Javanese tradition. Ratu Kidul has become the focus of Royal Javanese rituals to maintain balance in the cosmos, since the imbalance between the Cosmos will lead to the destruction of the country. It is also the case with the architecture of the Kraton (Yogyakarta) built by Sultan Hamengku Buwana I is a miniature model of the Javanese dance of Sufic theory regarding the description of the structure of the Cosmos on human nature, his relationship with God, the origin of his existence, as well as his final fate. The symbolism and architecture of the Keraton describes the Islamic structure of the cosmos, the relationship between Sufism and Shariah, the cosmological and introspective outline of the mystical path. All of it is elaborated in the human face symbolizing the path from birth to the consummation of life which is reflected in the philosophy of the existence of a building next to the Keraton called Krapyak and a monument in the north side. If examined from south to north of the Yogyakarta Keraton, it depicts a human journey since his time in barzah where he receives his soul, then takes the form of a sperm, an embryo and becomes an adult with a variety of obstacles that must be faced in order to achieve happiness. If examined from north to south, the Keraton represents a mans journey toward the end (death) to achieve eternal perfection i.e. unification with God which is known in Javanese philosophy as manunggaling kawula Gusti. The Keraton serves the Kingdoms centre of administration with the main attention on the concept of loyalty and duty, a similar sense of worship to God. The Keraton and the central courtyard of the Keraton is the symbol of climbing a ladder to heaven to come to the unity of the divine. This concept of manunggaling kawula Gusti is made clear by the presence of Tugu Golong-Gilig in the northern side of the Keraton, with its rounded shape like golong rice sustained by cylinders (gilig). There are two meanings implied here, kawula could mean people and Gusti means King, but the kawula could also be interpreted as a King while Gusti is his God. The harmony of relations between humans, King (leader), and God is the goal of the Javanese human life. In the religious and philosophical conceptions of the Javanese Kingdom, the Keraton is a microcosm of the order of the visible universe (world). The parallels between the macrocosm (jagad gedhe) and microcosm (jagad cilik) depend on the success of humans in creating harmony of life by following the existing symbols. In this concept, the main duty of a King is to maintain sustainability of harmony between the Kingdom and the universe.
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By studying the meanings of the various Javanese traditions, it is clear that the issue of Islam in Java is not how to incorporate elements of Islam into the Javanese culture, but how to reinterpret the existing symbols of HinduBuddhism using the Islamic concept. The Keraton has also become a center of classical Javanese culture with its dances, puppetry and gamelan (traditional musical ensemble), as well as various religious rituals held in the early days of Islam. Prince Mangkubumi (Hamengku Buwono I), the founder of the Kraton, was one who qualified in all areas. In the field of performing arts, Sultan Hamengku Buwono I created a variety of dance forms such as Beksan Lawung, Beksan Guntur Segara, Beksan Sekar Medura, Wayang Wong, Beksan Tameng, Lelangen Beksa Bedhaya. In the political concept of the Javanese Kingdom, it is recognized that the king is the ruler that has the foundation of the incarnation of god (god-king). In this case bedhaya serves as a symbol of Shiva, so its existence becomes an inseparable unity with the king. The concept of god-king that originated from the Hindu era is still recognized in the Islamis period in form of khalifatullah or the representative of Allah. In Serat Wulangreh it is also said that Ratu kinarya is wakil Hyang Agung (representative of Allah). However, keep in mind that the notion of the position or power of the king (leader) will be of benefit to the wider community and bring peoples welfare if accompanied by the awareness that a ruler should be ambeg adil paramarta, berbudi bawa laksana, and wicaksana. It means that the power should be based on fairness, thoughtfulness demeanor, and wisdom. Understanding of the concept of leadership as a whole is now quite often forgotten, so people sometimes tend to abuse power. The ideals of unity between oneself (human) and the Divine are for humans to achieve kawruh sangkan paraning dumadi i.e. kawruh (knowledge) about the origin (sangkan) of his existence and purpose in building the harmony of life. The harmony between the word, hearing, eyesight, thoughts and feelings in establishing a balance between passion and reason aims to defeat the bad and to reach the happiness of the world and the hereafter. The changes of the positions in the bedhaya dance, which are often made by the dancers, are a picture of imbalance that frequently occurs between the will and the logic. The conflict is described in dynamic motion, yet still looks harmonious in a constant tempo (ajeg), seems to contain the message that not all issues in life must be resolved with violence. Similarly, the concept of Joged Mataram consists of sawiji (concentration), greged (spirit), sengguh (self-confident), ora mingkuh (firm in principles). The concept it can be manifested in our concentration on something that we are working on that is based on passion, confidence, and act in accordance
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with the teachings of God. Thus this concept can be applied anywhere, not limited to the world of dance, for all the interpretation leads to the teaching of the perfection of life (kasampurnaning urip) and the devotion to others. In addition to the dances performed in the Keraton, the wayang (puppetry), to the Javanese, is a cultural product containing aesthetic, ethical, philosophical and pedagogical values. Therefore, the wayang not only becomes a spectacle, but also serves as a guide to life, a medium of education and dakwah. In short, the wayang is the essence of the Javanese culture. The wayang and the Javanese culture are two inseparable things. This can be seen from the Javanese traditional house which consists of dari emper, pendapa, pringgitan, omah mburi, sentong, longkangan, and pawon. The wayang is one of the forms of the Hindu cultural heritage that is still preserved to this day. According to Claire Holt in her book Art in Indonesia: Continuities and Change cited by Soedarsono, the wayang performances (in Central Java) have existed since the year 907, as written on a stele built by King Balitung of Ancient Mataram Kingdom. After the Kingdom of Majapahit fell at the beginning of the 16th century, the political power of Javanese culture, under the Islamic kings began to appear in Central Java (1524-1581). It began with the Kingdom of Demak, and was followed by the Kingdoms of Pajang and Mataram. However, the Javanese Islamic kings and the walis still preserved the tradition of wayang which is interpreted with the teachings of Islam. The walis used wayang gamelan and wayang topeng to attract crowds to congregate and listen to sermons. The wayang world contains the values of the Java of view of life particularly with regard to the attitude and decision that should be made when confronted with an obstacle to truth. In the world of the wayang, life must always be based on truth. Here the moral role is very important, and at this stage the values of Islamic morality are necessary to be included in the wayang. In the literature of Kejawen Islam, a human life is determined by the puppeteer (God) based on the length of time of the show which starts from sunset through sunrise. The middle of the night is depicted as the decisive moment in the life of human beings; the moments in which there is chaos or the turbulence of the Cosmos, and that finally the harmony or peace could only be realized by early morning. In this case the puppeteer as the driving force of the world divides life into three cycles through different styles of play and different gamelan rhythms (Mark R. Woodward: 287-289, Sudarto, 1999: 171). In the gamelan rhythms of pathet nem, the story depicts characters that have not managed to defeat their enemies. This part is a description of the struggle between faith and carnal lust that faced humankind during children up to adults. The second level is on
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tone of pathet sanga, pointing at adulthood. This part includes goro-goro, the scene that begins with the onset of chaos to expel punakawan Semar, Gareng, Petruk, and Bagong who in their joke will see their role as spiritual mentors. The Hindu epic Ramayana and Mahabharata, there are no any purnakawan character. The emergence of the purnakawan characters was created by the walis to perform a function of the good characters. The names Semar, Nala Gareng, Petruk, and Bagong are derived from Arabic; Semar from Ismar (nail). He is the nail or the safety of the world, like the teachings of Islam spread by the walis. Semar is the aspiration of human physical and spiritual struggle. Physically, Semar represents the spirit that is never faded over time. Spiritually he is interpreted as a creed of faith so that it remains strong in principle. In the Javanese view, Semar who is not as gentle as a warrior is often associated with farmers or the people who represent simplicity. On the other hand, Semar also serves as a manifestation of the Prophet Muhammad which had always served on humanity, and became a mentor to the belief in God. Nala Gareng derived from the word Naala Qoriin means t having a lot of friends. As proselytizers, the walis had to have lot of friends, with whom they will find the wise way to God. Petruk, derived from Fatruk, is a short version of a discourse of mysticism Fat-ruk-kulla maa siwallahi, meaning leave anything other than God (Sudarto: 179-183. Anderson, 1966, Keeler, W., 1987). Bagong derived from Baghaa which means fighting (against falsehood). Bagong also equals baqa means lasting. The bottom line is that all beings will experience eternal life in the afterlife. Bagong may also be from the word bahar which means spice. Spice here is a picture of people who are critical, as is the blaka suta. It is obvious that the existence of punakwawan is a form of visualization of the Javanese community, the idea is that human life requires the pamomong figures or people nearby who could lead to the path of God or truth. The third stage is the pathet manyura, depicting the ksatrias who have managed to conquer the enemy of ther inner desires. When the performances are over, wodden wayang golek appears to keep people/audience nggoleki (finding) the meaning of the show that has just been performed. The end of the show is also marked by the penancapan gunungan as the tree of life in the middle of banana stems that symbolizes a state of silence, with no movement (the end of the show). From the description above, it is clear that the puppet is a medium to teach how people should believe in God and avoid worldly desires that will drive them into a life of hell. In other words, the puppet manifests the nature of truth, ethics, and philosophy, and becomes a full-fledged Javanese man. The penetration of the puppet as a religious medium that preserves the Javanese traditions is not something easy to do. This is also a problem faced by [ 61 ]
the Javanese kingdoms in building the foundation of strong Islamic traditions in the midst of Hindu Mythology which is already entrenched in the Javanese culture. To bridge the gap between tradition and the teachings of Islam, the transformation is done through the genealogical construction which connects the gods of Hinduism with the lineage of the prophets. Through a series of myths, puppet figures are told as descendants of Adam and Eve, who are the ancestors of all humans. The Hindu charm, Jamus Kalimasada, derives from the words kali maha usada (Hindu), which was later declared to come from the Arabic syahada (witness), which is the beginning of the sentence of recognition of Islam. It means that the statement syahada is the minimum principle to be called a Muslim. The story that becomes a source of guidance for the puppeteer is usually taken from the Serat Mahabarata, Serat Baratayuda written by Yosodipura, Serat Pustaka Raja by Ranggawarsita, or Serat Kandha containing genealogical relationships of the prophets with puppet characters. Meanwhile, Serat Manikmaya describes the process of the interaction between different cultures that exist in Java. As the intersection of Javanese culture and Islam, the walis composed several puppet stories that reflect Islamic values such as Dewa Ruci, Jimat Kalimasada, Jaya Pusaka, Begawan Ciptoning, Petruk dadi Ratu, Pandu Pragolo, Semar Mbarang Jantur, Bale Sigolo-golo, Wahyu Widayat and Kresna gugah. In its development, in addition to the leather puppet (wayang purwa), wayang gedhog and wayang topeng were also developed. Wayang gedhog is a new development of the wayang kulit performances originated in East Java at the end of the Majapahit era, when Islam began to flourish in the 15th century. The theme is taken from the epic story of Panji. Wayang gedhog later inspired the wayang golek and wayang golek inspired the emergence of beksan golek Menak in the Yogyakarta palace. As in wayang kulit, wayang topenf was also used as a medium of dakwah by the walis. Even in the first performance of wayang topeng in the 16th century, Sunan Kalijaga made nine masks adapted from wayang kulit and wayang gedhog. The nine masks represented the nine characters i.e., Panji, Candrakirana, Gunungsari, Andaga, Raton (King), Klana, Danawa (giant), Renco (Tembem or Doyok), dan Turas (Penthul or Bancak). At the time of Mataram, puppet performances, in addition to being a royal performace, also spread out in the coastal area and the area outside the kingdom (abroad). When the Kingdom of Mataram split into two kingdoms (Kasunanan Surakarta and Yogyakarta Sultanate) in 1755 the mask puppet was still preserved by the Surakarta palace, while Sultan Hamengku Buwono-I did not continue the tradition of the mask puppet, but rather infused the new dramatari (a musical) form of wayang wong featuring the story Mahabharata or Ramayana. Wayang topeng flourished in rural communities than in the [ 62 ]
palace. It was mentioned that in addition to wayang kulit, wayang topeng, and wayang gedhog, in Java especially in the Yogyakarta palace, wayang wong was also developed. The presence of the wayang wong in Yogyakarta was not only as a spectacle or entertainment, but according to Soedarsono, this performance is recognized as an official state ritual performances. Wayang wong in the Yogyakarta Sultanate was also used as a medium of education, as in the play there are religious lessons, the teachings of morals, ethics, life philosophy and principles, state administration. The puppet characters became an example to be imitated or avoided if the character is not good. Another type of puppet that flourish in the Keraton is wayang golek menak, the Arab Persian stories coming into the island through the Malay language, in the form of Amir Hamzah legends. The Amir Hamzah legends in the Persian tradition are the literature of chivalric biography of Hamza Ibn Abdul Muttalib (Amir Hamza) mixed with various elements of the Persian people, containing the historical development of Islam from Arabia to Persia. In the text Menak Persi it is mentioned that Amir Hamzah plunged into the battlefield to instill Islamic values to the wider community by reading the Quran and saying prayers. Story also developed among the society in a populist art form such as Sholawatan (Slawatan), Srandul, and Nod. The forms of folk art are usually displayed on the night of the tirakatan to tingkepan ceremony, circumcision, or marriage. The model of literature development by incorporating elements of local-style with the Keraton is similar to the habit of the Indonesian people in writing books. In the literary works, serat menak is written in some several versions i.e. Menak Kartasura, Surakarta and Menak Menak-pang (only parts of the whole Menak story). From the form of the literary works, serat menak was composed into the form of art shows such as wayang golek or wayang thengul, which was later composed into several free dances one of which is golek Menak created by Sultan Hamengku Buwana IX shortly after he ascended the throne as the Sultan of Yogyakarta. The Sultans sons, relatives, and royal guards were required to be able to dance in order to deepen the knowledge about life, and the belief in God. The spread of Islam to Java was followed by the influx of Islamic literature. The spread of this literature, the first Islamic Kingdom of Demak became the medium of a direct connection between the Javanese literature lovers with the walis. The contact generated a kind of literary mix between the tradition /Javanese culture and the Islamic culture that originated from boarding schools (in the coastal areas). Then the Javanese-language books called the Kejawen literature that contains the Islamic values emerged.
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The Keraton manuscripts are mostly expressive literature based on feelings and imagination. In this for of literature, the elements of Islam are tapped and developed. Serat Menak which originated from Amir Hamzah legends, is among the Islamic-Javanese literature filled with poem-like stories. These stories are distinguished into four types, namely the coastal area version of serat Menak developed in the 17th and 18th centuries, and is regarded as a pure text of Amir Hamzah that was derived from Amir Hamzah legends. Second, the Kartasura Serat Menak was by influenced by the coastal serat menak, but experienced some development. Third, Serat Menak Pang, is taken from parts of the text of Amir Hamzah. Fourth, Serat Menak Surakarta is similar to Serat Menak Kartasura, but its language and psalm have been developed and decorated by Yasadipura so that it belongs the row of baletri literature (beautiful literature). This serat was published into the Indonesian language by Balai Pustaka in 1982. The Serat Menak was then composed into the traditional art of puppetry called wayang thengul or wayang golek. The seriousness of the Sultans of Yogyakarta to disseminate the Islamic religion was manifested by giving the Islamic names to his grand children, such as the names listed in the serta mena: Asimkuari, Marpinjung, Sudarawerti, Sirtupelaeli, Ruslanudanurusamsi, Mukasabiyun, and so on. From the story of golek Menak a dance called golek Menak was developed. Although still limited in scale, the golek Menak dance is a reflection of changes in the powers of the palace towards a more modern outlook on life as a reflection of the changes of the Javanese view on life initiated Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX. The creation of the dance has broken the concept of the Javanese leadership that rests on the grandeur of the god-king or the khalifatullah. The concepts in the bedhaya dance which was sacred for the kingdom of Java was gone with the presence of golek Menak. The Sultans move was probably based on the realization that Indonesia had entered a new era, a time of national revival towards the state-based peoples democracy. Of course as a leader the Sultan also must follow the changes of the era in order for him to exist in the eyes of its people. Viewed from another angle, acculturation or inculturation shows that the Islamic culture has strengthened the Javanese cultural heritage. The critical interface may have positive or negative impacts. The positive impact is to enrich the Javanese culture so that cultural assimilation occurs peacefully. Conversely, the negative impact is that if the various elements fail to function, cultural diffusion instead of assimilation will emerge, and in a certain context, it shows the meaning of mere inference. It can be observed that the intense participation of the Javanese community to interpret Islam in the context of
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Javanese-Islamic culture can be seen in the various ceremonies that still show the elements of the encounter of Islam with the Javanese culture. It can be noticed in various ceremonies such as sekaten, garebeg, and various other traditional ceremonies in the Javanese culture. CLOSING REMARKS In the Javanese culture, pluralism and multiculturalism are the inevitable. That is, both are something that should be there and unavoidable. The complexity of life and interactions with other cultures is the conditions that make up the complexity of the Javanese culture. The efforts to study the complexities of the Javanese culture are interesting because the more deeply it is examined, the richer the values obtained. The harmony created in the process of transformation/acculturation is the thing that makes the Javanese culture rich with meanings. It is not only a blend of two different elements, but also has a dimension that is able to form a value in a harmonious process as it existed in various works of art of the Islamic Mataram that are part of the Javanese cultural pluralism as a whole. Despite all the process of cultural transformation, in fact, mysticism and mythology of cultural syncretism are difficult to be separated from the Javanese peoples lives. Thus any form of internalization of Javanese-Islamic culture should be recognized as a process that is not finished, and will continue to adapt to space and time. Therefore, we can still continue to develop the existing art and culture, as long as it is still functional and in harmony with the advances of times.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Baried, Siti Baroroh, et.al., 1987., Panji: Citra Pahlawan Nusantara. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Dewan Ahli Yayasan Siswo Among Beksa., 1982. Kawruh Joged Mataram. Yog yakarta: Yayasan Siswo Agung Beksa. Herkovits, M.J., 1938. Acculturations The Study of Contact, New York: Alred A.Koff. Jamil Abdul, et.al., 2000. Islam & Kebudayaan Jawa. Yogyakarta: Gama Media. Kayam, Umar., 1989. Transformasi Budaya Kita. Yogyakarta: Pidato Pengukuhan sebagai Guru Besar di Universitas Gadjah Mada. -----------------., 1981. Seni Tradisi Masyarakat. Jakarta: Djaya Pirusa. Koentjaraningrat., 1984. Kebudayaan Jawa. Jakarta : Balai Pustaka. [ 65 ]
Kunto Wijoyo, et.al., 1987. Tema Islam Dalam Pertunjukan Rakyat Jawa: Kajian Aspek Sosial Keagamaan dan Kesenian. Yogyakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, Dirjen Kebudayaan, Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Nusantara Javanologi. Maus Macsel., 1952. Resiprocity. London: Philip Wilson Publisher. Ririn Sofwan, et.al., 2000. Islamisasi di Jawa. Yogyakarta; Pustaka Pelajar. Sodarsono, et.al., 1989. Sultan Hameku Buwana IX Pengembang dan Pembaharu Tari Jawa Gaya Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta: Pemerintah Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. --------------------., 2000. Masa Gemilang dan Memudar Wayang Wong Gaya Yogyakarta. Yogyakarta: Tarawang. Shellabear W.G., 1976. Sejarah Melayu. Kuala Lumpur: Petaling Jaya. Wibowo Fred (editor)., 1981. Mangenal Tari Klasik Gaya Yogyakarta, Yogyakarta: Dewan Kesenian Propinsi DIY dan Proyek Pengembangan Ke senian DIY, Departemen P dan K. Wiroprmudjo, Kartidjo., 1980. Wayang Golek Menak, dalam Almanak Dewi Sri. Woodward R. Mark., 1999. Islam Jawa : Kesalehan Normatif versus Kebatinan. Yogyakarta: LKiS.
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RELIGIOUS AND MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: Introducing Interfaith Dialogue in the Indonesian Educational System
Nina Mariani Noor and Ferry Muhammadsyah Siregar International Consortium of Religious Studies Yogyakarta Abstract Religious education which is taught in schools has a significant role in forming religious exclusivism and inclusivism, especially in Indonesia. It influences students views on others. It also depends on the way those religion educations taught. There is also a need to have more efforts to bring the idea of interfaith dialogue into educational system including in higher educational level. There are some educational institutions which already involved in inter-faith dialogue in their curriculum such as the CRCS (Center for Religious and Cross Cultural Studies) and the ICRS (Indonesian Consortium for Religious Studies) at Gadjah Mada University. However, the number of primary educational institutions which involves interfaith dialogue is still limited. This work suggests that, for todays situation in Indonesian multicultural society, a need for reforming religion education curriculum in primary education is emerging. To make interfaith dialogue real in schools, the Ministry of Education in collaboration with Ministry of Religious Affairs is in a front line to arrange a new curriculum on religious education to be more pluralistic and affirm religious diversity in Indonesia including multi-religious education or inter religious education. Key words: religious, multicultural, education, interfaith. INTRODUCTION Indonesia is a multicultural society which consists of many different ethnics, races, religions that spread out in thousands islands. The people have been living side by side for centuries and respecting each other regardless their ethnicity, religion, gender, and political preferences. Therefore, the Indonesian founding fathers, when the independence was declared, decided to establish a nation state based on Pancasila that affirms the diversity so that all Indonesians could be included in the nation state. Historically, religious tolerance has existed in this country for years although sometimes there were tension and conflict happen which cause violence in the name of religion that were committed by people who think that they are the only true. It shows that religions can trigger or make the conflicts even bigger and caused more victims. Looking back at religious harmony in Indonesia, the government has decided [ 67 ]
three aspects of religious harmony, harmony among people of the same religion (internal religious harmony), harmony among people of different religions (external religious harmony) and harmony between religious people and the government. To make the harmony in real, education plays very significant role since education touch everyone in every level. Furthermore, for children and youth as the future generation, school education is the place where they get the education. However, school education models in Indonesia have not contributed much on establishing tolerance among different adherents. Moreover, sometimes religious education brings about exclusivism and fanaticism among students (Yunus, 2007: 10). This religious intolerance threats Indonesia as the pluralistic society. Therefore, this paper attempts to examine religious education in Indonesia and discuss the possibility of implementing multicultural education as a way of introducing interfaith dialogue to students in schools. It would like to answer question such as how religion education in Indonesia do and how the future of implementing multicultural education in Indonesia based on the existing educational system do. EDUCATION IN INDONESIA Since our founding fathers have decided that Indonesia nation state is neither secular nor Islamic state but Pancasila state which support religious life, the education system is highly influenced by Pancasila. In general, there are two kinds of education institution available in Indonesia, secular and religious ones. Secular education institutions do not mean that those institutions do not teach religions at all rather they mainly focus on secular subjects in their curriculum but still teach religions as one of the subjects. In these institutions, students come from different religious backgrounds and they get religious education base on their own religion. While religious education institutions mainly focus on one religion teaching in their curriculum such as Madrasah, Islamic Universities for Islam, Seminari or Christian University for Christianity. Although they have their own specialties, both those institutions have to apply the National curriculum made by the government. Talking about the contribution of those institutions in tolerance teaching, it can be said that secular institutions have bit more contribution than the religious ones since the nature of religious diversity among the students so that they have opportunities to interact with other religious adherents in their real life. However, actually in religious education institutions, there are still chances for us to maximize their contribution to elevate tolerance. It would be explored further in the last part of this paper. [ 68 ]
THE MODEL OF RELIGIOUS EDUCATION As I have mentioned before that all education institutions in Indonesia teach religion in their curriculum made by the Government through Ministry of Education and Ministry of Religious Affairs. In the New Order era, it seemed that relationship among different religion adherents was at the best situation in which there was very few conflict that happen because of religious issue. Pancasila was successfully playing its unifying rules and the government made a top-down policy to control the harmony. However, those top down policies have lost their significance after the fall of New Order. The diversity that exists in Indonesia cannot be homogenized anymore. Each culture asks for its own role and influence. During New Order era, education in Indonesia only paid limited attention on how we appreciate and respect religious and cultural diversity. Homogenization process and internalization of cultural hegemony was taught through civic education like Pancasila and Citizenship, training of P4 (guidance for internalization and externalization of Pancasila) and even through religious education (Baidhawy, 2007). According to Suratno (2006), religious education in Indonesia partly contributes on intolerance among religious adherents because of some mistakes made. First, the process of religious education tends to be the process of indoctrination in which religion is looked as a dogmatic thing and critical thinking is absent. Second, it mostly emphasizes on normative aspects only not other related aspects such as socio-historical and moral aspects and another aspects related to the concrete social life that is plural, include the plurality of religion. Third, generally, teachers of religious education exclusively only know their own religious teaching and do not have enough knowledge about other religious teachings. Therefore, it only concerns on one side perspective. Fourth, religious education only emphasizes on cognitive aspects in which its evaluation only base on students ability to memorize the materials. The last one, the governments policy also leads to the failure of religious education. Baidhawy in his observation found out that religious education in both public and religious schools tends to be exclusive in which they only teach their own systems of religion or belief as the truth and the only path to salvation and regarding other religions as inferior. As a result, when the state or the schools teach about official religions, it means that education has failed to advance the values of democratic pluralism (Baidhawy, 2007: 19). Discussing religious education, Hermans (2003) divides three approaches to religious education in a religiously pluralistic context. They are mono-religious education, multi[ 69 ]
religious education and inter-religious education (Hermans, 2003: 337-349). Mono-religious education only focuses on one religion and it is well known as transmission model. The aim of this religious education is appropriation of particular religion. In this model, when students are taught about other religions, it is not about concerning on those religions rather on the insight of that particular religion to others. In social uniformity context, it aims to internalize of religion as an important system of values and norms. Absolute truth claim is always invisible in this model (Sterkens, 2001: 49-51) Hermans further argues that there are two kinds of mono-religious education. The first version does not allow sufficiently for change either within religions or within religious people. Religion is seen as self-contained phenomena and there is no need to contextualize the rituals, stories, symbols and customs of the religion. The second version of religious education based on an open concept of tradition and certain forms of contextual theology. In this version allows students to experience religion, not only to memorize it. Both those two version of mono-religious model do not allow religious diversity (Hermans, 2003: 339). Unfortunately, based on explanation above, religious education in Indonesia can be included in this model. Multi-religious education focuses on the diversity of religions in society. Unlike in mono-religious model, in this model religions are seen from their own auto perspectives not from other religions views. The theology of this model is pluralism on the equality of different religions. Therefore, salvation is not only can be gained from one single religion, but through other religions also. The aim of this model is to introduce students to plurality of religions so that affectively it will instill an interest in religions and cultivate a respectful attitude towards people from other religions (Hermans, 2003: 341-342). Inter-religious education covers both mono-religious and multi religious education and recognizes the religious pluralism in society at large and in schools in particular but also on dialogue between them (Hermans, 2003: 337-349). To make dialogue happen, there is a need of knowledge about other religions. There are two kinds of dialogic models based on the religion and its aims. If the dialogue is based on a particular religion and aims at developing a particular religious identity such as a Muslim identity, it is a simple dialogic model. The second one is a parallel dialogic model in which it is based on different religion and aims at developing different religious identities (Hermans, 2003: 344). This inter religious model of religious education deals extensively with changes and innovation in religion. The inter-religious education deals positively with [ 70 ]
religious pluralism. It also offers the opportunity to develop the religious self more fully. In addition, interreligious education only leads to students to understand a particular religion from the inside (auto perspective). Therefore, it can be said that only inter religious education which gives students insight into a religion other than their own and which uses encounter with the other for the development of the religious self. After reviewing models on religious education, religious education in Indonesia which still mono-religious model have to be transformed into interreligious education model, or at least multi-religious education. There is a high possibility of implementing inter-religious education model in public schools since the students are coming from diverse religious background. To start with, the government could establish a curriculum in inter-religious education and it is not a big deal since there are a lot of academies and religious leaders who concern on inter religious dialogue. While, although there is also possibility of implementing inter-religious education in religious schools but since its lack of diversity on religious background, multi-religious education is most proper to practice in these schools. However, it also important to invite students in these schools to have a real dialogue with other religions adherents. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION AND ITS SIGNIFICANCE FOR INTERFAITH DIALOGUE Besides we can change our religious education into inter-religious education, there is still one model that can be implemented in Indonesia education system. Therefore, this part explores multicultural education that might be applicable in Indonesia. In the sociopolitical context, Nieto says that multicultural education: Is a process of comprehensive school reform basic education for all students? It challenges and rejects racism and other forms of discrimination in schools and society and accepts and affirms pluralism (ethnic, racial, linguistic, religious, economic, and gender, among others) that students, their communities, and teachers reflect. Multicultural education permeates the schools curriculum and instructional strategies, as well as the interactions among teachers, students, and families, and the very way thats schools conceptualize the nature of teaching and learning. Because it uses critical pedagogy as its underlying philosophy and focuses on knowledge, reflection, and action, (praxis) as the basis for social change, multicultural education promotes democratic principles of social justice (Nieto, 2000: 305) From the definition, there are seven characteristics of multicultural education, [ 71 ]
which are multicultural education as antiracist education, basic education, important for all students, pervasive, education for social justice, a process and critical pedagogy. Defining antiracism, antiracism is opposition of racism. Racism is defined as the denial of the moral equality of all human beings and refers to an institutional or social structure of racial domination and also to individual actions, belief, and attitudes consciously or not which express and justify the superiority of one racial to another, so antiracism means a value consists of striving to be without racist attitudes oneself and also being prepared to work against racist attitudes in others and racial injustice in general. Antiracist education includes three components. First is non racist moral consciousness. It is the belief that all persons have equal worth regardless race in intellectual matters and also in attitudes and emotions. Students have to be taught understanding racism, particularly as psychological and historical phenomenon. The second is understanding racism. There are three components. One is the psychological dynamic of racism such as scapegoating, stereotyping. Second is the historical dynamics of racism in its particular forms such as slavery, Nazism, and colonialism. Third is the role of individuals in accepting or denying racist institutions, patterns, and system. In studying historical dynamics of racism should involve teaching the victimization of some groups by others. The third component is opposition to racism. In terms of opposition to racism, students need to avoid racism in actions and attitudes and also to develop a sense of responsibility concerning manifestations of racism in other persons and society (Blum, 1998). In multicultural education, antiracist is the core of the education. And for being antiracist and anti-discriminatory schools have to pay attention to all areas such as the curriculum, choice of materials, sorting policies, and teachers interactions and relationships with students and their families (Nieto, 2000: 306). In Indonesia, racism may be not so popular since we are all Asian, but ethnicity is a crucial issue. Since Indonesia consists of many different ethnics and there is a growing number of conflicts which are caused by ethnicity, I think, antiracism is still relevant to be taught in school but we can contextualize it into anti-ethnocentrism. We have to emphasize that all ethnics in Indonesia has the same rights to live and develop in Indonesia. No single ethnicity is superior that others. Multicultural literacy as a basic education means that it is indispensable for [ 72 ]
living in todays world like reading, writing and arithmetic literacy. Most curricula do not consider excluded groups contribution on the history and also other subjects like the arts, literature, geography, science, and philosophy on their own terms. Unless their students develop multicultural literacy, schools have not already done their complete or proper job. Through multicultural education, students are expected to develop social and intellectual skills that would help them understand and empathize with a wide diversity of people (Nieto, 2000: 310-311). In Indonesia, since Javanese is the majority, it seems that they contribute more than other ethnics that can be seen from historical text book taught in school. There is a need of correcting or comprehending our history to take all ethnicities contribution into accounts. Multicultural education is important for all students since education that is available now mostly only give a partial and biased education that make some parties are invisible like females and other minority groups. Multicultural education means an inclusive education which covers all people and for all peoples regardless their ethnicity, language, religion, gender, race, class, sexual orientation or other difference. Moreover, students from majority groups need more multicultural education because it is often that they are the most uneducated about diversity. In Indonesian context, for example, Javanese are the dominant group and many Javanese students may still think that their group as the norm and see others as deviation since they only get limited information about other groups through schools. Consequently, children from dominated groups may develop feeling inferiority whereas children from Javanese mostly develop superior feelings. Furthermore, multicultural education encourages students and teachers to put their learning about diversity into action for social justice. In multicultural perspective practiced in the classroom should not only allow discussion that focus on social justice but also welcome them. The discussions can be on topics such as poverty, discriminations, war, the national budget that might affect differently among different communities and what students can do to change them. By encouraging students to learn about diversity and then promoting action for social justice, in my opinion, it will be very valuable in Indonesian context. The discussions which may happen will make students realize that besides religious issues, actually, there are many more important things that have to be dealt with. For example, social justice is much more important than going to jihad to defend religion by doing suicide bombing which make other people suffer. Since education is a process, multicultural education is a process also. [ 73 ]
Multicultural education is ongoing and dynamic and it involves primarily relationships among people. This process should be supported by other policies and practices like teacher education programs to increase teachers knowledge, skills, and roles in multicultural education, and enhance families roles to make the insights and values of the community more persistent in school. This process, therefore, is complex, problematic, time consuming and controversial. Finally, in multicultural education, students are encouraged to view events and situations from varied point of views using critical thinking, reflection and action. In other words, multicultural education is a critical pedagogy which empowers students based on their own experiences and perspectives (Nieto, 2000: 305-318). CONCLUDING REMARKS Education has been proved effective in building and influencing the way of thinking, behavior and attitude of children and youth. Especially religious education which is taught in schools has a significant role in forming religious exclusivism or inclusivism, depends on the way those religion education taught. Religious people have already succeeded in introducing interfaith dialogue among different religion adherents to reduce the number of conflicts flamed by religious issues. However, since those attempts are mostly effective at the elite level not in the grass root level, it need more effort to bring the idea of interfaith dialogue into educational system. There are some educational institutions which already involved interfaith dialogue in their curriculum like the CRCS (Center for Religious and Cross Cultural Studies) and the ICRS (Indonesian Consortium for Religious Studies) at Gadjah Mada University. However, the number of primary educational institutions which involves interfaith dialogue is still limited. Therefore, for todays situation in Indonesia multicultural society, a need for reforming religion education curriculum in primary education is emerging. To make interfaith dialogue in real in schools, the Ministry of Education in collaboration with Ministry of Religious Affairs can arrange the new curriculum on religious education to be more pluralistic and affirm religious diversity in Indonesia like multi-religious education or inter religious education. Besides that, it is not only religious education curriculum that can be reformed, but also broader educational system by implementing multicultural education. Supported aspects of multicultural education are already there since the nature of Indonesia as a multicultural society. What to be need is only willingness
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and hard effort to make it real. Hopefully, in the future, when Indonesia is able to implement a multicultural education there will be no more conflicts that cause many losses and threat the unity of Indonesian nation-state. Since a multicultural education affirm the diversity among students and treat them equally in education so nobody claims superiority among others. BIBLIOGRAPHY Baidhawy, Zakiyuddin. 2007. Building Harmony and peace through multiculturalist theology-based religious education: an alternative for contemporary Indonesia. in British Journal of Religious Education. Vol 29, No, 1, January 2007, pp. 15-30 Blum, Lawrence. (1998). Antiracism, Multiculturalism, and Interracial Community: Three Educational Values for a Multicultural Society, in Larry May et.all (ed), Applied Ethics A Multicultural Approach, New Jersey, Prentice Hall. Hermans, Chris A.M.2003. Participatory Learning; Religious Education in Globalizing Society. Leiden, Boston: Brill Nieto, Sonia. 2000. Affirming Diversity: The Sociopolitical Context of Multicultural Education. New York: Longman Sterkens, Carl. 2001. Interreligious learning; the problem of interreligious dialogue in primary education. Leiden, Boston, Koln: Brill Suratno, 2006. Intolerance and the failure of religious education retrieved from http://suratno77.multiply.com/calendar/item/10005. retrieved May 14, 2010 Yunus, Abd Rahim. 2007. Pendidikan Toleransi Dalam Konteks Indonesia. paper presented in International workshop on teaching for tolerance in the indonesian Context (The Contribution of School Education) organized by Alauddin State Islamic University (UIN) Makassar in collaboration with The Oslo Coalition on Freedom of Religious Belief
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MULTICULTURALISM AND RELIGIOUS-BASED CONFLICT: Events of Conflict Based on Ethnicity, Religion, Race, and Inter-Group Relations (SARA) in the City of Pontianak
Lailial Muhtifah The Graduate School, Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies Abstract There is a tendency of similar idea that caught the conflict prevention and management efforts nowadays to the articles of the Charter of Medina which was religious-based and containing the theory of civil society. It I mostly on the handling of conflict which tends to take preventive measures and to stop the conflict directly, as well as making a comprehensive synergistic effort to mange conflict. Conflict prevention is a core component of a comprehensive Conflict Management Program. This paper explores the conflict that occurred in Ponianak between a group of people from ethnic Dayak and members of an Islamic organization in 2012 which includes an important lesson for the people of West Kalimantan, both for the government and the community elements especially in dealing with a dispute between different groups of people. An integrative prevention has been proven to be able to answer the question of handling a conflict that has a potential to escalate into a full-scale riot. This work concludes that an integrative conflict handling model may become a viable alternative model to be adopted by the community of West Kalimantan in particular and other societies in general. A synergic integrative conflict handling model that reflects local wisdom of the people of Pontianak is expected to inspire real peace for various communities with a multicultural background. Key words: multicultural, religious-based conflict, ethnicity, religion INTRODUCTION Horizontal conflict, in this case the conflict based on ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations (SARA), occurs as a result of the process of marginalization of firmly-held moral standards such as religion and customs, and the unclear regulations. In the era of the industrial and cultural globalization, perhaps the most directly affected is the religious life. The recent development of religious and social life in Indonesia generally and in Pontianak, West Kalimantan particularly showed symptoms that require serious attention and need to get a major priority and efforts in social,
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cultural and religious understanding. Increased religious understanding in conjunction with socio-cultural conditions in the community has become an important factor in the integrity of the community, including the prevention of the emergence of conflict that may trigger violence or unrest in society (Prasojo, 2008). On March 15, 2012, for example, there was a conflict in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The conflict began when the Moreng youth started to display banners rejecting the presence of Habib Riziek from the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Pontianak, West Kalimantan. The banners were installed in front of a dormitory belonging to students from ethnic Dayak on K.H. Wahid Hasyim street. As a result, a conflict associated with ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations (SARA) was inevitable. This paper tries to look at ways of conflict prevention and is more focused on efforts in violent conflict prevention, not specifically on the conflict event itself. This is driven by the fact that the components of the society of West Kalimantan have comprehensively managed to avert potential violent conflict in the area. The handling of the social and religious-based conflict that occurred in West Kalimantan is faced with three major problems. First, the handling of such conflict in general tends to be militaristic in nature and has yet to have a complete instrument. Second, the conflict management conducted by both the government and non-government institutions tends to have less legal certainty. The latest development is that the academic and practical studies have yet to find a conflict management model that is more comprehensive, integrative strategic and synergistic. The factors that cause of the problem above are among others: first, the system of handling conflict developed so far has been emphasized on the preventive aspects instead of curative. Second, the handling conflict is often done in a militaristic and repressive way. Third, the legislation related to the handling of conflicts still is partial, and in the form of regulations issued by the government such as presidential instructions and regulations. Fourth, the law enforcement to prevent and resolve conflict tend to be weak because the Government Regulation (PP) on handling social conflict have yet to have a comprehensive, integrative, and synergistic format. In addition, there is no policy, in the form of Perda (regional regulations), Decree of the Mayor/Governor/Regent, that elaborates a preventive and curative process with a religious approach, and the provision of sanctions for the actors causing the conflict. Fifth, there are negative mental attitudes, such as intolerance, prejudice and religious arrogance. Based on the description above, this study focuses on efforts in preventing conflict involving ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group relations (SARA) in [ 78 ]
Pontianak City, West Kalimantan. This study seeks to find a model of conflict management with a higher level of effectiveness for handling conflict involving SARA in particular, and conflict of religious teachings and movements in general. Conflict management should be conducted through prevention efforts by the Government and Non-Government organizations. CONFLICT INVOLVING SARA IN PONTIANAK REGARDING THE MARCH 15, 2012 CASE. 1. Conflict Prevention Efforts by the Government Handling conflict involving SARA that occurred on March 15, 2012 in Pontianak, West Kalimantan should be conducted through prevention efforts by all parties, including the government (city government, relevant agencies, and the Indonesian national police) and the non-government institutions (FKUB, CAIREU, FPI, MABM, YSDK, DAD, and IKBM). First, the efforts made by the Government of the city of Pontianak are as follows: 1) procedural handling; 2) handling with a security approach; 3) communicating with the religious leaders (toga),community leaders (toma), and customary elders (toa); 4) conducting the dialogue with Muslim and non-Muslim leaders; 5) making statements via text messages; 6) facilitating discussion between toga, toma and toa. Second, the major efforts undertaken by the security are improving the performance of the police, and the army: 1) facilitating mediation; 2) realizing a program of one policeman for each village; 3) resolving certain issues through the FKPM (Police-Community Communication Forum) to reach a win-win solution; 4) empowering the bapulbaket by detecting issues circling aroung in society; 5) empowering the bapinkamtimnas which leads to FKPM; and 6) establishing good communication with toda, toma, toa, and toga. Other efforts include: 1) keeping peace in society, 2) developing a system of peaceful settlement of disputes; 3) lowering the potential of conflict; and 4) setting up early warning systems. Further efforts include the use of force by the police which consists of: 1) precautions with preventive measures; 2) oral command; 3) control without weapons; 4) forceful empty hand control; 5) use of chemical weapons such as tear gas and pepper spray, or other tools in accordance with the police standard; 6) control with use of firearms or other devices to stop violent acts; and 7) looking for persons responsible for installing banners at the dormitory of the Dayak students and handing them back to the group for punishment. The police took step 1-4 to handle the conflict. It was considered successful, scoring 85 points and received an award from the national police. [ 79 ]
2. Conflict Prevention efforts by Non-Government Organizations The efforts made by non-governmental organizations were done in collaboration with several parties. Among them are religious-based institutions. First, the Inter-religious Harmony Forum (FKUB) Pontianak and West Kalimantan Province: 1) conducting meetings with former and prospective members of the FKUB; 2) providing enlightenment to reconcile and prevent people from taking violent actions, asking them to go home, 3) emergency meeting led by the Chairman of the FKUB, 4) having dialog at local police station, 5) formulating a mutual agreement aiming for unity, peace and harmony, 6) facilitating dialog about religious unity, attended by religious leaders, community leaders, chair of the RW/RT, Sub-district Head, caretakers of worship houses, 7) having a workshop once a year. Second, the Center for Acceleration of Inter Religious and Ethnic Understanding (CAIREU) STAIN Pontianak: 1) building communication between community leaders and customary law council, and 2) together with FKUB providing socialization on religious unity. Third, Islamic Defender Front (FPI): 1) asking for people to exercise restraint through the telephone, 2) attending a meeting at the local police station, 3) having a meeting with ethnic, religious, community leaders, Deputy Mayor, Chairman of the Malay Culture and Customary Council (MABM), Chairman of Rabittah, FKPM and FKUB Alawiyah and 4) communicating through activities to advocate for marginalized communities. Fourth, the Malay Culture and Customary Council (MABM): attending meetings held by the police. Fifth, the Institute of Dayakology: 1) conducting enlightenment to the Dayak community (particularly the youth), 2) teaching and disseminating the message of peace and multiculturalism in seven schools under the Institutes supervision, 3) appealing to the general public not to panic. Sixth, Swadaya Dian Khatulistiwa Foundation (YSDK): 1) conducting communication, building and strengthening peace networks, appealing to not to be easily provoked. The appeal was made by communicating directly by telephone, 2) meeting with Eka Hendry (CAIREU) and several NGOs to urge te police to handle the conflict. Seventh, the Madurese Association (IKBM): 1) asking the Madurese to exercise restraint in the pontura region as the conflict had nothing to do with religion but between the FPI and the Dayak youth, 2) attending dialog at the police station, 3) issuing a statement reflecting the Madurese peoples stand on the issue which was also issued in 2003 (the document attached), 4) communicating with the religious leaders from all ethnic groups. Eighth, the [ 80 ]
academics including: 1) Prof. Dr. Syarif Ibrahim Al-Qadri through efforts of calling the chief of police, customary law elders, religious, and community leaders to resolve the conflict immediately; writing articles in the local newspaper to cool down the mass 2) Prof. Dr. Chairil Effendy and Dr. Moh. Haitami Salim, both working to prevent further conflict through meetings with religious, community and customary leaders to reconcile the parties involved. Other efforts include appeals and advisories. The first appeal was issued by the chief of police of West Kalimantan, whose contents include: 1. the community should remain calm and not provoked by the misleading issues; 2. the issue was a misunderstanding between different groups, not a matter of religion; 3. the matter will be handled by the security apparatus and the government; 4. people should filter the information relating to ethnicity, race, religion; 5. people are prohibited from carrying sharp weapons as stipulated by Emergency Law No. 12/1951; 6. the community should create a conducive atmosphere of security in West Kalimantan in order to return to the safe, quiet situation; 7. Conflicts that occurred several years ago brought no good to any party. The appeal was signed on March 16, 2012 in Pontianak by Drs. Unggung Cahyo who served as the chief of the regional police. Caretakers and members of the West Kalimantan FKUB also issued a statement related to the conflict of 14 16 March 2012, which appealed as follows: 1. Asking the parties involved to immediately halt the conflict for the creation of security, peace, and harmony between religious, ethnic, and community groups in the future; 2. respecting the law, religions, religious organizations, and ethnic associations in West Kalimantan; 3. Asking all the parties involved to avoid certain political interests; 4. Asking all the parties involved to hand the resolution of conflict to the security apparatus; 5. maintaining harmony between religious and community groups; 6. giving appreciation and thanks to all who have made efforts to reconcile the parties involved, as well as appreciation to all the people and the leaders who have worked to stop the conflict. The statement was issued in Pontianak on 16 March 2012 and signed by 29 leaders and important persons in Pontianak. Related to the event of conflict on March 15, 2012 in West Kalimantan, the Madurese Association (IKBM) also issued an advisory whose contents are as follows: 1. not to bring culture or behavior that does not fit with the culture of West Kalimantan; 2. to always remember the message of the Madurese elders; 3. not to insult, harass, look down on each other; 4. to respect each other; 5. to resolve problems peacefully, and in the event of a dispute, not to involve ethnicity; 6. to allow legal apparatus to resolve disputes; 7. (For the law [ 81 ]
enforcers) to act quickly, decisively, impartially on the outlaws; 8. To conduct a more intensive raid for liquor considering many problem it may cause. This appeal was signed on March 16, 2012 in Pontianak by the chair and secretary of IKBM. DISCUSSION ON CONFLICT PREVENTION EFFORTS Description of SARA-based conflict prevention efforts is analyzed based on the Islamic Studies, i.e. the theories of civil society, conflict management and socio-culture. From the perspective of the Islamic teachings, conflict prevention is based on surah in the Quran: Al-Hujuraat : 8-9, Al-Muminuun : 160, Al-Mumtahanah : 10, and al-Maidah : 82. Based on the viewpoint of the theory of civil society, conflict prevention efforts tend to lead to a model of the Charter of Medina. The Charter of Medina known as the Constitution of Medina was a document drafted by the Prophet Muhammad, which is a formal agreement between himself and all the tribes and clans in Yathrib (later called Medina) in 622. The document laid out clear details with the main objective to stop the fierce dispute between Bani Aus and Bani Khazraj in Medina. For that that document sets out a number of rights and obligations for the Muslims, the Jews, and pagan communities of Medina; so as to make them unified in a community which in Arabic is called the ummah. The analysis found the similarities between prevention efforts in handling the conflict in the city of Pontianak and that of Medina, namely: first, the prevention efforts can be made together by the Indonesian police, the government, relevant agencies, print media and society itself. They encourage the creation of peaceful situation, so they have the awareness to stop the conflict. In addition, the people of Pontianak never wanted conflict to occur. In the Charter of Medina, it is described in article 2-10, article 18, and article 44 that nine clans (the Muhajirin of the Quraisy, banu Auf, banu Saidah, banu Al-Hars, banu Jusam, banu Annajjar, banu Amr bin Awf, banu Al-Nabit, dan banu Al-Aws) collaborated to stop a fierce dispute between Banu Aus and Banu Khazraj in Madinah. Second, security aparatuses (the Police and the Armed Forces), the Government, and FKUB should facilitate conflict prevention efforts through mediation and dialog. In Madinah, Prophet Muhammad facilitated dialog between the tribes and the Jews to stop the conflict and create a situation of peace, harmony and security. Third, in the process of mediation and dialog, they gave each other advisories, counsel, and promise (article 37 of the Medina Charter). Fourth, the handling of conflict reflects the principles of 1) Unity (article 1); 2) humanity (article 2 11, paragraphs 13-14); 3) impartiality and indiscrimination (article 13), 4) brotherhood (articles 15 and 16), 5) legal certainty (articles 23, 37, 40, and 42), 6) human rights (articles 25 and 46), 7) sustainability (article 42, and section 45), 8) local wisdom (articles 2 10), and 9) equality and justice (articles 17 and 26-35). The results of the analysis on conflict management theory showed [ 82 ]
that first, there were conflict prevention measures. Prevention of conflict according to Michael Lund (1996: 37) is actions taken in vulnerable places and times to avoid the threat or use of force and related forms of coercion by the state or groups to resolve political disputes that can arise from the destabilizing effects of economic, social, political, and international changes. Sanam Naraghi Anderlini and Victoria Stanski concluded that prevention of conflict can be identified through actions or policies as follows: 1) actions: preventing the emergence of violent conflict and identifying ways of non-violence in resolving tensions, 2) stopping the ongoing conflict so as not to spread, and 3) detecting the reappearance of violence. Second, there was a comprehensive effort in the conflict management. These efforts are handled through the conflict prevention efforts. Conflict prevention is a core component of a comprehensive Conflict Management Program. The conflict management program is explained in the following diagram. Figure 1: Model for Comprehensive Conflict Prevention Initiatives
The diagram above offers a model for comprehensive Conflict Prevention Initiatives. There are five internal initiatives encouraged and one external initiative. First of all, the concept of conflict should be defined. Conflict requires incompatibility (disputed claims); the two sides are at the same time trying to get resources available to them. Conflict itself is often a constructive element of a dynamic community, but can become very problematic when the parties involved use violent means to advance their cause. However, [ 83 ]
conflict resolution not only requires a reduction in the use of force, but also the dissolution of the underlying incompatibilities so that conflict shall not reappear in the future. One way of preventing the parties in a conflict from fighting each other is to prevent them from using violence and to avoid the threat of military intervention. The literature on conflict prevention is largely concerned with steps that can be taken by a third party and is not coercive in nature. The principle behind the thoughts on the prevention of conflict is that conflict is a very destructive and the way of dealing with it will be expensive if the effective preventative measures are not taken earlier. Melander, Erik; Mats Bengtsson; Patrick Kratt & Inger Buxton (2004: 7-9) outlined that the definition of conflict prevention itself is not agreed between researchers. Different definitions indeed vary according to the purpose of the prevention which ranges from reducing violence to resolving discrepancies, the perspective of time (short term or long term) and means. They defined the concept of prevention in accordance with different stages of conflict when prevention is implemented. Drafting a concept of conflict into a life cycle can help to visualize how the three ideas can be applied. Erik Melander and Claire Pigache (2004) argued that the narrow conception (sometimes referred to as primary prevention) implies prevention should happen before the violence breaks out. A broader conception (secondary prevention) includes prevention during the violence; here the conflict is more expanded. The definition according to the Boutros-Ghali fits both of these types as it pertains to prevent the dispute form escalating into an armed conflict as well as preventing it from spreading. Although the most contentious, the concept of the third (tertiary prevention) also includes postconflict peace-building so as to prevent recurrence of violence. The third conception emphasizes that the prevention of conflict in the future can be achieved through the creation of a safe and secure environment after the achievement of a peaceful solution. Third, handling conflict can be is done through operational prevention or deterrence. Sanam Naraghi Aderlini and Victoria Stanski outlined that the approach in the prevention of conflict consist of operational prevention (or direct prevention) .... and structural prevention (or root causes prevention). Direct prevention includes steps to overcome the crisis, and structural prevention is to address the root causes such as poverty, political oppression and uneven the distribution of resources; if left unattended, they may escalate into violence. Similar opinions were expressed by David Carment and Albrecht Schnabel (2004: 5) that the prevention of conflict requires structural or interactive way to keep tensions and disputes between countries from [ 84 ]
escalating into violence making it hard to resolve peacefully and to reduce the underlying problems including the spread of hostilities in a new place. Fourth, conflict management according to the Rahim (2002: 208) involves the implementation of a strategy to limit the negative aspects of conflict and to increase the positive aspects at a level equal to or higher than where the conflict takes place. In addition, the goal of conflict management is to improve learning and results (effectiveness or performance in an organizational setting). It is not concerned with eliminating any conflict or avoiding conflict. Conflict can be valuable for groups and organizations. It has been proven to improve the results of the group when handled correctly (Alper, Tjosvold, & Hukum, 2000; Bodtker & Jameson, 2001; Rahim & Bonoma, 1979; Khun & Poole, 2000; DeChurch & Marks, 2001). Several categories are found in conflict prevention efforts from the perspective of social theory, as Parsons (2005: 59) outlined that the value oriented patterns are important in structuring the systems of action, because one of the m defines reciprocal rights and obligations which are the basic elements of common expectations of the role and sanctions. Parsons believed that an agreement on the shared values is the heart of the social order. With the shared norms, such as justice and equality, people will harmonize their actions with others. In addition, people will also agree on common standards for evaluating the concrete behavior and patterns of resource allocation. CLOSING REMARKS Conflict prevention and management efforts nowadays tend to have similarities with the articles of the Charter of Medina which was religiousbased and containing the theory of civil society. Furthermore, the handling of conflict tends to take preventive measures and to stop the conflict directly, as well as making a comprehensive synergistic effort to mange conflict. These efforts are made through conflict prevention efforts. Conflict prevention is a core component of a comprehensive Conflict Management Program. The conflict that occurred in Ponianak between a group of people from ethnic Dayak and members of an Islamic organization in 2012 was an important lesson for the people of West Kalimantan, both for the government and the community elements especially in dealing with a dispute between different groups of people. An integrative prevention has been proven to be able to answer the question of handling a conflict that has a potential to escalate into a full-scale riot. An integrative conflict handling model may become a viable alternative model to be adopted by the community of West Kalimantan in particular and other societies
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in general. A synergic integrative conflict handling model that reflects local wisdom of the people of Pontianak is expected to inspire real peace for various communities with a multicultural background. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdullah, Imron, 2006. Studi Agama Kajian Empiris-Transendental. Cirebon: STAIN Cirebon Press. Abdullah, Irwan, 2009. Konstruksi dan Reproduksi Kebudayaan. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Fisher, Simon, dkk., 2007. Working With Conflict Skills and Strategies For Action. New York. 2007 Jurnal Manajemen, Jurnal Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia, Bahan Kuliah Manajemen Konflik Komunal di Indonesia Saat Ini. Jakarta: Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in Islami Studies (INIS) Universiteit Leiden. 2003 Modul Sosiologi, Mata Kuliah Kapita Selekta, Pokok Bahasan: System Social. Bidang Studi Public Relation, Fakultas Ilmu Komunikasi Universitas Mercu Buana, Jakarta Lund, Michael, 1996. Preventing Violent Conflicts. Washington D.C.: United States Institute of Peace Press. Melander, Erik, Mats Bengtsson, Patrick Kratt, and Inger Buxton, 2004. Conflict- Sensitive Development Co-operation: How to Conduct a Conflict Analysis. Stockholm: Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency. Sanaky, Hujair AH., 2003. Paradigma Pendidikan Islam: Membangun Masyarakat Madani Indonesia. Yogyakarta: Safiria Insania Press. Sutrisno, Mudji dan Hendar Putranto, 2005. Teori-Teori Kebudayaan. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. 2005. Seri II: Konflik Social Bernuansa Agama di Indonesia. Jakarta: Departemen Agama RI Badan Litbang Agama dan Diklat Keagamaan Puslitbang Kehidupan Beragama Bagian Proyek Peningkatan Pengkajian Kerukunan Hidup Umat Beragama. 2003 syarif_untan.tripod.com. Makalah : Mesianisme Dalam Masyarakat Dayak di Kalimantan Barat Keterkaitan Antara Unsur Budaya Khususnya Kepercayaan Nenek Moyang dan Realitas Kehidupan Social Ekonomi. Syarif Ibrahim al Qadrie Tim penyusun PUSLIT IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah. Pendidikan Kewargaan Demokrasi, Ham dan Masyarakat Madani. Jakarta: IAIN Jakarta Press. 2000. [ 86 ]
INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE WITHIN THE HARE KRISHNA MANDIR COMMUNITY YOGYAKARTA

Vanny Suitela Universitas Kristen Indonesia Maluku Abstract This paper aims to know how inter-religious dialogue was grasped by Hare Krishna Mandir community in Jogjakarta. Hare Krishna Mandir is one of Hindus community boarding schools (Asram) which being in Indonesia beneath of the umbrella of International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON). Results show that core of tenet of Hare Krishna Mandir community emphasizes on the development of individual knowledge and spirituality of student as a Hindus. Somehow, the community is being aware on pluralism context of Indonesia, therefore it also gives special attention on its community relationship to the others who live surround them. The community claims the necessity to develop interreligious dialogue as basic daily approach of communication with the others. Sunday Face comprises of the embodiment of that understanding. It is a program heading on Sunday, every week, involving many participants from different backgrounds. They gather together, they talk and share some relevant issues, and they learn from one and another point of views on solution as well as contribution to those. The program obviously contributes to sustaining religious harmony in Jogjakarta, and of course it gives better understanding for Indonesian people on the importance of inter-religious dialogue in a plural society of Indonesia. In addition to, it also contributes to shape open minded, necessity to hear, to learn, and to respect one and others among not only religious people, also society at all. Key words: Hare Krishna Mandir, interreligious dialogue, Sunday Face INTRODUCTION In a multicultural world, different experiences of the Divine are inevitable. A true experience and knowledge of the Divine is impossible to be claimed only as part of certain religion tradition. Religion is much more relating to the Divine privately, however, it is also a connection with humanity. Those two dimensions for long times had brought people from different religions into some confrontations and wars which were done on behalf of religions for thousand years. Despite religions relations were historically marked by confrontation, rivalry and war, the last two decades have seen many efforts towards new understanding between religions in the world. The religious [ 87 ]
encounter between people from different religions in the world postulate the need to know, to understand and to respect one and other in order to prevent conflict and violence like what that happened in the past. Breaking down silence, entering dialogue is both smart idea and action ever done by religious people in order to open better understanding among religious people as human being. Dialogue is necessary. It is primarily an act of communication in which two ways process occurs occasionally. Through dialogue, then decode information and encode a response from the speaker and the listener occur in switching roles and in linearity process (Sugunasiri, 1996:145). To be sure, dialogue among religions nowadays may takes place as very effective way in enhancing and nourishing people understandings on the others. Through such kind of dialogue, everyone has chance to share his/her values, along with that she/he can listen, and can learn from the others values and also it can take place at different levels. Interreligious dialogue is the encounter of two worldviews. However, it has important role in facilitating not only interreligious tolerance but also interreligious action. Interreligious dialogue is not only covering the ability to live together but also the ability to work together (Swidler and Mojlez, 2000:147).This statement means that one always like or not meet the others in everyday activities. We talk each other and also we interacts one and other. In a country which is home to people belonging to different racial and religious background like Indonesia then real interreligious dialogue isnt easy. However, it has always been a very important factor to unite peoples and to make them as parcels of one and same country. Everyday encounter among Indonesian which come from different races, religions, cultures, provinces and etc on one hand will potentially arise possibility of tension, clash, and conflict to be happened between one and others. One another hand, it is possible to trap one in such kind of chit-chat dialogue, or such kind of masked relationship. Therefore, those are needed to be negotiated wisely through some actions in which everyone is able to speak for him/her and along with that wants to hear what other say. Speaking for him /herself of course postulates a necessity of a space in which she/he confidentially able to speak for him/ herself. Then, interreligious dialogue is an offering. However, we have to able to distinguish between untrue religious dialogue and true religious dialogue. Knitter mentioned that true interreligious dialogue goes beyond than just chit-chat process in which someone talks mainly to be nice to each other. It is more than just an exchange of information so that one can understand each other better ( Knitter, : 4). It goes beyond than a masked relationship because [ 88 ]
it is a real conversation in which one both talks and listens, one both speaks his/her mind and also opens mind to the others. In addition, it is a space in which both one tries to persuade the other of the truth and value of what she/he believes, at the same time, is ready to be so persuaded by what his/her partner holds as to be true and valuable. Since the country is a multi-culture, then interreligious dialogue should become part of Indonesian social life. However, we cannot deny that its effort is still in ongoing process in Indonesia. Therefore, it should be supported by all components of the country. Despite there some obstacles occur on it process, every Indonesian has duty to promote it in his/her everyday encounter with the others in order to shape better understanding as well as better interrelationship with others. Like what is done by Hare Krishna Mandir community in Jogjakarta. Even though it is just a small Hindus community, its teachings and programs is directed to develop better understanding of Hindus on their own spiritual values as well as better relationship with the others from different religions. This paper reveals how that community has grasp and has utilized inter-religious dialogue for establishing their internal and external relationships with the others nicely. It will elaborate firstly the profile and its relevant pertinent of roles. Secondly, it will focus on inter-religious dialogue process which is availed by it and also some discussions on it. This study is based on data gathered by the author in the research conducted in 2010. Both interviews and observations were done with members of Hare Krishna Mandir from different genders in order to get data. Model used a qualitative research. The participants were queried informally and formally about their willingness to take part in this research primarily to answer the question how does Hare Krishna Mandir community understand and develop inter-religious dialogue. The non structured interviews allowed respondents to share their views, beliefs and attitudes about interreligious dialogue. Data had simultaneously been analyzed through datas collection, reduction, display, verification, presentation, conclusion and the last one data clarification. All information had been interpreted and those processes of analysis done interactively based on those components. PROFILE OF HARE KRISNA MANDIR COMMUNITY Ashram Narayana Smerti or Hare Krishna Mandir is one of Hindus community, located at Sudarsan Chakra No 3, Kampung Depok, Maguwoharjo, Sleman Jogjakarta. It is part of Hindus world organizations beneath of International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON). ISKCON established by Om Vishnupada A.C. Bhaktivedanta Swami Prabhupada in July 1966 in New [ 89 ]
York USA. This is an international community for worshippers of Sri Krishna which come from all over of the world. Hare Krishna Mandir is one of ISKCON prolongation hand in Indonesia. It was precisely established in 1996 in Jogjakarta. As Hindus community, Hare Krishna Mandir has a great vision in developing its community in order to be accepted by Hindus in Indonesia, and largely by Indonesian society at all. Vision of Hare Krishna Mandir is actualizing roles as a Hindus religious education community which able to educate students to get full comprehension about Hinduism and to become better Hindus based on Sri Krishnas religious teachings. It has three missions. (1) To conduct and to develop such kind of analysis of Tattwa or Hinduisms philosophy based on some teachings of Veda for Hindus especially for young generation. (2) To conduct such kind of studies in action on ethics and moralities relate to Hinduisms teachings, along attempts to apply those obviously within society life at all. (3) To develop action in doing ritual of veneration and Sadhana which appropriate to the tradition of Veda. Besides those missions, it has seven aims why it has been developed. First, it tries to increase comprehension of Hindus about teaching of Veda, in particular, related to all teachings being inside both book of Bhagavad-Gita and Bhagavata Purana based on Waisnawas paradigm. Second, is to help large society to be able in differing reality from illusion, differing spirituality from worldliness, and also differing eternal from transitory. Third, is to expose negative impacts of materialism. Fourth, is to give guidance of Hinduisms spiritual practices for Hindus within everyday life, fit to all techniques already explained by Veda. Fifth, is to conserve and to spread abroad culture of Veda. Sixth, is to conduct and to spread abroad true spelling of holy names of God as taught by Sri Caitanya Mahaprabhu. Seventh, is to help each Hindus to memorize Sri Krishna, and to serve Him. ASHRAM AS MODEL OF COMMUNITY Hare Krishna Mandir takes model of Ashram as its core of community. It is actually based on Hinduisms concept of educational system. There at least two popular models of traditional educational system developed by Hindus around the world to educate their young generations. First, is called Ashram and the other one so-called Gurukula. Ashram is Hinduisms traditional educational system which obligates its students to live in a board. Further, it emphasizes more on Hinduisms spiritual education for its community. Gurukula means a living house of a teacher. In this model, members who are interested in to learn Hinduisms concepts will live together with a teacher at his home, or at [ 90 ]
certain place which functions as living house for them. Members will become part of teachers family. Both Ashram and Gurukula are very popular in Indias traditional educational system. In Indonesian context, Koentjaraningrat in his research mentioned that educational system of Ashram ever developed in pre-Islamic period. However, it almost disappeared from Indonesias model of education shortly after the coming of Islam and Christianity, and also in periods during colonization. Shortly after the independence era, then it again began to be developed by Indonesian Hindus. Better access going back and forth to India being primary reason for Ashram to be grown faster in Indonesia. In fact, the development of Ashram is not just occurred in Indonesia, it also occurs in many of Western countries and Africa as well. As an Ashram, Hare Krishna Mandir grows and practices some of Hinduism educational rules for its all members, in particular for students who are interested in to learn about Krishna. Students of HKM usually come from various backgrounds of ages, races, genders, education, and occupation. Some of them come from different provinces of Indonesia, even there are some foreign students who come from different states around the world. Most of HKM students are living in the Ashram, it provides rooms for them either for male or for female. However, there few of them are back and forth to the Ashram, because their homes are near to it. Students daily activities are divided into three in common, they pray and listen to some teachings. They usually take some courses related to Hinduisms philosophical and spiritual teachings. This activity formally will lead a student attain a higher level in Hinduisms philosophical and spiritual formation than before. They involve in Ashrams everyday discussions on actual issues run after courses class. Practicing Yoga is unavoidable for students at all. This is the core exercise for all members. Living simply and humbly is the motto of the HKM community. Those mean that men show his/her dignity as human being while he/she able to live in simple way, able to become humble being both in vertical relation to God as well as in horizontal relation to the other, and also able to become humble to live in harmony with nature. Those principles obvious realized through students paths of dressing up, eating, and attitude in relating to one and others. Students both male and female usually wear simple clothes, used to worn by Guru. It consists of white and yellow clothes. Wearing those colors determined on spiritual stages achieved by students. HKM community usually provides simple meals for its all members; no meats, no milk, no snacks, and etc from animal. In other words, they just cook and eat food from plant and its all products. They believe in that both human and animal are living things. Those have some similarities. One of similarities is that those are bloody living
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things. Therefore, they will get unhappiness feelings if they eat products of animal. Eating animal products mean doing harm to another living thing and it violates Dharma. In addition to, living simply and humbly means too that students have responsibilities to both respecting and treating well to the teacher (guru) as well as to one and others. One and others should live in love and harmony. One wants to understand and to respect to rights of others fully. In other words, dont do harm to both others and nature is core principle of the community. BASIC ROLE OF HARE KRISHNA MANDIR Hare Krishna Mandir is intrinsically one of Hinduss ashram focuses on internal development of the Hindus spiritualities, primarily on individual consciousness. The decision to focus on Hindus spiritualities is actually based on its understanding of basic concept about Sri Krishna and his teachings. In Hinduisms tradition, worshiping Sri Krishna is an old tradition which takes root in the teaching of Bhagavad-Gita. Bhagavad-Gita is the utterance book of Sri Krishna to Arjuna five thousand years ago before the war of Bharatayudha occurred. It is the spiritual teachings book for the Hindus. I Made Sarva, A pujari (priest) of Hare Krishna Mandir mentioned that Hare Krishna Mandir was established in order to help Hindus particularly young generations to learn Hinduisms knowledge. In Hinduism, There are two kinds of knowledge. First, so-called para wirdaya means spiritual knowledge. Second, para widya means material knowledge. As a community that was established based on Krishna consciousness movement, then it tries to develop consciousness about Krishna to its all members of community through those studies above. Here, the role of Hare Krishna Mandir is to give illumination of Hindus knowledge for the students theoretically and practically. Therefore, focus of this community is on the development of Hindus religious theories and practices instead of developing all kinds of community development programs. In line with its focus, then it has been advancing its role in advocating the Hindus who want to know deeply about Krishna and also advocate them to live accordingly with Krishna teachings. Here, individual progress in knowing and in practicing the teachings of Krishna is privileged. It is important for someone to know deeply about the universe, all kinds of harmonization and balancing of life, between what is called as spiritually and what is called as worldly. Indeed, those knowledge and practices by Hindus in this world are just dedicated to Sri Krishna. In order to support the notions above, then it develops Sri Krishnas teachings and practices based on the concepts of [ 92 ]
harmonization and balancing of life such as love to one and others and also love to nature. AHIMSA: CORE TEACHING FOR DOING INTER-RELIGIOUS DIALOGUE In its practice, Hare Krishna Mandir is aware on pluralistic context of Indonesia. Therefore, it considers developing those intern teachings above integrally with this pluralistic context. The community emphasizes on appreciation for others life. This appreciation is obvious through its members understandings of how to treat the others with all kindness as well as respectfulness. The community grasps that the good manners in treating the others are based on Hinduism famous concept of Ahimsa. Ahimsa derived from Sanskrit, from term a means non, without and hims means violence. Ahimsa means respect for all living things and avoidance of violence towards others (Judy Pearsall: 1999, page 27). It is the core principle of Hindus in doing everyday activities in everyday life. It is also adopted as the basic principle or approach in doing dialogue with others. Indeed, HKM community attempts to apply and to embody that philosophy as the basic teaching and also as the basic rule in developing individuals understanding on Krishna and on daily social life as well as along as basic response in developing intra and inter relationship to others. Treating the others well is valuable. It is embodiment of a balance of love to God. How could a Hindus love to God, if he/she couldnt able to build harmonious relationships to the others. Most of informants interpret this sentence means that true love to God could just be embodied in a good relationship with other human beings and also other living things. Moreover, they argue how come someone can speak that he/she loves to God whereas he/she hates, or gets mad for his/her brothers and sisters. How does he/she claim love to God whereas he/she damages nature without taking responsibility on what that he/she does. In other words, treating others as well as nature well is the key to understand the concept of love to God. Love to God means avoiding doing harm on the others life. It also means avoiding appearing unhappy feeling of the others. Hindus have duties to spread love and happiness on all living things in the world. INTERRELIGIOUS PROGRAMS AT HARE KRISHNA MANDIR COMMUNITY As the response to pluralistic context of Indonesia and also their understanding on the concept of love to God above, this community from time to time attempts to accommodate and to develop both its curriculum and program [ 93 ]
to be acceptable not only for insiders, but also for outsiders. To become a good Hindus means one should not only has good individual knowledge and spirituality of Hinduism, but also should has extra understanding on other religions teachings. Therefore, this community develops interreligious teaching method in delivering subjects to students. A subject is firstly approached from Hinduism perspective, and then added by other religions perspectives on it. Kade Ariasah (a Pujari: Hindus Priest) mentioned that the perspective of Inter-religious dialogue can actually be started from internal community of one religion through the model of teaching. When someone teaches students or other people, he/she should not just teach that concept from his/her own religion perspective. He/she should also understand this concept from other religion and he/she should teach it in a comprehensively understanding. By doing this, he/she together with students /adherents will be assisted obtaining new sense of sympathy to others. In addition, it will also help us going out from such pity minded and exclusive attitude toward open-minded and open attitude. To see others, should be started from a sense of solidarity to them. We are the same. Hindu, Islam, Christianity etc, is not important. Service of love to God is the most important. It means that duty of Hindus is assisting someone to understand and to recognize Krishna better instead of converting his/her to be A Hindus. As further action of that approach, the community develops inter-religious dialogue program so-called Sunday Face. It is the program open to do dialogue together between members of this community with other people from other different religions. The aim of this program is to enriching and enhancing HKM community understanding on other religious people and their religions, and also to strengthening the existence of the community is not only as Hindus belonging community, but also is as a cross religious community. It is usually conducted on every Sunday at 13.00p.m. It involves many people from different religions. Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Buddhist and others people from indigenous religious branches which being in Jogjakarta are invited to this dialogue. Participants that attending this dialogue are coming from different levels of education; from ordinary people to scholars; from various background such as economists, socialists, theologians, anthropologists, farmers, traders and etc. In order to avoid frozen dialogue, then it is usually arranged in informally situation. In every activity, then every participant is expected want to acquaint others before coming to sharing process. One wants to directly introduce and to speak for him/herself without interferences of others. By doing this, all participants expect able to shape friendly circumstance between one and others before they involve in deeper dialogue about some issues. There some issues are usually shared together such as theology issues, [ 94 ]
about humanity problems, social issues and even ecology problems. The participants from different religions are given times to speak for themselves as well as to listen from the others point of views on those issues. Afterwards, as following up of the activity then the participants are possible coming with and address some recommendations or solutions to parties who have competence in. However, failed to address solution is possible too. For HKM community, Sunday Face becomes important time for them to explore more as well as to deepen knowledge about other religions as well as some urgent issues that occur in the context of Indonesia recent time. Through this dialogue, they can learn directly about religions, those tenets and practices and even some positive experiences from those adherents. Besides that, they are also given chances to involve together with the others in not only giving response but also in managing some serious problems that are occurring in society of Jogjakarta and even Indonesian society largely nowadays. Niluh Wayan reveals that she feels happy following the program because it gives some positive impacts on Hindus relationships with other religious people in Jogjakarta such as the program reduces negative images, stigma, stereotype, prejudices from others to Hindus and vice versa. It also reduces possibilities of new tension, clash, and new conflict that maybe can appear between one and others participants. More often the participants meet one and others, talk to one and other, listen to one and others, then those will nourish them into new better perceptions as well as better attitudes about others. Further, most of the members convince that inter-religious dialogue is important because as human, then they have duty to build harmonious relationship with others. Harmonious relationship is just possible through deeper acquaintance of and to others. They claim that interreligious dialogue is not only embodiment of Ahimsa, but also embodiment of Sri Krishnas teaching about four ways of Yoga (Catur Marga Yoga). It is four ways offered for those who want to be more nearer to attain to God. Those fourth Yoga are (1)Karma Yoga. (2)Jnana Yoga. (3)Raja Yoga and (4)Bhakti Yoga. All those emphasize on the development of senses of bhakti, love, and surrender as requirements of men more near to attain to God. Inter-religious dialogue is part of Bhakti Yoga. In addition, the community is not only programming its own program but also involving in another interreligious organizations being in Jogjakarta such as FKUB (Forum Kerukunan antar Umat Beragama). Besides those, they also lead seminars, conferences, discussions concern on both social-humanity problems and ecology problems. They do those activities in coordination and cooperation with others from different religions. Besides that, as an
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appreciation for people who are living surrounding them, then they often involve in kerja bakti together with people from kampung Depok. For them, kerja bakti gives them more times to interact with others, talk each other and also to know one and others. They will get happy if they can help others and can tie together with them. DISCUSSIONS Multiculturalism is Indonesians fact. However it is often becoming a fuel factor for some conflicts to be occurred in society instead of becoming a glue factor for bounding them. Willingness of people to respecting and accepting one and others well is often put on fire because of missing and less both understanding and knowledge of others. Hare Krishna Mandir community contributes to transform above circumstance of Indonesia, and also educate Indonesian people about how to manage diversity as the strength to produce better society of Indonesia. There some positive impacts arise from HKM community and its interreligious dialogue programs at the grass root level. Largely, it contributes to pluralism in Indonesia. How does pluralism managed It becomes a good starting point in developing better understanding and better interreligious relationship among religious people in Jogjakarta, even in Indonesian context largely. In micro context, interreligious dialogue indeed gives great influence for Hindus and other participants both personally and as community. Hindus and other participants (Christians, Muslims, Buddhists, etc) are given opportunities to talk and to know each other. Of course, this nourishment knowledge leads to growing respected attitudes between them as well. As a consequence, it will reduce prejudices and stereotypes among them that probably ever occurred before. Dialogue process which occurs every week will enhance quality of relationship between them. They will be more open than to one and other, and want to listen too. It will lead them to changing and to growing in good perception and good understanding about others and then able to acting respectfully. These circumstances of course bring some benefits for social life of communities in Jogjakarta. More and more participants from different religions and different locations involving in this interreligious dialogue then side by side better communities are possible to be established. In macro context, those of course encourage positive appreciation between Christians, Hindus, Muslims, Buddhist, etc to promoting harmonious life either in Jogjakarta or for Indonesian society at all. The dialogue offers some concepts of Hindu which can actually be dialogued with Christianity, Islam and other religions teachings. Religions concepts as well as tenets of different [ 96 ]
religions can be dialogued if all components have mutual trust between one and others, and also based on feeling of honesty and sincerity to listen, and to learn from the others such as mentioned by HKM community. Learning from Sunday Faces program, then mutual trust, honesty and sincerity can be strengthened as good inner modals for fostering better Indonesian individual character and better Indonesian communities as well. Further, it will encourage religious people to maintain better religious relationship. Indeed, since it is a multicultural country, then better harmonious relationship is important in order to avoid ourselves from religious fanaticism and selfish-ism. As we know, each person lives in his/her own principle as well as own faith differ from others. Deepest understanding toward others will lead someone to better manners in respecting and treating others existences. Of course, it will liberate religious people from antipathy toward emphatic thinking and feelings to others. Through dialogue space of HKM community, then Hindus, Christians, Buddhist, Muslims etc are aided to reduce social estrangement as well as social distance which occur among them. It will assist them to recognize and to comprehend wrestling of others. Of course, this pattern of interreligious dialogue is important to be done continually in order to promote harmonious life of religious people in Indonesia. The providing of adequate space to do dialogue will provide to Hindus, Christians, Muslims, Buddhist, etc some possibilities to encounter intensively and also will assist them to create a dynamic society. From Hare Krishna Community, we learn about the importance of dialogue and cooperation among religious communities in order to pump up and to create better understanding and strong relationship in society. CONCLUSION Inter-religious dialogue and cooperation between religious communities are important because through those, religious people will be assisted, and be encouraged to change mistake perceptions, stereotypes, stigmas, prejudices and even wrong images on others. The concepts of Ahimsa in Hindu, love in Christianity, and also mahabbah in Islam can be uttered as the doors entering dialogue in order to create harmonious and balancing of life. A selfdialogue ability, an ability and a willingness to do dialogue with own self, is probably could be an offering in order to build better mind and attitude toward others. We need to build self-dialogue ability as the basis to construct sort of dialogical in thought too. From Hare Krishna community, we learn how inter-religious dialogue can be developed as life style of religious people in Indonesia. From inter-religious dialogue we can create positive, creative, [ 97 ]
and constructive understanding between one and others based on openness, honesty, and sincerity. BIBLIOGRAPHY Banawiratma and Husein, Fatimah. 2009. Interreligious Dialogue: Theories and Practices, Jogjakarta: CRCS Gadjah Mada University Knitter, Paul F, Christian Attitude Toward Other Religions: the Challenge of Commitment and Openness, unpublished paper Pearsall Judith, 1999, The Concise Oxford Dictionary Tenth Edition, New York: Oxford University Press Sugunasiri, Suwanda HJ, 1996, Spiritual Interaction, Not Interfaith Dialogue: A Buddhist Contribution, Buddhist-Christian Studies Vol: 16 Swidler, Leonard and Mojzes, Paul, 2000, From the Age of Monologue to the Age of Global Dialogue, in the Study of Religion in an Age of Global Dialogue, Philadelphia: Temple University press Swidler Leonard, 2007, Trialogue, New London: Twenty-Third Publication.
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INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY, CUSTOMARY LAW AND MULTICULTURALISME IN INDONESIA

Zaenuddin Hudi Prasojo Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies Abstract The awareness of awakening and efforts in reviving the customary law of indigenous communities in Indonesia has been going on for a long time, at least since the end of the reign of the New Order Regime. Customary law as one of the authentic capital of indigenous communities is a reflection of the existence of multicultural principles that have actually existed and been part of the Indonesian society. This work explores the case of cutomary law in West Kalimantan on Katab Kebahans practices in Melawi which is potential to be included to the National law. The role of customary law in the life of the multicultural society, like West Kalimantan society, in the modern era should be aligned with the history of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which was founded by the best children of the nations that agreed to establish a state based on the supremacy of law. Customary law is part of the state law. Therefore, there is s need to think of a proper format for the position and the role of customary law in the Indonesian legal system for the prosperity of society based on equality before the law and justice in accordance with the ideals of the nation. This paper suggests that, as an alternative as to where we might put the position of customary law in a multicultural nation today, we can take the example from patterns made by several countries that have adopted Restorative Justice systems with the main principles that the law is a device to resolve the problems in a just and fair way and with the awareness to return all the problems to the perspective of the law for the common good. Key words: cutomary law, mulitcultural society, restorative, justice INTRODUCTION The phenomenon of multicultural society is, in fact, a natural reality that occurs in the process of interactions between people from different cultural groups in the life of modern society. This is driven by the growing level of human knowledge and the need of the development of human civilization. Therefore, the movement of multiculturalism has actually appeared for a long time, characterized by the globalization era in which humans are increasingly easy to interact globally both physically and non-physically such as in cyber world. In the United States, a multicultural society has even become part of the
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history of the country where various cultures have existed since the Europeans, led by Colombus, arrived there for the first time. In Indonesia, the plurality of cultures is inseparable from the history of the nation. The founders of the country even agreed on a symbol of a multicultural nation that is familiar to all Indonesians, i.e. Bhinneka Tunggal Ika which means Unity in Diversity. On the path of its history, the people of Indonesia have experienced a variety of dynamics that drove them into the cultural attitudes that vary according to political conditions. In the era of the Old Order, the plurality managed to awaken the spirit of struggle to resolve all the problems faced the nation. Then, in the New Order era, there was a very sharp political shift that changed the attitude of the multicultural nation where the centralized government oppressed the local cultures that existed in different areas outside of the Java island. During the Reform era, the multicultural movement under the administration of President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), was back to find its way. Since then, it has inspired the emergence of movements of minorities including the Adat (a set of cultural norms, values, customs and practices found among specific ethnic groups) communities in various parts of the country marked by the establishment of the Alliance of Adat Society of Nusantara (AMAN). Before the era of the rise of the indigenous community, the Adat community was hardly a subject of discussion in the international sphere. Today, the discussion of local communities is entering into a new chapter in the modern world. The movements of Adat peoples to participate in the international scene were marked the emergence of activism from different parts of the world, which was initiated by the activists of the indigenous peoples of South America that conveyed voice of the indigenous communitys rights. These movements was later brought to the attention of the world in New York City, where the representatives of the indigenous movement demand for representation of indigenous community groups in the institution that becomes the symbol of the worlds community, the United Nations (UN). Then in the early 19th century, a Special Commission was formed for local communities to accommodate their interests and to discuss related issues around the world. AMAN is the answer the issues of Adat peoples in Indonesia. Indigenous peoples are faced with various challenges in the face of the development of the contemporary world. Among them are the issues of environmental sustainability, cultural environment and the natural environment such as forests, rivers and land which are crucial to the survival of local communities. Meanwhile, the cultural heritage of their ancestors that strongly depends on the availability of natural resources requires the natural [ 100 ]
resource sustainability. On the other hand, the economic needs are increasing as a result of global competition that has even reached remote corners of the villages, including those in the rural areas in West Kalimantan. The influence of economic power from the outside through the agents of globalization has put a lot of pressure on traditional communities. These communities are facing difficult choices but are also required to endure the pressure (Bamba, 2004; Abdullah, 2006). The question that arises then is why does the indigenous movement emerge and how do the indigenous peoples respond to the influx of globalization with all the attributes including the movement of multiculturalism? This paper tries to explain the position of customary law which is the property of the indigenous communities in responding to the movement of the multiculturalism that is increasingly familiar to almost every society all over the world, including that in West Kalimantan, Indonesia. CUSTOMARY LAW AND INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES Many studies have been done to know and explain the role of indigenous communities in modern life (Kingsbury, 1998; Bowen, 2000; The Grim, 2001). In addition, studies have also contributed to the scientific and cultural treasures of the world. Some examples here include research on Aboriginal communities in Australia and the contribution of local cultures that give benefits to the modern world. One example of the contribution of a local culture is the system of conflict resolution that uses indigenous institutions with the circle process approach and the principles that return the matter to the parties in dispute on the basis of good faith to resolve the issue (restorative justice) (Zehr, 1990). This system has been adopted by New Zealand as part of the legal system in the country. In Indonesia, studies on local communities living in rural areas have also been widely conducted, both by researchers from outside as well as by locals. Some examples that can be mentioned here among others are research conducted by Joel S. Kahn (2002) on the cultural development of the rural areas of Indonesia. Kahn provided an in-depth discussion about the culture in the rural areas in Indonesia such as Sulawesi, Papua and Kalimantan. Tania Murray Li also conducted similar research. One of her published papers was about the marginalization of the rural communities in Indonesia including Kalimantan, Sulawesi, Java, Sumatra and Papua (Li, 2001). Local anthropologists also did research in the rural areas. Yekti Maunatis research (2004), for example, focused on the Dayak people of Kalimantan. This research addressed the issue of identity of the Dayak in Central Kalimantan. These studies are interesting [ 101 ]
to analyze because each of them focused on the background and problems faced by the respective regions and saw the complexity of the issues. Among the interesting issues is a discussion about how the dynamics of customary law which is inseparable part of the indigenous peoples or local communities. Said Yacob and Zaenudin Prasojo (2009) explained how the indigenous community of Katab Kebahan revitalized their customary law and traditions in the wake of the fall of the New Order regime to respond to the social and economic conditions of the Katab Kebahan in Melawi. This paper shows the importance of seeing the reaction of indigenous peoples through strengthening the implementation of customary law as well as the strengthening of indigenous institutions in responding to the question of the management of contemporary issues by indigenous peoples. In West Kalimantan, the tendency of strengthening the implementation of the customary law has become part of the phenomenon of the community life in the province, not only by the native tribes such as the Dayak and Malay, but also the other immigrants like the Chinese. Observations and preliminary data in various places in West Kalimantan indicated that indigenous peoples have a very important role in everyday life. Zaenuddin Prasojo (2011) also reported that the revitalization of the indigenous laws and institutions of the Kebahan Dayak community in Melawi becomes one of the important factors of the identity revival of contemporary Katab Kebahan in multicultural society in Melawi. It is very important to answer the question of why the customary law of indigenous communities has increased its role significantly among the Indonesian community, particularly in West Kalimantan in the middle of the community life that is constantly changing. In fact, we need to reveal that indigenous communities and the role of customary law have experienced serious problems in its history. The history of Indonesia pointed out that the weakening of the function of customary law to avoid saying structured extinction-- occurred as a result of the New Orders political policy that enforced the national legal system based in Jakarta (Bosko, 2006). The fact supports what is known as the deterioration of culture in which one of the consequences was the weakening of the role of customary law that took place in the New Order era (Abdullah, 2006). By looking at the historical reality, we can compare the role of indigenous peoples and indigenous judicial positions from before the New Order, during the New Order to the Reform era. The results of the comparison of the analysis on the role and participation of indigenous communities and the position of customary law are important to formulate appropriate policies in accordance with the needs of the state and society including indigenous communities in responding to the demands of
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contemporary multicultural life. In particular, it is important to discuss and formulate clearly the phenomenon of customary law and indigenous institutions and their position in the realm of the law in Indonesia. Meanwhile, the riot cases occurring in Indonesia were heavily influenced by the unclear position of customary law and positive law which then triggered a prolonged strife and even took a huge number of casualties in West Kalimantan a few years ago. MOVEMENT OF MULTICULTURALISM The basic concept of multiculturalism refers to a very simple notion but contains a wide meaning which is an understanding that this world has cultural diversity. Therefore the diversity gives the implications of the enactment of the law of nature that the difference is a fact of nature that must be accepted by humans. To clearly understand the concept of multiculturalism, it is advisable to start from the literal meaning of multiculturalism and discuss the use of the term in each context. Literally, multiculturalism consists of the prefix multi (opposite of single) which means many or more than one, and culture which means socially transmitted behavior patterns, arts, beliefs, institutions, and all other products of human work and thought or custom shapes formed socially and ism which means belief or a belief system. Thus the concept of multiculturalism can mean a doctrine which holds a general principle that this world is made up of many different cultures. The implied meaning is that all cultures in the world have the same rights and obligations in building a good community in a multicultural framework. Therefore, the literal meaning also indicates that the multiculturalism movement is a movement that brings about the fact that human culture is indeed composed of various cultures requiring us to respect each others culture for the creation of harmony in community life. In the sociological and anthropological context, the notion of multiculturalism also gives emphasis on the plurality of human culture. An example of the concept of multiculturalism was defined by Berry (quoted by Fatmawati, 2009: 169) as plural society that consists of at least a community in general, various groups that are acculturated and the government that respects plurality and allows it to exist peacefully. This view is actually in line with what is described by C.W. Watson (2000: 2-3) who explains that the multiculturalism movement focuses on the plurality of human cultures and the equality of cultures. Multiculturalism movement not only refers to awareness of the existence of the plurality of cultures but also to the fact that the culture of each human
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being is the result of shared experience in the life of society. What about the movement of multiculturalism in developed countries? In the United States the movement of multiculturalism began long ago. One of the milestones was the movement Martin Luther King fought. Kings anti slavery movement has changed the face of America significantly. In his well-known speech I have a dream in Washington D.C., King was a black American who had succeeded in opening the eyes of the world to the equality of every human culture and civilization in the world. How about Indonesia? According to Hamid Darmadi (2009: 95-96), actually a multicultural awareness in Indonesia has emerged since the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia was founded in 1945. However, Indonesia went through bitter experience at the time of the New Order that suppressed the development of multiculturalism. The Regime imposed monoculturalism with the government becoming so powerful that the awareness of multiculturalism had almost no space to grow. CULTURAL REVITALIZATION IN RESPONSE TO CONTEMPORARY CONDITIONS Seeing the way local communities are facing the challenges of globalization, the influence of industrialization and economic competition in this modern world, Irwan Abdullah (2006) explained that the continuity of customs and customary law are very vulnerable in the life of modern society, even though indigenous peoples live in the rural areas. This is due to the influence of globalization happens not only in urban areas but also in the interior regions such as Papua and Kalimantan. Abdullah cited the theory of threats and challenges of globalization, industrialization, and economy put forward by Featherstone (1991) opinion and Hannerz (1996) who argued that the threats have forced humans to use the survival and accumulative strategies. On the one hand, people are pressured by economic necessity as a result of the insistence of the need and a new lifestyle brought by globalization and industrialization. On the other hand, they are required to survive in order to compete in a globalized world based on free competition. The attitude that results from the pressure described earlier suggests that the indigenous peoples tend to revitalize the customary law, for instance in the way they manage the forest and the traditional art that become part of their cultural treasure. This means that the tendency to revitalize customary law shown by the indigenous communities is as a form of response to the contemporary situation they are facing, including those in Indonesia, especially in West Kalimantan in the context of this paper. In this light, to understand and respond to cultural revitalization by indigenous communities [ 104 ]
should not be separated from the conditions that encourage the emergence of the contemporary situation in a variety of fields including social, economic, political and technological information development. In addition, in response to contemporary conditions, as argued by Syarif Ibrahim Alqadrie (1990), the attitude of strengthening the role of the customary law can also be seen as a cultural resistance movement through strengthening the implementation of customary law. When indigenous peoples were squeezed by the pressure from the outside, they will respond by using the customary law which serves as the most possible social and moral strength to fortify themselves from the effects of globalization. The attitude of cultural resistance through the strengthening of the implementation of this law should be a concern for legal practitioners and law makers to consider in an attempt to revive the supremacy of law in the life of a nation. It is important to prevent the misinterpretation of the independence of law by the irresponsible parties who use customary law for personal or a certain groups interests. CUSTOMARY LAW IN A MULTICULTURAL SOCIETY Jamie Davidson and David Henley (2008) explained that the indigenous movement in Indonesia is driven by several factors i.e. the international influence, legacy of ideology and opportunities provided by the reform era. Furthermore they provided detailed reviews that the opportunities in the reform era have been used by the indigenous communities to use customary law to request the return of their rights such as the management of natural resources and the political issues such as local leadership of the community that in the era of the New Order were never realized. Under such circumstances, especially the latter, the indigenous communities have the power to revive customary law and even place it above the positive law. In addition to the multicultural movement after the fall of the New Order Regime and the international influence through globalization, this condition is also driven by internal factors i.e. the function and role of customary law which are so significant in the life of the indigenous communities. Customs have strategic functions in the life of indigenous peoples. According to Rafael Edy Bosko (2006), customs can serve as a symbol of the identity of the owner of the community capable of representing many aspects of life. Therefore, Bosko argued that to understanding indigenous communities and their problems, one can make use of studies on customs. In addition, based on the philosophy of life, customs are also a result of the representation of indigenous needs in daily life including the concept of communal ownership of traditional objects such as land and forests. The theory of functions and the [ 105 ]
role of customs are necessary to understand the position of customary law of indigenous peoples and to seek answers to the phenomenon of the rise the role of customary law among indigenous communities. Thus, it is clear that the phenomenon of the rise of the role of customs and indigenous institutions or customary law is the response of the contemporary condition that requires the indigenous peoples to show their existence and protect the wealth of cultural and natural environment they have. In addition, Tania Murrai and Li (2001) explained that the role of indigenous communities in the environmental sustainability proves to be very important for the people whose livelihood depends on the nature. Li based this theory on her research on local communities in Indonesia particularly in Papua and Kalimantan. In its function and role in preserving the nature, customs also have the concept of disaster and environmental management. Selton H. Davis and Alaka Wali (1994) argued that forest management based on the system owned by local communities can become a good alternative and beneficial to the prevention of environmental damage. This opinion is based on what local people in Latin America has been achieved, especially in terms of increased awareness of the importance of thinking and are doing to improve the management of natural resources which have increasingly more severe damage as a result of the excessive exploitation by irresponsible parties. This includes elements of culture, beliefs, and customs and customary law that have been proven to be effective to improve the management of forest and increase the prosperity of the surrounding community. Learning from the experience of Latin America, it appears that the elements of environmental damage are the seeds of disaster for indigenous communities to the attention of the continuity of their life. This means that the need to survive from the extinction is one of the factors that encourages the emergence of indigenous movements in response to the influx of the threats resulting from a process of globalization that brings a multicultural movement. However, survival factors and other things that drive the movement of indigenous communities should not cause the advocacy of movement of indigenous communities to be too liberal. In some cases, such as the need for immediate revitalization and restitution of the Dayak culture, Giring (2008) in his study explained about the advocacy of the rights of indigenous communities from the experience of the Dayak people. Of course the customary law advocacy process is important to find an appropriate format so that the efforts to make law as the main guidelines for the community and the state become a basis to respond to issues of law enforcement in a multicultural society in Indonesia. One alternative to consider is to place customary law as a
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pioneer in the positive law as being developed in several countries such as the United States and New Zealand with a concept of Restorative Justice. We need to, first, look at the legal system in Indonesias national law. It includes Criminal Code which actually consists of three sub systems i.e. the customary law, the law inherited from the colonial Dutch and the new national law. Benny S. Tabalujan maintained as follows: The Indonesian legal system is complex because it is a confluence of three distinct systems. Prior to the first appearance of Dutch traders and colonists in the late 16th century and early 17th century, indigenous kingdoms prevailed and applied a system of adat (customary) law. Dutch presence and subsequent colonization during the next 350 years until the end of World War II left a legacy of Dutch colonial law. A number of such colonial legislation continues to apply today. Subsequently, after Indonesian declared independence on 17 August 1945, the Indonesian authorities began creating a national legal system based on Indonesian precepts of law and justice. These three strands of adat law, Dutch colonial law and national law co-exist in modern Indonesia. For example, commercial law is grounded upon the Commercial Code 1847 (Kitab Undang-Undang Hukum Dagang or Wetboek van Koophandel), a relic of the colonial period. However, commercial law is also supplemented by a large number of new laws enacted since independence. They include the Banking Law 1992 (amended in 1998), Company Law 1995, Capital Market Law 1995, Antimonopoly Law 1999 and the Oil & Natural Gas Law 2001. Adat law is less conspicuous. However, some adat principles such as consensus through decision making (musyawarah untuk mufakat) appear in modern Indonesian legislation (Tabalujan, 2005:1). By looking at the position, an alternative implementation of customary law in the national system such as the concept offered in the implementation of Restorative Justice in the United States and New Zealand can be applied with a model adapted to Indonesias conditions with regard to customary law of the indigenous communities in the country. The Model can be in the form of giving the authority of the implementation of customary law to the respective indigenous communities through legitimate law in matters regulated by customary law. Thus, customary law is given a mandate that has legal power that binds the members of the local indigenous communities. CLOSING REMARKS Indigenous movements emerge as a response to a multicultural awareness that [ 107 ]
inspires those whose basic rights suppressed. The awareness of awakening and efforts in reviving the customary law of indigenous communities in Indonesia has been going on for a long time, at least since the end of the reign of the New Order Regime. The appearance of the embryo received a fresh breeze in the Reform Era that gave the opportunity for the awakening of the minority over the hegemony of the government that was supported by a culture of militarism and dictatorship. The current movement of the awareness of local communities has become proof of the existence of the multicultural movement that brings a mission of freedom over the development of a plural society that respects the freedom of other cultures in a balanced way. Customary law as one of the authentic capital of indigenous communities is a reflection of the existence of multicultural principles that have actually existed and been part of the Indonesian society, more specifically in the Western Kalimantan. The role of customary law in the life of the multicultural society in the modern era should be aligned with the history of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia which was founded by the best children of the nations that agreed to establish a state based on the supremacy of law. Customary law is part of the state law. Therefore, we need to think of a proper format for the position and the role of customary law in the Indonesian legal system for the prosperity of society based on equality before the law and justice in accordance with the ideals of the nation. As an alternative as to where we might put the position of customary law in a multicultural nation today, we can take the example from patterns made by several countries that have adopted Restorative Justice systems with the main principles that the law is a device to resolve the problems in a just and fair way and with the awareness to return all the problems to the perspective of the law for the common good. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdullah, Irwan. 2006. Konstruksi dan Reproduksi Kebudayaan. Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar. Alqadrie, Syarif Ibrahim. 2008. Matahari Akan Terbit di Barat. Pontianak: Yayasan Insan Cita Kalimantan Barat. Bamba, John. 2004. Globalization, state incapacity and the future of indigenous peoples in Indonesia. Dalam Kumpulan makalah John Bamba. Pontianak: Institute Dayakologi. Hal 28-46. Bosko, R. E. 2006. Hak-Hak Masyarakat Adat dalam Konteks Pengelolaan Sumber Daya Alam. Jakarta: Elsam. [ 108 ]
Bowen, John R. 2000. Should we have a universal concept of indigenous peoples rights?: ethnicity and essentialism in the twenty-first century. Anthropology Today, Vol. 16, No. 4 pp. 12-16 Darmadi, Hamid. 2009. Multikulturalisme dan pendidikan multikultural dalam Yohanes Bahari & Ismail Ruslan. Multikulturalisme dalam sorotan. Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press. Hal: 83-106 Davidson, Jamie & David Henley. 2008. In the name of Adat: regional perspective in reform, tradition and democracy in Indonesia dalam Modern Asian studies Vol. 42. no. 4 p: 815-852 Davidson, Jamie S. (2003). Primitive politics: The rise and fall of the Dayak Unity Party in West Kalimantan. Asia Research Institute working paper series. No.9 Oktober 2003. Retrieved on May 27, 2009 from http:// www.ari.nus.edu.sg/docs/wps/wps03_009.pdf ---------. 2007. Culture and rights in ethnic violence. dalam Davidson, Jamie Seth and Henley, David (ed). The revival of tradition in Indonesian politics: the deployments of adat from colonialism to indegenism. London dan New York: Routledge. Hal: 224-246. Davis, Slton H. dan Alaka Wali. 1994. Indigenous land tenure and tropical forest management in Latin America. Dalam Ambio, Vol. 23, No. 8 (Dec., 1994), pp. 485-490. Fatmawati. 2009. Harmonisasi antar umat beragama dalam masyarakat multi etnik melalui pendekatan multiculturalism dalam Yohanes Bahari & Ismail Ruslan. Multikulturalisme dalam sorotan. Pontianak: STAIN Pontianak Press. Hal: 158-185. Featherstone, Mike. 1991. Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London: Sage Publications. Giring. 2008. Advokasi hak-hak masyarakat adat: pengalam dari tanah Dayak diunduh dari laman Institute Dayakologi Pontianak pada tanggal 2 September 2008. Hannerz, Ulf. 1992. Cultural Complexity. New York: Columbia University Press. Kingsbury, Benedict. 1998. Indigenous peoples in international law: a constructivist approach to the Asian controversy. The American Journal of International Law, Vol. 92, No. 3 pp. 414-457 Li, Tania Murray. 2007. Adat in Central Sulawesi: contemporary deployments. dalam Davidson, Jamie Seth and Henley, David (ed). The revival of tradition in Indonesian politics: the deployments of adat from colonialism to indegenism. London dan New York: Routledge. Hal: 337-369. Lontaan, J. U. 1975. Sejarah-Hukum Adat dan Adat Istiadat Kalimantan-Barat. [ 109 ]
Pontianak: Pemda Tingkat I Kalbar (Dicetak oleh Offset Bumirestu Jakarta). Prasojo, Zaenuddin Hudi. 2008. Riots on the News in West Borneo. Pontianak: STAIN Press. ---------. 2011. Indigenous community identity within Muslim societies in Indonesia: a study of Katab Kebahan Dayak in West Borneo. Dalam Oxford Journal of Islamic Studies. No.22. Vol.1. Hal: 50-65 Tabalujan, B. S. (2005). The Indonesian legal system: An overview. In Indobizlow.com retrieved on December 9, 2007 from http://www.indobizlaw. com/forms/IDLegalOverview.pdf Watson, C. W. 2000. Multiculturalism. Buckingham-Philadelphia: Open University Press. Yakob, Said and Prasojo, Zaenuddin Hudi. 2009. Materi adat dan hukum adat istiadat warga Katab Kebahan wilayah Nanga Pinoh. Pontianak: STAIN Press. Zehr, Howard. 1990. Changing Lenses: a new focus for crime and justice. Scottsdale: Herald Press.
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BADUY PLURALISM: From Myth to Reality

Abdurrahman Misno Bambang Prawiro Al-Hidayah College of Islamic Studies, Bogor Abstract Indonesia is a land of many tribes, with each tribe having different customs. However they have a bond in the form of the state motto, Bhineka Tunggal Ika. This motto is based on a philosophy embraced by every tribe in the form of the teachings passed down from the ancestors such as pantun (Malay poetic form), rhyme, guguritan (Sundanese literary works), history and myths. Myths here are stories about things that happened in the past in the form of the history of the origins of man and nature, or the origin of a nation. Myths as a local wisdom are believed to be the truth by every member of the tribe applied in everyday life. This includes the myth that tells about human cultural diversity (plurality), and the community will implement its content. What about the Baduy community in Banten, do they have myths and apply the myths that deal with pluralism in their life? The Baduy are one of the ethnic groups in Indonesia who have myths about the creation of the universe, human origins, and even myths about the events that will occur. The myth about the origin of humans in the Baduy community begins with the creation of Adam as the first human, and then he had children that gave birth to the whole nation in the world. Because every human in the world is the great-grandsons of Adam, the Baduy believe that all humanity is dulur (brother) despite differences in customs and religion. The reality of social life of the Baduy community, either Baduy Dalam (inner baduy) or Baduy Luar (outer baduy) is that they greatly respect all mankind despite the different cultures and religions. Prohibition to enter the Baduy traditional village for foreigners is because of historical factors, namely the agreement made by their ancestors with the Dutch. This research concluded that the Baduy society is a society that understands the plurality of cultures; it is based on a myth that they believe and apply in their life about tolerance of other religions. Key Word: Pluralism, Baduy, Lebak Banten, myth and reality INTRODUCTION Indonesia is an area that has a wide range of tribes, and each tribe has its own religious belief, tradition, culture, and customs. Despite the differences, they have been living in peace, and one of the pillars of the bond is the motto Bhineka Tunggal Ika which means unity in diversity within the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. The Bhineka Tunggal Ika bond is very strong [ 111 ]
due to the belief of each ethnic group based on acceptance and respect to other ethnic groups by practicing the teachings of the ancestors in the form of pantun, rhymes, songs, guguritan and myths. Myths are one of the cultural elements in any society and is considered part of the record of the history of culture. A myth is a communication system that provides a message with regard to the rules of the past, ideas, memories and recollections or decisions that are believed to be true (Barthes, 1981: 193). A myth is not an object, concept, or idea, but rather an emblem in the form of discourse. Therefore, a myth always appears in the form of symbolization (Hasanudin, 1998: 2). In the semiotic perspective, a myth is considered as a semiotic system i.e. signs, symbols, and something symbolized. The myths that have developed in the Indonesian society varies from stories about the creation of the universe, the origin of human beings, to events that will happen at the end of life in the world. The myths are believed to be true and applied in the daily life of the Indonesian society. The myths cannot be considered only as a fictional story since they have become a basis for the society to judge something. This is one of the functions of myths. Mircea Eliade argued that one of the important functions of myths is to build a model of behavior (Elliade, 1963: 8); in addition myths can also provide religious experiences. By telling or demonstrating and applying myths, a member of a traditional community may feel separated from the present and return to the mythic age, thus bringing them closer to God. (Honko, 1984: 49). Lauri Honko asserted that in some cases, a society will reenact a myth to recreate the atmosphere of the mythic era. For example, the practice of healing conducted in ancient time in an attempt to cure a person is reenacted (Honko, 1984: 49). Similarly, Roland Barthes argued that modern culture explores the religious experience. Because the task of science is not to uphold the morality of man, a religious experience is an effort to connect with the moral feelings in the past which contrasted with the world of technology in the age of the present. Meanwhile Joseph Campbell declared that a myth has four main functions: mythical function--to interpret the admiration of the universe; cosmological function to describe the shape of the universe; sociological function to support and endorse a particular social code of conduct; and pendagogis function to live a life as a human being under any circumstances (Campbell, 1998: 22-23). A myth as a local wisdom is believed by every ethnic group and applied in daily life. The content of the myth itself is global and universal in a sense that it contains wisdom from ancestors for the next generations life. Among the ethnic groups in Indonesia that has myths as one of the guidelines through [ 112 ]
their life is the Baduy community living in Kanekes Village, Lewidamar Subdistrict, Lebak District, Banten Province. Up to now they hold strongly to Pikukuh Karuhun (gudilenes from the ancestors) that originated from myths or mandates passed down from their ancestors. The Baduy society is a society which intentionally rejects any culture contrary to the values of their culture. They live and form a separate community in the middle of a wilderness area in the Mountains of Kendeng, Lebak area in Banten. Although they have chosen to protect themselves from the outside communities, they respect other cultures. On the other hand, the myth indicates that they believe that all humanity originated from Prophet Adam, and they are the direct descendants of the first human. Adam has several offspring that spread all over the world. The descendants of Adam then had children that gave birth to the various ethnic groups around the world. They have their own customs and culture. The Baduy believe that they are tasked to spread to every part of the world (interview with Jaro Sami: 2013). These myths have been in practice in their daily behavior in the form of attitudes of respect and appreciation, and they consider other people outside their tribe as dulur (brothers). This reality shows that the Baduy are flexible in dealing with other cultures outside of their own. Furthermore they also respect all beliefs outside of their own such as Islam, Christianity and other religions (interview with Jaro Alim Cikeusik) The Baduy society is not a society with rigid customs. On some customs associated with their own cultural structure, they are very strict, but in matters related to the culture of other people, they are open, respectful, and sympathetic and sometimes they adopt the culture of others that is, of course, not contrary to their own. One may now ask a question, what is pluralism according to the Baduy? Do they have an exclusive or inclusive understanding in their traditional customs? What myth underlies their respect of other cultures? And what is their attitude towards the culture outside their customs? The answers to these questions would be very interesting. This paper is intended to examine the Baduy pluralism that begins with the study of myths that develop especially regarding the origins of human beings and cultures outside the Baduy. Then it proceeds with the study on perception and behavior of attitude of pluralism that they apply in their daily life in the form of the attitude to life which gives space to the other ethnic groups to live side by side, respecting and honoring each other. The research is expected to explain in detail about the Baduy society with regard to pluralism and its application in everyday life. This study is also expected to be able to provide more information about the Baduys culture which is ready open dialogue and [ 113 ]
tolerant toward other cultures. This paper was based on the results of the qualitative research with a phenomenological approach, which is used to give an idea about the myths of the Baduy community in their view of life. The data were obtained by direct observation of the Baduy in the village of Kenekes, Sub-district of Lewidamar, District of Lebak, Banten Province, Indonesia. In addition, in-depth interviews were also conducted with Jaro (the chieftain) in Cikeusik, Cikertawana and Cibeo Village, the administrative center of the Baduy. To complement the research, a literature review was also conducted to obtain relevant data. The data analysis technique employed descriptive analysis which describes the myths that exist in the Baduy community, as well as their behavior based on these myths. Furthermore, the data were analyzed with the approach the cultural interpretation (Clifford Geertz: 1993) DEMOGRAPHY AND THE ORIGINS OF THE BADUY The Baduy are a group of indigenous people who inhabit the area around the mountain of Kendeng Ciujung, administratively an area of Kanekes Village, Leuwidamar Subdistrict, Lebak District, Banten Province. The land area of the Baduy is 5,101.85 hectares (Asep Kurnia: 2010). Most of the land is made up of mountainous plateaus with valleys of the river basin and the upper reaches of the river that flows to the north. The central and southern part of the village is the protected forest or the Baduy often call it leuweung karamat (protected forest). The Baduy have three tangtus (seats of government), based in Cikeusik Cikertawana, and Cibeo. In addition to the three lembur (villages), there are 58 other village settlements of the Outer Baduy community. Based on their settlement, the Baduy are divided into three groups that lived in different areas. These groups are: 1. The Inner Baduy (Kanekes Dalam) 2. the Outer Baduy (Kanekes Luar) 3. the Dangka Baduy The Inner Baduy communities live three main areas, namely Cikeusik, Cikertawana and Cibeo. This society is practicing pikukuh karuhun (traditional customs), for example, they are only permitted to wear clothing with two colors i.e. black and white, and in addition they also wear white totopong (headbands). The Baduy do not use modern objects, such as electronics and chemicals. They make their own clothing from the natural materials found around the community. If the clothing is sewn, certainly they sewed it themselves by hand (Asep Kurnia, 2010). The second group is the Outer Baduy characterized by black or dark blue [ 114 ]
clothes. They also wear headbands with black and pre-dominantly blue color batik. This community lives in villages surrounding the main area of Kanekes Village. The Outer Baduy community is the isolated Baduy for several reasons such as violating of the customs in the area of the Inner Kanekes, marrying someone outside the Inner Kanekes, or withdrawing from the Inner Baduy with a variety of reasons. Originally, the Outer Baduy were the Baduy, who were tasked with maintaining the authenticity of the Baduy in their function as filters for every foreign culture (interview with Jaro Sami Cibeo). Therefore the Outer Baduy community there is now using modern equipments such as cell phones, electronic goods, chemicals and other technological devices. In some ways, however, the outer Baduy community still accepts and recognizes the indigenous Baduy traditions. This is what distinguishes the Outer Baduy group from the Inner Baduy. The third group, namely the Dangka Baduy, is those that have really left the Baduy, both geographically and culturally. They are the descendants of the Inner or Outer Baduy, but generally do not live in the Kanekes area for example living in the Kompol area in sub-district of Lewidamar. Although they do not have to observe the Baduy traditions, they still claim to be the Baduy people and in some respect they would still follow the customs of the Baduy. This is evident when a ritual is held in the Inner Baduy area, some of them still join it. The Baduy community knows no writing form; they only know the spoken language. Therefore, their origins are passed down from generation to generation in a narrative form. The Baduy community sees the record of time as all the events in the life of their people, the process of time is a world history which is equivalent to the state of the universe. Similarly, the origin and designations of the Baduy should be seen in terms of their assumptions about themselves, i.e. a variety of karuhun connections with the universe in the time circle that places them on a specific position as outlined at the beginning of their existence. The origins and naming of the Baduy can be divided into two terms: the term given by people outside the community and the term they call themselves. Which term is better known will depend also on the frequency of the term being used. In reviewing the use of the term to refer to the Baduy, it is interesting to note how the designations used are reviewed in a long period of time for a few hundreds of years ago. Thus, the name of the Baduy today as it has been used as a term for the group of people who live in Kanekes Village, apparently was given after Islam entered the northern Banten area in the 16th century (Edi S Ekadjati: 2009). The term Baduy today is more popular and accepted by the Baduy themselves [ 115 ]
who inhabit Kanekes Village, though they are also sometimes referred to as the Rawayan tribes or urang Kanekes. Although it has been accepted as a standard term, some researchers are still looking for a term for this society. For example foreign writers at the beginning of the 18th century and the 19th century indicated the choices for terms that considered all possible aspects and tried to find the answer, including linguistic aspects (for example, Jacobs and Meijer, 1891; Pennings, 1902). The standardization of the terms Badawi, Badoeien, Badoei and Bedoeis by the Dutch was often supported by the official reports of the colonial government officials. Therefore, it is also possible that the word Bedoeis was associated with the Arabic word, badwi, that referred to groups of people who lived as a nomad in the desert. In addition, the word Baduy is also sometimes associated with Buddha, which means non-Muslim. Pleyte (1909) gave the reason for the term Baduy which is associated with the elements of their own culture. He argued that the word Baduy has no connotation as an insult and no relation to the word Badwi, but comes from the word Cibaduy, the name of a river in the north of the village of Kanekes. That is to say, to call oneself is one of the Sundanese habits to name the village or place of establishment, place of birth or places that can provide a meaning of life. In this respect, it is no surprise when the term Kanekes urang is also used by them, as the term that emphasizes the nature and cultural values that originate from the village of Kanekes. As several experts from Europe called them, the interview conducted with the kokolot (elders) indicated that they are called Baduy because of the Baduy Hill in their region and the Cibaduy River, so people who live in the area are known as the people of Baduy. This is in accordance with the recognition of them as the owners of the Baduy culture (interview with Jaro Sami Cibeo). Regarding the origins of the Baduy also became a unique problem to some researchers from Europe like Jacobs and Meijer, 1891; van Trich, 1929; Geisi, 1952 who reported that the origins of the Baduy were the original inhabitants of the area, while the writers after the independence of Indonesia often associated their origins with the collapse of the last Hindu Kingdom of Sunda in West Java, namely the Kingdom of Pajajaran in 15th century (Djunaedi et al., 1985; and Danasasmita, 1986). The Baduy are descendants of refugees who fled Pajajaran Palace to the South of Banten and cornered by the attack of Hasanuddin who spread Islam in the area. The Baduy themselves reject the opinion stating their origins are from the Kingdom of Pajajaran fugitives or the Sultanate of Banten. Ayah Mursyid as a representative of Jaro Tangstu Cibeo argued:
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Kami teu sebeh melengek kana cerita nu nganggap kami ieu asal tina katurunan masyarakat pelarian atawa pengungsian ti karajaan kasultanan Banten baheula. Eta anggapan the sarua jeung ngarendahkeun harkat martabat kami, saba masyarakat palarian hartina hiji masyarakat nu boga kesalahan , atawa masyarakat nu pagaweanana ngalawan atawa masyarakat nu geus teu aya guna atawa teu dipake ku masayarakat lainnya. It means We cannot agree as to the story that assumes that we are descended from refugee communities of the ancient Kingdom of Banten. This assumption is tantamount to demean the dignity of our tribe because the community of the breakout indicates one of the communities that committed some wrongdoings, or worked against the government or the community that was regarded as useless by other communities. From the description it clearly shows that the origins of the Baduy in accordance with their belief are the indigenous peoples who have lived there since the beginning of the history. They have the obligation to keep the harmony of nature in accordance with the command of Adam, a Messenger of God who was their ancestor. This opinion is shared by all of elders interviewed i.e. Jaro Sami, Jaro Alim, Jaro Dainah, Ayah Mursyid, Ayah Nanih and several other tribal elders. BADUY RELIGIOUS SYSTEM The Baduy have faith that the universe is ruled by the creator called Nu Ngersakeun. According to their old traditions they believe that their region is the origins and the source of the whole universe. The argument which they believe is that they are the descendants of Prophet Adam who was sent to Earth after being expelled from heaven. The concept of Adam in their tradition is slightly different from beliefs that exist in Islam and other Abrahamic religions. From interviews with Jaro Sami as Jaro Cibeo it could be concluded that Adam was not the only one person but there are four to seven. Each Adam has his own responsilities mandated by God. Adam Tunggal was progenitor of the Baduy who was given a mandate to keep kabuyutan in the Baduy area, and his descendants continued the task of maintaining the balance of nature (meditation with worship of the nature), in addition their task includes ngasuh ratu nyanyak menak (giving advice to kings and rulers of the country). The belief concept of the Baduy cannot be separated from the Sundanese philosophy, as Urang Sunda, they believe in the three worlds namely Buwana (world) Panca Luhur, Dunia Panca Tengah dan Dunia Panca Handap. The pance luhur is a world of the creator and the spirits of the ancestors who [ 117 ]
always keep an eye on the lives of their tribe. In buwana there is also the same world called Guriang, a world inhabited by the ancestors who have died. It is only the puun (tribal eleders) who are able to communicate with this world. The pance tengah world is the world currently inhabited by humans, where they are given obligations that must be implemented for the provision to the next world. In the panca tengah world man executes each command and prohibition inherited from the ancestors; the prohibitions are in the form of taboo/pamali or buyut which means something that must not be done. When buyut is violated, then they will get a sanction from the adat (customary law) and from their ancestors. Furthermore the Panca Handap world is the afterworld inhabited by the dedemit and the spirits of the bad people. In the Islamic concept, this world is called hell (Edi S. Ekadjati, 2010). Basis of religion of the Baduy is the respect of the ancestorss spirits and the belief in one single power, Batara. Their belief is called Sunda Wiwitan or Sunda Wiwitan religion. The orientation, concepts and religious activities are addressed to pikukuh karuhun so that people can live in accordance with the way that has been determined by the ancestors. For example, The Baduy believe that they are an old group of people who have the obligation to keep the holy land of Kanekes, while other humans are the younger group that enlivens the world. They believe they have responsibility to imrprove the world through tapa (deeds, work) and implement pikukuh karuhun, meaning when Kanekes as the core of the universe is well maintained, then the whole world will be secure; Disruption to the core is fatal to all human life in the world. The most important religious and customary concepts that becomes the core of the Baduy pikukuh is the principle of No Changes, as expressed by the proverb lojor teu meunang dipotong, pondok teu meunang disambung (long should not be cut, short should not be extended). The concepts are not within the Baduy themselves and the strength depends on the actions or conduct of a person outside of their culture. The concept of pikukuh is the embodiment of a religious custom and is determined by the intensity of the concept of work and each individuals religiousity. To carry out all customs form of pikukuh karuhun, the Baduy people will be protected by a power which is Batara, through the guriangs sent by karuhun, on the contrary if the customs are violated, Batara will cast bala and disaster for the Baduy and society in general. The top of the Baduy leadership is the Puun, there are three of them and they are found in the three kapuunan namely Cikeusik, Cikertawana and Cibeo. The position of the puun is not only as supreme leader, but spiritually they are also considered the direct descendant of karuhun representing them in the world. There are a number of concepts that are obligatory for the puun in order to
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carry out pikukuh karuhun, i.e. keeping the Sasaka Pusaka Buana; keeping the Sasaka Domas or Parahyang; nurturing and maintaining the nobles/officials; meditating for the welfare of the world; dedicating to the goddess of rice by fasting on the ceremony, worshiping the ancestors, and making laksa for the ritual of Seba (Garna: 1988). The ancestors of the Baduy people are categorized in two groups i.e. the ancestors of the period of the Batara and the period of the puun. Batara Tunggal is depicted in two dimensions, as a power and strength that is not visible but is everywhere, and as a man of great power. In the human dimension, the Batara Tunggal has seven offspring sent to the world in kabuyutan (place for the ancestors), which is the starting point of the world of Sasaka Pusaka Buwana. They include batara cikal, who is said to have no descendants, Batara Patanjala who has seven descendants, namely (from the most senior) Daleum Janggala, Daleum Lagondi, Daleum Putih Seda Hurip, Dalam Cinangka, Daleum Sorana, Nini Hujung Galuh, and Batara Bungsu. They are the ancestors of the Nobility of Sawidak Lima or seven original batara, the ancestors of the Baduy. Batara Janggala Daleum is the eldest, and is the ancestor of tangtu Cikeusik; Daleum Putih Seda Hurip is the ancestor of the people of Cibeo village. The other third level batara each is the ancestor of other leaders (Edi S Ekadjati, 2010) Five second level bataras, younger brothers of Batara Pantajala, Batara Wisawara, Batara Wishnu, Batara Brahmana, Batara Hyang Niskala, and Batara Mahadewa, who are the ancestors of people outside the Baduy called salawe nagara (twenty-five states), which indicates a large number of people, and according to the knowledge of the Baduy they live in a very broad area next to the Cihaliwung River (Garna 1988). This group is considered the descendants of the younger Baduy. Of the seven of the third level of the ancestors of the Baduy, it seems that only the Jaro Dangka relatives are descended the female lineage. The others are from a patrilineal line. The puuns are descendants of Batara Patanjala, and until the late 19th century as recorded by Jacobs and maijer there had been 13 puun Sikeusik (1891: p 13). According to a record made in 1988, the number of puun Cikeusik was 24, and the last was Puun Sadi (Garna: 1988). An important concept in the religion of the Baduy is karuhun, generations of the predecessors who have died. They gather at the Sasaka Domas, i.e. a place in the old forest in the upper reaches of the Ciujung River. The Karuhun can incarnate or come in the original form to see their descendants, and the way to is through the village forest. In connection with the concept of karuhun there are other concepts i.e. the guriang, sanghyang, and wangatua. Guriang and sanghyang are considered the incarnation of the karuhun to protect their [ 119 ]
descendants from all danger, disruption of others as well as other evil beings (such as dedemit, jurig, satan); wangatua is spirit or the incarnation of the spirit of the dead parents. Their beliefs had never changed until Islam came to the region of Lebak Banten, although they did not accept Islam directly but the infiltration of Islam slowly and subtly penetrated into their beliefs. The interviews with Jaro Sami, Ayah Mursyid, Jaro Dainah and Jaro Alim showed that the religion of the Baduy is Slam Sunda Wiwitan. The addition of the word Slam is a response to the coming of Islam to the Baduy region, then their ancestral stories come with the existence of the term Prophet Adam and they also recognize the existence of the Islamic Prophet Muhammad as the Seal of Prophet. Some of the Baduy rituals also have gone through acculturation with Islam, for instance in their wedding they recite Shahada Muhammad by inviting hosts of Cicakal Girang which is a land in the Muslim area of Baduy village. The interactions between the Baduy and Islam have also resulted in their common greetings such as Assalamualaikum, or Alhamdulillah and Insya Allah. THE MYTH ABOUT HUMAN ORIGINS IN THE BADUY The Baduy have various myths that contain the origins of the world, human beings and events that will occur in the future. Among the myths believed is that the creation of the Earth was through three phases namely Jaman Poek atau Alam Gumulung, Alam Bercahaya (bright world) dan Alam Bumi Padang Poe Panjang (real world in the life of panca tengah). This process began from the period in which the earth was in the form of thick and clear state, then it hardened and gradually widened. The starting point is located in the center of the earth, i.e. the Sasaka Pusaka Buwana to which the seven batara were sent in order to spread humans. It is also the place of the ancestors (interview with Ayah Mursyid). The starting point of the centre of the earths creation became the village of tangtu which is considered as the core and embryo of human life. This point is called Cikeusik as Pada Ageung, Cikartawana called The Kadukujang, and Cibeo called Parahyang; these three villages are also called Sanghyang Daleum. Specifically, the position of the ancestors (kabuyutan) and the tangtu line show the connection of karuhun, i.e. Pada Agueng as Sasaka Pusaka Buana, its dangka is called Padawaras. Kadukujang Kabuyutan are also found in Cibeo and Cikeusik, and the dangkas are called Sirah Dayeuh. The concept of buana (the world) for the Baduy is related to the starting point, the path, and the end of life. There are three buanas i.e. Buana Luhur atau Buana Nyungcung (heaven, the aboveworld) which is infinite and spacious, Buana Tengah or [ 120 ]
Buana Panca Tengah, where humans go through most of their life. Buana Handap (the underworld) is part of the land that is not limited to the area. The conditions in the three worlds are just like this world as there are night and day, but other things are contrary to this world. It is the most sacred of the Kanekes area, especially taneuh larangan (holy Land, the forbidden land) where the village of tangtu and kabuyutan are located (Edi S Ekadjati, 2010). The myth about the origins of the human beings circulated among the Baduy is that after completion of the creation of the world, God created (nurunkeun) Adam into the face of the earth together with his wife Eve. From Adam and Eve, came their descendants who became the ancestors of all mankind in this world. Since Adam as the ancestor of the Baduy had the obligation to keep the the mandala Sasaka Domas, his descendants shall continue this responsibility. Meanwhile, the descendants of Adam Serping have the task to enliven the world, using this world as a means of enjoying happiness. Therefore, the Baduy myth is believed to be the basis for their acceptance of the diversity of cultures and customs of this world. In other words, the Baduy understand that the plurality and multiculturalism are a reality that is inevitable because it is the destiny of the Nu Ngersakeun Gusti Allah, the Almighty God (interview with Jaro Sami Cibeo). Departing from this myth, they believe that all humans originated from Adam who was the first man in the world. Since humans came from a single lineage, they believe that all humanity is dulur (brothers), so the equality as human beings in their belief is understood as humanism and respect for all humanity that has existed in the Baduy community. The myth has been passed down orally by the Baduy community and is believed to be a fact, and the evidence to support this is the Sasaka Domas which is the beginning of all creation of the universe and the origins of mankind. BADUY PLURALISM: FROM MYTH TO REALITY The myth of the origins of humans is profoundly believed by every member of the Baduy community. This is evident from the results of interviews with members of the Baduy community living around the rice field who believe that they are descended from Adam. This notion is deeply rooted in their daily lives. The Baduy never discriminate a person entering its territory based on religion. As long as they respect the customs of the Baduy, they will also be honored just like the other guests. Prohibition for the people of European origin, the Dutch, the Chinese and other non-Muslims to enter the Baduy Tangtu area is due to an agreement between the Dutch colonial government and the Baduy. In practice, the ban was not for religious reasons, as some [ 121 ]
Christians may also enter the area of the Baduy. Merry, a Christian woman conducted research in Kampung Cibeo, a region of the inner Baduy. Jaro, puun and other traditional elders there were aware of her presence, but they did not question it. The interviews conducted with Jaro Alim also showed that they are very respectful of other religions, as evidenced by the large number of guests visiting the inner Baduy and the Puun in Cikeusik, Cibeo or Cikertawana for different purposes. In general, people who come to visit the puun are those who wish to get blessings, prosperity and be spared from dangers in the world. Those who come are not only of the Baduy community, but also Muslims, Christians and people of other religions. Interestingly, these people mostly come from Jakarta, Bogor, Depok, Bekasi, Tangerang, and even from outside of Java such as Sumatra and Borneo. When the writer visited Cikeusik, he met and stayed together at Jaro Alims house with someone from Palembang who asked for resolution of debt problems. He asked the Puun to say prayer for him so that he could pay off his debt. Similarly, the writer met with a guest from Lampung who had visited the Baduy five times in order to ask for prayers from the elders of the Baduy regarding the issues of his life. The Baduy treated the guests well and consider them as brothers who need help and the Baduy should serve them just like brothers. The Baduys hospitality was proven by welcoming the guests and letting them stay in the house. They do not hesitate to talk about their customs and serv the guests regardless of religion and cultural background. During my stay at Cipaler, Cibeo and Cikeusik villages, they are more or less the same, never treating people on the basis on religion and cultural background. All of the guests were considered as brothers and respected and treated nicely. This shows that the myth of the origins of humans is so powerful in their everyday life and therefore they really understand that a society in reality is plural and has its own belief and religion. Furthermore their life style also reflects the attitudes of respect and tolerance to different customs and religions. They assume that all religions are equally good, each serving God in its own way. Therefore, in their view, no religion or custom is better than the others. Each religion has responsibilities, and the Baduy are responsible for keeping the balance of nature by meditating to apply the whole pikukuh karuhun and giving advice to the authorities and officials (ngasuh ratu nyanyak menak). CONCLUSION The Baduy, as one of the tribes that deliberately excludes themselves from
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modern culture, are not ignorant about cultures outside their own. One of the myths that exist in their culture is about the creation of the first man called Adam. From him, many peoples in the world were born such as the Dayak, Chinese, Indians, Europeans and so on. This myth is believed by the Baduy as a fact passed down to them orally. Furthermore, the myth is implemented in everyday life in the form of deep respect toward other ethnic groups, religions and beliefs. They never force their beliefs on others as they believe that those religions and beliefs are pathways that have been determined by God Almighty, the Nu Ngersakeun. The Baduy communitys understanding of the religions and the cultures of others is a form of pluralism which provides a space of tolerance for all humans who observe different religions so that they can coexist peacefully without having to blame each other. They believe that all religions and customs oblige people to do good and serve God. What distinguishes one religion from the other is merely the responsibilities borne by each nation. The Baduy are a group of indigenous people who have duties and obligations to keep the balance of nature with meditation and to carry out all the pikukuh karuhun in the form of customs such as kawalu, seba, muja and rituals to honor the gods especially the Dewi Sri (the rice goddess) or Nyi Pohaci. This is typical of the Baduy society, open to other religions and cultures but would not adopt them. However, in practice they also accept the concept of other faiths that are not in conflict with the values of their belief which the religion of Slam Sunda Wiwitan.
BIBLIOGRAPHY Campbell, Joseph., 1988. The Power of Myth. New York: Doubleday Danasasmita, Saleh, Djatisunda, Anis., 1986). Kehidupan Masyarakat Kanekes. Jakarta: Bagian Proyek Penelitian dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Sunda (Sundanologi), Direkrorat Jenderal Kebudayan, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Ekadjati, Edi S. 2010. Kebudayaan Sunda (Suatu Tinjauan Sejarah). Jakarta: Pustaka Jaya Eliade, Mircea., 1963. Myth and Reality. New York: Harper & Row Garna, Judhistira K. 1988. Perubahan Sosial Budaya Baduy dalam Nurhadi Rangkuti (Peny.). Orang Baduy dari Inti Jagat. Bentara Budaya, KOMPAS, Yogyakarta: Etnodata Prosindo --------------- 1988. Tangtu Telu Jaro Tujuh Kajian Struktutal Masyarakat Baduy di Banten Selatan Jawa Barat Indonesia. Tesis Ph.D. Universiti [ 123 ]
Kebangsaan Malaysia Honko, Lauri., 1984. The Problem of Defining Myth dalam Alan Dundes, Sacred Narrative: Readings in the Theory of Myth, Berkeley: University of California Press. Kartawinata, Ade Makmur. 1993. Baduy Bubuara Menatap Tanah Harapan. Pusat Penelitian Kemasyarakatan dan Kebudayaan Lembaga Penelitian Universitas Padjadjaran Koentjaraningrat, dkk. 1993. Masyarakat Terasing di Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama Kurnia, Asep dan Ahmad Syihabudin. 2010. Saatnya Badui Bicara. Jakarta: Bumi Aksara dan Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa. Maria Susai Dhavamony., 1995. Fenomenologi Agama. Yogyakarta: Kanisius. Miles, Matthew B. dan A. Michael Huberman. 2009. Analisis Data Kualitatif. Jakarta: UI Press. Moleong, Lexy J. 2006. Metodologi Penelitian Kualitatif. Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosdakarya. Peter Connolly (edit). 2011. Aneka Pendekatan Studi Agama. Yogyakarta: LKiS.
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BUILDING PLURALIST ATTITUDE IN DOING ISLAMIC EDUCATION AT HIGHT SCHOOL AND MADRASAH
Moh. Haitami Salim Graduate School of the Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies Abstract The pluralist attitude is often associated with acknowledging and appreciating ethnic and religious differences which are, in fact, plural. The plurality of ethnicity is a natural process because no one can choose to be born into parents of a certain group. Meanwhile the plurality of religion is the result of someones choice of faith and is part of the human rights. A person cannot change their ethnicity but it is possible for them to change their religion. Nor can religious conversion change a persons ethnicity, as in the case in West Kalimantan where a Christian ethnic Dayak converts to Islam to become a Malay, for example. It is why religion and ethnicity are plural, so appreciating and acknowledging the plurality as inevitability is known as a pluralist attitude. In Islam, especially in the instruction of Islamic education at school, or madrasah, pluralist attitude should be extended to include not only the attitude of acknowledging and appreciating ethnic and religious differences, but also the awareness of the existence of variants of the plurality in a religion, ethnicity and even in a family. Building a pluralist attitude among people with the same faith and ethnicity is often overlooked, that later led to an attitude of ambiguity, thus being friendly towards people of a different religion or ethnicity, but being hostile when dealing with fellow religious or ethnic members. The phenomenon is clearly visible in the dispute between the followers of Sunni and the Shiite in which the leaders are brothers. To ensure that the instruction of Islamic education is able to build a pluralist attitude on learners, we need to start building the ability of teachers to develop the curriculum, prepare the lesson plans, develop contextual learning materials and use varied learning strategies and methods. Keywords: Instruction of Islamic education, Pluralist attitude, School, Madrasah INTRODUCTION The Indonesian society is known for its rich human and natural resource potential because it has a very high degree of plurality. The plurality of Indonesia can be seen from the various religious beliefs, not only the official religions (recognized by the state) but also other beliefs, and even other religions (in the statistical term), as well as various ethnic groups, languages, skin colors, [ 125 ]
cultures and so forth (Moh. Haitami Salim, 2009: 1). It is a reality that we live in the midst of diversity, particularly in Indonesia which is famous for it, ranging from ethnicity, race, national origin, ancestry, religion, language, customs, to the level of education, and social and economic background. As an illustration, Indonesia now has a population of more than 200 million, made up of hundreds and even thousands of ethnic groups and more than 525 languages and dialects spreading along approximately 17,800 small and large islands, stretching 5,150 km between the continents of Asia and Australia, and across the Pacific Indian and Oceans. According to the statistical data collected in 1995, the population of the country based on religion is as follows: Muslims, 87.21%; Protestants 6.04%; Catholics, 3.58%; Hindus, 1.83%; Buddhists, 1.03%; and animists 0.31%. (Moh. Haitami Salim (a), 21: 25). The diversity of Indonesia is a reality that must be accepted as a gift from Allah Almighty, Most wealthy and Most perfect. It must also be understood as the will of Allah, so that people can get to know each other, compete in virtue and so on. To understand the plurality, either as a gift from or as the way of Allah Almighty, the children of this nation need good and right insights that should be instilled as early as possible at all levels of education so as to promote a positive attitude toward the plurality of the community. A positive attitude should be able to keep two aspects of interest, that is the faith or belief that should not be sacrificed for the sake of plurality, and the other the plurality itself as a reality of society should not clash with the faith. Therefore, the proper mentoring is needed so that the pluralist attitude will not disregard or sacrifice one of the two aspects of interest. Effective coaching to build the right pluralist attitude can be done through a formal education process in schools or madrasahs because the process is carried out in a systematic, planned, controlled way, and has adequate supporting facilities. Among the subjects relevant for establishing the pluralist attitude is the Islamic education. This article will talk about understanding the meaning of plurality, the pluralist attitude, the Islamic perspective on plurality and the importance of instilling the pluralist attitudes through the instruction of Islamic education, and the instruments needed to instill such attitude. UNDERSTANDING THE MEANING OF PLURALITY AND PLURALIST ATTITUTE In social studies, diversity could be a cohesive factor between different groups, and could also be a factor that causes conflict (Al Qadrie, 2002: 163; Barth, 1988; Haitami et al., 2007: 2). Diversity will be a unifying as long as it is [ 126 ]
managed into harmony, without having to force uniformity. However, if these differences cannot be managed properly, it will be become a factor triggers conflict between different groups (Moh. Haitami Salim, 2012). From a religious perspective, diversity is the inevitability which is impossible to reject because it is part of the permanent way of Allah. Thus, diversity itself is predestined by Allah with the intent as a test to the degree of human faith and gratitude for the gifts given by Him by turning diversity a competitive capital. In addition, the inevitability of diversity is also a medium for people to study social life so they will get to know one another. This is simply because no human being is perfect, hence the existence of others becomes sine qua non. Nurcholis Madjid (2000: 159) argued that no society is exactly singular, and one exists, according to the Quran, it merely exists on the surface and hides the divided hearts (Quran Al-Hashr (59): 14). The development of science and technology has turned the world into a global village which then results in heterogeneity at the corners of the world, in terms of economic, cultural, ethnic, racial, religious differences. This reality, on the one hand, may encourage interaction, cooperation, accommodation and acculturation between various community groups, but on the other hand, can give rise to tensions and even conflicts between them, because each group at the same time will attempt to preserve its identity, including ideological views on religion (M. Atho Mudzhar in Moh. Soleh Isre, 2003:1). Conceptually, there is primordial plurality (taken for granted) and there is also plurality that arises as the logical consequence of pragmatic choices. Primordial plurality is the difference which is already predestined Allah upon His creatures. No one can deny the fact of differences such as race, members of certain ethnic groups, nations and, to a certain degree, religions (being plural, religion is taken as a legacy not through conscious and rational choice). Meanwhile, pragmatic plurality is the differences that arise later as a consequence of differences in the point of view, interest and group affiliation. When the two come together, the common sense that differences are inevitable will begin to collapse, and then various attempts will be made to exploit the issues of primordiality, such as religion, ethnicity and race, as an instrument to justify certain pragmatic interests (Moh. Haitami Salim, 2012). To avoid misinterpretation, this article needs to define the meaning of pluralist attitude. According to the Dictionary of the Indonesian Language (Ministry of National Education, 2011), attitude is defined as way doing things based on the formation of opinion or belief, while the word pluralist is derived from the word plural which means diverse (http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pluralistme, accessed July 1, 2013). So the pluralist attitude in this article is the attitude of [ 127 ]
accepting and appreciating differences as the reality of life, both in religion and in the life of a nation. This attitude grows from a basic awareness that besides ourselves there are others who are basically not the same as we are, because of different religions, way of thinking, ethnicity, social status, economic status etc. It is an affirmation of faith plurality is real evidence of the nature of the Supreme Power of Allah. PHILOSOPHICAL VIEW OF ISLAM ON PLURALITY Islam as a religion that I (we) believe to have given the number of philosophical guidance, found both in several verses of the Quran and the Hadith. The first philosophical view; the most fundamental reminder that we, human beings, came from the same origin and type, as Allah said in Surah Ar-Rum (30): 20: And of His signs is that He created you from dust; then, suddenly you were human beings dispersing (throughout the earth). Also in Surah An-Nisa (4):1 Allah said, O mankind, fear your Lord, who created you from one soul and created from it its mate and dispersed from both of them many men and women. Then in Surah Al-Hujurat: 13 O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you. This view will bring awareness to us that all human beings should realize that they are brothers and sisters as they are descended from the same origins. The second philosophical view; with respect to diversity of ethnicity, skin color and language. In Surah Al-Hujurat: 13 above, it is clearly stated that: . .. and made you peoples and tribes .... In Surah Ar-Rum (30): 22 it is explained: And of His signs is the creation of the heavens and the earth and the diversity of your languages and your colors .... The awareness built through the second philosophical view is that plurality is the grace, the power and the will of Allah Almighty, the Creator. It is more assured in other verses as in Surah AlMaidah (5): 48 which goes: Had Allah willed, He would have made you one nation [united in religion], but [He intended] to test you in what He has given you; so race to [all that is] good ... . Similarly, in the Hud (11): 118, And if your Lord had willed, He could have made mankind one community; but they will not cease to differ. The third philosophical view; the plurality of Allahs creation has positive potential inherent in the sense of the uniting factor, and the negative potential in the sense of the dividing factor. The potential contained in the above verses is to know one another (QS. Al-Hujurat: 13), to race to [all that is] good (QS. Al-Maidah (5): 48) and to have disagreement (Q.S. Hud (11): 118). On which [ 128 ]
potential man sees plurality will depend on his understanding of the plurality itself and the tendency of his choice. The fourth philosophical view; the nobleness of a human being in the sight of Allah is not determined by the tribe, nation, differences of language and skin colors, but by the level of devotion to Allah. In addition to the above verses (QS. Al-Hujurat:13; Al-Maidah:48), it is also emphasized in the Hadith of the Prophet which goes There is no superiority of an Arab over a non-Arab except in whoever fears Allah the most. The four philosophical views have indeed undermined the feelings of superiority of ethnicity, race, descent or religion. The Islamic values, as indicated above, are not merely normative, but have become empirical exemplified by Prophet Muhammad in the community of Medina and then manifested in the Declaration of the Charter of Medina (Moh. Haitami Salim, 2012 (a): 27-29). THE IMPORTANCE OF INSTILLING THE PLURALIST ATTITUDE IN ISLAMIC EDUCATION As discussed above, that the plurality of a nation is a reality and even has become the will of Allah Almighty. Therefore, the pluralist attitude is also an inevitability. This attitude is not something that can appear automatically, but has to go through the process of understanding, coaching, guidance and training and education. Similarly, it has been said previously that effective coaching to build a good and true pluralist attitude is through a formal education process in schools or madrasahs since the formal educational process is carried out in a systematic, planned, controlled way and has adequate supporting facilities. Among the subjects relevant for establishing such attitude is the instruction of Islamic education. The relevance of the cultivation of the pluralist attitude in the Islamic education learning can start from the objectives of the education itself, the content of learning materials and strategies, and the methodology that is able to develop the attitude. In addition, the sources of books selected and the instructional media used also serve as an important factor. With regard to the 2013 curriculum that emphasizes on nationalism-based character education, the subject of Islamic education is highly relevant to serve as one of the means to build the pluralist attitude, either in schools or madrasahs in each level of education. Thus the urgency to build the pluralist attitude through the learning of Islamic religious education in schools and madrasah becomes very significant.
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INSTRUMENTS NEEDED TO ESTABLISH A PLURALIST ATTITUDE IN ISLAMIC EDUCATION The instruments that need to be prepared in an attempt to instill the pluralist attitude through the instruction of Islamic education at school and madrasah, are as follows: 1. The availability of educators who understand the learning objectives of Islamic education as set forth in the 2013curriculum; 2. Lesson plans that are relevant to the character that will be built with regard to the pluralist attitude; 3. The implementation of a learning process that is in accordance with the required instructional steps; 4. The development of learning materials in the context of the plurality of the nation; 5. The availability of the books and instructional media that are relevant to the character of the pluralist attitude to be built; 6. The availability of instruction evaluation tools that emphasize on attitude (affective domain). All of the above instruments should be understood by every educator and carried out in accordance with the lesson plans formulated. CLOSING REMARKS The fact that Indonesia is a plural and multicultural nation should be addressed wisely by its people. Otherwise, the plurality will bring great disaster for the country and the people, as it could potentially become a dividing factor that undermines unity the nation. Therefore, the pluralist attitude should be taught to the children of this nation since their early childhood. The pluralist attitude will be effective if it is built through a process of formal education in schools and madrasahs in each subject, particularly the Islamic education. The 2013 curriculum that emphasizes on character education with nationalism insights is possible to build the pluralist attitude. In addition, it has also provided significant room for the development of instruction, especially on subject of Islamic education and civics education. In this context, the teachers as educators have very important duties and responsibilities to carefully and precisely prepare the lesson plans, learning materials that are relevant to the life of plural society, as well as to choose strategies and appropriate learning methods that promote the pluralist attitude, using sources and learning media that support the purpose of the lesson, performing the steps of learning consistently, and conducting the assessment with an emphasis on the affective domain. To carry out all the responsibilities effectively, teachers as educators [ 130 ]
should be able understand their professional duties. Therefore, hopefully, efforts to increase teachers professionalism should be made by various parties continuously. BIBLIOGRAPHY Barth, Fredrik (ed). 1988. Kelompok Etnik dan Batasannya. Jakarta: UI Press.. Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, 2011 Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia. Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Gaus AF, Ahmad. 2006. Kekaisan Nurchalish Madjid dan Dinasti-Dinasti Pluralisme Islam Kontemporer dalam Menembus Batas Tradisi: Menuju Masa Depan yang Membebaskan. Jakarta: Universitas Paramadina dan Kompas. Salim, Moh. Haitami, 2009. Pluralisme: Suatu Tinjauan Fakta Sosial. Makalah disampaikan pada Seminar Naasional Membincang Pluralisme Perspektif agama, sosial dan budaya, diselenggarakan oleh P3M STAIN Pontianak, pada Sabtu, 16 Mei 2009 di Pontianak. tt. ......................................, 2012 (a). Ikhtiar Membangun Kalimantan Barat yang Maju dan Bermartabat, STAIN Press. Pontianak ..................................., 2012 (b). Mempererat Kerukunan Etnis dan Umat Beragama dalam Tatanan Masyarakat Pluralis-Multikultur di Kalimantan Barat, Bulan Sabit Press-Pontianak ..................................., 2012 (c). Pembauran Bangsa Dengan Penguatan Empat Pilar Kebangsaan Dengan Mensinergikan Peran Tri Pusat Pendidikan, Makalah Diskusi disampaikan dalam Diskusi Pembauran Kebangsaan Pemerintah Kota Pontianak, 31 Oktober 2012. tt. ..................................., dkk. 2012, Mengukuhkan Kerukunan Umat Beragama di Kalimantan Barat. Kerjasama FKUB Kalbar, CAIREU STAIN Pontianak, Kanwil Kementerian Agama Kalbar dan Forum Peduli Ibu Pertiwi (FPIP) Kalbar-Pontianak. Salim, Moh. Haitami, Eka Hendry, Dulhadi, 2007. Prasangka Antar Kelompok Etnis di Kalimantan Barat. Pontianak: STAIN Press. Al-Qadrie, Syarief I. 2002. Factors in Ethnic Conflict, Ethnic Edentity and Consciousness, and the Indications of Disintegrative. Dalam Chaedir S. Bamualim dkk. (ed). Communal Conflicts In Contemporary Indonesia. Konrad Adenoauer Stiftung dan Center for Language and Culture. Jakarta. Taher, Tarmizi, 1998. Menuju Ummatan Wasathan. Jakarta: Pusat Pengkajian Islam dan Masyarakat (PPIM)-IAIN Jakarta. http://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pluralisme, akses 1 Juli 2013 [ 131 ]
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BOOK REVIEW
Chinese Indonesians: Chinese Muslims and the collapse of the Business Republic Jakarta: Republika By Teguh Setiawan Reviewed By Cucu Nurjamilah (Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies) This book written by Teguh Setiawan and published by Republika is very interesting to read because from it the reader will get a lot of information about the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, among them: the greatness of the Chinese Muslim leaders and bad luck of Chinese Muslim community during the Dutch colonial period and the heyday of the Muslim ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, and portrait of the Chinese Muslims from the past. In addition, readers will be interested in doing research on other ethnic Chinese, perhaps even you would like to know the ethnic Chinese in the rural areas recounted in the book. In this book not only does it tell the fate of Chinese society as a result of the cruel policies of the Dutch which continued into the New Order era, but it is also interesting to learn about the involvement of the Chinese in the spread of Islam in Indonesia, in the fight for independence, as well as their love of Islam and even the role of Chinese in developing literature and culture of Indonesia. This book recounts many young Chinese peoples forgotten history, in which they had a role in expelling the Dutch and the Japanese. In addition, it tells about the Chinese leaders that formed youth movements in Indonesia during the occupation, but their fate was simply tragic. Here, there are a martial arts stories which were very popular in the 1960s and contain the values of moral education. This is one of the works of the ethnic Chinese who loved Indonesia. The title of this book is Chinese Muslims and the Collapse of the Business Republic. The author of the book depicts the life of Chinese Muslim community in Indonesia from their arrival in Indonesia, their glory until the onset of a massive massacre. There are two groups of the Chinese community [ 133 ]
in Indonesia in the 16th century, the Chinese who practiced ancestral belief that lived in exclusive settlements and the Chinese Muslims who blended with the indigenous communities. The first part of the book is about the Chinese Muslims. This section tells about the Chinese Muslims Involvement in the spread of Islam in Indonesia who could not let go of their status as a minority within the minority. In this section it is also described by several prominent historians regarding the early phase of the assimilation between the Hui (Muslim) and the native peoples, Muslim Chinese and Non-Muslim Chinese in the 1400s, between the Chinese and the Javanese. This section tells about the Chinese Muslims who dominated a lot of seaports, became collectors of customs duties, regulated vessel traffic on behalf of the government, and invested with the tile of knight and married elite women. If you have heard about the theories saying Islam in Indonesia was brought from mainland China, in the book it is elaborated how it was done and who assigned Chinese Muslim leaders in several areas of major cities in Indonesia. The greatness of the Chinese Muslim leaders who came to Indonesia and the fact that they had reached the pinnacle of success in Indonesia turn out that they had a close relation with the Emperor of China at the time of the Ming dynasty. Interestingly enough in this section too, readers will know who actually or what clan of the Chinese Muslim community considered the earliest to come to Indonesia and from their looks it is very difficult to guess if they are Chinese. This clan claimed that Sunan kalijaga and Abdurrahman Wahid, or Gus Dur were among the descendants. Here there are also different opinions expressed by historians on Islamic religiosity of the ethnic Chinese. As it is argued that they only know one school of thought which is of the Hanafi and do not know any other. But there is also an opinion that their religious orientation is divided into three tendencies, namely: the kejawen or Javanese mysticism, Orthodox Islam, and political Islam. This is found in Kawroeh Agama Islam, karya syair Ilmoe Sedjati, Syair Tjioko and Petjoen, and in the works of Kho Tjeng Bie entitled Sjair Serikat Islam. With regard to the collapse of the Chinese Muslims, it began with the conflict in the ethnic Chinese community itself, the influence of the political changes that took place in mainland China, also the colonial Dutch policies that resented the Chinese Muslims good relations with the Indonesian natives, and the presence of the VOC policy accusing the Muslim Chinese community of pretending to embrace Islam just to avoid taxes. The peak of the collapse of the Chinese society was after the arrival of the Japanese army to Indonesia [ 134 ]
that continued ahead of Indonesias independence. At the time, the ethnic Chinese split into three groups: those who were loyal to their ancestors; those who were loyal to the Dutch; and those who belonged to the nationalist groups that supported the independence of Indonesia. Distinction between the groups and the different alliance with the warring parties that gave rise to the diverse expectations of the various parties was very detrimental to the Chinese community. Prince Diponegoro decided to attack all Chinese whether Muslims or not, because they are regarded as a source of funding for the Dutch Government. This is the beginning of the Chinese Muslims return to their ancestors beliefs. In addition, the survivors of the massive slaughter during the Dutch colonial rule spread into the interior areas of Indonesia. One of them is in the hinterland District of Tanggerang, where there are original Chinese communities who still occupy the house of kebaya, ground-floor complete with a sacred desk and a jackfruit wood. This incident has probably caused the Chinese society to be unwilling to blend in with the native Indonesians. A portrait of the life and movement of the ethnic Chinese is recounted explicitly in this book. We hope you will enjoy reading this book.
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Gurita Korupsi Pemerintah Daerah (The Roots of Corruption of the Local Governments) Yogyakarta: Kaukaba Dipantara By Muhtar Haboddin and Fathur Rahman Reviewed By Romi Yati (Institute of Borneo Society and Development Studies) Corruption is not something taboo in this country. The mass media, facts and data have revealed a variety of corruption cases in the central and regional governments, even there were cases involving a large number of people. Corruption involving a group of people is committed by both high and low ranking officials. This book reveals the facts on corruption at various levels the government. The lure of money that could not be resisted has become a personal benefit and very common. The crisis of shame has been epidemic until the level of local government. This book is rich in information revealing facts and data on corruption cases in a comprehensive way, and at the same time discussing them in a critical and systematic way. Muhtar Haboddin and Fathur Rahman as the writers took a role in focusing on the importance of making corruption a common enemy. The importance of placing corruption as a common enemy is part of an attempt to manage the structure of clean and authoritative local governance. Muhtar Haboddin and Fathur Rahman also revealed corrupt practices within the body of the local governments in recent years have uncontrollably increased, and seem to be unstoppable. Corruption has rooted deeply in many regions in the country as can be seen in the cases that involved several heads of regions in recent years. The data released by Kompas (April 16, 2012) showed that during 2004-2012 as many as 173 heads of district in Indonesia were involved in corruption. Corruption committed by the heads of local governments also occurs within the body of the local parliaments, most notably the case involving the politicians in West Sumatra. The same thing also happens in the bureaucracy. Rampant corruption within the bureaucracy was described by Adnan Typhoon Husodo in his article, the Regime of Corruption in the Bureaucracy published in Kompas (March 30, 2012). The three-tiger corruption involving the head of region, members of the parliament, and the bureaucracy is becoming a new trend in the management [ 136 ]
of local governance. The first implication of this corrupt practice is the rise of the new rich people in the area. Second, most of the alleged corruptors have been thrown into prison. Even though there have been many suspects and some have been thrown into jail, it has not stopped them as we keep seeing new faces of corruptors shown on television and in newspapers, both at the national and local level In addition, the strong point of this book is that the authors are capable of describing the methods or the usual modus operandi of the corrupt officials. The results of the investigation indicated that corruption was done in many different ways such as additional charge on government services, bribes, markup of fire engine procurement projects, fictional projects, double budgets, corruption of social aid funds, corruption of rice for the poor that involved the village heads, enriching themselves through legislation as done by members of the district legislators, granting of money a considerable amount of money to outgoing members of the parliament. This book consists of nine chapters, begins with a preface that is easy to understand and describes how corruption is committed in this country. The political slogan which goes: share or report is a common mechanism practiced and developed by corrupt politicians in the regions. Through this mechanism, they have consciously shown corrupt behavior by distorting power for their own interests. This kind of behavior reminds us of a Tammany Hall politician, George Washington Plunkitt, who was well-known with the slogan: I saw the opportunity and I used it. This Plunkitts slogan is being celebrated by the local politicians. The heads of the local governments and the parliament members are celebrating corruption. They actually practice the power opportunity to accumulate wealth. The implication is that there are new rich people in many regions of the country. This is the most explicit behavior the politicians have shown in the last few years as found in the first chapter In the ninth chapter, it is concluded that some people think that there are more corruption and collusion cases compared with the Suharto era. This is in part due to the exposure on corruption cases is no longer suppressed. The mass media are free to carry news related to corruption committed by various alleged or convicted political actors. The corruption cases exposed at the local level shows the success of the mass media in revealing corruption that no one in the past thought possible. Previously, we never saw high ranking officials, government executives, governors, regents, mayors, members of PARLIAMENT, or the bureaucrats [ 137 ]
arrested because of corruption. However, now the executive and legislative bodies cannot run away from the law. The mass media is free to carry corruption related stories and those who have been convicted by the law enforcement institutions. The might of the mass media in presenting the corruption case demonstrates to us that corruption has been widespread in the institutions of local governments. The success of the media in exposing corruption in the regions has indicated that the phrase frequently yelled by the anti-corruption activists is true that corruption has been decentralized. As Teten Masduki said that corruption in the era of decentralization is rampant and there are more perpetrators involved. In fact, in the context of the regional autonomy, corruption has also experienced a shift from the central government to the local. The outbreak of corruption in many areas has given rise to stigma that corruption committed in groups has become common. The implication of the outbreak of corruption has given rise to the emergence of many new rich people, that is to say they are lucky to become a member of parliament, PARLIAMENT, the head of the local government, the apparatus of the bureaucrats, etc. These are the individuals who systematically abuse power to rob the states money.
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A Desirable Leader: Reflection of the Populist Characteristics Jakarta: Mizan By S. B. Pramono & Dessy Harahap Reviewed By Amalia Irfani (Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies) There is no country that is successful in its management without intervention of a leader. The leader is the spearhead of the success of a country. The thought, effort, even the habit of the leader are capable of making people follow and treat them like an idol figure/a celebrity. A successful leader will always be honored while those who fail will usually be scorned and even removed. The book entitled Pemimpin Yang Dirindukan: Refleksi Karakteristik Kerakyatan (A Desirable Leader: Reflection of the Populist Characteristics) written by S.B. Pramono and Dessy Harahap contains brief biographies of several Indonesian national leaders that have been under the spotlight both nationally and internationally. They were the forerunners of promoting diversity in Indonesia, and their existence won respect from other nations that saw Indonesia as a nation of dignity. There are thirteen (13) major figures who made Indonesia a great nation through their thoughts and services, namely: Sukarno, Mohammad Hatta, Sutan Syahrir, Muhammad Natsir, Haji Agus Salim, R.A. Kartini, Supomo, Muhammad Yamin, the Great Commander Sudirman, Ki Hajar Dewantara, Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX, Yap Thiam Hien, and Hoegeng. They were born to the nation, raised in a distinguished and educated family, and held prominent positions of their era. Being easy to read, straightforward and communicative makes this book so interesting and attractive that it should become a reference for the youth who have intent to be a leader. Sukarno and Muhammad Hatta, the proclamators, for example, are said to have a simple personality and great managerial ability to run the country. Sukarnos famous appearance made him the Indonesian mens fashion trendsetter. His idea of wearing a cap, white shirt and suit jacket, long and short-sleeve safari shirt have now become one of the nations typical national clothing. For Sukarno, a dress code was an important image which was necessary for political purposes, not for distinguishing between the nobility/educated and the common people. [ 139 ]
Unlike the flamboyant Sukarno, Muhammad Hatta was a figure depicted by Marvis Rose (Australian historian) with typical leadership characters, resolute, courageous, and optimistic; his attitude was ultimately able to bring Indonesias independence while under the pressure of the colonizers. The author noted that the creativity of Hatta had been obvious since his youth; his love of science was shown by his collection of more than 30 thousand books in his private library. Hatta also was recognized as a human rights fighter that contributed to the drafting of the Constitution in sddition to his efforts to include the subject of the economy and peoples welfare in section 33 of the constitution before being amended. Another name who fought for independence of Indonesia was Sutan Syahrir, an eminent diplomat who also implemented his ideas in the Government. His ideas won international recognition of the struggle of Indonesia to become a sovereign state after World War II. Another freedom fighter whose struggle was recognized by Soekarno and Hatta was Muhammad Natsir. Sukarno once said of Natsir, Hij is de man (he is the man). Hatta also recounted that President Sukarno would not sign the governments decision if it was not prepared by Natsir. This indicates Natsirs influence on the governments policies. His strength was founded on simplicity that became his hallmark. What he displayed during his term in office is hardly found now, because Natsirs simplicity was no longer practiced by current the leaders of Indonesia. If Natsir was known for his simplicity, another leader who participated in the struggle of Indonesias independence and known for his brilliant diplomacy was Haji Agus Salim. His intelligence was excellent as he was able to master nine self-taught foreign languages (Dutch, English, German, French, Arabic, Turkish and Japanese). His diplomacy skills were superior and he possessed all the requirements to be a diplomat i.e. a vast knowledge on history, culture and civilization, international law, mastery of foreign languages, a simple and calm personality. Agus Salim, according to the author, was friendly but always alert. Similarly, the author also narrates the same thing about the other freedom fighter who established a strong foundation for the nation, R.A. Kartini, who is described by as being able to think one step ahead of her time. Then, Supomo who was among the first generation of legal experts in Indonesia better known by the public as the initiator of the five basic principles of the nation in the first meeting of the Agency for Preparation of the Independence of Indonesia, namely: unity, democracy, social justice, solidarity and deliberation. Interestingly, his critical and concern with the fate of the nation was demonstrated with rejection of human rights in the Constitution. He
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argued that human rights are products of an individualistic state, a gift of nature and the state. The book also recounts the life of the Great General Sudirman, a commander who was able to position himself between two extreme ideologies. Despite his profound loyalty to Islam, he did not show the attitude of fanaticism and intolerance. Another name that showed his existence in the field of education was Ki Hajar Dewantara. Sultan Hamengku Buwono IX also played an important role in the revolution and development of the nation. Yap Thiam Hien, a fighter of the rights of the minorities was also known as a thinker who dared to oppose the policies of the rulers if perceived unfair and prejudicial. He proved it by disputing the article 6 of the Constitution which stipulates that the President of the Republic of Indonesia is a native Indonesian. The last name to be covered in this short biography is Hoegeng. He was so phenomenal that he was called the legend of anti-corruption movement because during his office as the Chief of the Indonesian Police, his integrity and honesty have become a unique image in the police force. President Gus Dur once said, In Indonesia there are only three honest policemen, namely the sleeping policeman (speed bump), the statue of a policeman and Hoegeng. What the author tries to convey through the short narrative is a fact of history that must be known to the younger generation and the future leaders as this book tells about the national fighters who may be unknown to the public at large especially to the younger generation. As Bung Karno said, My struggle was easier because I fought to expel the invaders, but it will be more difficult for you as your struggle is to fight against your fellow countrymen. This indicates how heavy the responsibility of the current younger generation is. Despite its interesting and inspiring content, the book only tells about the positive side of the 13 (thirteen) freedom fighters; it does not display the minus/negative side that we all can change and should not be repeated by the next leaders of the nation.
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Call for Article and Book Review
Al Albab Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS) is a scientific journal publishing articles on religious
studies. The BJRS also includes book reviews on religious issues by various scholars in the world. The journal is published by Pusat Penelitian dan Pengabdian pada Masyarakat (P3M) at Pontianak State College of Islamic Studies (STAIN Pontianak) twice a year; in June and December.
Guideline for Author: 1. The article must be original and based on research which is not yet published elsewhere. 2. An author may submit an article in Bahasa Indonesia or in English. 3. The length of the article is a minimum 4.000 word and a maximum of 6000 words, including figures, illustrations and bibliography. 4. The article must include cover, name of author, afiliaion, telephon number and e-mail address. 5. The article should also include an abstract of about 200 words and some keyword. 6. Artikel di tulis dengan font Book Antiqua 12 dan spasi berjarak 1,5. 7. Quotation should follow a system of body note by mentioning name, year and page of the source. 8. Bibliography is written in Harvard system (the Harvard Referencing System). Examples: Book: McLennan, Gregor., 2006. Sociologial Cultural Studies: Reflexivity and positivity in the human sciences. London: Palgrave Macmillan. Book (editorial) Davidson, Jamie. S dan David Henley (Editor)., 2007. The Revival of Tradition in Indonesian Politics: The development of adat from colonialism to indigenism. London: Routledge. Book Chapter: Stuers, Cora Vreede-de., 1987. The Life of Rangkayo Rahmah El Yunusiah: The facts and the image. Dalam: Locher-Scholten, Elsbeth dan Anke Niehof., 1987. Indonesian Women in Focus: Past and present notions. Dordrect-Holland: Foris Publication, Hal. 52 57. Journal Article: Benda-Beckmann, Keebet von dan Franz von Benda-Beckmann., 1978. Residence in Minangkabau Nagari. Indonesia and the Malay world, 6 (15). Hal. 6 17. Thesis: Hadler, Jeffrey., 2000. Place Like Home: Islam, matriliny adn the history of family in minangkabau. Disertasi doktor. Itacha: Cornell University. Conference Paper: Navis, A.A., 1985. Perempuan Dalam Masyarakat Matrilini Minangkabau. in Seminar Kebudayaan Minangkabau. Bukittinggi 19 dan 20 Agustus 1985. Website: Indonesia: Program for Community Empowerment. In Rural Areas. 2011. [Diakses 2 Maret 2011}. http://www.worldbank.org/in/country/indonesia/overview. 9. A blind reader will review the accepted article before publication process. 10. The copyright of the article is on the hand of the Al Albab Borneo Journal of Religious Studies when it is published. Book Review: 11. The length of a Book Review is minimum of 750 words and maximum of 1000 words. 12. A reviewer may choose a book on various issues in religious studies both in Bahasa Indonesia and in English. Article and book review should be sent either via mail or email to: Redaksi Borneo Jurnal of Religious Studies Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri (STAIN) Pontianak Jalan Suprapto No. 19 Pontianak, KalBar. 78121. E-mail: redaksi.bjrs@gmail.com Website: Under Construction
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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

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AL ALBAB - Borneo Journal of Religious Studies (BJRS)

Volume 2 Number 1 June 2013