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Indigenous perspectives and cultural identity (Chapter 4) / Clair Anderson and Maggie Walter. South Melbourne, Vic. : Oxford University Press, 2010. 2010 Diversity and inclusion in Australian schools / edited by Mervyn Hyde, Lorelei Carpenter and Robert Conway. 63-87 25 396 p. 9780195558838 Slee, June ETL414

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Chapter 4

Indigenous Perspectives and Cultural Identity


Clair Andersen and Maggie Walter

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
To identify ways to develop inclusive educational settings and foster educational achievement To understand the difference between difference and deficit To consider the nature of culture and identity for Indigenous students To reflect on alternative ways to address inequalities To understand the context of Indigenous education in Australia To identify the impediments to successful education To consider the impact of poor teacher-student relationships on learning To reflect on five examples of working differently

KEY TERMS
absenteeism IESIP (Indigenous Education Strategic Initiatives Programme) mentoring NAEC (National Aboriginal Education Committee) NAEP (National Aboriginal Education Policy) NATSIS (National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Survey) NIELNS (National Indigenous English Literacy and Numeracy Strategy) otitis media RCADC (Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody) tutoring two-way education

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Introduction
Current estimates put the number of Indigenous people at 458,500 people, or 2.4 per cent of the total Australian population. Two distinct groups-Australian Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders-make up this total, with 90 per cent identifying as Aboriginal, 6 per cent identifying as Torres Strait Islander and 4 per cent as both (ABS 2008). These populations are not homogeneous and have significant demographic, social and cultural differences. In contrast to the wider Australian population, the Indigenous population is a young and growing one. Almost 40 per cent of Indigenous people are aged below 15 years, compared with 20 per cent of the non-Indigenous population, and Indigenous young people make up around 5 per cent of the schoolage population (ABS 2008). This means that on average about one in every 20 Australian school students is Indigenous and, if distributed evenly, every classroom in Australian would contain at least one Indigenous class member. Indigenous students, however, are not distributed evenly across the Australian school population-geographically, socio-economically or by educational achievement. Geographically, Indigenous students are more likely to live in remote or rural areas, isolated from educational services, although a full third of the Indigenous population resides in our capital cities. In socio-economic terms, marginalisation, poverty, poor health and difficult home circumstances, among other disadvantages, cumulate to restrict and frustrate the access and successful participation of Indigenous students in education. These distributional elements are vitally important to understand the educational position of Aboriginal children today and to develop strategies for maximising their educational outcomes. A crucial element is the place of, and practices around, Indigenous culture and identity within the Australian educational system. For many Indigenous students and their families there is a clash between dominant educational culture and curriculum and their own culture and identity. Not only is English not always the first (or even second) language of many Indigenous students, but for those who predominantly speak English, the cultural use and meanings of language can be very different. Indigenous ways of learning and interacting and non-Indigenous ways of learning and interacting also do not necessarily coincide. The result of such cultural differences can be an exclusion of the Indigenous student from the effective work of the classroom, even if the student is still actually attending class. A lack of recognition of Indigenous culture and identity from the school culture and identity can result in the effective exclusion of the Indigenous student and their family from the school community. This chapter is centrally about the place of culture and identity for Indigenous students in Australia and the ways to develop, foster and encourage educational

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............ "

participation and success. The purpose is to provide educators with tools and strategies to develop Indigenous inclusive educational practices and settings. To achieve this task we begin by outlining the current socia-demographic and economic position of IndigenousAustralians and also the evidence around Indigenous education participation and success. Within this we pay special attention to Indigenous child health and how this may impact on learning and participation. While these sections necessarily highlight the vast social and economic inequities currently experienced by Indigenous people, we do not want the focus to be on the negatives. Rather, in the major sections relating to Indigenous culture and identity within education we concentrate on tried and tested strategies for engaging students.

CASE STUDY

Absenteeism in Tasmania
On anyone school day in Tasmania, 22 Aboriginal children are at home under school suspension orders, according to figures released by the Education Department in 2005. While 103 schoolchildren are suspended daily in Tasmania, Aboriginal children are three times more likely to be suspended. The Education Minister said Aboriginal children were suspended more often and for longer periods because they were more violent in the playground, or for swearing or rudeness to teachers. However, the Tasmanian Aboriginal Centre claimed the 'shocking' number of suspensions was due to entrenched prejudice and intolerance. The Centre's legal director Michael Mansell said, 'These students cannot hope to get an education if they are continually being suspended from schoo!.' He also said, 'The issue here is not the kids' behaviour; it's about whether the education system can adjust to people being different.' The answer, he believes, lies in making school more attractive and relevant to Aboriginal children and that means teaching Aboriginal children more about their history, their culture and their families.
Source: The Mercury, 30 August 2005, pp. 1-2.

PAUSE lA.NID

'

1 2

What is your reaction to this data on student absenteeism? Do you think the system needs to change? If so, in what ways?

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The state of Indigenous education in Australia


Indigenous students have now had nearly 200 years of inadequate access, participation and success in education. The plight of Indigenous education has been highlighted by reports such as the National Poverty Inquiry Report (1975) and the Australian Schools Commission Report (1997), which noted the poor socio-economic, health and educational position of Indigenous students. The National Report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody (RCADC 1991) also detailed the relationship between educational non-attendance and failure and negative outcomes for Indigenous youth. These outcomes include unemployment, low self-esteem, criminal activity, drug taking and alcoholism. Each report also commented on the demonstrated need for the Australian education system to develop educational policies and practices that enable Indigenous students to participate equally and successfully. A direct policy response to such reports was the establishment of the first National Aboriginal Education Committee (NAEC 1985) in 1983 to provide advice to the Commonwealth Minister for Education. Similar advisory arrangements were set up in states and territories. The direct role of Indigenous people within education was confirmed by the National Review of Education for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Peoples (DET 1994), which found that greater direct control over funding and strengthened decision making for Indigenous people was required to achieve self-determination in education. The recommendations of the National Aboriginal Education Policy (NAEP 1990) continue to underpin current programs, including the National Indigenous English Literacy and Numeracy Strategy (NIELNS) (DEST 2000) and the Indigenous Education Strategic Initiatives Programme (IESIP) (DEST 2001). Current education policy is also guided by the 1999 Adelaide Declaration on National Goals for Schooling in the Twenty-first Century (MCEETYA 1999).

Education and its relationship with socio-demographic and economic inequality


Improving Indigenous educational outcomes at the national level, however, is a complex task that is heavily influenced by the highly inequitable position of Indigenous people within Australian society. As the economic data outlined in Table 4.1 shows, the socio-economic circumstance of Indigenous Australia is both manifestly different and unequal. While influenced to some extent by the much younger age structure and different geographical spread of the Indigenous population, the socio-economic disparity is undeniable. In addition, Indigenous Australians are more than fifteen times as likely to be imprisoned as adults and seventeen times as likely to be detained as juveniles; they also have comparative rates of homeless ness more than three times those of non-Indigenous

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Table 4.1

Indigenous and non-Indigenous socia-economic comparisons

Aged under 15 years Aged over 65 years Median age Home owner/purchaser Renter Household with six or more usual occupants Labour market participation rate Median weekly individual income Has welfare payments as main source of income Would be unable to raise $2000 within a week Proportion with income in lowest and second quintiles Proportion with income in the highest quintile

37.6

19.8 13.3

3.3
20 34.1 60.2 12.0 54.5 $278 52 54

37
64.8 27.2

3.1
64.6 $466 27 14

72
5

39
20

Source: ABS (2004b, 2006b, 2008).

Australians (Bareja & Charlton 2003; ABS 2004a, 2008). While some absolute indicators of inequality have improved in recent years, the comparative position on Indigenous Australians has not improved appreciably.

Educational position
All of the socio-economic factors outlined in the section above obviously impact on Indigenous children's educational participation and chances of success. Table 4.2 outlines recent figures relating to Indigenous education in Australia. As can be seen, the news is not good. Indigenous students in primary grades continue to achieve low standards in literacy and numeracy. Such poor starts increase the likelihood of young Indigenous people reaching the age of 15 without adequate literacy and numeracy to gain quality employment or options for further education or training. The educational participation and outcomes of Indigenous students are affected by disadvantages beyond their control (Tsey 1997). These disadvantages spill over into the higher education realm. As Herbert et al. (1996) note, Indigenous students are less likely to have prior qualifications than other students, and are much more likely to get into university on the basis of special entry schemes or institutional assessment than on the basis of past higher f..iLlcation or school education. Isolation from educational facilities is also a factor. In 2000 approximately 30 per cent of Indigenous higher education

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Table 4.2

Comparative education of Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians

Achieves reading benchmarks at Year 5 Educated to Year 12 Has a post-school qualification In education 18-24 years Unemployment rate

68 19.4 20.0 14.6 15.6

89 44.9 44.0 39.5 5.2

Source: ASS (2006b).

students were from rural areas, with an additional 15 per cent from isolated areas (Encel
2000). It is important to recognise, however, that educational inequalities do not just apply

in remote areas. More than 75 per cent of Indigenous people in Australia live in urban and regional areas and the disparities are equally observed in cities and towns. This pattern is apparent in Table 4.3, which compares data from Perth in Western Australia, Dubbo in New South Wales and Maningrida in the Northern Territory. Non-Indigenous comparative figures are included for Perth and Dubbo, but not for Maningrida as the non-Indigenous population is too small.
Table 4.3

Urban, regional and remote educational comparisons

Educated to Year
12

15.6 12.0

34.3 31.2

21.3

49.1

5.3

Has a postschool qualification In education 18-24 years Unemployment rate

13.0

36.4

2.6

12.4 21.9

27.4 5.3

14.6

39.1 3.6

[n.a.]
16.4

16.1

Source: ASS (2006b).

The National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Survey (NATSIS) (ABS 1994) demonstrated that the lack of secondary and tertiary qualifications impacts negatively on an Indigenous person's ability to obtain ongoing, gainful employment. Recent research by Hunter and Schwab (2003) finds some absolute improvements in Indigenous education

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outcomes such as Indigenous post-secondary education qualification rates between 1986 and 2001. However, the researchers caution that the relative rate of improvement in either the proportion of the population with a post-secondary qualification or the proportion of Indigenous young people staying on at school has seen little relative gain. Failure of Indigenous Australians to 'keep up' with the rest of the Australian population in educational attainment increases the risk of continuing the cycle of severe poverty and disadvantage.

ConSIder the socio-economic circumstances of IndIgenous Australians. 1 2 How do they impact on classroom participation? What are the consequences for teachers and students?

Who is an Indigenous student?


The current Australian definition of Indigeneity states that an Indigenous person is one who: has Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander descent identifies as an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander person is accepted as an Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander by the community in which he or she lives. This definition is widely accepted within government departments, statutory bodies and institutions, but sometimes is contested by Aboriginal groups as imposed.

The impact of health on education


The Katu Kalpa report (Senate Employment, Workplace Relations, Small Business and Education Committee 2000) on the inquiry into the effectiveness of education and training programs for Indigenous Australians makes particular reference to the impact of health. There is a close relationship between health and education outcomes for Aboriginal children. Poor health hinders many Aboriginal children's school attendance on a daily basis and restricts their ability to learn. Two health issues in particularotitis media (middle ear infection), which can lead to poor hearing and deafness, and an inability to learn and maintain concentration due to poor nutrition-have been identified as especially detrimental. Improvements in education outcomes appear to result in improved health outcomes, and the converse also applies. One major review of literature (Grossman & Kaestner 1997) concludes there is a causative relationship between education and health; that is, more schooling does cause better health. A

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significant finding is that the education levels of parents, and particularly mothers, appears to have a powerful effect on reducing infant and child mortality. The box 'Indigenous health statistics' details the health circumstances that affect Indigenous students and their families.

Indigenous health statistics


to o _ . , ' " ot
0 '.0 00 '

f.

Recent figures from the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (ASS 2008) and the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission (HREOC 2003) confirm that Australian Indigenous people endure:
o

rates of infant mortality 2.5 times the national average rates of low birth weight babies twice the national rate rates of youth suicide up to five times the national rate rates of diabetes mellitus nearly four times the national rate very high rates of chronic kidney disease, including end-stage renal disease higher prevalence of most health-related conditions, including diseases of the respiratory system and circulatory problems and diseases higher rates of hospitalisation overall high rates of infection with preventable communicable diseases life expectancy around 17 years less than the national average.

1 2 3

In what ways do you think poor Indigenous health might affect students' learning on a day-to-day basis? How might high rates of morbidity and mortality in students' families be reflected in their participation? How could a school work to accommodate the reality of poor health and the likelihood of family illness for its Indigenous students?

Overcoming the barriers


In summary, poverty, poor living conditions and health problems mean that many Indigenous children are severely disadvantaged when it comes to education and are at serious risk of educational failure. Such failure contributes to the likelihood of continuing socio-economic disadvantage and inequality. On the positive side, Hunter (1996) believes that Aboriginal children who regularly attend school and continue on

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to Year 10 or Year 11 increase their chance of employment, reduce the likelihood of arrest and significantly reduce their future chances of living in poverty: 'Education is the largest single factor associated with the current poor outcomes for Indigenous employment.' Holistically and culturally respectful educational programs can help break this cycle and the next sections move our discussion to illustrate this.

Dominant curriculum-culture clash


There is undeniable evidence that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students are significantly disadvantaged within the Australian school system. National reports and all Australian governments regularly acknowledge that the education of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students is of serious concern. High drop-out rates, absenteeism, access to quality schooling and teachers, difficulties at school including curriculum content, and low self-esteem linked to identity have challenged educators for decades. Yet despite the various policies, schemes and strategies aimed at treating these inadequacies, it has become increasingly apparent that Indigenous students are still not achieving educational outcomes at similar levels to other Australian students. Although the participation rate of Aboriginal people in all levels of education has increased over the last two decades, there is still evidence to suggest that children begin their education quite well but gradually become uninterested in higher primary classes and, in particular, at the secondary level (ReADC 1991). Non-attendance at school is clearly related to a number of social and environmental factors. The NATSIS (ABS 2002) found that a lack of cross-cultural understanding of Indigenous cultures, relative absence of curriculum related to Indigenous cultures, lack ofIndigenous people employed as teachers and trainers, isolation of many Indigenous communities, and high levels of poverty are all implicated.

Culture, identity, education and learning styles


The importance of the recognition ofIndigenous students' culture and identity cannot be overemphasised. Curricula in Australian schools tend to reflect and transmit the values and styles of non-Indigenous society, with little regard to Indigenous culture and society. Many educators are now striving to incorporate an Indigenous perspective in their teaching plans, and although this will help to educate non-Indigenous Australians about Aboriginal ways, it will not completely address the academic failure ofIndigenous students. In 1987 the NAEC (National Aboriginal Council n.d.) identified the clash between the schooling system and the home environment as a key factor in the educational underachievement of Indigenous students. In response, the NAEC recommended the following policies for Indigenous education, which remain relevant today:

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........... .
1

Education for Aboriginal people must be a process that builds on what Aboriginal people are by recognising and developing their natural potential and not by destroying their cultural heritage. Changes to the school system would enable a strong Aboriginal identity to be a positive education factor. Aboriginal studies must become an integral part of the education of every Australian. It must be taught with a high degree of respect and understanding to develop an accurate knowledge of Australian history, Aboriginal cultures and lifestyles. The educational services offered to both traditional and non-traditional Aboriginal people must aim for and be capable of developing and strengthening knowledge of and pride in their cultural heritage, as well as obtaining academic and technological skills required of Australians today. To ensure effective learning, the latter must be acquired in harmony with the Aboriginal person's own cultural values, identity and choice of lifestyle, whether they are residing in an urban, rural, traditional community or homeland centre. In order to ensure the effectiveness of education services for Aboriginal people, they must play the major part in delivery of those services. This requires immediate and substantial change in policy, and implementation of new programs to train and employ Aboriginal people in the various fields of education so that they can take responsibility for implementing policies and delivering programs in Aboriginal education.

A school's engagement with Indigenous parents is also a vital part of improving the effectiveness of Indigenous education. Aboriginal parents are very aware of the importance of education for their children and all want their children to succeed. But when parents do not share the same values embodied in schooling, they are less inclined to encourage educational success. Many Aboriginal parents also lack the experience, knowledge and resources to aid their child's education, not to mention limited or negative experiences with their own education. For many Indigenous people, their past experience of the education system means that 'schools were just another invention by which white Australian society sought to control their lives' and a means 'of dislocating Aboriginal children from Aboriginal culture' (RCADC 1991). More importantly, schooling has so far failed to reflect and/or include Aboriginal values and learning styles. Indigenous parents continue to express the desire for their children to be able to function in both their own culture and the wider Australian community. That is, they want their children to be educated, but not at the expense of losing their identity and their culture.

The importance of the teacher-student relationship


A significant barrier for Aboriginal students is an unsupportive teacher. To teach effectively, teachers need an awareness of the issues affecting Indigenous education and their local Indigenous community(s). Many teachers lack knowledge about the lives of

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Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders, and may have low and/or negative expectations due to stereotyping Aboriginal students and ignoring actual values and culture. The experiences of Indigenous students bear out this reality. According to Day (1992), 'for most Aboriginal students the relationship with teachers was largely a negative one: teachers lacked training in Aboriginal Studies and knew little about the ways in which Aboriginal students differed from other students' (cited in Partington 1997). As a consequence of a negative relationship with their teacher, many Aboriginal students come to regard the classroom as an undesirable place to be, and communities can come to see the school as an alien/white institution with little relevance to their lives.

How much do you know about your Indigenous community? What is the name of the traditional Indigenous occupants of the area you live in? What are (or were) their main customs and practices and what language(s) do (or did) they speak? Do any local towns orfeatures in your area have Indigenous names and do you know what they mean? What proportion ofthe population in your state is Indigenous? Where do they mostly live? Do you know the names of any local Indigenous organisations?

If so, what services do they provide and what are their main concerns?
For the Indigenous people in your area, what are the key events in their history after the arrival of the non-Indigenous population? Can you name five prominent Indigenous Australians from the last ten years, other than sports people?
Source: adapted from DEST (2006, p. 12),

Understanding Indigenous learning: a clash in learning styles?


Mainstream education provision in Australia does not naturally support traditional Indigenous approaches to learning. Research since the mid 1980s has been influenced by the notion of learning styles. These studies theorise that cultural differences change the way in which we learn. At the base of these theories is the leey idea that Indigenous students are culturally different and that these differences need to be catered for in the classroom if the students are going to be successful. However, this is not to argue that there is anyone clear 'Aboriginal learning style'. Rather, as What works: The work

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program (D EST 2006, p. 3) notes, ways of learning are derived from the way that the
people in a child's immediate context 'teach', and that many of these learning practices are embedded by the time the child begins schoo!. Therefore, while new ways oflearning can also be taught, Indigenous children learn best when their home and community experiences are reflected in their educational settings.

A checklist: the current state of your practice


If you can answer most of these questions positively, you're doing well.

Ho\\( are you of yourlnd!gehOus . stuq'ents? J-I0Vimuchdoyou know about their backgrounds, aspirations and needs? In the case ofs1;Udents entering or exiting' the school/institution, do you know where. they have comefromor are arrangements in plqce for receiving or passing on information that woul.dhelp support effective teaching and learning? Are gooc;l personal relationships .established between staff and the students and their families? Is there a degree offlexibility (responsible but.considerate) appliedto arrangements for students' education/training? Are processes in plac$ for liaising and maintaining regular contact with members of local communities on issues related to education/training? Do you have place'<, .for s.uccessand havey6u' f9nheir aCflle\len:lent:1


. . '.' '.

Chapter 4 Indigenous Perspectives and Cultural Identity

75

1;

a ')presence'in institution iri :c: :'t(3t.rms q{teacihirig andernployedsuppoIT ,i" gV(3ststq,the " ,., .,
the

'0

o o

o o

orir)stltuti,6n >:;i;\,1!l.pexpressitsresp.ect forthe cllitures of .\ that are ;1' students rhem bersof loca I cqm nities?

OpiEl se,n,seofcJltu ralsu pport s:( ll1digenous,., ," . '" ,


'),

Il. IIAstitutiOA .bF'wlth


fi:. '. ' ,

by

mu

o
.

o
o

o
o

<

to lea fn'" 0.".


'I LIeges? . .

Source: DEST (2006).

Some theoretical solutions: Itwo-way' education


Harris's (1990) learning style theory is one attempt to change the way we look at Indigenous education. Harris suggests that a major reason Indigenous students have been unsuccessful in schools is because teachers have not adequately understood their needs for different, informal learning styles. In light of these problems, Harris introduced the idea of 'two-way' education (1990), by which students acquire knowledge of their first culture and language as well as the culture and language of the dominant society. The two-way curriculum approach involves two separate domains of education: one of Western tradition, the other of Aboriginal tradition. Within the Aboriginal curriculum, local tradition, story-telling, music and art are taught as a means of establishing norms and values essential to the formation of Indigenous identity. It is important that this learning occurs in appropriate environments; for example, taught in an informal fashion by respected elders and in the bush. Likewise, Harris suggests that teaching traditional Western education should remain formal: in the classroom and by qualified teachers that have specific training in Indigenous culture and teaching methods. A 'two-way' curriculum to Aboriginal education is therefore seen

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as successfully combining Indigenous and Western cultural values, while preserving Indigenous identity, and preparing all Indigenous students with necessary skills for establishment and success within contemporary Australian society. The theory, however, has its critics. Nicholls, Crowley and Watt (1996), for example, view Harris's theory as essentially conservative. The problem, they argue, is that it disregards the major socio-political problems faced by Indigenous Australians by reducing them to mere cultural differences; for example, the cycle of poverty and racism theories that suggest that disadvantaged socio-economic indicators, such as health and living conditions, perpetuate in a cycle and impact on education. Another criticism of Harris's theory is that it fails to account for the wide cultural diversity evident in Aboriginal culture, and is based on cultural ideology. That is, all Australians are the same, they uphold the same values and beliefs, and basically that they are a homogonous group. Nicholls, Crowley and Watt (1996) suggest that school curriculum must be re-evaluated in order to facilitate Aboriginal academic success. Regardless of the validity of two-way learning as an approach, if we agree that cultural differences do affect the way in which Indigenous students learn, such cultural differences must be accommodated within the educational curriculum and pedagogy. Moreover, the issue of cultural differences is essentially the purview of the teacher, the school and curriculum designers, rather than the Indigenous child and their family. With 'the cognitive development of children being shaped by personal and cultural histories related to gender, class, race and family' (Ferrari & Mahalingham 1998, p. 326) it becomes vitally important to provide opportunities for Indigenous children to develop their own sense of individuality and belonging within the constraints of the 'Western/Anglo' classroom. There are four principal components of the curriculum process that impact on student learning: the teacher, including the ways in which the teacher makes decisions, instructs and transmits knowledge; the students, who are active participants in educational process; the social context within which interaction occurs; and, finally, the content of the curriculum. We need to focus on making changes within each component to influence the outcomes of schooling for Aboriginal students.

Indigenous learning: what works


Giroux (1992) states that educators need to approach learning not merely as the acquisition of knowledge but also as the production of cultural practices that offer students a sense of identity, place and hope. This approach-the integration of culture and cultural practices into teaching and learning-is central to successful education for Indigenous students. Crucial to teaching and learning within this milieu is the relationship between the school, teachers and students and their communities. Successful relationships are highlighted in the five examples included in this chapter, in which the voices and experiences of teachers and students are mixed. This is a purposeful integration to emphasise that education that is good for Indigenous students relies on the quality and strength of these relationships.

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Cherbourg State School-where students are young, black and deadly


When Chris Sarra arrived as the principal in 1998 he found students running on top of two-storey buildings, and in and out of the main office, staffroom and principal's office. He said: 'It was impossible to leave your lunch in the staffroom fridge because students would steal it well before lunchtime.' The academic performance at the school was extremely poor. According to Sarra, when the Year 7s left for high school they had 'with no idea of how to conduct themselves in a regular classroom and nowhere near the personal skills or literacy and numeracy skills to survive'. By Year 8 most had dropped out, and an analysis of 4260 records of Indigenous students leaving Cherbourg to attend Murgon State High reveals they remained enrolled for an average of nine months. Sarra's first challenge was to shift the mindset that accepted Aboriginal underperformance as normal to one that believed the children could achieve better outcomes: 'Clearly if change were to occur, the school had to change its beliefs about what our children could achieve, and our children had to change their beliefs about what they could achieve.' Those staff who did not believe the students could improve academically and socially to become 'stronger and smarter' were invited to move on to make way for those who did. New team members embraced the challenge and most importantly had high expectations of the students and made them work hard. Positive results in the classroom soon followed. An Aboriginal elder was employed to work with Sarra on community liaison to assist in growing a strong and smart school. A number of strategies were developed and introduced, including getting students to attend by rewarding classes with the lowest number of unexplained absences, and using key community people to moderate behaviour. It did not take long for the students to realise that if they were doing the wrong thing their parents would support the principal in taking action. A strong sense of solidarity was also generated by developing a school song, introducing a school uniform and establishing school tidy zones. To achieve these changes, Sarra says it was important to 'believe' in the people of Cherbourg and to value what they had to say. They, like him, 'harboured an intense passion and desire to see change in the school, and to see our children become "young and black and deadly",' This was enough to change the direction ofthe school.
Source: adapted from Sarra (2003).

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When Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people learn, they want to do so in ways that are responsive to their unique requirements. Consultation, customisation and localisation are critical to the success of Indigenous learning experiences and the resources developed to support them. The following observations and experiences provide a useful framework for thinking about successful Indigenous learning experiences and how they might be applied. Flamsteed (1999, p. 7), for example, reports that Aboriginal people regard education to be most effective when it: involves some components of face-to-face delivery is culturally appropriate and it is delivered by teachers who are either Indigenous or experienced with and sensitive to Indigenous learners is truly flexible and considers that family and cultural commitments may affect a community member's participation. Other educators who have worked closely with Aboriginal learners (for example, Harris 1984, pp. 77-90) have identified ways in which Aboriginal people prefer to learn, particularly in remote contexts. These include: learning through performance, rather than practice in contrived settings learning context-specific skills rather than abstract principles learning through observation and imitation rather than through oral or written verbal instruction learning through trial and error rather than through verbally-mediated demonstrations employing an orientation towards people rather than tasks or information.

CASE STUDY Yolngu education in Milingimbi


Since 1973, when the bilingual policy was launched in the Northern Territory, Yolngu teaching staff, elders and leaders of the Milingimbi community in northeast Arnhem Land 'have been involved in and committed to the development of a culturally appropriate education according to the social and political principles, needs and aspirations of the community' (Tamisari & Milmilany 2003). Yolngu educators and community members have long recognised the limitations of bilingual education models and have been striving for 'recognition of a more systematic integration of Yolngu knowledge and ways of teaching and learning in mainstream curricula' (Tamisari & Milmilany 2003). A Yolngu vision for education has been progressively developed within the broader political struggle for the maintenance of local authority structures and the assertion of control and decision making in the school.

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The local school (Millingimbi Community Education Centre) has around 300 students and is one of three bilingual schools in the region. It has a school council comprising eleven parents, two teachers, the principal, the school secretary, a member of the Northern Territory Legislative Assembly and a member nominated by the Milingimbi Community Council. Education has been perceived as bilingual since the Methodist mission was established in 1923, as the Gupapuyngu language was chosen by the missionaries to teach the gospel in the region. In 1926 a group of twenty-five girls began attending. They were taught reading and writing by a missionary who was helped by two Yolngu assistants-a model still in use today in which Balanda (white people) and Yolngu.team-teach. While Gupapuyngu remained the official school language and 'had to be learnt first in order to facilitate children's literacy in English' (Tamisari & Milmilany, 2003), the teaching and learning methods were unchanged and the role ofYolngu teachers remained as assistants. However, many began teacher training in the 1970s, graduated during the 1980s and today with 30 years' teaching experience continue to work at the school. Some Yolngu staff were appointed to training positions of deputy principal, teacher linguist, adult educator liaison officer and literacy production supervisor, but they could only make recommendations and had no power to make decisions. It was not until 1988 that a program based on Yolngu knowledge and ways of teaching and learning was introduced, but only on Fridays. The content was structured thematically and involved the active participation of community members in design and implementation. It was 1990 before a bicultural curriculum based on 50 per cent Yolngu content was introduced in the existing curriculum. The program, named 'Dhanarangala Murrurinydji Gaywanagala' (Millingimbi CEC 1991), sets out the following aims for the school; to learn to communicate in the Yolngu languages that each child and their family uses each day through the Yolngu language, to learn about Yolngu ways of viewing the world, relating to and using things from the environment to develop literacy in the Yolngu language as appropriate to local needs, which will also support the learning of literacy in English to use 'both-ways' education-a 50/50 curriculum-to enable students to understand Yolngu and Balanda ways of thinking, communicating and living through Yolngu management of the curriculum, to increase the amount of parental involvement in the daily operation of the school.

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.. '" ........... .
In traditional community settings where formal and informal traditional Aboriginal education practices have been preserved, Trudgen (2000, p. 123) reports successful learning has occurred when the teaching:
has used a traditional language recognises Aboriginal communication styles recognises Aboriginal educational methodologies and ways of constructing knowledge uses 'scaffolding' methodologies. See Tamisari and Milmilany (2003) for a comparison of Yolngu and Balanda educational phases. The similarities and differences raise fundamental epistemological issues that highlight that Yolngu education is complex and demands recognition of Yolngu values and principles within the teaching and learning process.

Improving current practice


The many issues facing Indigenous students within the education system come not only from cultural differences but also from inappropriate teaching methods and curriculum. In order to redress this inequity, we need to engage all approaches in the education of Aboriginal students by assuming a holistic view of the participants in both the process and the situation in which it is desirable for learning to take place. Teachers and schools should not try to change the culture, custom or values ofIndigenous students, but must work towards creating a welcoming environment that respects, nurtures and enables all within the class to learn. The dominant culture needs to listen to Indigenous people. In the vocational education and training (VET) sector, this is beginning to happen and we are seeing marked improvements in success. Essentially, Indigenous education programs that are working well are small, holistic, tailor-made and flexible (NCVER 2002). Recent literature on what works (McRae 2000, 2002) tells us that a partnership between school, student and community is essential for success along with three key elements: cultural recognition and support, skill development, and participation. These key elements are elaborated as follows:
1

Cultural recognition and support is developed through: establishing good personal relationships and mutual trust between the student, teacher, school, family and community fl exib ility localisation encouraging high levels of involvement by Indigenous people in management and delivery building a community of peers and a 'home' in the institution recognising and teaching Indigenous languages promoting cultural reference and expression.

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Skill development is assisted through: increasing attention and time spent on literacy skills to build SAE competence increasing the cultural relevance of curricula improving teaching practice-increasing intensity, offering achievable steps, working cooperatively, expanding the range of media through which learning occurs and increasing practicality. Participation can be encouraged through: school entry-arranging visits for parents attendance-maintaining regular contact with parents and rewarding regular attendance engagement-linking learning to student interest and relevance.

1 2 3

How important is it for teachers to know about the local language? What is your reaction to the suggestions listed in the 'Improving current practice' section? Can you identify how you might implement them?

CASE STUDY

Daring to lead
The 'Dare to Lead program aims to improve primary literacy levels and secondary school completions by 10 per cent in schools with Indigenous students. Schools without Indigenous students can also participate by committing to improving teaching about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander histories and cultures. The four peak principals' associations are urging their colleagues to significantly improve outcomes for Indigenous students and also to drive the cause of Reconciliation through the life and work of Australian schools. According to Chair of the Australian Principals' Association Professional Development Committee, Tom Crocker, this project is about leadership: 'We're ready to take this on, and make this event a landmark in our social history-the time when a quarter of a million Australian educators in 10,000 schools stood up and said, "Something must be done, something can be done and something will be done".' Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students continue to record lower numeracy and literacy rates overalt and have lower rates of school completion than their non-Indigenous peers. The number of Indigenous students currently meeting the national literacy benchmark is 25 percentage points lower than for non-Indigenous students,
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while the retention rate for Indigenous students between Years 10 and 12 is 33 percentage points lower than for non-Indigenous students. Leadership is the key to change, and principals and other school leaders are critical, according to the former APAPDC chair, Don Zoellner. 'The position of the principal has changed from being part ofthe problem of chronic underachievement of Indigenous students, to now being seen a major part of the solution.' he said. For more on Dare to Lead initiatives, see www.principalsaustralia.edu.au/ daretolead.

Dealing with non-attendance


There is no easy solution to addressing non-attendance and failure at school for the Indigenous population, but individual schools hold the key to effective social and political change that can lead to empowerment and success in education for Aboriginal students. Schools and teachers must operate flexibly to engage students in ways that are compatible with students' characteristics, and the contexts within which learning takes place. When making educational decisions about Aboriginal students, teachers must consider more than cultural elements-change must come from examining all elements to achieve a close cultural fit between course delivery, content, student aspirations and the realities of local employment opportunities, as suggested by Schwab (2001). This requires a departure from what has traditionally prevailed in schooling. Although teachers must be concerned with their pedagogy and the content of curriculum, they also must take into account the setting in which learning takes place, as well as the students and their backgrounds: 'Programs which encourage Indigenous participation in education while simultaneously being

CASE STUDY
Riding to success
Getting Aboriginal kids to school can sometimes be difficult, especially in remote areas. Some communities have introduced 'no school, no pool' rules under shared responsibility agreements (SRAs) with government; however, Warrego school in the centre of the Northern Territory is achieving 100 per cent attendance without a pool or an SRA. Their secret to this success is horses! Students learn literacy, numeracy and English through a horsemanship program. The school was due to close in 1999. The principal, Colin Baker, who took up the position in 1997, saw it as a short-term commitment prior to retirement.

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Towards the end of 1999, as Colin was making arrangements to transfer the students to other schools, student attendance dropped dramatically from sixty to around twenty, and there were eleven children who regularly did not attend. Around this time Colin's boss said: 'If you could get the Aboriginal children to come to school, maybe you could stay open.' However, Colin had no luck until one afternoon he was riding his horse and one of the traditional owners asked: 'Could you teach our children to ride mister?' That's how they started teaching riding at Warrego School, but it's not an extracurricular activity. Colin has incorporated the standard NT curriculum around the horsemanship program. For example, geometry is taught out in the horse yard with cones and lead reins or tape, and dressage is used to teach geometry and space. Looking after the horses is also an integral part of the learning program. Students learn about horse health, which transfers to their own health. Similarly, they learn about horse nutrition and this transfers to their own nutrition. Colin recognises that everything cannot be taught through the horsemanship program, but at least it is working and getting the kids to school. Consequently students at Warrego are spending more time learning than other students in remote area schools. One Warrego student, 12-year-old Latenza, loved going to school to learn and to ride her favourite horse Silver. She said, 'It's much more fun on the horse because we ride out there and we go to pony club. That's why I think riding is fun.' Latenza was accepted at New England Girls School in NSW because they were so impressed with her riding skills. Another initiative introduced by Colin is a swimming program. Students learn toswim in nearby Tennant Creek or the local dam, and as they improve Colin takes them to compete in local competitions in Darwin, Alice Springs and Katherine. A wall of medals has been achieved and the offer of one student to attend a training camp with Ian Thorpe is inspiring commitment to schooling. Colin's wife Sandra also works closely with the community and the health authority to address the health and nutrition needs of the students, as some 80 per cent suffer hearing loss and often have eye infections that impact on their learning. The district principal, who is responsible for eleven schools, says even if the education department does not agree with Colin's approach, they do not interfere because, 'It is the only Aboriginal school in the Northern Territory that consistently has 100 per cent attendance and they are highly successful in numeracy and literacy'. The other important link contributing to the success of this school is the relationship with the local Aboriginal community, the Mungalawurru, and their elder, who has a dream to turn Mungalawurru into a cattle station, thus giving the children an economic future.
Source: SBS Corporation (2006).

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1 2 3

What strategies might schools introduce to improve attendance? What strategies could classroom teachers introduce to improve attendance? What can secondary schools do to improve the success of Indigenous students?

responsive to family, community and cultural commitments have been powerful tools for bringing Indigenous students into educational settings' (Hunter & Schwab 2003,p.18). The sense of security and affirmation that Indigenous students may have acquired in primary schools can easily be lost in the transition to secondary school. Another challenging time is between Year 10 and senior secondary college. Two important aids to assist with successful transition are mentoring and tutoring (Dare to Lead 2003).

CASE STUDY

Opportunities at Joey's
St Josephs College, an elite private boys' school in Sydney that provides a fortunate life for 1000 students, has taken on the challenge of providing education to forty Aboriginal boys from bush towns, including Walgett. These boys have been removed from underprivileged homes and placed in this college where they are being swept along with the tide of high expectations. Father PJ, the local priest in Walgett, encourages boys to go to St Josephs where they get beds, books and tuition to the value of $20,000 (but no television and a 9.30pm bedtime), so that they get the same opportunities as other boys. He also supports the parents to let their children go away to school, as it is an invitation and not imposed. One of the boys said, 'I wouldn't have gone to school every day at the local state schooL' Another, Curtly Beal, is now a role model and leader, as well as captain of the Australian Schoolboys rugby team. The boys are supported at the college by an Aboriginal liaison teacher who provides mentoring and coaching, and also escorts them home for long weekends. He says, 'The boys love coming home, but can't wait to get back to Joey's.' These boys have grown up with nothing and now are being given an opportunity: 'I wish the same opportunity was available to hundreds of Aboriginal kids all over Australia.' The Aboriginal boys gain hope and ambition through attending 5t Josephs and they also enrich the learning of the other students.

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As Noel Pearson explains, 'Well-educated Indigenous people are not afraid to take their place in Australian society.' These boys are certainly being prepared well to take their place in the world.
Source: Martin (2006).

Consider the following advice and list strategies for each ofthe approaches mentioned:
At times it may be appropriate to focus on culturally appropriate instruction; at other times the elimination of racism and oppression may be an essential step in the process of education, and for some students compensatory education to rectify deprived circumstances may be needed. We need to engage all approaches in the education of Aboriginal students by assuming a holistic view of the participants in the process, the situation in which learning occurs and the curriculum content which is desirable' (Partington 1997).

Summary
In this chapter, we have explored the nature of culture and identity for Indigenous students and ways to develop inclusive educational settings and foster educational achievement through making changes to existing structures. Specific learnings include: 1 That the following are interconnected: a b c d 2 culture well-being education employment.

That Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students are not finishing the compulsory years of schooling due to: a b c d e truancy, suspension, expulsion and drop-out high absenteeism racism and harassment exclusion from schooling leading to crime parents not actively involved and having little control poverty or lack of resources to support participation little or no access to the full range of education and training options.

f
9 3

Social determinants research connects the individual with community, and physical health with social, emotional, cultural and spiritual well-being. Studies connect

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education with health and also ill health with poverty, racism and lack of control over one's life. 4 The following factors contribute positively to health: a social support including practical information and assistance while encouraging b 5 6 independence cultural inclusion by fostering a strong sense of cultural identity.

Recognition of this interconnectedness is influencing governments to support a multidisciplinary or intersectorial approach to education (DEST 2002). Working together-the way forward for Aboriginal education is through: a b c d building relationships sharing learning supporting self-determination valuing the roles of both Indigenous and non-Indigenous staff.

For group discussion


What have you learnt about the impact of the following on Indigenous students in Australian schools? culture and identity educational underachievement dominant curriculum-culture clash use of Indigenous languages in schools use of Indigenous staff use of bilingual education clash in learning styles, including local community protocols, rules regarding eye contact and the preference for watching or observing before doing attendance and behaviour expectations health. 2 What changes would you make to your teaching practice?

Key references
Department of Education, Science and Training (DEST) (2006). What works: The

work program. Accessed at www.whatworks.edu.au/upload/1250830886867_


file_3Literacy.pdf on 28 April 2010. Hunter, B. H. (1996). The determinants of Indigenous employment outcomes: The importance of education and training. Available at http://caepr.anu.edu.au/ systemlfiles/Publications/DP/1996_DP115.pdf McRae, D. (2000). What has worked and will work again. Canberra: Australian Curriculum Studies Association and National Curriculum Services.

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McRae, D. (2002). What works. Improving outcomes for Indigenous students. Canberra: Department of Education, Science and Training. National Aboriginal Education Committee (NAEC) (1985). Philosophy, aims and policy guidelines for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander education. Canberra: AGPS. Nicholls,

c., Crowley, V.

& Watt, R. (1996). 'Theorising Aboriginal education: Surely it's

time to move on?', Education Australia, 33, pp. 6-9. Partington, G., Wyatt, K. & Godfrey, J. (2001). The Yes Minister factor: Policy and practice in Indigenous research. Australian Association for Research in Education Conference. Fremantle: AARE. Sarra, C. (2003) Young and black and deadly: Strategies for improving outcomes for

Indigenous students. Deakin West, ACT: Australian College of Educators.


Trudgen, R. (2000). Why warriors lie down and die. Darwin: Aboriginal Resource and Development Services. Tsey, K. (1997). 'Aboriginal self-determination, education and health: Towards a radical change in attitudes to education', Australian and New Zealand journal of public

health, 21, pp. 77-83.

Websites
Department of Education, Employment and Workplace Relations Research Fellowship Scheme-www.dest.gov.au/sectors/school_education/publications_resourcesl profiles/maximising_educational_engagement.htm. Dance, Desk and Didgeridoo, an ABC Encounter program on Indigenous educationwww.abc.net.au/rn/encounterlstories/2003/810935.htm.

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