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One of the most famous of all medieval pronouncements on art, and yet one which has as yet stimulated little research, is Gregory the Great's dictum that pictures are the books of the illiterate ' One of the many who subsequently repeated Gregory's didactic explanation was the twelfth-century artist of the Psalter of Christina of Markyate, called the St Albans Psalter, that first great product of English Romanesque manuscript illumination He copied it on one page first in Latin then in Insular French (the two literate languages which the educated class in England after 1066 were encouraged to prefer to the native English), probably as textual justification for his forty, totally textless full-page pictures of Christ's life: For it is one thing to venerate a picture and another to learn the story it depicts, which is to be venerated. The picture is for simple men [ignoranz in the French version] what writing is for those who can read, for those who cannot read see and learn from the picture the model which they should follow. Thus pictures are, above all, for the instruction of the people '^ The relationship between text and image has become something of a fashionable form in contemporary art history, yet it has always been an important metaphor for the medievalist, ever since Emile Male saw the Gothic cathedrals as 'first and foremost a sacred writing of which every artist must learn the characters' ^ Such analogies tend to take the actual processes of reading and writing (as the medievals understood them) for granted. The St Albans Psalter was written, illuminated and read in a culture whose patterns of communication and expectation were primarily oral. The question of how this orality functions in the twelfth-century image is addressed in the first part of this study. Looking at Gregory's statement in this context it is then possible to explore whether pictures really could become 'text-substitutes' for the illiterate and also whether equivalences existed between different forms of visual art and the varying reading skills of their audiences. Is there for example, as has recently been suggested, a parallel between the development of vernacular literacy in the thirteenth century and the increasing naturalism of Gothic art?*
Art History Vol. 8 No. 1 March 1985 R K P 1985 0141-6790/85/0801-026 $150/1


Some of the wide-ranging cultural consequences of reading and wnting are only just beginning to be understood by historians,^ what follows is a contribution from the visual point of view, an examination of how twelfth- and thirteenth-century images, notably within the spaces of the read text itself, in manuscript illuminations, can be crucial evidence for changing patterns of linguistic experience


That much of the visual art of the twelfth century was not so much an expression of the visible world, as of the spoken word in a still predominantly oral society, is apparent in three of the four coloured drawings which are the
only pictorial material in the text of the Chronicle of Florence and John of Worcester,

Oxford, Corpus Chnsti College, MS 157 (plate 1) ^ Although incorporated into what is a typical example of the commemorative written record, the monastic Chronicle, they are presented as information transmitted directly by word of mouth King Henry I had experienced three dreams in which he was attacked by three orders of society, the laboratores, bellatores and oratores complaining of high taxes The chronicler, John of Worcester, had heard of these some years after the event (they appear under the year 1130) from the royal physician Grimbald, as the text, squeezed around the illustrations here relates' 'Erat ltaque lste medicinae artispentus, Grimbaldus nomine, qui apud Wincelcumb, me presente et audiente, narravit' ^ This oral witness, so vitally present in telling the story, appears seated in the left margin of each of the three scenes. Unlike the content of the three parts of the vision themselves, with their red and ochre backgrounds, he is placed agamst the bare vellum, in what IS the space reserved for scribal amendments in the rest of the manuscript, as a distinct commentator, separated by the text of his report In this period there was still a general mistrust of texts As Michael Clanchy has demonstrated, when it came to legal matters people were exactly the opposite of today's literates, who 'want it in writing' ^ Charters, for example, were ur\d2Lt&A, post factum records of verbal transactions that recorded the names of the witnesses who had observed, and moreover, heard the covenanting words. There existed an interdependence of the oral with the wntten tradition which meant that the only way to secure the truth of a statement was by seeing and hearing. Clanchy associates the use of seals with this continued desire for the physical tokens of bearing witness and even the written document itself was used to serve 'the ancient function of a symbolic object'^ Such is the case with the individual source of John of Worcester's narrative; Grimbald provides a useful set of conventions for making it immediately clear to the reader (who still likes his history 'told') the oral origins of the text in experience. The most obvious visual convention in each of the first two appearances of the physician is the raised and elegantly curving index finger of his right hand.' This, one of the most pervasive of all twelfth-century schemata, has its roots in the classical tradition of picturing the rhetorical declamatio, which Early



Christian artists had adapted from images of the pagan philosopher for God's gestures of Benediction and Creation. In Old Testament illustration the 'voice' of the Lord is often represented in this form as a pointing hand emerging from the clouds The pointing index finger was a universal sign of acoustical performance, the speaking subject, or as in the case of Grimbald in the Chronicle (plate 1) a neat way of expressing the oral witness within the written text It is in this sense that we should see the aim of artists in this period to evoke the sound of the voice (which relayed the matter of the word) rather than duplicate the look of the world Thus a twelfth-century Homily describing a painting of the Massacre of the Innocents states that 'although the artist was not able to imbue his figures with a voice, he signified the laments in his drawings' '^ Often when an image is praised for what we would call its 'naturalistic qualities', these are measured by the expression of vocal utterance and even those who condemned lllusionism in pictures, like the author of the tract Pictor in Carmine admitted that they could 'make the stones cry out and a painted wall declare the wonderful works of God, after a fashion' '^ Of course this IS a common topos of ancient rhetoric based on the Philostratean tradition of ekphrasis as well as the Horatian ut pictura poesis theme which was known to writers of the Middle Ages '^ But right up to the visibile parlare of Dante's Purgatorio X, the idea seems also to encompass what could be a real response to images It was certainly always present in those of a more mystical trend, like St John Chrysostom in the very early period, who would have an icon of St Paul before him when reading the Gospels 'and when he looked at the picture It would seem to come to life and speak to him' '^ We shall, however, have to seek further than these rhetorical descriptions or their formulaic representation in the speech gesture and attempt to understand how medieval images actually became performative m themselves, indeed how they were 'spoken' St Benedict's fear that monastic reading might endanger the rule of silence should be remembered as we tremulously turn the pages of medieval manuscripts in the sterile hush of the modern library Retrieving the reading habits of the twelfth century places the manuscript illumination, not in the visual layout of a text, but m its demonstrative expression in the act of lectio. Reading was a matter of hearing and speaking, not of seeing As Michael Clanchy notes, 'the skill of eye and hand are associated primarily with craftsmanship and the visual arts and the skills of language which depend upon the transmission of sound are identified with mouth and ear.''^ As well as reading aloud there was writing aloud, for according to the Psalmist 'My tongue IS the pen of a ready writer'.'^ Often dictated to a scribe (plate 8) writing was only the process of making a fair copy and did not entitle a scribe to necessarily call himself a htteratus. To be termed literate meant one could understand and enter into the discourse of Latin as a living language rather than merely copy the 'killing' letter. This separation of visual writing from its verbal meaning has implications for the decorated initials in the period which really served as a supportive framework for the reader, being clues for starting and stopping. Carl Nordenfalk has compared some book illuminations to 'musical notes and gramophone records, tools for musical performance'.'^ This parallel is

1 Gnmbald recounts the Dreams of

H e n r y I Chroracle of Florence and John of

Worcester, Oxford, Corpus Chnsti College, MS 157, p 382

2 A bear is taught its A B C Initial from St

Jerome's Commentary on the Old Testament,

Cambndge, Tnnity College, MS 0 4 7, fol 75' 3 Inpnnctpto T/u Amstetn Bible, London, BL HarleyMS 2799, fol 185"

4 The Parable of the Unprepared Wedding Guest Cambridge, Pembroke College, MS 120, fol 2'

5 The dove and the falcon from Hugh of Fouilloy's De Avibus MS sold at Sotheby's December 1958, Ludwig Coll now Getty Coll 6 The Tree ofJesse and Old and New Testament scenes New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M 724"


underlined in Leo Treitler's recent work on the transmission of medieval music, which reveals how a written code was developed m order to support older modes of oral delivery For the chanter, whose musical forms were being wntten down for the first time, 'the notation gets him started perhaps and keeps him on the right track The idea of a control system is just the right way to think about the role of notation in an oral performing tradition' "^ This is a useful way too, to think of the decorated initial in the twelfth century which must also have functioned as a mnemonic trigger to regulate the reading performance of the liturgy and the Opus Dei We should not forget private as well as pubhc performance in this monastic context, since it was written mto the Benedictine Order that each year every monk read a book from beginning to end This spiritual exercise oi meditatw laid emphasis on the directions, pace and concentration of individual worship in a way only possible with the codex, or book form As opposed to the roll of earlier times, the codex allowed the reader to recapitulate, skim, check text against picture and refer forwards in ways not possible with the roll, which hke speech itself, unfolds in one linear direction It is probably for this reason that 'speech' is signified in medieval art by scrolls held by the talkers in images (plate 9) Meditatio would have been a noisy affair, involving a kind of vocal digestion of the text by the reader who mouthed each word, 'a mastication which releases its full flavour' to use Dom Leclercq's phrase ^" It might be going too far to link this active rumination of the word with the succulent and juicv forms, both animal and vegetable, which decorated letters assumed, yet this was exactlv the kind of psychological association the monastic artist might have made This was because the actual visible appearance of the letter need bear no relation to its signification. The letters, unlike in our modern alphabet, need not be clearlv recognisable, since they were not a uniform system of quickly scanned units but were savoured as part of the slow and deliberate repetitions in a daily digested diet Thus, without any dependence on the regularitv of the coded message these cueing elements could become self-sufficient 'art' objects, transforming and zoomorphising with amazing freedom Such display forms had been hardlv readable at all in the labyrinthine patterns of Celto-Saxon illumination and even into the twelfth century they retain the status of 'showpieces' rather than language, indices of exclusiveness rather than recognisable signs, exhibiting what were the sophisticated monastic 'housestyles' of Cluny or Winchester. The letter as a framework for utterance, a cue for audible repetition and yet also a locus for free interpretation is nicely conveyed in an early twelfthcentury initial from Rochester (plate 2) A clambering figure actually chews the tendril of the sprouting 'A', reminding us of the ruminatto of the word in the monastic environment, while below another man teaches a bear to say its A B C . These three letters issue from the man's mouth and the docile creature repeats the first. None of the comments on this superb initial places its imagery in the context of reading the book in which it appears, which is a text of St Jerome on the Old Testament, using the etymological method of translating lists of Hebrew names as a basis for spiritual interpretation This initial is placed on f. 75'^ preceding a long list of those beginning with 'A' and the rest of 29


the alphabet follows in sequence Onomastica, or lists of names like this are structured for memorisation As Walter J. Ong has shown, 'Still highly oral manuscnpt culture feels that having written series of things readied for oral recall was of itself, intellectually improving.'^' This initial then is not an irrational fantasy but a playful admonition to the monastic user of the text to learn through repeating these interminable lists in their alphabetic order, not with the bear's dumb animal mimicry but also with human understanding There is even the possibility that the humorous treatment is a complaint against the tedium of such reading, an example of how it was possible in this period to subvert the orthodoxy of the letter from within the letter itself Latin had an aura as it was separated from the baser speech acts of everyday existence in the complex rituals of a clerical group, whose monopoly was the manipulation of this metalanguage Power was embodied in the very naming of objects, for, according to medieval epistemology, vox sigmjkans rem; there existed a real relationship between the sound of a word and its referent ^^ According to St Augustine, God 'spoke' the universe during the Creation, part of a strong phonocentric bias through which commentators expressed the force of the Logos in human society.^^ This is nowhere clearer in the art of the period than in the embellishment of the voice of the Logos itself in the illustration of the Bible The opening of St John's Gospel in the late-twelfth-century Arnstein Bible (London, BL Harley MS. 2799) is a good example, showing the Evangelist slotted into the swirling trellis which makes up the words '/n principto' and writing the same with his calamus on a small sheet of vellum on his desk (plate 3). Despite the appearance of the gold book which the Christ-Logos holds above the Evangelist's head and although the latter does not seem to be represented as 'talking', John's urgent gesture oideclamatw, which we have seen in other examples, indicates that it is the voice of the Logos that his writing conveys. Indeed, looking more closely, we can see that his own symbol, the eagle, acts like the dove of the Holy Spirit inspiring him with Holy Writ, which is being dictated by God in the half-circle above That God is the dictator under whom holy men write, was first noted by Alcuin and it is significant that in this image the relationship is specified in an oral context The spirit imparts 'The Word' not to John's ear as was usual, but to his mouth In his letter prefacing the Commentary to St John's Gospel Alcuin distinguished him as the only one of the Evangelists to teach not by writing, but through word of mouth ^* So, unlike the other three Gospel frontispieces in this Bible, John's depicts the Word in its true sense, not written (on the desk) or seen (visually magnified in the subtle artistry of the decorated letters of the whole) but as actively spoken in order to exemplify the Incarnation' In pnncipio erat verbum. 'The Word became flesh and dwelt among us' says St John only fourteen verses after the In principio and it is narrative events happening in human time which the twelfth-century artist was most often called upon to translate into visual form. The didactic notion of images outlined by St Gregory is tied to their capacity to 'tell' stories and considering the large amounts of direct and indirect speech contained in the Gospels the artist's problem becomes not so much the naturalistic representation of scenes or action but how to embody narrative speech vividly. Otto Pacht has been the only scholar to appreciate


the role of the 'talking word' in his study of pictorial narrative '^^ Describing tbe scene of Pilate wasbing bis bands m tbe St Albans Psalter, witb its openmoutbed cbaracters, as a 'dumb-show', be argued tbat tbis 'enactment of spoken narrative in visual form' sbows tbe direct influence of contemporary drama. Tbis still requires tbe artist to report mimetically speecb acts that he has seen, whereas it is possible to show that the spoken word is visible and even audible in the twelfth-century image on an even more fundamental level than Pacht suggests One example occurs in the Pembroke Gospel pictures which are stylistically related to the St Albans MS and may also once have prefaced a Psalter ^^ A tiny isolated inscription is embedded in an otherwise totally pictorial set of forty pictures, in the rare illustration of Christ's Parable of the Unprepared Wedding Guest (plate 4) The whole scene illustrates the following passage of Matthew 22, 11-12 And when the King came in to see the guests, he saw there a man which had not on a wedding garment And he saith to him. Friend, how camest thou in hither not having a wedding garment-" And he was speechless The second tier of illustration on the page begins on the left with the King, whose long finger is enlarged in signification of his important question and which points accusingly at the tattily dressed guest at his table Hardly visible between them is the Latin text of the question - amice quomodo hue intrastP Why has this artist suddenly resorted to writing? Is he unable to convey the full meaning of this parable without verbal clues' For tbe user of tbis sequence of scenes, tbe words written against tbe bare vellum bave a very different resonance and go far beyond wbat we tbink of as tbe 'cartoon bubble' As described in contemporary terms by Jobn of Salisbury, 'letters are sbapes indicating voices Hence tbey represent things which they bring to mmd through the windows of the eyes. Frequently they speak voicelessly the utterances of the absent' ^^ The Pembroke scene is an example of the skilful integration of the semantic enclave into the action of the picture for people who would literally read aloud the words emanating from the mouths of painted figures. In fact, the artist has pinpointed an acoustical response by writing

down the dramatic question To continue his dense and hteral illustration of
every syntactic element in the Gospel text, it is the only way - through contrast - in which be is able to make visible 'And be was speecbless ' Also tbis detail migbt be a way of distinguisbing tbe middle tier as a 'told' parable as separate from the subjects of Christ in action around it. An important modern study of the phonocentric prejudice in Western culture is Derrida's Of Grammatology which reveals how during the Middle Ages, when language communicated the ultimate and transcendent authority of God, speech and writing were closer together, almost equivalents 'There is much to say about the fact that the native unity of the voice and writing is prescriptive. Arche-speech is writing because it is a law. A natural law. T'he beginning word is understood, in the intimacy of self-presence, as the voice of the other and as commandment.'^^ This obsession with the charisma of the living voice (what Derrida calls 'arche-speech') and a refusal to accept the 31


'kilhng letter' (II Corinthians 3, 6) of the written signifier are both at the root of the medieval mistrust of the visual sign It means that both text and image are secondary representations, external to, but always referring back to, the spontaneous springs of speech Once we understand this, the possibilities of their working together as in the pictorial letter of the Bible (plate 3) or in the pictured statements of the Gospel scene (plate 4) become multiform and limitless It was not the image, which in the twelfth century could be termed 'natural' but the present and direct voice, of which both picture and script were the conventional signata


The relationship between spoken, written and pictorial language is aptl\ explained by one commentator, Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster (10851117) in his Disputation between a Christian and a Jew Answering the Jew's accusation that Christians practise idolatry in worshipping the horrible effigv of a tortured naked man on a cross, the Christian says that, 'Just as letters are shapes and symbols of spoken words, pictures exist as representations and symbols of writing '"'* Gregory's dictum had by this time not only become a common orthodox argument but the fact that images were the 'letters of the laity' {htteratura lauorum) was embodied m Canon Law.^" The question is, whether statements hke Gilbert's actually reflect people's attitudes to pictorial art in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and if they do, how does the equivalence between reading texts and reading pictures work'* Although a multiplicity of levels must have existed between, on the one hand, the clerical htteratus and, on the other, the totally illiterate peasant, it may be useful to make a broader theoretical division mto three main groups 1 The fully literate 2 The individual who must rely on the literacy of another for access to written transmission 3 The llhterate without means or needs of such reliance ^' The second of these is a crucial but often overlooked category of medieval perception - the person who must have relied on the literacy of another for access to pictorial art. This group before the mosaic, wall pamting or stained glass would have perceived these works of art, not in terms of individual

response, but as a chonc or mass one. One example is the account of the fifthcentury Bishop Paulinus of Nola which descnbes the eflect of the new wall paintings adorning his new church on the peasants entering. He describes how they are influenced by the 'coloured sketches which are explained by inscriptions over them, so that the script may make clear what the hand has exhibited Maybe that when they all in turn show and reread to each other what has been painted, their thoughts will turn more slowly to eating.'^^ These ilhterati or rustici (often characterised m this early period as lechers or gluttons) are thus drawn away from their natural desires, by the pictures, which are, by implication, not only a 'feast for the eyes' but because they include written inscriptions, for the spirit also. Reading in the medieval world was often, as


Susan Noakes has shown, 'a community experience in which the interpretation of the text any single listener or reader developed was the product, not of his understandmg of the text alone, but of a combination of questions and insights supphed by others.'^^ Such collective appreciation would have been in action before the monumental cycles of wall paintings, glass, sculpture and even in some cases with illuminated manuscripts, for which quasi-literate or illiterate audiences demanded oral explanations One case of the latter occurs in the manuscripts of Hugh of Fouilloy's De Avibus, which have been shown to have been specially designed with illustrations for teaching the semi-literate lay brothers, who performed the more menial tasks in the monastic community ^* The prologue picture (plate 5) ostensibly represents the shared life (the perch) of the clericus, the author himself (represented as a dove) and the miles, the ex-knightly lay brother to whom the tract is addressed (the falcon) The image underscores their division, not only in the two separate species of bird but in the isolation of text from picture, since they serve the specific needs of the clerical explainer and his illiterate brothers The text below states this quite plainly in the ubiquitous
Gregorian 'Quod enim doctwribus innutt scnptura, hoc simplicibus pictura.' T h a t the

learned grasp through the writing and the simple apprehend through the pictures IS here institutionally organised within the book design However, both this and the diagrammatic pictures which follow are meaningless without an explanation, that is, unless the text is expounded. The dove has to read the images to the falcon just as the active clerical group had the power as explainers over the illiterate and moreover passive audience of most medieval art The audience before most twelfth-century images would have been 'dumb' since they were unable to read the tituh or inscriptions, which, like the text in Hugh's manuscripts, are crucial in interpreting the meaning of the picture. There is a story in Gregory of Tours of a Ghristian slave 'qui htteras ignorabaf, who learned to read through looking often enough at picture inscriptions {htteras super iconas).^^ This seems wishful thinking when one considers the inaccessibility of most tituh to all but the advanced htteratus, able to understand the contractions that transform DOMINUS into DNS or even more abstract signs.^^ Nevertheless, the constantly repeated and ultimately limited liturgical lexicon of Latin might have assumed the mystery of half-understood symbols for the laity The very shapes of letters displayed in a Gospel Lectionary on the

altar might invite a response from an illiterate just as he or she might chant
phrases from the Divine Service without understanding a word. There is also the very important fact that many of the wntten elements in medieval pictures are, because of their size, location or position, unreadable It is as if the very presence of language served to authenticate the image Also, that there existed a well-defined purely visual code of representation, by which a saint could, for example, be defined by his attributes, suggests that there was a need for naming tituh even when these were functionally redundant. The often-voiced mistrust of the materiality of painted images was placated by their being defined through language. The ridiculous results of this are pointed out in one passage of the Libri Carohni: 'The picture with the caption;


Mother of God, was elevated and kissed and the other, because it had a caption, Venus was maligned, scorned and cursed although both were equal in shape and colour and were made of identical material and differed only in caption '^^ Thus on the very basic level of recognition, literacy meant being able to distinguisb between true and false images If tbey rescued tbe image from ambiguitv, tbev did so often in an allusive and complex Latin. Sucb are tbe inscriptions devised bv tbat typical esoteric litteratus of tbe twelftb century. Abbot Suger of St Dems, wbo in lavisbing images and words on bis new cburcb specifically excludes tbose unable to read And because tbe diversity of tbe materials (sucb as) gold, gems and pearls is not easily understood by the mute perception of sight (tactta vtsus) without a descnption, we have seen to it that this work, which is intelligible only to tbe literate, - be set down in writing ^^ Many of tbe standard images of tbe penod would bave likewise been too difficult for tbe 'dumb perception' alone Even in a relatively straigbtforward design and one of the 'new' images of the period which appeared in stained glass at Suger's St Denis and soon spread to England, the Tree of Jesse (plate 6), such IS the case This representation could never have functioned as a book for the illiterate in the self-contained form St Gregory outlined, since its whole referential system was to the wntten signs from which the latter were excluded Its meaning emerges only in reference to the text of Isaiah 11, 1 or from a literate's performance of this relevant text in speech or sermon As well as this. Its proper reading presupposes a scriptural order and mentality, not fully developed in those unused to the left-right up-down sequence of the literate Of course many medieval narratives radiate from different points and follow no strictly regulated code of order, but nevertheless there existed what might be termed a visual literac\ which implied the systematic viewing of a series of pictures ^^ The structure of elements in the Bible Picture Leaf (plate 6), produced at Canterbury c 1140, directs the attention in dual directions from the bottom upwards in the Tree of Jesse and from the top left to the nght and then down for the narrative panels. Both the symbolic image of the Tree and the trajectory of the narrative scenes convey an identical message, that of the transition between Old and New Testaments, from King David on the top left, whose Psalms this page might once have prefaced, to the New Dispensation of Christ However, this design also contains elements which can be associated with the needs of an audience still imbued with oral patterns of thought The clear and centralised compositions such as the almost symmetrical Visitation with the two profile figures displayed by the parted curtains were aimed at the visual memory of the viewers just as conventions of rhyme and repetition in literary performance were aimed at their oral memory. The frontal prophets also, repeated up the two sides of the tree, have affinities with the verbal formulaic patterns employed by the 'singer of tales' in his oral recitation of the chansons de gestes. They represent filling elements, lacunae m the narrative which allow the performer to display his repertoire of conventions.* In this way, the constantly repeated schemata used by the Romanesque artist served a


Similar purpose to the oral mnemonic formulae in literary composition For a less literate audience, unable to manipulate 'the word' but still able to recognise it and moreover memorise its images, the minimal schema is vitally necessary Its radical simplification makes the transmission of meaning easier, both for the onlooker and for the next artist who will copy it The Nativity scene at the bottom right of the Bible Picture is a good example of this The four rigorously separated elements, Joseph, Child, Virgin and animals will trigger the same recognition, though repeated in different contexts and media, juxtaposed typologically or as part of a narrative senes These will, in each case, be readable as 'Nativity' This dependence upon oral systems of information storage and expression withm the evolving written tradition of twelfth-century culture gradually diminishes as writing exerts its power and influence, not least on the visual arts. In this example, just above the Nativity, is the rarer scene of the naming of John the Baptist. This would have been more difficult to read as it represents the newer 'literate' iconography of naming through the written document rather than by the speech gesture On one level of course it simply illustrates the text of Luke 1 which relates how John the Baptist's father, Zachanas, had been struck dumb until the circumcision of his son The child was about to be named after his father, but Zachanas asked for a writing table and 'he wrote saying John is his name And immediately his mouth was opened and his tongue loosened and he spoke ' Here literally, writing comes before and liberates speech. What IS more significant regarding the tiny representation of John being named is that also in Canterbury, at the same time as the Bible Leaf was illuminated, the chapel of St Gabriel in the cathedral was decorated with a cycle of wall paintings where this same subject appears ^^ Both show the naming through a written document rather than the testament of oral witness, just at the time when the practice was changing in legal contexts In the wall pamting the dumb Zachanas points with his pen to the already inscribed words on his scroll 'fohannes est nomen etus' bearing the same scribal tools of pen and scraper as he does in the Bible Picture (plate 6) These are the implements also held by the most famous scribe of the century, also working in Canterbury, Eadwine who is called 'prince of scribes' in the psalter he wrote and which now bears his name *^ It is in this important centre that the subject of the naming of the Baptist as an almost legal transaction is first depicted in English art. Here too, as Cecily Clarke has demonstrated, the mingling of Anglo-Saxon and Norman culture had its problematic beginnings From the records of names, it appears that 75 per cent of children received non-English names hke Richard or Robert. Such an acceptance of French and decline in Anglo-Saxon forms in Canterbury is reflected in the text of Eadwine Psalter Itself, where, of the three vulgate Psalm texts, two vernacular interlinear translations and two glosses, the most corrupt is the Anglo-Saxon translation, now half-forgotten by the literate.** There is a visual counterpart to this in the way that the feathery penwork and dynamic linear freedom of the Anglo-Saxon drawing tradition (still evident in the Eadwine Psalter illustrations) is overtaken by the metallic, opaque and heavily painted surfaces of the internationally


fashionable Byzantinising style, most obviously in the later Canterbury copy of

the Utrecht Psalter *^

The written record as a visual symbol in itself was most evident in the post-conquest period in the famous Domesday Book, made at the order of William the Conqueror in 1086 According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, no ox, cow or pig in the land went unrecorded and Richard Fitz Neal later recounted how William's plan was 'to bring the subjected people under the rule of written law' " ^ ^ ^ In this sense the image of the Baptist's name being recorded in writing might not have seemed so alien to the Canterbury congregation as we might first suppose New iconographies have their institutional counterparts Fitz Neal tells us that the natives called the census Domesday, 'because it seemed to them hke the Last Judgement described in Revelation' *^ The illiterate peasants, to whom Fitz Neal refers, might have known the text of Revelation 20, 12, describing how 'the books were opened and another book was opened which was the book of Life And the dead were judged by those things that were written in the books ' However, they were more likely to have understood the Judgement through images, particularly the subject as it was represented on the sculpted doorways at Ely, Barfreston and Rochester, under direct influence from the He de France.*** There must have been numerous wall paintings too, showing the Apocalyptic Judge with an open book, just as menacing as the sword, like that in a Durham manuscript of a Commentary on the Apocalypse (plate 7) *^ In both painting and sculpture Chnst judges with the book of Good and Bad deeds that would either save or damn the soul forever and indeed, like the Domesday Book itself, these were new laws, new images instigated by the ruling Normans to bnng England under the visual as well as verbal conformity to a Latin culture which sanctified the power of writing, for 'whosoever was not found written in the Book of Life

was cast mto the pool of hre' (Revelation 20, 15)

Yet the twelfth century also witnessed a realm of visual expression at once excluded from, and therefore free from, textual tyranny. This was the dynamic world of 'non-meaning' in the fantastic forms of the Romanesque capital The problem with oral as opposed to literate cultures of the past is their irretnevability, and it is for this reason that we can no longer apprehend the meaning of 'those unclean apes, those half-men, those fighting knights, those hunters blowing their horns' in any more explicit terms than St Bernard in his famous attack on such sculptures It is probably with some irony that such an arch-htteratus applies a scholarly metaphor to describe the lure of Romanesque ornament when he writes, 'we are more tempted to read m the marble than in our books' ^^ Yet it is precisely because they cannot be systematically 'read', in reference to the written discourse of the church, that the contorted and constantly transforming creations of the sculptor can provide an escape from the fixed world of textuality and are always marginalised in relation to it The Romanesque capital has all the formal aspects that have been associated with what Walter J. Ong calls 'the psychodynamics of orality'. One need only look at the terms he uses to describe the storage of information in this context'additive rather than subordinative', 'aggregative rather than analytic', 'redundant or copious', 'close to the human lifeworld'.^' The upside-down



world of the capital carvings often refers to obscene gestures and cultic pagan practices found in amulets and charms according to recent folklonstic investigation ^^ Of course, just as there was no strict division between those who could not read and those who utilised the literacy of others in an effort to learn the dogma of salvation, the htteratus could enjoy diversion from his cloistered reading by averting his eyes to the richly erotic content of the capitals above with full knowledge of their meanings in the vernacular oral tradition which he also shared It would be useless for the art historian to attempt to reconstruct the multiple meanings, the conversations and the ribald laughter which the mingling of men and monsters evoked and which could make even St Bernard, according to his own testimony, spend a whole day 'gazing fascinated by these things one by one instead of meditating on the law of God' These images, liberating the chatter of the marketplace, interwove themselves within the exclusive confines of the Logos in twelfth-century decorated initials (plate 2) and even when tamed within the margins of later thirteenth- and fourteenth-century books these subjects have been shown to depend upon the oral performance of the preacher's verbally transmitted exempla. The imbrication of word and image in the twelfth century, on the performative 'oral' as well as the visual 'written' level, defined the orthodox and authoritarian function of the picture and made it distant and diflicult for most of Its audience Indeed, before the advent of vernacular literacy on a wider level at the end of the century most viewers of art, unaided by the explanations of the oratores, the clerical literate group, were only really capable of'reading between the hnes' as it were, in the margins and at the edges of the great images complexes which were supposed to be their Hitteratura laicorum'


The Law is spoken still, even in the late-thirteenth-century vernacular of the French author Philippe de Beaumanoir (plate 8) He is pictured dictating his book on legal practices, the Coustumes et Usages de Beauvaisis, in the first miniature of this Berlin manuscnpt. His scribe is represented smaller than the more important author, as a mere channel for his words and subservient to his ominous-looking club and yet just opposite Philippe's commanding figure we can read just how important it was for his information to be correctly transcribed. Man's life is short, it states, as is his memory, and 'Ce qui n'est escrit est tost oubliez\ that which is not written is soon forgotten As well as the transition from primarily oral to written modes of communication, the twelfth and thirteenth centuries saw the growing use of written vernaculars The plural is important here In conveying 'words' rather than 'the Word' wnters took up new secular subjects like Philippe, recording and codifying the historical situation around him. As opposed to Latin discourse, these forms of literature embodied a different structure which, according to Franz Bauml, was 'unmetaphorical and concrete rather than metaphorical and abstract - a paradigm of perception distinct from that formed by the expenence of Latin



narrative'.^' Gan we take this changed 'paradigm of perception' more literally and see the role of images adapting in the course of the thirteenth century in response to this vernacularisation of culture'' Instead of being the mediating symbols of an eternal Logos do they begin to mirror, like Philippe's monumental wntings, historical events and record human actions? The answer must be, initially at least, negative The transition from Latin to vernacular modes of expression or from schematic to naturalistic representational forms was by no means clear-cut Vernacular pictures, that is pictures illustrating vernacular texts or with non-Latin inscriptions, can do nothing but adapt older conventions and, in doing so, gain from the connotational authority of established Latin genres and tvpes Visual art followed exactly the pattern descnbed by one scholar of literarv history and were part of a 'general tendency in twelfth-century vernacular culture as its language assumed the status of wnting, or Grammatwa, to confer upon these languages the functions of "monumentahty" previously reserved for Latin '^"^ An excellent example of this process at work in the pictorial realm is the illustration of a Berlin manuscript of Heinrich von Veldeke's Middle-High German version of Virgil's Aeneid, which is based on an earlier French verse Eneas (plate 9). The complex distinctions between different categories of inscription which make the picture a tool to be used rather than a self-sufficient aesthetic object are here carried over from the Latin tradition of textual illustration On this page Lavinia is seated writing a letter to Aeneas on a scroll, an emphatic motif which, lncidentallv, attests to the literacy of heroes and heroines in a number of historical Romances ^^ Directly beneath her on the honzontal frame, a titulus serves to signify her name both for the upper and lower scenes, identifying two different configurations of the same character at different moments in the narrative as both are placed adjacent to the frame at identical points In the bottom scene Lavinia hands the letter she has written and which she has tied up in an arrow, to an archer Her verbal instructions that he should shoot it from a tower and the archer's reply are indicated on speech scrolls. How is this interlocution differentiated from wnting in this case** Whatever characters utter throughout this whole series of illustrations is always shown by one long trailing scroll, which in the case of the archer's reply dips vertically outside the frame Figures usually hold their discourse, as here, but occasionally the band spurts directly from their mouths in a straight hne This occurs only in moments of extreme emotion, when, for example, Anna finds Dido stabbed in the flames (fol. XIX) or for the exclamation of the angry Dido as Aeneas departs (fol. XVII) Thus this artist can define the mood as well as the content of an utterance through the visual form of writing Between the words that are spoken by Lavinia here and those that she pens above there IS an interesting divergence, despite the fact that she holds both in her hand (plate 9). Just having two lines of script on the wntten letter makes a distinct point that the visual script is ordered in a systematic way whereas the depiction of verbal sound is dynamic and free-floating. This early thirteenthcentury German illustrator has found a superb way of clarifying a linguistic dichotomy well known in Saussurian terms' 'the whole mechanism of spoken language depends on its linear structure. Linguistic signs are purely linear; they

7 Christ as Apocalyptic Judge Initial A from Berengaudus, Commentary on the Apocalypse, Durham, Cathedral Library, MS A l 10, fol 170'

8 Philippe de Beaumanoir dictates his book Coustumes et Usages de Beauvatsts Berlin DDR State Library, Hamilton

MS 193, fol r



fmd Rvtmcr d

9 Lavinia wntes a letter and gives it to an archer Eneide, Berlin, Staatsbibhothek, MS germ fol 282 L X X F

10 A shepherd calls his sheep Bestiary, Cambridge, University Library, MS Kk 4 25, fol 58'

11 Theophilus makes his pact with the devil Apocalypse, London, Lambeth Palace Librarv, MS 209, fol 46'^

12 Initial to Psalm 97, Cantate Domino Psalter of Stephen of Derby, Oxford, Bodleian Librar\,

MS. Rawl G 185, fol. 8 r

13 The Flight of Queen Emma The Estoire de Seint Aedward le Rei, Cambridge, University Library, MS Ee HI 59, fol V 14 'I will tell you of the training of the lion' Sketchbook of Villard de Honnecourt, Pans. Bibhotheque Nationale, MS fr 19093, p 24


form chains and their spatial line of graphic marks can be substituted for succession in time In contrast to these, visual signifiers are infinitely more complex and offer several levels of simultaneous groupings '^^ The unsystematic play of the speech scrolls m this vernacular manuscript can be related to this fundamental linearity of speech as opposed to writing The unfurling words on Lavinia's trailing scroll do not follow the left to right conventions of visual script and remind us that such a representation does not, even in a book, locate the viewer upright and stationary before a pictonal worlds the object Itself responds to the exigencies of being turned and read oriented by Its user To term Lavinia's words in this example 'speech' in the ordinary sense is to forget how even in the vernacular the elevated literary language of wnting is at one remove from utterance The profane words of evervday discourse were considered totally superficial in meaning by Latin commentators ^' It is therefore an unusual surprise to come across a colloquial utterance, the very sound of the marketplace, in the pages of an early thirteenth-centurv Latin Bestiary (plate 10) Within the very limited range of models and avenues of experiment open to this English illuminator, the wntten exclamation 'Ha Ha ware le corne' is the nearest he could ever come to 'naturalism' (if by this we mean the capacity of an image to evoke surface expenence) This piece of rustic speech, written against the bare vellum and translatable as 'Ha Ha beware the horn' is encased in a static formula of animal depiction many centuries old ^^ But it does not represent the language spoken b\ the bulk of the English population It is not in fact English, but the Anglo-Norman French of a ruhng Norman elite and quite as inaccessible as Latin to many people ^'' This draws our attention to the way language, hke pictonal representation, has

its own schemata and functions on different levels We should no more look for
a 'real' language which will synchronise with what we consider the social 'reality' of the time, than we should waste our time talking about 'naturalistic' images Changes in literacy in the thirteenth century are more subtle than any generalisations concerning the laicisation of society In fact an important, if often overlooked, point about the emerging group of lay readers is their adoption not only of the vernacular, but their willingness to use and understand Latin Despite Walter Map's contention that to put the Word of God before a layman was to cast pearls before swine, the very core of the monastic opus dei, the text of the Psalter, became the private prayerbook of wealthy men and women in the thirteenth century The use of more elaborate visual cues at Psalm divisions and the increasing appearance of two-tiered prefatory picture cycles, can be linked to the increasing role of illiterati in readmg A typical English Psalter of c. 1200 with twenty-three pages of pictures, now in Leiden, bears on its Beatus page a later inscription stating that It was from this book that St Louis, King of France, learned to read as a child.*' There were more pragmatic reasons why the nobility would seek some knowledge of Latin besides its function as an instrument for communicating with Divinity - namely its role in administration and law By the thirteenth 39


century the scribal process had been elevated as the validatory part of the legal process as opposed to the oral covenant of speech. Instead of being identified with the visual symbols of gesture the charter itself assumes the official power of decree **' One of the visual implications of this can be observed m the transformation of the popular legend of Theophilus as it is illustrated in the Psalters and Apocalypses belonging to the Anglo-Norman nobility Whereas the twelfth-century sculpted scene at Moissac had shown the lay figure of Theophilus making his contract with the devil through the gesture of feudal homage, the tmmixtio manuum, in the thirteenth-century representation of the scene this has to be verified by a legal document.''^ Visible words replace visual ritual in the Theophilus legend illustrated in the Ingeborg Psalter at the turn of the century, in the earliest illustrated English Book of Hours by W de Brailes (c 1240) and in the Lambeth Apocalypse made for Eleanor de Quincey some twenty years later (plate 11)." In the sermon by Fulbert of Chartres which popularised the legend, the Virgin tears from the devil's grip the document {chirographum) and returns it to the penitent Theophilus as a token of his liberty *'^ In the de Brailes miniature the traditional gesture of feudal allegiance IS stili used but more prominent is the charter, inscribed "Carta teofoli It bears the authentificating seal, as does the document in the Lambeth scene (plate 11) All this reflects the growing importance of rudimentary Latin skills for the laicus, for whom it could become a matter of life and death in certain legal situations ^^ Yet the fact that most lay people were still ilhteratu since thev were not able to construct and converse in Latin outside specific legal and devotional requirements, meant that this language still retained its aura Something which must have terrified those who saw it, is the small demon below the enthroned Lucifer, who makes a written record of the fiendish pact in the Lambeth picture (plate 11). This means the devils are litterati and can be represented in the art of the period as the sinister scribes of documents, able to quote Latin authorities, even the Fathers, to damn the sinful soul Like the popular image of the devil Tutivillus with his pen and parchment, carved in parish churches throughout Europe in order to scribble down the gossip heard during the sermon, such imagery shows the clergy harnessing the ideological power of writing as an instrument of domination and exclusion just as they had in the twelfth-century Judgement Tympanum.^^ Vernacular reading was discouraged by the church, not only because it used degenerate forms outside the Latin lexicon and broke down barriers between sacred and profane literature, but also because it encouraged a new privatisation in the reading experience This opposition between the communal performance of the public liturgy and the isolated depravity of individual reading is visually expressed in the initial to Psalm 97 of the Psalter of Stephen of Derby, prior of Holy Trinity, Dublin (plate 12).^' The space of the letter ' C of Cantate Domino is filled by the conventional chonc repetition of monks, performing at a lectern the very routine in which this book might have been used The marginal utterances of profanity are squeezed between the letter frame and the liturgical text in the extra-textual territory of the page, in the form of two grotesque fools. One has devilish feet and both have their mouths agape, clutching their slim volumes. Whether the artist intended these to be


the readers of frowned-upon categories of text or simply the idwtae, the masses with their bestial response to the word, it it, difficult to knov\ Their openmouthed parodic recitation represents exactly the private use of books for oneself (and consequentlv the images therein) which were btill frowned upon by churchmen like Stephen when this book was made in the fourteenth century This was a response to the large numbers of the laitv who were reading and writing in their own tongue and it was heresv to read the Bible in any vernacular In 1210 the archbishop of Sens had ordered the confiscation of all theological books written in French with only one exception - the Lives of the Saints '** This was a genre favoured bv the Enghsh monk of St Albans, Matthew Pans, who wrote and illustrated his vernacular adaptations of Latin Saints' Lives which he circulated among his aristocratic clientele of eminent ladies ''' Even in this thirteenth-centurv vernacular context, the role of Matthew's illustrations is firmly descnbed in terms of the old Gregorian topos, as he writes in the Cambridge manuscript of The Estoire de Seint Aedward le Rei (plate 13) Now I pray you, gentle King Edward, To have regard to me a sinner. Who have translated from the Latin, According to my knowledge and genius. Your history into French, That memorv of thee may spread. And for lay people who letters Know not, in portraiture Hav e I clearly figured it In this present book '" It may have been the peculiarly 'picture-book'-like qualitv of Matthew's hagiographical works which accounts for their predominantlv female readership Women had been an important focus for vernacular writing in the previous century in St Albans, most notablv m the Life oj St Alexis illustrated in Christina of Markyate's Psalter The question of whether women should be taught to read and write was a hotly debated one at this time, Philippe de Novare's discussion concluding that only nuns should be allowed access to books '^' However, considering the growth of the lconographv of St Anne teaching the Virgin to read in Psalters and monumental painting and the fact that It was often the duty of well-born mothers to see to the education of their children, it seems that there were a number of ladies in Anglo-Norman England who were avid readers, though not officiallv 'literate' Indeed, their exclusion from the official Doxa of Latin was even more intense than that of the illiterate peasant and this meant that almost by compensation women constituted the most important group of vernacular lay readers in the Middle Ages. Much of this centred on the court and the Life of St Edward (plate 13), probably designed but not actually executed by Matthew for Henry Ill's Queen Eleanor, some time before 1264, reveals a subtle apparatus which has been constructed for a variety of roval readers For those wanting to read the


Story through the pictures, red rubrics have been inserted at the top of the second column of text, like a short verse titulus, giving the basic content of the scene. For the more conscientious user, the alignment of text and picture is very carefully planned, the division of the long picture-space mto three segments is synchronised with the subject matter of the three columns of verse beneath This stnct text/picture alignment suggests that the owner might want to look at the drawings while the underlying text was read aloud to her by a clerk ^^ This is quite possible considering Matthew's call for 'those who have ears' to listen to his pictured narrative This, then, is a book designed for different levels of literacy in performance. On fol 4r for example there are written inscriptions within the picture, alongside events and characters (plate 13) such as Queen Emma's escape on the right, which is labelled Fugit Emma. Throughout the manuscript these red tituli fulfil their traditional function of objectifying with a name, in the language of Latin. Matthew's audience, 'who letters know not', are thus expected to cope, not only with the vernacular text, but also to be htterati when examining the illustrations' The answer to why this strange admixture exists may be that, like the language proliferation in the Eadwine Psalter (that great Canterbury production of the previous century with Its three Latin and three vernacular texts all running parallel) this included the more comprehensive category of reader As regards the pictorial style of the Life of St Edward it would be wrong to see this as heralding any new naturahsm according to Franz Bauml's definition of vernacular style, 'the universal yielding to the particular' ^^ An artist in Matthew Paris's position, illustrating a new type of vernacular narrative still depends heavily on the universal schemata and devises many of his compositions from earlier religious prototypes. Emma's escape with her children and the rustic Joseph-like figure with a hand under his chin following, clearly derives from the type of the Holy Family's Flight into Egypt. The minimal schema - the most rudimentary basis for construction - is still vitally necessary for the artist. Naturahsm as such develops precisely in those excess elements which are peripheral to the transmission of meaning like the flowers, trees and leaves of the settings in these illustrations. For that famous early master of naturalistic observation, Villard de Honnecourt, nothing was so concrete as a clearly defined schema (plate 14) This image in his Sketchbook, taken, he tells us, from life ('al vif), is dependent on the same linear subordination of form to the geometrically transmissible as his architectural cross-sections Villard also writes detailed directives in the vernacular which place his schemata in their proper categories, following the tradition of rescuing the image from ambiguity through the resources of the written word. On this page of his book which describes the taming of the lion, the text, written vertically across the freely spaced horizontal drawing, points to the different functions of word and picture, like a model-kit and the instructions for putting it together. I want to tell you of the training of the lion He who indoctrinates the lion, he has two dogs. When he wants the lion to do anything, he commands him. If the lion growls, he beats the dogs; of this the lion bears great doubt


when he sees the dogs beaten, his courage wanes, he will do that which is commanded Note well that this lion was drawn from life ^' Only the syntactically complex and consecutive procedures of his semicolloquial French can convey Villard's expenence with the lion Like the frontal lion drawn full-length on the following page, this creature with human teeth and the overall appearance of a piece of metalwork (cspecialK the isolated head in the corner) is still so much a schema that a residual titulus elegantly inscribes it with the Latin 'LEO' Moreover, the artist has not onK had recourse to some visual formula, the very pattern and sequence of his description are also conveyed through a conventional grid This hon-tamnis^ story has been shown to stem from the Liber de naturis rerum h\ the contemporary canon of Cambrai, Thomas of Cantipre, which itself was based on Latin tracts by Egbert of Liege (Caeditur cams ut pavescat leo) "' What looks like a naturalistic transcription of an event, and even tells us it is so, is just one more vernacular transformation of a Latin protot\pe on both textual and visual levels Nevertheless Villard's Sketchbook does represent a good example of the new vernacular matrix for the image His French inscriptions, although sometimes repeated by a second scribe in ver\ faulty Latin, suggest that he was trained outside the schools, even though his geometrical and architectural calculations suggest he had some foundations m the artes liberales "' The inventiveness and freedom of many of Villard's visual ideas is due to their being models which were studied, used, copied and discussed outside the liturgical lexicon as mnemotechmcal aids in entirely artistic professional practice. 'How to do it' manuals are an extremely rare and late addition to literate culture according to one expert, and Villard's is a ver\ important example ''' Only in the vernacular could Villard evolve his professional ja.gon. as m the advertismg-like assurance we get with the two lion drawings, assuring us that they are 'al vif Together with his writing, this artist's naturalistic schemata are products for consumption immediately accessible in ways only possible within the growing channels of vernacular literacy If there has been one underlying theme in this study, it is that medieyal pictures cannot be separated from what is a total expenence of communication involving sight, sound, action and physical expression Before any easy judgements can be made about the relation between text and image we should note Kenneth Goodman's remarks on the psychology of the reading process Some cues are external to the reading process but they may be used by the reader Pictures are cues which may be decoded as a substitute or supplement to language . These external cues get between reader and written language. In a sense they interfere with the vital recoding process. ^^ Perhaps the special power of combining words and pictures resides in this excess or 'interference' which distorts the all-too-easy signification of language, forcing us to ask questions about categories, labels and relations between res et verba This examination of the ways in which language skills and acquisitions


interact witb visual representation in tbe twelftb and tbirteentb centuries bas only opened up some of tbe questions that can be asked and explored in interdisciplinary study Pictorial art becomes a statement or discourse of groups and individuals in history, especially when it is possible to establish its role within and alongside other systems of communication It is therefore regrettable that in one classic of medieval studies, European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages E R Curtius makes the following statement, with an almost Gregorian emphasis on the superficiality of images. The book is more real bv far than the picture Here we have a truly ontological relationship and real participation in an intellectual entity To understand Pindar's poems requires severe mental effort - to understand the Parthenon frieze does not The same relation obtains between Dante and the Cathedrals Knowing pictures is easy compared with knowing books ^'' In the above I have tned to present a case for the other side Michael Camille
University of Cambridge

First drafted in 1982 this studv has benefited from the 'seeing and reading' of George Henderson, Jonathan Alexander, John Gage, Nicholas Webb, Norman Brvson, William Calm, Katherine O Kecfe, Nicolette Zetman and Sharon Cather 1 am alio mdebted to Anna Abulafia and Michael Clanchv for suggestive disrussions and to Sandv Heslop for e;lossme; mv own manuscnpt so carefully Another reader, C M Kaufimann, was also kind enough to refer to an earlier version of this article m the catalogue, Engltsh Romanesque Art, 1066-1200, London 1984, when its title was slightly different 1 For the full text of Gregory's statement, contained in a letter to Serenus, Bishop of Marseilles, see PL 77 1128 and the translation m \V Tatarkiewicz, Medieval Aesthetics, The Hague 1970, vol 11, pp 104-5 Fhe many enumerations of Gregory's idea are collected in L Gougaud, 'Muta praedicatio'. Revue Benedictine, XLII, 1930, pp 168-71 2 Translation from Tatarkiewicz, op cit in n 1 The page is reproduced in O Pacht, C R Dodwell and F Wormald, The St Albans Psalter, London 1960, pi 37 and is discussed by Pacht o n p 138 3 E Male, The Gothic Image, Religious Art in France in the Thirteenth Century (first published Pans 1898), trans D Nussey, New York 1958, p 1 This IS repeated in E Kitzinger's 'the cathedral proclaims the Gospel in stone' (Early Medieval Art, London 1940, pp 81-2) and even underlies E Panofsky's Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism New York 1957 F Bauml, 'Varieties and Consequences of Medieval Literacy and Illiteracy', Speculum, 55, 1980, pp 237-64, especially p 262 'It appears, therefore, more likely that the increasing tendency to formulate the illusion of an extrapictorial "reality" m pictorial art is one of the consequences of the rise of vernacular literacy ' 5 As well as Bauml's study, which contains an excellent bibliography of recent work on literacy, other major contributions which will often be cited here are M I Clanchy, From Memory to WrttUn Record England 1066-1307, London 1979, Walter J Ong, Orality and Literacy The Techrwlogtzing of the Word, London and New York 1982, J Goody (ed ), Literacy in Traditional Societies, Cambndge 1968, and B Stock The Implications of Literacy Written Language and Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centunes, Pnnceton 1983 The latter volume introduces the visual arts into the argument (pp 82-3) only to quote Kitzinger's statement cited above, n 3, and to generalise that the 'integration of the visual with the idea of logical order could not have been achieved without the underpinning of texts' The only art historical study which has attempted to use linguistic changes in the Middle Ages as models for stvlistic development IS R Salvini, Medieval Sculpture, New York 1969, pp 20-1 which argues that the 'formative processes of the Romance languages are entirely analogous to those of Romanesque sculpture'


6 English Romanesque Art, London 1984, no 33, p 102 and C M K.AMiimanr\, Romanesque Manuscnpts 1066-1190 London 1975, no 55, pp 12 H Maguire,'Truth and Convention in Bvzantine Descriptions of Works of Art', Dumbarton Oaks Papers, XVIII, 1964 13 M R James, 'Pictor in Carmine , Archeologta 94 1951,p 142 14 J Gage, 'Horatian Reminiscences in Two Twelfth-Centurv Art Cntia', Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 36, 1973, pp 359-60 The mute emptiness of the image was a criticism used since Hrabanus Maurus (776856), see E de Bruvne, Etudes d'Esthetique Medtevale, Bruges 1942, pp 279-80 and repeated by Abbot Suger (n 38 below) It becomes a commonplace in Renaissance artistic theorv, for example in Guarino of Verona's 'The brush shows onlv the mute lineaments of the phvsical body while words portrav sounds and liv ing speech' (quoted from M Baxandall, 'Guanno Pisanello and Manuel Chr\soloras',yoarna/ of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 28 1965, p 183 15 Recounted bv John Damascene in his De lmagimbus, PG 94 1231 It was this author's De fide orthodoxa which brought the fuUv formulated Eastern mvstical approach to images to the West 16 Clanchv, op cit , pp 214-18 Reading aloud developed from classical practices, as outlined in J Balogh, '\'oces Paginarum', Philologus 82 1926-7, p 81^ Other studies of reading are H J Chavtor, trom Script to Print Cambridge 1945, pp 5-21 and R Crosbv 'Oral Dehvery in the Middle Ages', Speculum, 2 1936, pp 88-110 17 Psalm 45 (44) illustrated in an initial to the St Albans Psalter, 2 The Initials, bv C R Dodwell, London 1960, p 221, where the phrase is literally represented bv David holding both his pen and his tongue 18 C Nordenfalk,'The Beginnings of Book Decoration', Essays in Honour of Geore, Swarzensh, ed O Goetz, Berlin and Chicago 1951, pp 9-20 19 L Treitler, 'Oral, Wntten and Literate Process in the Transmission of Medieval Music', Speculum, 56, 1981, p 475 20 J Leclercq, The Love of Leaming and the Desire for God, New York 1961, p 80 21 Ong, Oraltty and Literacy, op c i t i n n 5 . p 1 2 4 discusses word lists The initial is from Cambridge, Trinitv College MS 0 4 7, St Jerome, Commentanes on Vanous Books of the Old Testament, for which, see Enghsh Romanesque Art 1066-1200, London 1984, no 42, p 107 For the lectio dtvina see Leclercq. op cit , and B Smalle>, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, Notre Dame 1964, pp 26-36 Jerome's etymological method is discussed as a 'genetic code' within other medieval sign systems by R Howard Bloch, Etymologies and Genealogies A Literary Anthropology of the French Middle Ages, Chicago 1983, pp 54-63 22 According to Richard of St Victor, 'In libris

87-8 For the text seeJRH Weaver, The

Chronicle of John of H orcester, Anecdota Oxonensid ser IV, no 13 pp 32-4 The illustrations were probablv done before the text, a subordination rare in this period and the text is squashed in the spaces left bv the artist, sometimes stretched out visuallv and elsewhere contracted to make it svnchronise with the relevant picture The limits of the artist's working field have not been clearly defined, the rustic's spade and the soldier's sword in the first two scenes trespass mto the vellum area, ruled with a stylus to receive the accompanying script This interpretation of wntten and pictonal elements, especiallv the use of the same red pigment for the King's calligraphic bedclothes, the underhning of the text and the rubrication of the third iisio, suggests that scribe and artist were one person Page 383, right column Grimbald's role as a dream interpreter is discussed in E J Kealv, Medieval Medicus A Social History of Anglo-Norman Medicine, Baltimore 1981, pp 70-4 Clanchv, op cit in n 5, pp 203-8 and V H Galbraith, 'The Literacy of the Medieval Kings', Proceedings of the British Academy, XXI, 1935, p 7 Clanchv, op cit . pp 207-8 This and the figure as a whole is close both in colour and graphic notation, to a doctor illustrated in a South French medical miscellany

9 10

dated 1132, Berlin Staatsbibhothek, Hs lat qu

198, fol 4 \ reproduced in Zimelien, Abendlandische Handschriften des Mittelalters aus den Sammlungen der Sttftun^ Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin 1975, p 129 11 For a general work see M Kirigin, La mano dnina nelViconografia cristiana, \ atican 1976, esp pp 131-65, 'La mano div ma parlante', but see also J J Tikkanen, 'Zwei Gebarden mit dem Zeigefinger', Helsingfors 1913 (Acta societatis scientarum fenmcae, 43, no 2) The speaking gesture has been traced from the classical oratorical traditions of Quintilian by B Paradiso, 'Rito e retorica in un gesto della mano', Studi in onore di A C Jemolo, Milan 1962, pp 333-60 He disagrees (note 61) with E de Bruyne, 'L'Imposition des mains de I'art Chretien ancien' Riv Arch Cristtan , XX, 1932, p 176, who states that this gesture is the meaning of God 'speaking' the universe in early depictions of the Creation, but we also find evidence for this association (see n 23 below) Another theory for the development of the gesture relates it to the depiction of ancient theatrical tradition, S Dufresne, Les Illustrations du Psautter Utrecht sources et apport caroltngten. Pans 1972, p 83 and L W Jones and C R Morey, The Mtntatures of the Manuscnpts of Terence prior to the Thirteenth Century, Pnnceton 1930-1, vol II, p 211



autcm ethicorum voces tantum mediantibus intellectibus res significant' (PL 177 375B) As well as the brilliant studv b\ F Ohiv, 'Von Geistigen Sinn des Wortes lm Mittelalter , Zeitichnftfurdeutsches Altertum, S9, 1958 pp 1-23 a useful account of medieval theories of language can be found in M L Cohsh The .Mirror oJ Language A Study in the Medieval Theory of Knowledge Ydle'l968, pp 3-9 23 \ugustine Enarratio in Psalmum XCIX, discussed bv E \ ance 'Roland and the Poetics of Mtmorv Textual Strategies, ed J V Harari, 1979 pp 375-6 'I wo'speaking tubes'lssut from God's mouth as part of the apparatus of Creation in the drawing of this subject in the mid-eleventh-centurv PsaUer, London BL Cotton Tibcnus C vi, fol 7 \ reproduced in G Hendtrson, Earl) Medieial, London 1972 fig 131 24 PL 100 741, see M Schapiro, 'Two Romanesque Drawings from Auxerre', Romanesque Art Nev\ ^orkl977 p 310, n 34 for an account of John's special relationship with language and examples of him dictating to his secretarv Prochorus 25 O Pacht The Rise of Pictorial Narratue in TwelfthCentury England Oxford 1962, pp 56-9 26 Cambndge, Pembroke College MS 120, Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts no 35 pp 74-5 and English Romanesque Art no 21, pp 96-7 As well as the speech inscription explored below the word 'SOL' is written next to the sun in the Emmaus scene on fol 4^ (Kauffmann, fig 99) to communicate the conversation (Luke 24, 29) 'But thev constrained him, saving. Abide with us for It IS toward evening, and the dav is far spetit' Otie of the figures points with the speech gesture towards it 27 John of Salisbury, Metalogicon, bk 1, chap 13, ed J Webb, London 1939, p 32 1 his idea would seem to be based upon Isidore, Etymologiarum (ed W M Lindsav, Oxford 1911) Lib I, m, 1-3 'Litterae autem sunt indices rerum, signa verborum, quibus tanta vis est, ut nobis dicta absentium sine voce loquantur' According to H J Chavtor, the medieval reader 'was in the stage of our muttering childhood learner, each word was for him a separate entity and at times a problem which he whispered to himself when he found the solution' (From Scnpt to Print, p 10) 28 J Dernda, O/Gramffiflto/o^, trans G C Spivak, Baltimore and London 1974, chap 1 'The End of the Book and the Beginning of Writing', p 17 29 'Sicut enim littere quodam modo fiunt verborum figure et note, lta et picture scnptarum rerum existunt similitudines et note', Gilbert Crispin, Disputatio ludei et Christiani (1092-3), ed B Blumenthal, Stromata Patnstica et Medievalia, 3, Utrecht/Antwerp 1956. p 67 and see the forthcoming edition by A Sapir Abulafia, Auctores Britanmci Medit Aevi, section 157 30 Decretum Magtstn Grattani, ed Aemilius Fnedburg, Leipzig 1879, 1360 31 This division follows BaumI, op rit inn i p 246 32 'dumque omnes picta uitissum/ ustendunt releguntque sibi, uel tardius escae/ sinl memores, dum grate ocuhs lnunia pascunt' see R C Goldschmidt, Paulinus Churihes at .Sola Amsterdam 1940, 11 584-6 p 65 For the association of food and the spiritual nourishmtnt of mf^?/(7^?o through pictures s(( VC > Esm<i]ei Divina Quaternitas, A Preliminary Study m the Method and Application of Visual Exegesis, \mst( rdam 1978, p 20, n 80 33 S Noakes 'The Fifteen Oes, tht Ihsticha (.atoms Marculfius and Dick, Jant, and Sallv The Lmvernty of Chicago Library Society Bulletin 11, II 1977 pp 10-11 34 PL 177 15-16 The text, illustrations and manuscript tradition ol this work is discussid bv W B Clark 'Tht Illustrated Meditval Aviarv and the Lav-Brotherhood' Gci/a, XXI, 198_' pp 63-74 with further bibliographv In England ttit tract was often lncorporattd into the Latin Bestiary 25 PL 71 1003, cued in \\ Deschamps and \1 Thibout, La Pemture murale en trame Pans 1')T1 p 20 36 For/(//; see E Stemmann, Die Tituti und die Kirchlichen H'andmalereien tm Abendlande Lom J-// Jahrhundert, Leipzig 1892, and itjr a recent theoretical discussion, M Wallis Inscriptions in Paintings', iemzo/ira IX 1 1973 pp 1-29 Increasinglv realistic pictorial rcprtsentation does not render the titulus superduiius as suggested by E De Bruvne E.sthettque du moyen age, Louvain 1947, p 291 sinct thi more lift-likt the image became the more danger in mistaking It for realitv The titulu! solves this problem lor as Alcuin proposed, under tht picture of St Paul should be written not 'St Paul', but 'image of St Paul' to avoid confusion (cited in De Bruvne, p 271) 37 PL 97 999-1248, transl in Tatarkiewic^, op cu in n 1, p 100 38 E Panokky, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St Dems and its Art Treasures, Princeton. 2nd edn 1979, p 63 39 Directions for reading images are analysed in tht fundamental paper by M Schapiro, 'On .Some Problems in the Semiotics of Visual Art Field and Vehicle in Image Signs', Semiotica, I, 1969, pp 223-42 For the unusual continuous leftright-left narrative order in wall paintings and stained glass, see F Deuchler, Le sens de la lecture a propos du Boustrophedon', Etudes dart medieval ojfertes a Louis Grodecki, Strasbourg 1981, pp 250-8 40 Bauml, op cit , p 260, states that 'Clear outlines, clearly marked boundaries between pictonal and non pictorial space, size relationships dictated by the relativ e significance of the objects represented in a predommantlv narrative context, heavy reliance on traditional



formulae, all facilitate recognition of essential elements of narrative themes ' On the construction of formulaic poetry, see the pioneering studv b\ E A Havelock, Preface to Plato, Harvard 1963 and Ong, op cit , in n 4, pp 16-77 For a critic of Ong's view of twelfthcenturv orality, see R C Cormier, The Problem of Anachronism Recent Scholarship on the French Medieval Romances of A.ntiquitv', Philological Quarterly, 53, 1974, p 154 41 The importance of the schema in the transmission of visual information in the semioral culture of the twelfth centurv can be compared with what Goodv and Watt call 'the homeostatic process of forgetting' where those elements that cease to be necessarv or relevant in the direct act of communication are erased (J Goody and I Watt, 'The Consequences of Literacv', in Literacy and Traditional Societies, Cambndge 1968, p 67) 42 Reproduced in O Demus and M Hirmer, Romanesque Mural Painting, London 1970, plate 235 The Bible Picture Leaf, New V ork, Pierpont Morgan Library, M 724^ is discussed in Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, no 66, pp 93-6 Here too there is a representation of the form as well as the act of writing, with 'Johannes' inscribed diagonallv on Zachanas' writing desk But this, as in the curving scroll held out m the wall painting, follows the conventions oi tituli and is neither oriented nor designed to appear as lines of script penned as wntten language Compare the wntten document in plate 9 which by contrast, does take into account the structure of scribal messages the Book', Essays Presented to R H Hunt, Oxford 1979, pp 115-41 C Clark, 'People and Languages in Post Conquest Canterburv', Joarna/ of .Medieval Htstory, II, 1976, pp 1-7, 30-2 For the Psalter, Pans, Bibl Nationale, MS latin 8846, which is the last of the three copies of the Carolingian Ltrecht Psalter made at Canterbury and dated c 1180-90 see English Romanesque Art, no 73, pp 126-7 and N Morgan, Early Gothic .Manuscripts 1190-1250, London 1983 no 1, pp 47-9 Dialogus de Scaccario, ed C Johnston, London 1950, p 63 Ihe following is much indebted to Michael Clanchy's discussion of'The uses of the Domesdav Book' in hrom .Memory to Written Record, pp 18-21 and in England and its Rulers 1066-1272 London 1983, pp 61-5 Dialogus de Scacctario p 64 The influence of French sculpted doorwavs on these monumental works is discussed in T S R Boase, English Art 1100-1216, Oxford 1953, pp 205-7, reproducing the tympana of Rochester and Barfreston, plate 68 See also G Zarnecki '1066 and Architectural Sculpture", Proceedings of the British Academy, lAl, 1966, pp 87-104 Durham, Cathedral Librarv, MS A 1 10, fol 170^ an initial to Berengaudus Commentary on the Apocalypse, which was immensel\ popular in this and the following centurv and interpreted the events of Revelation in terms that referred to the everydav life of the Christian awaiting the coming of Antichrist It refers both to those who read or hear God's Commandments' ('quia legunt aut audiunt mandata Dei' PL 17 845) At




47 48


43 Cambridge, Tnnitv College MS R 17 1, f 283*

reproduced in Kauffmann, Romanesque Manuscripts, fig 187 Eadwine's complex lavout of the Psalter text is discussed by Clanchv, From Memory to Written Record, pi XIV and appears in a full facsimile by M R James The Eadwine Psalter, London 1935 The process of reading such a multiform text with three Latin and two interlinear vernacular translations as well as an interlinear and marginal gloss, would involve the constant shifting of the gaze from text area to the right, left and above, where the half-page illustrations in the literal tradition of Psalm depiction following the Utrecht Psalter, provides a visual system of near parallel complexity Indeed, the earliest pages incorporate a kind of 'interlinear illustration' in adding scenes based upon the gloss directly above those literally illustrating the Psalter text This is an early example of what Malcom Parkes has shown to be the more 'ratiocmative' analysis required by the scholastic lectio as opposed to the monastic medttatio, which altered the whole appearance of the book page into a visual rather than an oral tool during the course of the thirteenth century See M Parkes, 'The Influence of the Concepts Ordmatto and Comptlatto on the Development of

Canterbury the mid twelfth-century St Gabriel's

chapel had a monumental mural, still prrtiallv visible, of Chnst as Judge with the Book (see Boase, op cit, plate 25) 50 'Ut magis legere libeat in marmonbus quam in codicibus' For the full text of the Apologia ad GuMelmum Sancti Theoderici Abbatem, see PL 182 915-16 and for a partial English translation and discussion, M Schapiro, 'On the Aesthetic Attitude in Romanesque Art', Romanesque .irt, London 1977, pp 6-7 51 Ong, Orahty and Literacy, op c i t i n n 4 , p p 36-49 52 L J A Lowenthal, 'Amulets in Medieyal Sculpture', Folklore, 89, 1978, pp 3-12 According to Mana Corti, 'Models and Antimodels in Medieyal Culture', New Literary Htstory, 10, 1979, p 350, 'Much transgressing material of the twelfth century was lost because It was never written down, but entrusted to oral transmission' Many of the ludic, obscene and anti-clencal manifestations of the anti-culture, which she locates outside the hierarchy or ofjktum, are carried through images For the later development of play in the margins of books, see L Randall, Images in the Margins of Gothtc Manuscnpts, Berkeley 1966



53 Bduml op a t p 262 Grammatua He also has ajestuca or pointer, to J4 P Zumthor, cited in \ ancf, op cit in n 23, p pick out the individual letters, and probably as 402 \lison Stonci has bhovvn for example how well to point to significant illustrations, such as thirteenth-Cf ntur\ secular Romanct illustrations appear in the twentv-three pages of pictures in are the v\ork of artists using models dirtctK Irom his Psalter Latin ecclesiastical books ('Sacred and Prolanc 61 See Clanchv, op cit. Trusting Writing', pp ^rt Secular and Liturgical Book Illumination in 231-57 and BaumI, op cit , pp 239-41 for legal the I hirtetnth Centur\" in The Epu m Medut al littracv and the idea of the signature M B Society Aesthetic and Moral \ alues lubingtn 1977, Parkes discusses what he calls 'pragmatic p 102) literacv' in his useful survev. 'The Literacv of the 55 Ihc heroine of the French \erse Eneas is htteratus Laitv', in The Medieval Uorld, ed D Daiches and sincE est quist tost ancre et parchtmin/ si a ecris \ Thorlbv. London 1973, pp 555-7 tot as latin' (11 8776) cited in H H Mills 62 For the representation of the fheophilus Legend Lav man and Cleric' Cambridge PhD thesis at Souillac see M Schapiro ' The Sculptures t)f 1952 p 291 For a tacsimileoftht German MS Souillac , i?omanM^cylrt, p 118 On the produced c 1210-20, now Berlin iconographic theme in general, A C Fryer, Staatsbibhothek MS germ fol 282, see A 'Theophilus the Penitent as Represented in Art , Boeckler Eneide, Leipzig 1939 Archaeological Journal 92, 1935, pp 320-45 and 56 Quoted from D \\ llliams The Arms and P K Klein, 'Kunst und Feudalismus zur zeit Hands with Special Relcrenct to the Anglo\lfons des Weisen von Castihen und Leon, Saxon Sign S\stem Semiottca, 21 1977 pp (1252-1284) Die IUustrationen der 1-29 For an exciting anaKsis of tht difTtrent ' Cantigas" ', in Bauwerk und Bildwerk in discourses held uithin scrolls and inscriptions in Hochmittelalter Anschauliche Beitrage zur Kultur und French Romanesque MSS set J F Lvotard Socialgeschichte 1981, pp 191-2 For the feudal Dtscotirs tigure Pans 1978 p 168 gesture oi immixtw manuum itself, see M Bloch, 57 SeeOhK.op cit i n n 22 p 4 /><//5ofh, Chicago 1961 I pp 145-62 and J 58 Cambndge Lni\ersit\ Librar\ MS Kk 4 25, Le GofT, 'Les Gestes svmboliques dans la yie fol 58' The words are written on the bare sociale les gestes de la vassalite', Simboli e vellum b\ the same scribal hand as the Latin nmbologia, Spoleto 1976, II, p 679 text below and solid green pigment is painted 63 In the Ingeborg Psalter, c 1200, the feudal around them It is translatable as an gesture is shown on fol 35' but on the facing exclamation (ware = Ouaisl The Bestiarv was a recto the narrative continues with the Virgin 'word book' ol etvmological and moral allegones saving the penitent through the return of the (see OhK op cit p 17) as well as being a charter which reads 'Ego sum homo tuus', see F visual repository for conventional animal Deuchler Der Ingeborgpmlter, Berlin 1967, plate

schemata N J Morgan calls this picture a genre

scene' Early Gothic Manuscripts (I) 1190-1250, London 1982 no 53 pp 100-1 59 That Anglo-N'orman assumed the status as an otiicial language of culturt is shown bv I Short On Bihngualism m Anglo-Norman England', Romance Philology, 33 1979-80 pp 467-79 Fora fascinating account of one of the few picture inscriptions in English in this period, see the storv of the poor Norfolk bov who makes his fortune in France with onlv a pig and commemorates his success with a wall painting which 'speaks his old native tongut, 'Wille Gris, Wille Gns-' Thinche wat vou was and qwat vou es',J Stephenson, Chronicon der Lanercost, Edinburgh 1839, p 52 and J M Wilson 'English and French in England, 1100-1300', History, XXX in, 1943, p 51 60 Leiden Bibliotheek der Ri)ksuniversiteit MS lat 76A, fol 185' See Morgan, op cit , no 14 pp 60-1 A later mid-fourteenth-centurv miniature, Pans BN MS n a lat 3145, reproduced in Noakes, op cit i n n 33, p 4, has a picture of the boy Louis in exactly this situation He is seated, learning to read from a book on his knee between his mother, Blanche of Castile, and his tutor, who wields a birch, like the personification of

99, p 68 The homage scene which is one of the

ten Theophilus initials in the De Brailes Hours, London BL 49999, as well as a prominent charter has a French tituli (written probably for the easier reference to its ladv owner) 'Theofle fet humage au deable et lui escrit charte de seu propre sane' (fol 34'). see Morgan, Early Gothic Manuscripts, pi 247 For the Apocalypse, Lambeth Palace Library, MS 209 see E Millar, 'Les Pnncipaux MSS a peinture du Lambeth Palace a Londres', Bull de la S F R M P ,VU, 1924 Contemporary charters of the same form as found in these miniatures are reproduced in Clanchy, op cit , pis 5 and 7 64 For Fulbert of Chartres' sermon see PL 141 323 In Its re-telhng bv the vernacular poet Rutebuf m the thirteenth century the pact is clearly stressed as being in writing deyil Quar maintez genz m'en ont sorpns Por ce que lor lettres n'en pris Por ce que vueil ayoir bien dues Theoph Vez les ci je les ecntes (E Faral and F Bastin, Oeuvres Completes de Rutebuf, yol II, Pans I960, p 188, 11 252-5) 65 Any person charged with felony who was able to read a prescribed verse from the Bible was theoretically entitled to benefit of clergy and thus


SEEING AND READING escaped the death penalty See Clanchy, op cit involved with the visual effects of books which p 185 also suggest that thtse wert read aloud lo tht 66 For a late thirteenth-centurv miniature showing nobihtv by clerks In anothtr roval Saint s Lift a scnbe-devil quoting Deuteronomy to damn a that of Queen Margartt of Scotland it is poinittl dving woman, representing the sinful soul, see out that her daughter Matilda 'dtsirtd noi onlv Catalogue of Single Leaves and Miniatures from to hear, but also to insptct Lontmuallv thi Westem Illuminated MSS , Sotheby's Mondav 25 impress of the letters in htr mothtr s Life' Stt April 1983, lot 31 (a) Images of lutivillus and also CUnchv, op cit p 217dndParkes op cit, p 557 for the reading habits ol tht nobilitv the popular theme of diabolic literacv are discussed with examples in P Halm 'Der 73 Bauml, op cit , p 261 1 his sthnlar s argumtnt schreibende Teufel', Cristiantsmo Region dt Stato that the 'lift-like' qualities ol post-Romanesqut (extr Atti del II Congresso di Studi Umamstm) art are due to 'equivalences which allow us to see Rome 1952, pp 235-50, E Beitz, Caesanus von reahtv in terms ol an image and in imagt in Hetsterbach und die Bildene Kunst Augsburg 1926, terms of rtahtv' fails to takt mto actiiunt tht still pp 55 pis 30-1 and M D Anderson, Drama and highlv textual and semiotic struclurt of later medieval art Depending too much on the Imagery in English Medieval Churches, Cambridge 'lllusionistic' as propoundtd bv Gombrich and 1963, pi 24d Arnheim, Bauml descnbts the relationship 67 Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawl G 185, between picture and framt in a twelfth-tt nturv fol 81^ This IS a variation on a theme often Bestiarv as if it were a modern 'framed painting found in the illustration of the Psalm 97 opening (p 261, n 651 The violation of th( Iramt, which where animals parodv the performance of the IS here described as being so lnnovatorv is in ecclesiastical singers m the initial, onlv in the fact a common feature of twellth-ctnturv art, as margins Such is the case in the thirteenthSchapiro has shown (op cit in n 39 p 228) centurv Oscott Psalter, London BL Add MS 74 'I ranslation in Architector The Lodge Books and 50000, fol 146' For liturgical parody of this Sketchbooks of Medieval Architects hv F Bucher, I, tvpe, see R Hammerstein, Diabolus m Musica, New York 1979, p 138 but see alst) H R Studien zur Ikonographie der Music im Mitteralter, Hahnloser, \ illard de Honnecourt \'ienna 1935, Bern 1974 Abb 72-82 pp 145-6 68 Chart Univ Pans I, 70 See Mills, op cit in n 75 Bucher op cit 55, p 190 69 This IS evidenced in his Life ofStAlban which has 76 Education of architects is discussed in L R Shelbv ' The Education of Mediev al English a note stating 'G send please to the Ladv Master Masons', Medieval Studies 32 1170, pp Countess of Arundel, Isabel that she is to send 1-26 According to F J Barnes Jr, \ lUard was a vou the Book about St Thomas the Martvr and metalworker, which would still plact him high in St Edward which I translated and illustrated the hierarchy of medieval craltsmcn, amongst and which the Lady Countess of Cornwall may those most often literate ('Thf Draperv keep until Whitsuntide ' See M R James. Rendering Technique ol \ illard de Honnecourt' Illustrations to the Life ofSt Alban, Oxford 1924, Gw/a, XX, 1981, pp 199-206) See also P pp 15-16 As another note tells us, Paris used Frankl, The Gothic, Pnnceton, 1960, pp 35-55 the half-page picture format copied from Psalter picture-cvcles, 'In the Countess of Winchester's 77 'An oral culture has nothing corresponding to Book let there be a pair of images on each page, how-to-do-it manuals for the trades (such thus ' manuals in fact are extremelv rare and alwavs crude in chirographic cultures coming into 70 R Vaughan, Matthew Pans, Cambndge 1958, pp effective existence onlv after print has been 175-6, which follows the translation bv H R considerablv interiorized' (Ong, op cit , p 43 Luard, Lives of Edward the Confessor, Rolls Series, and The Presence of the Word, London 1967, pp 1858, I, p 290 See also the facsimile of the 28-9) whole MS by M R James, Roxburghe Club, 1920 The text was translated from the earlier 78 K S Goodman (ed ), The Psycholinguistic Nature of Latin life by Ailred the Reading Process, Detroit l9(iB,p 25 Fora fuller and more theoretical analysis of this space 71 Les Quatre Ages de I'homme, cd M de Freville, or 'difference' between the verbal and the visual Societe des Anciens Textes Frangais, Pans 1888, 25 in medieval representation, see mv forthcoming An interesting genera! studv of the problem is S article, 'The Book of Signs Writing and Visual Groag Bell, 'Medieval Women Book Owners Difference in Gothic Manuscript Illumination', Arbiters of Lay Piety and Ambassadors of Culture', Signs The Journal of Women in Culture and iin Word and Image, 1/2, 1985 Society, VII, 4, 1982, pp 741-68 79 E R Curtius, European Literature and the Latin 72 J W Thompson, The Literacy of the Latty tn the MtddleAges, trans W Trask, Princeton 1973, pp 14-15 MtddleAges, Berkeley 1939, p 171, gives a relevant example of female readers being