Anuario de Estudios Medievales 42-1

anuario
de estudios
medievales
anuario
de estudios
medievales
Volumen 42 N 1 enero-junio 2012 484 pgs. ISSN: 0066-5061 Volumen 42 N 1 enero-junio 2012 Barcelona (Espaa) ISSN: 0066-5061
www.publicaciones.csic.es CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTFICAS
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INSTITUCIN MIL I FONTANALS http://estudiosmedievales.revistas.csic.es
Sumario
MONOGRFICO:
LA PREDICACIN MEDIEVAL: SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDOS E ISLMICOS
EN EL MEDITERRNEO
Jones, Linda G., Presentacin.
Debby, Nirit Ben-Aryeh, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine churches.
Hanska, Jussi, Preachers as historians. The case of the destruction of Jerusalem in
70 AD.
Jones, Linda G., Islam al-kar fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of indels
to Islam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt.
Muessig, Carolyn, Roberto Caracciolos sermon on the miracle of the stigmatization
of Francis of Assisi.
Saperstein, Marc, The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of expulsion.
Walker, Paul E., Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shiis and
Sunnis, Fatimids and Abbasids.
Zarri, Gabriella, Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa veneziana
Chiara Bugni (1471-1514).
Bizzarri, Hugo O., Sermones y espejos de prncipes castellanos.
Ilan, Nahem, Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consideration of
rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans polemic in his Avot commentary.

Qutbuddin, Tahera, The sermons of Ali ibn Abi Talib at the conuence of the core
Islamic teachings of the Quran and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos of seventh
century Arabia.
Martn, Jos Carlos; Iranzo Abelln, Salvador, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincen-
tio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradicin manuscrita, edicin crtica y traduccin.
Renedo, Xavier, Tres notes sobre lArs predicandi populo de Francesc Eiximenis (au-
toria, dataci i contingut).
Ferragud, Carmel; Olmos de Len, Ricardo M., La cetrera en los ejemplos, smiles
y metforas de san Vicente Ferrer.
MONOGRFICO:
LA PREDICACIN MEDIEVAL:
SERMONES CRISTIANOS, JUDOS E ISLMICOS EN EL MEDITERRNEO
vo|urer 12/1 erero-jur|o 2012 8arce|ora (Espara) l33N: 00-501
CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTFICAS
MONOGRFICO:
Volumen 42 N 1 enero-junio 2012 Barcelona (Espaa) ISSN: 0066-5061
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES (AEM)
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ISSN: 0066-5061
eISSN: 1988-4230
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ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES
SUMARIO DEL PRIMER FASCCULO
Pgs.
SUMARIO ................................................................................................................. V-X
PRESENTACIN ........................................................................................................ XI
AFILIACIN INSTITUCIONAL DE LOS MIEMBROS DEL CONSEJO EDITORIAL ............. XIII-XV
RELACIN DE COLABORADORES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO ....................................... XVII-XX
TEMAS MONOGRFICOS / MONOGRAPHIC SUBJECTS:
EN EL MEDITERRNEO / MEDIEVAL PREACHING: CHRISTIAN, JEWISH AND
ISLAMIC SERMONS IN THE MEDITERRANEAN.
Linda G. JONES, Presentacin ............................................................................ 3-6
Nirit Ben-Aryeh DEBBY, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine
churches / Retrica visual: imgenes de sarracenos en iglesias orentinas .......... 7-28
Jussi HANSKA, Preachers as historians.The case of the destruction of Jeru-
salem in 70 AD / El predicador como historiador. El caso de la destruccin de
Jerusaln en el 70 DC ............................................................................................. 29-52
Linda G. JONES, Islam al-kar fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of
indels to Islam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt / Islam
al-kar fi hal al-jutba: sobre la conversin de los ineles al Islam durante el
sermn del viernes en el Egipto mameluco ............................................................. 53-75
Carolyn MUESSIG, Roberto Caracciolos sermon on the miracle of the stigma-
tization of Francis of Assisi / El sermn de Roberto Caracciolo sobre el milagro
de los estigmas de Francisco de Ass ...................................................................... 77-93
Marc SAPERSTEIN, The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of
expulsion / El carcter del liderazgo rabnico en la generacin de la expulsin .... 95-118
Paul E. WALKER, Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shiis
and Sunnis, Fatimids and Abbasids / La predicacin litrgica islmica (jutab) en
un terreno de confrontacin: chies y sunes, fatimes y abases ............................ 119-140
Gabriella ZARRI, Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa vene-
ziana Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) / Preaching and pastoral care. The Sermoni of
the Venetian Clarissan nun Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) ......................................... 141-161
Hugo O. BIZZARRI, Sermones y espejos de prncipes castellanos /Sermons and
Castilian mirrors of princes .................................................................................... 163-181
Nahem ILAN, Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consi-
deration of rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans polemic in his Avot commentary

/ Entre
sermn oral y comentario escrito: una reexin sobre la polmica del rabino
Joseph Ben Shoshan en su comentario sobre el Avot ............................................. 183-199
VI SUMARIO
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. V-X
ISSN 0066-5061
Tahera QUTBUDDIN, The sermons of Ali ibn Abi Talib at the conuence of
the core Islamic teachings of the Quran and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos
of seventh century Arabia / Los sermones de Ali ibn Abi Talib en la conuencia
entre las enseanzas islmicas del Corn y la tica cultural basada en las tradi-
ciones orales sobre la naturaleza de la Arabia del sigloVII ................................... 201-228
Jos Carlos MARTN, Salvador IRANZO ABELLN, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s.
Vincentio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradicin manuscrita, edicin crtica y traduc-
cin / Justus of Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092): study of his manuscript
tradition, critical edition and translation ............................................................... 229-251
Xavier RENEDO, Tres notes sobre lArs predicandi populo de Francesc Eixi-
menis (autoria, dataci i contingut) / Three notes on the Ars predicandi populo of
Francesc Eiximenis (authorship, date and content) ............................................... 253-271
Carmel FERRAGUD, Ricardo M. OLMOS DE LEN, La cetrera en los ejemplos,
smiles y metforas de san Vicente Ferrer /Falconry in the examples, similes and
metaphors of saint Vincent Ferrer .......................................................................... 273-300
BIBLIOGRAFA / BIBLIOGRAPHY
NOTAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
Juan ABELLA SAMITIER, Seleccin de documentos de la villa aragonesa de
Sos (1202-1533), por Miguel . PALLARS JIMNEZ ............................................. 303
Beatriz ARZAGA BOLUMBURU, Jess . SOLRZANO TELECHEA (eds.), Cons-
truir la ciudad en la Edad Media, por Jacobo VIDAL FRANQUET .......................... 303-304
Rafael BENTEZ SNCHEZ-BLANCO, Juan Vicente GARCA MARSILLA, Nor-
berto PIQUERAS SNCHEZ (eds.), Entre tierra y fe. Los musulmanes del reino
cristiano de Valencia (1238-1609), por Ferran ESQUILACHE MART ...................... 304-306
Ramn CHES LAPEA, Collecci diplomtica de Sant Pere dger ns
1198, por Jose ngel LEMA PUEYO ........................................................................ 306-308
Mara Victoria CHICO PICAZA, Laura FERNNDEZ FERNNDEZ (eds.), II Jor-
nadas complutenses de Arte Medieval, por Laura MOLINA LPEZ ........................ 308-312
Rafael CONDE Y DELGADO DE MOLINA (ed.), De Barcelona a Anagni para
hablar con el Papa. Las cuentas de la Embajada del Rey de Aragn a la Corte
de Bonifacio VIII (1295), por Peter LINEHAN ......................................................... 312
Lus Vicente DAZ MARTN, Pedro I el Cruel (1350-1369), por Maria Teresa
FERRER I MALLOL ........................................................................................................ 312-313
Francesca ESPAOL, Francesc FIT (eds.), Hagiograa peninsular en els se-
gles medievals, por Diana Luca GMEZ-CHACN ................................................. 313-316
Joan FERRER I GODOY, Diplomatari del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abades-
ses (995-1273), por Llus TO FIGUERAS ................................................................. 317-318
Bruno FIGLIUOLO (ed.), Corrispondenza di Giovanni Pontano, segretario dei
dinasti aragonesi di Napoli (2 novembre 1474-20 gennaio 1495), por Ral GON-
ZLEZ ARVALO ...................................................................................................... 318-319
Jean FLORI, Las Cruzadas, por Mximo DIAGO HERNANDO ............................. 319-320
Carlos J. GALBN MALAGN, A Guerra dos Irmandios (1465-1469), por
Csar OLIVERA SERRANO ....................................................................................... 320
SUMARIO VII
ISSN 0066-5061
Ernesto GARCA FERNNDEZ, Federico VERSTEGUI COBIN, El linaje de la
casa de Murga en la historia de lava (ss. XIV-XVI), por Beatriz MAJO TOM .... 320-322
Francisco GARCA FITZ, La Reconquista, por Mximo DIAGO HERNANDO ...... 322-323
Jos Damin GONZLEZ ARCE, Gremios y cofradas en los reinos medievales
de Len y Castilla, Siglos XII-XV, por Germn GAMERO IGEA .............................. 323-324
Enric GUINOT, Sergi SELMA, Les squies de lHorta Nord de Valncia: Mes-
talla, Racanya i Tormos, por Ferran ESQUILACHE MART ...................................... 324-325
Isabella IANUZZI, El poder de la palabra en el siglo XV: fray Hernando de
Talavera, por Ana ECHEVARRA .............................................................................. 325-326
Vronique LAMAZOU-DUPLAN (dir.), Anne GOULET, Philippe CHARON, Le
cartulaire dit de Charles II roi de Navarre, por igo MUGUETA MORENO ........... 326-328
Antonio MALPICA CUELLO, Rafael G. PEINADO SANTAELLA, Adela FBRE-
GAS GARCA (eds.), Historia de Andaluca. VII Coloquio, por Ral GONZLEZ
ARVALO ................................................................................................................. 328-330
Guillermo NIEVA OCAMPO, Silvano G.A. BENITO MOYA, Andrea NAVARRO
(coords.), Servir a Dios y servir al Rey. El mundo de los privilegiados en el m-
bito hispnico (ss. XIII-XVIII), por Margarita CANTERA MONTENEGRO ................ 330-331
Joan PAPELL I TARDIU (ed.), Compendium abreviatum. Cdex del monestir de
Santa Maria de Santes Creus dels segles XV i XVI, de fra Bernat Mallol i fra Joan
Salvador, por Jordi MORELL BAGET .................................................................... 331-332
Josep PERARNAU I ESPELT, Beguins de Vilafranca del Peneds davant el tri-
bunal dInquisici (1345-1346): De captaires a banquers?, por Albert REIXACH
SALA ........................................................................................................................ 332-333
Elena E. RODRGUEZ DAZ, Antonio Claret GARCA MARTNEZ (eds.), La es-
critura de la memoria: Los Cartularios. VII Jornadas de la Sociedad Espaola
de Ciencias y Tcnicas Historiogrcas, por Fermn MIRANDA GARCA .............. 333-334
Saturnino RUZ DE LOIZAGA, Iglesias, santuarios y ermitas dedicados a Santa
Mara en los pueblos de Espaa segn documentacin de los registros del Archi-
vo Vaticano (siglos XI-XV), por Margarita CANTERA MONTENEGRO ..................... 334-335
Sant Ermengol, bisbe dUrgell (1010-1035). Histria, art, culte i devocions,
por Montserrat CASAS NADAL ................................................................................. 335-336
Jess ngel SOLRZANO TELECHEA, Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo: Tratado so-
bre la divisin del Reino y cundo es lcita la primogenitura, por Mximo DIAGO
HERNANDO ................................................................................................................... 336-337
Guillermo TOMS FACI, Libro de rentas y feudos de Ribagorza en 1322, por
Mario LAFUENTE GMEZ ........................................................................................ 337-338
Sandra DE LA TORRE GONZALO, El cartulario de la encomienda templaria de
Castellote (Teruel), 1184-1283, por Guillermo TOMS FACI ................................. 338-339
Laura TRIAS FERRI, ndex lxic i conceptual dels Orgenes histricos de
Catalua de Josep Balari i Jovany, por Pere J. QUETGLAS ................................. 339
Marcello VINDIGNI, I Cabrera, conti de Modica tra Catalogna e Sicilia: 1392-
1480, por Alejandro MARTNEZ GIRALT ................................................................. 339-341
VIII SUMARIO
ISSN 0066-5061
RESEAS
Xavier BARRAL I ALTET, Le dcor du pavement au Moyen ge. Les mosaques
de France et dItalie, por Francisco de Ass GARCA GARCA ............................... 343-346
Gemma Teresa COLESANTI, Una mujer de negocios catalana en la Sicilia del
siglo XV: Caterina Llull i Sabastida. Estudio y edicin de su Libro Maestro 1472-
1479, por Mara del Carmen GARCA HERRERO ..................................................... 346-347
Concepcin COSMEN ALONSO; Mara Victoria HERREZ ORTEGA; Mara PE-
LLN GMEZ-CALCERRADA (coords.), El intercambio artstico entre los reinos
hispanos y las cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media, por Elena PAULINO MON-
TERO ........................................................................................................................ 347-350
Luisa DARIENZO, La presenza italiana in Spagna al tempo di Colombo, por
Ral GONZLEZ ARVALO ...................................................................................... 350-353
Claude DENJEAN, La loi du lucre. Lusure en procs dans la Couronne
dAragon la n du Moyen Age, por Nicolas PLUCHOT ........................................ 353-354
Ana ECHEVARRA ARSUAGA (ed.), Biografas mudjares o la experiencia de ser
minora: biografas islmicas en la Espaa cristiana, por Maria Teresa FERRER I
MALLOL ........................................................................................................................ 354-358
Lucien FAGGION, Laure VERDON (dirs.), Qute de soi, qute de vrit: du
Moyen ge lpoque moderne, por Lonard COURBON ....................................... 358-359
Jon A. FERNNDEZ DE LARREA ROJAS, Jos R. DAZ DE DURANA (eds.), Me-
moria e Historia. Utilizacin poltica en la Corona de Castilla al nal de la Edad
Media, por Elosa RAMREZ VAQUERO ................................................................... 359-361
Jos ngel GARCA DE CORTZAR Y RUIZ DE AGUIRRE, Estudios de Historia
Medieval de La Rioja, por Juan Jos LARREA ........................................................ 361-363
Josep Maria GIRONELLA I GRANS, Els molins i les salines de Castell
dEmpries al segle XIV. La mlta de cereals, el batanatge de teixits i lobtenci
de sal en una vila catalana baixmedieval, por Albert MART ARAU ...................... 363-365
Klaus HERBERS, Pilger Ppste Heilige. Ausgewhlte Aufstze zur europ-
ischen Geschichte des Mittelalters, por Mximo DIAGO HERNANDO .................... 365-367
Jos Antonio JARA FUENTE, Georges MARTIN, Isabel ALFONSO ANTN (eds.),
Construir la identidad en la Edad Media. Poder y memoria en la Castilla de los
siglos VII a XV, por Elosa RAMREZ VAQUERO ..................................................... 367-369
Nelly LABRE (coord.), tre table au Moyen ge, por Fernando SERRANO
LARRYOZ ............................................................................................................... 369-371
Miguel ngel LADERO QUESADA, La Hacienda Real de Castilla. 1369-1504,
por Diana PELAZ FLORES ........................................................................................ 371-374
Miguel ngel LADERO QUESADA, Isabel I de Castilla. Siete ensayos sobre la
reina, su entorno y sus empresas, por Isabel GARCA CAPARRS........................... 374-376
Carlos LALIENA CORBERA, Eric KNIBBS, El cartulario del monasterio arago-
ns de San Andrs de Fanlo (siglos X-XIII), por Jos ngel LEMA PUEYO ........... 376-378
Jess LORENZO JIMNEZ, La dawla de los Banu Qasi: origen, auge y cada de
una dinasta mulad en la frontera superior de al-Andalus, por Christine MAZZO-
LI-GUINTARD ........................................................................................................... 379
SUMARIO IX
ISSN 0066-5061
Francesc MASSIP, A cos de rei. Festa cvica i espectacle del poder reial a la
Corona dArag, por Antoni ROSSELL.................................................................... 380-381
Alicia MIGULEZ CAVERO, Gesto y gestualidad en el arte romnico de los
Reinos Hispanos: lectura y valoracin iconogrca, por M Aitana MONGE
ZAPATA .................................................................................................................... 382-384
igo MUGUETA, El dinero de los Evreux. Hacienda y scalidad en el Reino
de Navarra (1328-1349), por Vicent BAYDAL SALA .............................................. 384-385
Josena MUTG I VIVES, El monestir benedict de Sant Pau del Camp de Bar-
celona a travs de la documentaci de cancelleria reial de lArxiu de la Corona
dArag, Barcelona (1257-1510), por Araceli ROSILLO LUQUE ............................ 386-387
Jos Manuel NIETO SORIA, Conicto en escenas: la pugna poltica como re-
presentacin en la Castilla bajomedieval, por Mximo DIAGO HERNANDO .......... 387-389
Stphane PQUIGNOT, Au nom du roi. Pratique diplomatique et pouvoir du-
rant le rgne de Jacques II dAragon (1291-1327), por Maria Elisa SOLDANI ...... 389-392
Gian Luca POTEST, El tiempo del Apocalipsis. Vida de Joaqun de Fiore, por
Michelina DI CESARE .............................................................................................. 393-394
Roser SABANS, Els concilis ilerdenses de la provncia eclesistica tarraconen-
se a lEdat Mitjana (546-1460), por Jordi MORELL BAGET ..................................... 394-396
Philippe SNAC, Los soberanos carolingios y al-ndalus (siglos VIII-IX), por
Mximo DIAGO HERNANDO .................................................................................... 396-397
Jess ngel SOLRZANO TELECHEA, Beatriz ARZAGA BOLUMBURU (eds.),
La gobernanza de la ciudad europea en la Edad Media, por Mximo DIAGO
HERNANDO ........................................................................................................... 397-399
Fabrizio TITONE, Governments of the Universitates: Urban Communities of
Sicily in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, por Albert REIXACH SALA ........ 400-403
Mara Isabel UBIETO ARTUR, Los Centros de Documentacin Histrica y sus
bibliotecas especializadas. La Biblioteca de Antonio Ubieto Arteta, medieva lista
aragons del siglo XX, por Jose A. MUNITA LOINAZ .............................................. 404-405
Arnau de VILANOVA, Tractatus de Humido Radicali, Michael R. MCVAUGH
(ed.), Chiari CRISCIANI, Giovanna FERRARI (intrs.), Arnaldi de Villanova Opera
Medica Omnia, v. 2, por Carmel FERRAGUD .......................................................... 405-407
RESEAS CONJUNTAS
Cinco libros sobre Jaime I el Conquistador: historiografa, sociedad, icono-
grafa, comercio y legislacin, por Luciano Jos VIANNA ..................................... 409-417
Corrispondenza degli Ambasciatori Fiorentini a Napoli, por Ral GONZLEZ
ARVALO ................................................................................................................. 417-418
Un nou pas en la recuperaci de la documentaci altmedieval catalana:
ledici dels diplomes de lArxiu Comtal de Barcelona ns a Ramon Berenguer IV,
por Jess ALTURO I PERUCHO ................................................................................. 419-430
PUBLICACIONES RECIBIDAS / BOOKS RECEIVED .................................. 433-437
NDICES / CONTENTS ........................................................................................ 439
X SUMARIO
ISSN 0066-5061
NDICE ALFABTICO DE AUTORES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO DE 2012 ....................... 441-448
NDICE DE ILUSTRACIONES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO DE 2012 ................................. 449
NORMATIVA DE LA REVISTA AEM / GUIDE TO AEMS CONTRIBUTORS . 451-459
PUBLICACIONES DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIAS HIST-
RICASESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, DE LA INSTITUCIN MIL I
FONTANALS, CSIC (BARCELONA) ............................................................... 461-463
BOLETN DE SUSCRIPCIN / SUBSCRIPTION FORM .............................. 465
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, p. XI
ISSN 0066-5061
PRESENTACIN
El fascculo 42/1 (junio 2012) del Anuario de Estudios Medievales da un
paso ms en algunas de las restructuraciones ya anunciadas y en la implementacin
de algunos de los cambios ya iniciados en el volumen anterior.
En primer lugar, culmina la denitiva implantacin del DOI (Digital Object
Identier). Si, con gran esfuerzo, el fascculo 41/2 (diciembre 2011) ya se migr por
completo a la nueva normativa editorial de la revista introducida a raz de la im-
posicin del DOI por parte del Departamento de Publicaciones del CSIC a partir de
2012, el sacricio realizado entonces y ahora por los autores de los textos y por la
Unidad de Documentacin y Gestin de Publicaciones de la Institucin Mil i Fon-
tanals del CSIC ha permitido abrir el ao 2012 y estrenar el volumen 42 de la revista
con la inclusin del DOI en cada uno de los artculos.
En segundo lugar, invierte el orden de publicacin de los fascculos mis-
celneo y monogrco que se haba mantenido hasta el volumen 41 (2011). En ade-
lante, con el monogrco como primer fascculo anual de la revista, dispondremos
de mayor libertad para que prime su contenido cientco, porque no tendremos que
someter obligatoriamente el fascculo monogrco a los condicionantes de la ex-
tensin de un fascculo miscelneo inicial. Los monogrcos respondern, pues, a
sus propias necesidades. Y, adems, ganaremos en exibilidad de adaptacin de los
segundos fascculos, miscelneos, a los lmites de paginacin anual de la revista.
Como anunciamos en diciembre de 2011, el presente monogrco, coor-
dinado por la Dra. Linda Gale Jones, profesora de la Universitat Pompeu Fabra de
Barcelona y doctora vinculada al Departamento de Ciencias Histricas - Estudios
Medievales de la Institucin Mil i Fontanals del CSIC en Barcelona, se consagra a
La predicacin medieval: sermones cristianos, judos e islmicos en el Mediterrneo.
Su imagen de cubierta es un detalle del frontal de la iglesia de Sant Cebri
de Cabanyes (MEV 32) que el Museu Episcopal de Vic ha tenido la amabilidad de
cedernos. Nos honra poder contribuir, de este modo, a la difusin del rico patrimonio
artstico medieval cataln.
ROSER SALICR I LLUCH
AFILIACIN INSTITUCIONAL DE LOS MIEMBROS DEL CONSEJO
EDITORIAL
CONSEJO DE REDACCIN
ROSER SALICR I LLUCH (Directora del AEM), Cientca Titular, Departamento de Ciencias
Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipca-
ques, 15. 08001 Barcelona.
PERE VERDS PIJUAN (Secretario del AEM), Cientco Titular, Departamento de Ciencias His-
tricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcaques,
15. 08001 Barcelona.
Vocales
LOLA BADIA PMIES, Catedrtica de Filologia Catalana, Departamento de Filologia Catalana,
Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona, Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes,
585. 08007 Barcelona.
SALVADOR CLARAMUNT RODRGUEZ, Catedrtico de Historia Medieval, Departamento de His-
toria Medieval, Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Uni-
versitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona.
MXIMO DIAGO HERNANDO, Cientco Titular, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Hu-
manas y Sociales, CSIC. C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid.
FRANCESCA ESPAOL BERTRAN, Profesora Titular, Departamento de Historia del Arte, Facultad
de Geografa e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barce-
lona.
ANA GMEZ RABAL, Cientca Titular, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Me-
dievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona.
MANUEL GONZLEZ JIMNEZ, Catedrtico de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad de Sevilla. C/ Mara de
Padilla, s.n. 41004 Sevilla.
MIGUEL NGEL LADERO QUESADA, Catedrtico de Historia Medieval, Departamento de His-
toria Medieval, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Ma-
drid. C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid.
JOS MANUEL NIETO SORIA, Catedrtico de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Me-
dieval, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid.
ANTONI RIERA MELIS, Catedrtico de Historia Medieval, Departamento de Historia Medieval,
Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universitat de Barce-
lona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona.
MANUEL SNCHEZ MARTNEZ, Profesor de Investigacin, Departamento de Ciencias Histri-
cas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcaques, 15.
08001 Barcelona.
MARA ISABEL DEL VAL VALDIVIESO, Catedrtica de Historia Medieval, Departamento de His-
toria Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de Valladolid.
Plaza del Campus Universitario. 47011 Valladolid.
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XIII-XV
ISSN 0066-5061
XIV CONSEJO EDITORIAL
Asesores
Alemania: NIKOLAS JASPERT, Ruhr-Universitt Bochum, Historisches Institut-Lehrstuhl Mit-
telalter II. Universittsstr. 150 (GA 4/31). 44801 Bochum.
Estados Unidos: THOMAS N. BISSON, Department of History, Harvard University. Cambridge,
MA 02138; DAVID NIRENBERG, Department of History, University of Chicago. 1115
East 58th Street. Chicago, Il. 60637.
Francia: HENRI BRESC, Dpartement dHistoire, Universit de Paris-X Nanterre. 200, Avenue
de la Rpublique. 92001 Nanterre; DENIS MENJOT, UMR 5648-CIHAM, Universit
Lumire-Lyon 2.18, Quai Claude Bernard. 69365 Lyon Cedex 07.
Gran Bretaa: PETER LINEHAN, Department of History, St. Johns College. Cambridge CB2
1TP; ANTHONY LUTTRELL, ex-miembro de la Universidad de Malta (20, Richmond
Place. Bath BA1 5JY).
Italia: VICEN BELTRAN PEPI, Dipartimento di Studi Europei e Interculturali, Facolt di
Scienze Umanistiche, Universit di Roma La Sapienza. Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5.
00185 Roma; PIETRO CORRAO, Dipartimento di Storia Medioevale, Istituto di Sto-
ria, Facolt di Scienze della Formazione, Universit degli Studi di Palermo. Via
Giovanni Pascoli, 6. 90144 Palermo; LUISA DARIENZO, Dipartimento di Studi Sto-
rici, Geograci e Artistici, Facolt di Lettere e Filosoa, Universit degli Studi di
Cagliari. Via Is Mirrionis, 1. 09121 Cagliari; PINUCCIA FRANCA SIMBULA, Diparti-
mento di Storia, Universit degli Studi di Sassari. Viale Umberto, 52. 07100 Sassari.
Portugal: MARA HELENA DA CRUZ COELHO, Departamento de Histria, Arqueologia e Artes,
Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Coimbra. Largo da Porta Frrea, s.n. 3004-
530 Coimbra; LUIS MIGUEL DUARTE, Departamento de Histria e de Estudos Pol-
ticos e Internacionais, Faculdade de Letras, Universidade de Porto. Via Panoramica,
s.n. 4150-564 Porto.
Espaa: XAVIER BARRAL I ALTET, Institut dEstudis Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelo-
na; CARMEN BATLLE GALLART, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografa y
Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Mon-
talegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; PRIM BERTRAN ROIG, Departamento de Historia Me-
dieval, Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geograa e Historia, Universitat de
Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; ASUNCIN BLASCO MARTNEZ, De-
partamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas Historiogrcas y Estudios
rabes e Islmicos, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pe-
dro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza; JOS VICENTE CABEZUELO PLIEGO, Departamen-
to de Historia Medieval y Moderna, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de
Alicante, Campus de Sant Vicent del Raspeig, Apartado de Correos 99. 30080 Ali-
cante; MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO, Departamento de Historia Medieval,
Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Profesor
Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid; MARIA TERESA FERRER MALLOL, Institut dEstudis
Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelona; ANTONI FURI DIEGO, Departamento de
Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad de Valencia, Avda.
Blasco Ibez, 28. 46010 Valencia; NGEL GALN SNCHEZ, Departamento de Ar-
queologa e Historia Medieval, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de M-
laga, Campus de Teatinos, s.n. 29071 Mlaga; JOSEP HERNANDO DELGADO, Depar-
tamento de Historia Medieval, Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e
Historia, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; FERNANDO
LPEZ ALSINA, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Moderna, Facultad de Geogra-
fa e Historia, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Plaza de la Universidad, 1.
15703 Santiago de Compostela; MARA DOLORES LPEZ PREZ, Departamento de
Historia Medieval, Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e Historia,
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XIII-XV
ISSN 0066-5061
CONSEJO EDITORIAL XV
Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; JORDI MORELL BA-
GET, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i
Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; JOSEFINA MUTG VIVES,
Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fon-
tanals, CSIC. C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; PERE ORTI GOST, Departamen-
to de Historia e Historia del Arte, Facultad de Letras, Universitat de Girona. Pl. Fer-
rater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona; MERC PUIG RODRGUEZ-ESCALONA, Departamento
de Filologia Latina, Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de
les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona; ELOSA RAMREZ VAQUERO, Departa-
mento de Geografa e Historia, Universidad Pblica de Navarra. Campus de Arro-
sada. 31006 Pamplona; MILAGROS RIVERA GARRETAS, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Paleografa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universitat
de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona; FLOCEL SABAT CURULL, De-
partamento de Historia, Facultad de Letras, Universitat de Lleida. Plaa de Vctor
Siurana, 1. 25003 Lleida; CRISTINA SEGURA GRAO, Departamento de Historia
Medieval, Facultad de Geografa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid.
C/ Profesor Aranguren, s.n. 28040 Madrid; CARLES VELA AULESA, Departamento
de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC.
C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona; MARIA MERC VILADRICH GRAU, Departa-
mento de Filologia Semtica, Facultad de Filologia, Universitat de Barcelona. Gran
Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona.
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. XVII-XX
ISSN 0066-5061
RELACIN DE COLABORADORES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO
JESS ALTURO I PERUCHO, Departament de Cincies de lAntiguitat i de lEdat Mitjana, Facul-
tat de Filosoa i Lletres, Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB,
Edici B. 08193 Bellaterra (correo-e: Jesus.Alturo@uab.cat).
VICENT BAYDAL SALA, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institucin Mil i
Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e: vicentbaydal@yahoo.es).
HUGO O. BIZARRI, Universit de Fribourg, Av. de Beauregard 11, Bureau 3.213. CH-1700 Fri-
bourg. (correo-e: hugo.bizzarri@unifr.ch).
MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Facultad de Geo-
grafa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Profesor Aranguren, s/n.
28040 Madrid (correo-e: mcantera@ghis.ucm.es).
MONTSERRAT CASAS NADAL, Departament de Filologia Romnica, Facultat de Filologia,
Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona
(correo-e: montserratcasas@ub.edu).
LONARD COURBON, CIHAM-UMR 5648, Departement dHistoire, Facult de Gographie,
Histoire, Histoire de lArt et Tourisme, Universit Lumire Lyon II. 18 Quai Claude
Bernard. 69635 Lyon Cedex 07 (correo-e: leonard.courbon@ens-lyon.fr).
NIRIT BEN-ARYEH DEBBY, Department of the Arts, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev.
PO. Box 653. Beer-Sheva 84105 (correo-e: nbad@bgu.ac.il).
MICHELINA DI CESARE, Universit la Sapienza de Roma, Piazzale Aldo Moro, 5. 00185 Roma
(correo-e: michelina.dicesare@gmail.com).
MXIMO DIAGO HERNANDO, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales
(CSIC). C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid (correo-e: maximo.diago@cchs.csic.es).
ANA ECHEVARRIA ARSUAGA, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Tcnicas Histo-
riogrcas, UNED. Senda del Rey, 7. 28040 Madrid
(correo-e: aechevarria@geo.uned.es).
FERRAN ESQUILACHE MART, Departament dHistria Medieval, Universitat de Valncia. Avda.
Blasco Ibez, 28. 46010 Valencia (correo-e: ferran.esquilache@hotmail.com).
CARMEL FERRAGUD, Departament de Salut Pblica, Histria de la Cincia i Ginecologia, Fa-
cultat de Medicina, Universitat Miguel Hernndez dElx. Ctra. Alacant-Valncia
N. 332, s/n. 03550 St. Joan dAlacant (correo-e: carmel.ferragud@maux.org).
MARIA TERESA FERRER I MALLOL, Institut dEstudis Catalans. C/ Carme, 47. 08001 Barcelona
(correo-e: ferrerimallol@gmail.com).
GERMN GAMERO IGEA, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofa y
Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus, s/n. 47011 Valladolid (correo-
e: german.gamero.igea@hotmail.com).
ISABEL GARCA CAPARRS, Unidad de Documentacin y Gestin de Publicaciones, Institu-
cin Mil i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
isagarcia@imf.csic.es).
FRANCISCO DE ASS GARCA GARCA, Departamento de Historia del Arte, Facultad de Geo-
grafa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. C/ Portugalete, 34. 28017
Madrid (correo-e: asis83@hotmail.com)
MARA DEL CARMEN GARCA HERRERO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tc-
nicas Historiogrcas y Estudios rabes e Islmicos, Facultad de Filosofa y Le-
ISSN 0066-5061
XVIII RELACIN DE COLABORADORES
tras, Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e:
cgarcia@unizar.es).
DIANA LUCA GMEZ-CHACN, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de
Geografa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Arangu-
ren, s/n, Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: dianalucia@ghis.ucm.es).
RAL GONZLEZ ARVALO, Departamento de Historia Medieval y Ciencias y Tcnicas His-
toriogrcas, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de Granada. Campus
Universitario de Cartuja, Calle Profesor Clavera, s/n. 18071 Granada (correo-e:
rgonzalezarevalo@ugr.es).
JUSSI HANSKA, Institutum Romanum Finlandiae. Passeggiata del Gianicolo 10. 00165 Roma
(correo-e: jussi.hanska@uta.).
NAHEM ILAN, Lander Institute, 3 Am ve-Olamo St. Givat Shaul. Jerusalem 91343 (correo-e:
anilan@zahav.net.il).
SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLN, Departament de Filologia Hispnica, Facultat de Filologia,
Universitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 08007 Barcelona
(correo-e: siranzo@ub.edu).
LINDA G. JONES, Universitat Pompeu Fabra. C/ Ramon Trias Fargas, 25-27. 08005 Barcelona
(correo-e: linda.jones@upf.edu).
MARIO LAFUENTE GMEZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas His-
toriogrficas y Estudios rabes e Islmicos, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras,
Universidad de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e:
mariolg@unizar.es).
JUAN JOS LARREA CONDE, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de Amrica,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del Pas Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006
Vitoria-Gasteiz (correo-e: juanjose.larrea@ehu.es).
JOSE ANGEL LEMA PUEYO, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de Amrica,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del Pas Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006,
Vitoria-Gasteiz (correo-e: joseangel.lema@ehu.es).
PETER LINEHAN, Department of History, St Johns College. Cambridge, CB2 1TP (correo-e:
pal35@hermes.cam.ac.uk).
BEATRIZ MAJO TOM, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filoso-
fa y Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus, s/n. 47011 Valladolid
(correo-e: beatrizmajo@hotmail.com).
ALBERT MART ARAU, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Institu-
cin Mil i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
amartiara@gmail.com).
JOSE CARLOS MARTN, Departamento de Filologa Clsica e Indoeuropeo, Facultad de Filolo-
ga, Universidad de Salamanca. Plaza de Anaya, s/n. 37008 Salamanca (correo-e:
jocamar@usal.es).
ALEJANDRO MARTNEZ GIRALT, Institut de Recerca Histrica-Centre de Recerca dHistria
Rural, Universitat de Girona. Plaa Ferrater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e:
alexandre.martinezgiralt@gmail.com).
CHRISTINE MAZZOLI-GUINTARD, UFR Histoire, Histoire de lArt et Archologie, Dpartement
dHistoire, Universit de Nantes. Chemin de la Censive du Tertre, BP 81227. 44312
Nantes cedex 3 (correo-e: Christine.Mazzoli-Guintard@univ-nantes.fr).
FERMN MIRANDA GARCA, Departamento de Historia Antigua, Historia Medieval y Paleogra-
fa y Diplomtica, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad Autnoma de Madrid.
Campus de Cantoblanco. 28049 Madrid (correo-e: fermin.miranda@uam.es).
LAURA MOLINA LPEZ, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geografa
e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren s/n, Ciu-
dad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: laura.molina.lopez@gmail.com).
ISSN 0066-5061
RELACIN DE COLABORADORES XIX
M AITANA MONGE ZAPATA, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geo-
grafa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren s/n,
Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: aitana_mongecong@hotmail.com).
JORDI MORELL BAGET, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Insti-
tucin Mil i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
jmorello@imf.csic.es).
CAROLYN MUESSIG, Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Bristol. 11
Woodland Road. Bristol BS8 1TB (correo-e: c.a.muessig@bristol.ac.uk).
IGO MUGUETA MORENO, Departamento de Geografa e Historia, Facultad de Ciencias Huma-
nas y Sociales, Universidad Pblica de Navarra. Campus Arrosada. 31006 Pamplo-
na (correo-e: inigo.mugueta@unavarra.es).
JOS ANTONIO MUNITA LOINAZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna y de Amrica,
Facultad de Letras, Universidad del Pas Vasco. Paseo de la Universidad, 5. 01006
Vitoria-Gasteiz (correo-e: joseantonio.munit@ehu.es).
CSAR OLIVERA SERRANO, Instituto de Historia, Centro de Ciencias Humanas y Sociales
(CSIC). C/ Albasanz, 26-28. 28037 Madrid (correo-e: cesar.olivera@cchs.csic.es).
RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEN, Departament dHistria de la Cincia i Documentaci,
Universitat de Valncia. Av. Blasco Ibez, 15. 46010 Valncia (correo-e:
olmosrm@terra.es).
MIGUEL NGEL PALLARS JIMNEZ, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas
Historiogrcas y Estudios rabes e Islmicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza. C/
Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e: miguelap@unizar.es).
ELENA PAULINO MONTERO, Departamento de Historia del Arte I (Medieval), Facultad de Geo-
grafa e Historia, Universidad Complutense de Madrid. Avda. Profesor Aranguren
s/n, Ciudad Universitaria. 28040 Madrid (correo-e: elena.paulino@gmail.com).
DIANA PELAZ FLORES, Departamento de Historia Antigua y Medieval, Facultad de Filosofa y
Letras, Universidad de Valladolid. Plaza del Campus s/n. 47011 Valladolid (correo-e:
pelaz_ores@hotmail.com).
NICOLAS PLUCHOT, CIHAM-UMR 5648, Departement dHistoire, Facult de Gographie, His-
toire, Histoire de lArt et Tourisme, Universit Lumire Lyon II. 18 Quai Claude
Bernard. 69635 Lyon Cedex 07 (correo-e: Nicolas.Pluchot@univ-lyon2.fr).
PERE J. QUETGLAS NICOLAU, Departament de Filologia Llatina, Facultat de Filologia, Univer-
sitat de Barcelona. Gran Via de les Corts Catalanes, 585. 080007 Barcelona (correo-e:
quetglas@ub.edu).
TAHERA QUTBUDDIN, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Chicago, Pick Hall
201, 5828 S. University Ave. Chicago, Il 60637 (correo-e: btq@uchicago.edu).
ELOSA RAMREZ VAQUERO, Departamento de Geografa e Historia, Facultad de Ciencias Hu-
manas y Sociales, Universidad Pblica de Navarra. Campus de Arrosada. 31006
Pamplona (correo-e: erv@unavarra.es).
ALBERT REIXACH SALA, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Insti-
tucin Mil i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
areixach@imf.csic.es).
XAVIER RENEDO PUIG, Departament de Filologia i Comunicaci, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat
de Girona. Plaa Ferrater Mora 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e: xavier.renedo@udg.edu).
ARACELI ROSILLO LUQUE, Departament dHistria Medieval, Paleograa i Diplomtica,
Facultat de Geograa i Histria, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001
Barcelona (correo-e: araceli.rosillo@gmail.com).
ANTONI ROSSELL, Arxiu Occit (Institut dEstudis Medievals), Facultat de Filosoa i Lletres,
Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB, Edici B. 08193 Bellate-
rra (correo-e: Antoni.Rossell@uab.cat).
ISSN 0066-5061
XX RELACIN DE COLABORADORES
MARC SAPERSTEIN, Leo Baeck College. 80 East End Road. London N3 2SY (correo-e:
msaper@gwu.edu).
FERNANDO SERRANO LARRYOZ, Departamento de Ciencias Sanitarias y Mdico-Sociales,
Facultad de Medicina, Universidad de Alcal de Henares. Ctra. Madrid-Barcelona,
Km, 33600. 28871 Alcal de Henares (correo-e: fernando.serranol@uah.es).
MARIA ELISA SOLDANI, Departamento de Ciencias Histricas-Estudios Medievales, Insti-
tuci Mil i Fontanals (CSIC). C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
elisasoldani@gmail.com).
LLUS TO FIGUERAS, Departament dHistria i Histria de lArt, Facultat de Lletres, Universitat
de Girona. Plaa Ferrater Mora, 1. 17071 Girona (correo-e: lluis.to@udg.edu).
GUILLERMO TOMS FACI, Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas Historio-
grcas y Estudios rabes e Islmicos, Facultad de Filosofa y Letras Universidad
de Zaragoza. C/ Pedro Cerbuna, 12. 50009 Zaragoza (correo-e: guitofa@unizar.es).
LUCIANO JOS VIANNA, Departament de Cincies de lAntiguitat i de lEdat Mitjana, Facultat
de Filosoa i Lletres, Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona. Campus de la UAB, Edi-
ci B. 08193 Bellaterra (correo-e: lucianojvianna@hotmail.com).
JACOBO VIDAL FRANQUET, Departament dHistria de lArt, Facultat de Geografia i His-
tria, Universitat de Barcelona. C/ Montalegre, 6. 08001 Barcelona (correo-e:
jacobovidal@ub.edu).
PAUL E. WALKER, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Chicago, Pick Hall 201,
5028 S. University Ave. Chicago, II 60637 (correo-e: pwalker@uchicago.edu).
GABRIELLA ZARRI, Dipartimento de Studi sul Medioeve e il Rinascimento, Universit degli
Studi di Firenze, Piazza San Marco, 4. 50121 Firenze (correo-e: zarri@uni.it).
TEMAS
MONOGRFICOS:
SERMONES CRISTIANOS,
JUDOS E ISLMICOS
EN EL MEDITERRNEO
coordinado por
Linda G. Jones
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 3-6
ISSN 0066-5061
PRESENTACIN
El presente fascculo monogrco del Anuario de Estudios Medievales
est dedicado al tema de la predicacin, los sermones y el papel desempeado por
los predicadores en las sociedades mediterrneas durante la Edad Media. Ms de la
mitad de los artculos reunidos versan sobre distintos aspectos de la predicacin y de
los sermones cristianos, as como sobre su impacto en las sociedades y las culturas de
la Pennsula Ibrica, Italia y otros territorios del Mediterrneo. El resto de las con-
tribuciones centran su atencin en la tradicin homiltica de las culturas juda e is-
lmica de la Pennsula Ibrica, Egipto, Iraq y la Pennsula Arbiga. Por un lado, los
artculos muestran una gran variedad de enfoques interdisciplinarios y una notable
sosticacin metodolgica; por otro lado, tambin ponen de maniesto la atencin
que viene prestando la ltima generacin de estudios homilticos a la perspectiva
comparativa. Debe subrayarse, asimismo, que las diferentes pticas desde las que se
analiza cada uno de los temas se reejan en la internacionalidad de los participantes:
el volumen cuenta con la colaboracin de especialistas procedentes de Espaa, Italia,
Finlandia, Suiza, Reino Unido, Israel y Estados Unidos.
El hecho de haber dedicado una gran parte de los trabajos contenidos en
este volumen a la predicacin islmica y juda responde al deseo de contribuir a la
normalizacin de los anlisis comparados en el estudio de los sermones medievales.
La creciente colaboracin entre cientcos especializados en la predicacin y la ho-
miltica juda, cristiana e islmica de la Edad Media se ha manifestado en el paula-
tino incremento del nmero de trabajos al respecto aparecidos a partir de la ltima
dcada del siglo XX. Un valioso antecedente fue el volumen monogrco publicado
en Francia en los aos 1980 sobre la predicacin y la propaganda en Occidente y en
los mundos islmico y bizantino
1
. Hubo que esperar ms de una dcada para encon-
trar otras aportaciones de similares caractersticas: dos libros sobre los sermones
cristianos medievales publicados en 1996 y 2000, ambos editados por Beverly M.
Kienzle
2
, una de las mayores expertas en el tema. En ellos se incluyen contribuciones
de Marc Saperstein, rabino y profesor del Leo Baeck College, de Londres, y destaca-
do especialista en la predicacin juda medieval y moderna, quien colabora tambin
en el presente volumen. Otro hito importante fue la publicacin en 2010 de Charisma
and Religious Authority: Jewish, Christian, and Muslim Preaching, coeditado por Ka-
therine Jansen y Miri Rubin; se trata del primer libro que ofrece un anlisis temtico
y comparativo de la predicacin juda, cristiana e islmica
3
. El presente fascculo
1
G. Makdisi, D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine (eds.), Prdication et propagande au Moyen
ge. Islam, Byzance, Occident, Pars, Presses Universitaires de France, 1983.
2
B.M. Kienzle (ed.), Models of Holiness in Medieval Sermons, Lovaina, Fdration Internationale
des Instituts dtudes Mdivales, 1996; eadem (ed.), The Sermon. Typologie des sources du Moyen
ge occidental, 81-83, Turnhout, Brepols, 2000.
3
Turnhout, Brepols, 2010.
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, pp. 3-6
ISSN 0066-5061
4 PRESENTACIN
cuenta con la colaboracin de algunos de los cientcos que escribieron captulos en
aquel libro, entre ellos, Marc Saperstein, Gabriella Zarri, profesora de la Universit
degli Studi di Firenze en Italia, Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, profesora de la Ben Gurion
University del Negev en Israel y Linda G. Jones, redactora de estas pginas.
En consecuencia, el contenido del fascculo se inscribe en el marco compa-
rativo y multidisciplinar caracterstico de las investigaciones ms recientes sobre la
predicacin en la Edad Media. Efectivamente, el tema de la predicacin se aborda en
estas pginas desde diversos ngulos de estudio y distintas metodologas. Entre los
historiadores, destacan medievalistas como Carolyn Muessig, profesora de la Uni-
versidad de Bristol, una de las mayores expertas en el anlisis del impacto social de
la predicacin monstica, tema al que ha dedicado numerosos trabajos, desde la pu-
blicacin de su tesis doctoral en 1995 sobre los Sermones feriales de Jacques de Vitry.
Jussi Hanska, profesor de la Universidad de Tempere en Finlandia y vicepresidente
de la International Medieval Sermon Studies Society, es autor de numerosas publica-
ciones sobre la relacin entre los sermones de los frailes mendicantes y la tica so-
cial. La Dra. Gabriella Zarri, mencionada anteriormente, es una destacada especia-
lista en el tema de la espiritualidad y la santidad femeninas en la Italia bajomedieval.
Carmel Ferragud Domingo, profesor de la Universidad Miguel Hernndez de Elche e
historiador de la ciencia, ha dedicado sus ltimas investigaciones a la presencia de la
medicina en los sermones de san Vicente Ferrer. Ricardo M. Olmos de Len, alumno
de doctorado de la Universidad Miguel Hernndez de Elche, donde prepara su tesis
doctoral sobre la medicina de las aves en los textos de cetrera castellanos bajome-
dievales, colabora con el Dr. Ferragud en la redaccin del artculo incluido en este
fascculo. Paul E. Walker, profesor de estudios islmicos en la Universidad de Chica-
go, es uno de los mayores expertos en la historia de los fatimes y autor de numerosas
publicaciones sobre esta dinasta, entre las cuales cabra destacar The Orations of
the Fatimid Caliphs, un estudio sobre el contenido y la retrica de los sermones li-
trgicos de los imames chies. Linda G. Jones, profesora asociada de la Universitat
Pompeu Fabra y especialista en estudios rabes e islmicos, ha dedicado la mayor
parte de sus investigaciones a analizar diversos aspectos de la predicacin islmica.
Nirit Ben-Aryeh Debby, a la que ya hemos aludido anteriormente, es una renombrada
historiadora del arte y experta en uno de los campos de investigacin ms novedosos
en los estudios homilticos: la relacin entre el sermn y las artes plsticas.
Tambin participan en este volumen llogos como Xavier Renedo, profe-
sor de la Universitat de Girona y especialista en literatura catalana y, sobre todo, en
la obra de Francesc Eiximenis. Jos Carlos Martn, profesor de lologa clsica en la
Universidad de Salamanca, es autor de un importante nmero de ediciones crticas y
estudios sobre las obras de diversos autores hispanos. El profesor Martn ha colabo-
rado en este fascculo con Salvador Iranzo Abelln, doctor en lologa clsica por la
Universidad de Barcelona y especialista en latn visigodo. Ambos autores publicaron
juntos La Hispania visigtica y mozrabe. Dos pocas en su literatura, volumen coor-
dinado por la Dra. Carmen Codoer. Tahera Qutbuddin, profesora de la Universidad
de Chicago, es arabista y se ha especializado, en particular, en la oratoria rabe
compuesta en los primeros siglos del Islam. Nahem Ilan, profesor del Lander Insti-
tute en Jerusaln y destacado especialista en literatura hebrea y rabo-judaica, ha
dedicado numerosos trabajos a los sermones medievales en ambas lenguas. Hugo O.
Bizzarri, profesor de lologa hispnica de la Universidad de Friburgo, es un renom-
brado experto en la tradicin sentenciosa y cuentstica de Castilla.
La colaboracin de este nutrido grupo de historiadores, medievalistas, l-
logos, hebrastas, arabistas, historiadores de arte e historiadores de la religin per-
ISSN 0066-5061
PRESENTACIN 5
mitir la exploracin de un amplio espectro de temas relacionados con los sermones
y los predicadores medievales abordados desde distintas pticas. El monogrco se
abre con varios trabajos que tratan del uso del sermn como fuente histrica o que se
centran en el papel desempeado por el predicador o la predicacin a la hora de pro-
mover o de responder a cambios sociales. La historiadora del arte Nirit Ben-Aryeh
Debby aborda su estudio sobre la imagen de los sarracenos en las iglesias orentinas
a partir de un anlisis comparativo, por un lado, de los sermones predicados por
franciscanos y dominicos y, por otro, de la retrica visual plasmada en los frescos
preservados en sus respectivas iglesias. El estudio de la representacin del otro
en el discurso homiltico prosigue con el artculo de Jussi Hanska, cuya exploracin
del uso de fuentes histricas sobre la destruccin de Jerusaln en los sermonarios
cristianos redactados en Francia, Italia y Alemania en el siglo XIII desvela una ma-
nipulacin interesada que buscaba polemizar con los judos coetneos. El artculo de
Linda G. Jones aporta una visin contrapuesta a las dos contribuciones anteriores,
al desvelar el inslito papel que desempe el sermn del viernes musulmn en la
conversin de los ineles al Islam en el Egipto mameluco.
La doble importancia del sermn como fuente histrica y como testimonio
de cambios sociales queda maniesta en el trabajo de Marc Saperstein. Su anlisis
de los sermones del rabino sefard Isaac Aboab cuestiona la tesis predominante en la
historiografa juda sobre la supuesta falta de liderazgo en las comunidades sefardes
en vsperas de la expulsin de la Pennsula Ibrica. Carolyn Muessig ha centrado sus
ltimas investigaciones en los sermones de los frailes mendicantes. Su contribucin,
que aborda la ardua defensa de la autenticidad de los estigmas de san Francisco de
Ass contenida en los sermones del franciscano italiano Roberto Caracciolo, aporta
relevantes novedades sobre la rivalidad entre los franciscanos conventuales y los
observantes. Histricamente, la predicacin litrgica ha desempeado un papel deci-
sivo en la plasmacin de rivalidades sectarias en las sociedades islmicas. El artculo
de Paul E. Walker aborda las estrategias retricas desplegadas por los predicadores
musulmanes para mostrar el cambio de lealtades polticas de un lder sun a otro chi
en el conictivo contexto de la confrontacin secular entre fatimes y abases. Este
bloque de artculos se cierra con la contribucin de Gabriella Zarri, que emplea sus
slidos conocimientos de la espiritualidad femenina italiana para analizar, esta vez,
la funcin de la predicacin en la cura pastoral ejercida por la abadesa clarisa Clara
Bugni. Su artculo analiza la predicacin femenina, un tema tan importante como
poco tratado en la historiografa de los estudios homilticos.
Viene a continuacin un conjunto de trabajos cuyo hilo conductor es la
relacin entre el sermn y otros gneros literarios, escritos u orales. El primer es-
tudio es el de Hugo O. Bizzarri, especialista en el estudio de los vnculos retricos y
temticos entre el sermn y los espejos de prncipes castellanos. Por su parte, Nahem
Ilan, autor de varios trabajos sobre la homiltica rabo-judaica, analiza en su art-
culo las inuencias del sermn oral en los comentarios talmdicos. Su estudio de los
sermones y de los comentarios sobre el avot del rabino toledano Yosef ben Shosan es
tambin de relevante inters histrico, pues se sita en el contexto del conicto entre
los rabinos tradicionalistas y los neoplatnicos antinomistas. Por su parte, Tahera
Qutbuddin, que actualmente escribe un libro sobre los sermones del imam Ali ibn Abi
Talib, centra su trabajo en el estudio de la oratoria del imam chi, donde conuyen
las enseanzas cornicas y la tica cultural asociada con los gneros orales de la
poca preislmica.
Finalmente, el monogrco ha reservado su lugar a los trabajos relacio-
nados con la predicacin y los predicadores procedentes de la Pennsula Ibrica.
ISSN 0066-5061
6 PRESENTACIN
Jos Carlos Martn y Salvador Iranzo Abelln nos ofrecen la primera edicin crtica,
acompaada del estudio y de la traduccin al castellano, del sermn del arzobispo
cataln Justo de Urgel sobre el mrtir san Vicentino de Zaragoza. Xavier Renedo,
destacado experto ya se ha indicado en la obra de Francesc Eiximenis, centra su
anlisis en el Ars praedicandi populo atribuido al escritor franciscano, al tiempo que
reabre el debate sobre las dudas en torno a la autora del texto. Naturalmente, en esta
seccin no podan faltar colaboraciones sobre el carismtico predicador valenciano
san Vicente Ferrer. A pesar de la nutrida bibliografa que existe sobre el predicador
valenciano, el trabajo dedicado a su gura aporta novedades y aborda el tema desde
nuevas perspectivas. As, Carmel Ferragud y Ricardo M. Olmos de Len analizan la
funcin de los exempla en la homiltica vicentina a travs de la perspectiva original
de las imgenes de cetrera.
En resumen, el propsito de este monogrco ha sido reunir una coleccin
de trabajos que, en su conjunto, creemos que supondrn una valiosa contribucin a
la investigacin sobre la predicacin medieval. Es de esperar que el enfoque multi-
disciplinar y comparativo que le hemos dado sirva para estimular la realizacin de
nuevas investigaciones sobre este tema.
LINDA G. JONES
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 7-28
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
VISUAL RHETORIC:
IMAGES OF SARACENS IN FLORENTINE CHURCHES
1
RETRICA VISUAL:
IMGENES DE SARRACENOS EN IGLESIAS FLORENTINAS
NIRIT BEN-ARYEH DEBBY
Ben Gurion University of the Negev
1
This article was written with the support of the Gerda Henkel Foundation (Gerda Henkel Stiftung).
Abstract: This paper focuses on the
encounter between the Christian and the
Islamic worlds as it appears in Florentine
churches. It explores images of Muslims
connected to the ideas of mission,
conversion and crusade as they appear in
the oral and visual traditions. Crusading
sympathy in Tuscany, particularly in
Florence, had a long history, going back
to the twelfth century. The role of the
mendicant orders, established in the
great convents of Santa Croce and Santa
Maria Novella, was crucial in winning
sympathy for the crusades. This tradition
continued in the fteenth century, after
the fall of Constantinople, when Florence
openly voiced support for papal crusading
efforts and participated in fund-raising
for the crusade. The main supporters of
crusade propaganda in Florence were the
Franciscan and Dominican preachers, who
acted as virtual papal envoys, continuing
a tradition of mendicant crusade sermons.
These movements also developed special
types of artworks, either painting or
sculptures in order to disseminate their
religious ideals. The usage of rhetoric
and preaching, the interrelations between
word and image, the artistic and literary
traditions, artworks and sermons will be a
central focus of essay.
Resumen: Este artculo se centra en el
encuentro entre el mundo cristiano y el
musulmn tal y como se representa en
las iglesias orentinas. Analiza las im-
genes de musulmanes relacionadas con
los conceptos de misin, conversin y
cruzada segn su tratamiento en las tradi-
ciones visuales y orales. Exista una larga
tradicin de simpata hacia las Cruzadas
en la Toscana, sobre todo en Florencia,
que se remonta hasta el siglo XII. El pa-
pel ejercido por las rdenes mendicantes
establecidas en los grandes conventos de
santa Croce y de Santa Mara Novella, fue
crucial para fomentar la simpata hacia
las cruzadas. Esta tradicin continu du-
rante el siglo XV, despus de la cada de
Constantinopla, cuando Florencia articul
explcitamente su apoyo a los esfuerzos
papales en las cruzadas y particip en la
recaudacin de fondos para las mismas.
Los principales partidarios de la propa-
ganda para las cruzadas en Florencia fue-
ron los predicadores franciscanos y do-
minicos, quienes actuaban efectivamente
como enviados papales, continuando una
tradicin de sermones mendicantes sobre
las cruzadas. Asimismo, estos movimien-
tos desarrollaron su propio estilo de pro-
ducciones artsticas, o bien en la pintura
o bien en la escultura, para divulgar sus
ideales religiosos. Este artculo se centra-
r en el uso de la retrica y la predicacin
y en las relaciones entre la palabra y la
imagen, entre las tradiciones artstica y li-
teraria, y entre las producciones artsticas
y los sermones.
8 NIRIT BEN-ARYEH DEBBY
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Santa Croce. 3. Santa Maria Novella. 4. Conclusion. 5. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
The Florentine merchant Luca Landucci (1460-1516), an enthusiastic
supporter of Girolamo Savonarola, provides an interesting testimony to the
ambivalence of the Florentines towards the Saracens. In his diary, Luca was often
enthusiastic about crusade efforts in Florence; in 1478, for example, he explained
that fund raising for the crusades was carried out in several churches in Florence,
most notably in the church of Santa Croce where everyone had to lend aid, at the said
churches, to the forces sent against the Turks
2
. He often expressed hope that Florence
would join forces against the indels and unbelievers and condemned the cruelty of
the Turks who were putting all the villages to re and ame, carrying off the girls
and women and selling Christians into slavery
3
. Elsewhere in his diary, however, he
praised the generosity of the Turkish ambassador to Florence for making a gift of
exotic animals to the city, and described approvingly the festivities and celebrations
to honor him upon his arrival:
The ambassador of the sultan presented to the Signoria the giraffe, lion
and other beasts; and he sat in the midst of the Signoria, on the ringhiera,
he speaking and they thanking him by means of an interpreter. A great
crowd had collected in the piazza that morning to see this. The ringhiera
was decorated with spalliere and carpets, and all the principal citizens
had taken their places upon it. This ambassador remained here several
months and was maintained at our cost and presented with many gifts
4
.
This duality was typical of the Florentine public opinion.
The following paper analyzes the ambivalent perceptions of Saracens by the
mendicant friars in Florence and focuses on the encounter between the Christian and
Muslim worlds as it appears in Florentine churches in the oral and visual traditions.
The usage of rhetoric and preaching, the interrelations between word and image, the
artistic and literary traditions, works of art and sermons are at its center. The intention
is to examine representations of Saracens in a particular context, that of Italian urban
society in the fourteenth and fteenth centuries and especially in the context of
mendicant activity by studying both sermons and art.
The Crusade idea was very much a part of mendicant tradition. Friars
preached re and brimstone while collecting for the Crusade. St. Giovanni da
Capestrano, for example, a Friar Minor, led an army of untrained Crusaders to
2
L. Landucci, A Florentine Diary, pp. 32-33.
3
Ibidem, pp. 26, 183.
4
Ibidem, p. 44.
Keywords: Santa Maria Novella; Santa
Croce; Saracens; crusade propaganda;
Benedetto da Maiano; Andrea da Firenze;
preaching; art.
Palabras clave: Santa Maria Novella;
Santa Croce; sarracenos; propaganda para
las cruzadas; Benedetto da Maiano; An-
drea da Firenze; predicacin; arte.
VISUAL RHETORIC: IMAGES OF SARACENS IN FLORENTINE CHURCHES 9
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
successfully relieve Belgrade in 1456. From the second half of the fteenth century,
the Turkish threat generated much interest in crusading. Historically as far back as the
twelfth century Italy was sympathetic to the Crusades, and the mendicant orders were
crucial in arousing that sympathy. Franciscan and Dominican preachers continued the
tradition of mendicant Crusade sermons in the fteenth century when papal crusading
efforts were thriving. The mendicant movements developed special types of artwork,
including paintings, sculptures and drawings to disseminate their religious ideals
5
.
By the early sixteenth century an enormous body of printed material
prophesies, warnings, sermons was in circulation that informed popular opinion
about the Turks. As the Ottoman Empire advanced westward, from the fourteenth to
the sixteenth centuries, humanists responded on a grand scale, leaving behind a large
body of fascinating yet understudied works. These works included Crusade orations
and histories; ethnographic, historical and religious studies of the Turks; epic poetry;
and even tracts on converting the Turks to Christianity. Nancy Bisaha and Margaret
Meserve have recently offered an in-depth look at the body of Renaissance humanist
works focusing on the Ottoman Empire, Islam and the Crusades. Throughout, these
authors probe the texts to reveal the signicant role Renaissance writers played in
shaping Western views of self and other. Medieval concepts of Islam, in which Muslims
were depicted as enemies of the faith, were generally informed and constrained by
religious attitudes and rhetoric. While humanist thinkers of the Renaissance were never
able to progress beyond this stance, these works testify that their understanding, of
secular and cultural issues was remarkably highly complex and marked a watershed
between medieval and modern. Humanist histories of the Turks were sharply polemical,
portraying the Ottomans as a rogue power. But writings on other Muslim polities include
some of the rst positive appraisals of Muslim statecraft in the European tradition.
Another challenge of the present paper is to locate the mendicant images within the
context of changing attitudes and the multi-faceted perception of the Ottomans
6
.
Scholars of history, religion and literature have recently focused a great deal
of attention on medieval and Early Modern conceptions of non-Christian groups.

The
source of inspiration for many of these works was Robert Ian Moores The Formation
of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250, which
argues that High Middle Ages spiritual and secular authorities strove to unite Christian
society by identifying and humiliating groups considered enemies of the Church
7
. Art
historians have also contributed to this area of study. An important contribution to
this growing eld of literature is Debra Higgs Stricklands Saracens, Demons and
Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art, which offers a systematic and comparative
overview of the way in which various non-Christian populations were represented in
medieval art. Two other examples are Dana E. Katzs studies on images of the Jews in
the ducal courts of northern Italy and Sarah Liptons monograph on representations of
Jews in the Bible moralise
8
.
This paper shall focus on the Franciscan Church of Santa Croce and on the
Dominican Church of Santa Maria Novella, and shall explore images connected to the
5
R.W. Southern, Western Views of Islam; N. Daniel, Islam and the West; B.Z. Kedar, Crusade
and Mission; J.V. Tolan, Medieval Christian Perceptions; J.V. Tolan, Saracens: Islam; E.W. Said,
Orientalism; V. Cantarino, Dante and Islam.
6
N. Bisaha, Creating East and West; M. Meserve, Empires of Islam.
7
R.I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting.
8
R. Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness; S. Lipton, Images of Intolerance; S. Lipton, Where
are the Gothic, pp. 139-177; D.H. Strickland, Saracens, Demons; D. Glass, Portals, Pilgrimage;
G. Ligato, Lordalia della fede; G. Curzi, Stereotipi, metafore, pp. 534-545.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.01
ideas of mission, conversion and crusade. The images discussed include works by Giotto,
Taddeo Gaddi, and Benedetto da Maiano from Santa Croce, and by Andrea da Firenze
from Santa Maria Novella. The themes touched upon are stereotypes and imagination,
racial difference and religious intolerance, and visual and rhetorical propaganda. I will be
using the term Saracens, common in the period, which carries a negative association
typical of that time, rather than the neutral Muslims, dening a religious group
9
.
My working assumption is that visual images inspired preaching and vice-
versa and that the images reected general ideas and attitudes that the sermons shared,
elaborated upon, or departed from. I suggest that there was reciprocal inuence and
interchange between the verbal and the visual images. A related issue might be the
differences and similarities in their imaging. In tandem with the visual tradition,
there was a homiletic tradition. I look at the way in which visual images shaped
the imagination and the distinct pictorial language they employed. I underscore the
importance of images as a way of transmitting messages to various audiences in
diverse physical and historical contexts. My assumption is that visual images of the
period reached a wide range of audiences and made a major impression on the viewer.
One must be aware of the nature of the audience of any particular work of art: was it
viewed in a closed community of friars or in a major church accessible to the laity;
was it reproduced in small prints for personal use or was it a celebrated large-scale
altarpiece. The genre of a work of art sometimes dictated its content and message.
2. SANTA CROCE
Turning to Santa Croce, the monument under discussion is a preaching
pulpit, created by the celebrated Florentine sculptor Benedetto da Maiano, located on
the south side of the church in the third pier of the central nave (g. 1). It is an octagonal
structure of white gilded marble that includes ve narrative reliefs between elegant
uted colonettes. The narrative panels depict: The Conrmation of the Franciscan
Order, Saint Francis before the Sultan, The Stigmatization of Saint Francis, The
Funeral of Saint Francis, and The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco. Below
the narratives are nely carved consoles with small niches containing statues of the
Virtues: Faith, Hope, Charity, Temperance, and Justice. A base with ornamental motifs
and the emblem of the donor, Pietro Mellini, completes the structure. An octagonal
wooden canopy, under which the preacher would have stood, includes a carved
emblem of the Franciscan preacher, San Bernardino set on a blue background
10
.
Scholars disagree about the dates of the commissioning and construction
of the pulpit. One possibility is the period 1472-1475 supported by Piero Morselli
11
.
The most recent suggestion proposed by both Doris Carl and Gary Radke, argues
for dating the pulpit to around 1485 on the basis of contracts regarding the tombs
of the Mellinis in the church of Santa Croce and in other churches
12
. In any case
there is no denitive evidence regarding the exact dates; the design, construction, and
nal installation of this exquisite monument might have spanned the entire period
suggested by the scholars, from 1472 to 1487. The length of time is not unreasonable,
given the high costs and artistic complexity of the monument.
9
J.J. Cohen, On Saracens Enjoyment, pp. 113-142.
10
D. Carl, Il pergamo di Benedetto, pp. 158-167; idem, Franziskanischer Martyrerkult,
pp. 69-91; idem Benedetto da Maiano; G.M. Radke, Geometria e misura, pp. 168-195.
11
P. Morselli, Corpus of Tuscan, pp. 99-100.
12
Cf. D. Carl, Il pergamo di Benedetto; G.M. Radke, Geometria e misura.
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Fig. 1. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475 (phot. Alinari).
The choice of a Franciscan cycle for the pulpit is hardly surprising, Francis
being the founder of the monastic order that built Santa Croce as well as the second
name of Pietro Mellini, the lay donor. It was customary for a rich Florentine patron to
contribute a monument connected with at least one of his patron saints. For instance,
Francesco Sassetti chose to decorate a chapel donated by him to the church of Santa
Trinit in Florence with scenes from the life of his patron saint. In Santa Croce, the
story of St. Francis appears in several different media: Giottos frescoes in the Bardi
chapel and Taddeo Gaddis painted panels for a sacristy cupboard, both dating to the
fourteenth century, and Benedetto da Maianos marble reliefs for the pulpit
13
. Another St.
Francis narrative in Santa Croce is the Vita panel in the Bardi chapel, recently attributed
to Coppo di Marcovaldo
14
. The painted cycles of Giotto and Gaddi are the artistic source
for many of the motifs shown on the pulpit. Giottos cycle was well known and came to
be considered the iconographic prototype for many of the later cycles. Gaddis panels,
the majority of which are found in the Accademia in Florence, are less prominent in the
artistic tradition, but they greatly inuenced some of the narrative details in Benedettos
13
J. Stubblebine, The Relation of the Assisi, pp. 16-40; R. Goffen, Spirituality in Conict; J. Long,
The Program of Giottos, pp. 85-133; L. Bourdua, The Franciscans and Art; W.R. Cook, Giotto and
the Figure, pp. 135-156; A. Ladis, Taddeo Gaddi.
14
M. Boskovitz, The Origins of Florentine, p. 472.
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scenes. In a sense, Gaddis cycle was even more important for Benedetto than Giottos
because of the similarities of medium and scale: both the sacristy cupboard and the pulpit
are types of church accessory, and both are on a much smaller scale than Giottos frescoes.
The painted cycles are the artistic source for many of the motifs shown on
the pulpit. Giottos cycle was well known and came to be considered the iconographic
prototype for many of the later cycles. Gaddis panels, the majority of which are located
in the Accademia in Florence, are less prominent in the artistic tradition, but they
greatly inuenced some of the narrative details in Benedettos scenes. Gaddi presents
26 quatrofoils, 13 devoted to the life of Christ and 13 to the life of St. Francis, that date
to around 1335. The aim of the panels was to create a parallel between the life of Christ
and that of Saint Francis, an idea also central to the pulpits iconography (see below). In
a sense, Gaddis cycle was even more important for Benedetto than Giottos because of
the similarities of medium and scale: both the sacristy cupboard and the pulpit are types
of church accessory, and both are on a much smaller scale than Giottos frescoes. There
are some points of similarity between Benedetto da Maianos pulpit and other painted
cycles of the life of Francis; for example, the cycle that Benozzo Gozzoli painted in the
church of San Francesco at Montefalco in 1452. Gozzoli presented such scenes as the
trial before the sultan, the stigmata, the death and assumption, and the conrmation of
the rule in a similarly decorative style. Another, later example inspired by the pulpit is
Domenico Ghirlandaios cycle of frescoes in the Sassetti Chapel in Florences Santa
Trinit. Ghirlandaio is often bracketed with Benedetto da Maiano because of the
decorative and narrative qualities of their works. The similarity is particularly striking
in the stigmatization scenes, where both Benedetto and Ghirlandaio emphasize such
picturesque details as animals and people and present an engaging landscape.
In other details of the pulpit narrative, Benedetto da Maiano was inuenced
by the Florentine school of painting dominant in the second half of the fteenth
century; for example, the executioners classical pose and intensity of movement
in the martyrdom scene is reminiscent of Luca Signorellis forceful protagonists. A
further inuence of Florentine art of the period is evident in the careful setting, in
particular, the introduction of ne examples of architecture in the scenes, based upon
Florentine ecclesiastical architecture, notably the Brunelleschian motifs.
In addition to the artistic tradition, the pulpits iconography draws on the
historical context and on Franciscan preaching at the time. Scholarship on the image
of Francis and the cycles of his life is vast
15
. Studies dealing with Franciscan cycles, in
particular the cycle in Assisi and Giottos cycle in Santa Croce, have emphasized the
importance of the literary tradition. Two sources for the life of Francis and for Franciscan
iconography, both by Bonaventure take prominence: Legenda Maior (1260-1263) and
the Fioretti di San Francesco (1322-1328)
16
. These and other hagiographic sources
have been seen as having important links with the artistic tradition of the Franciscan
narrative cycles
17
. Regarding Benedetto da Maianos fteenth-century pulpit, it is useful
to examine another contemporaneous literary source, namely, the sermons delivered by
Franciscan preachers of the fteenth century. A possible source of inuence might be
the sermons of San Bernardino da Siena (1380-1444), who preached in Santa Croce
in 1424-25 and whose school of followers continued preaching there throughout the
15
R.W. Cook, Images of St. Francis; G. Kaftal, St. Francis; S. Romano, La morte di Francesco,
pp. 339-368; S. Romano, Le storie parallele, pp. 63-81; A. Ladis, Franciscanism, the Papacy, vols.
I-IV; C. Pirovano, Francesco dAssisi.
16
J.R.H. Moorman, The Sources; C. Frugoni, Francesco e linvenzione; R.B. Brook, The Image
of St. Francis.
17
B. Cole, Another Look, pp. 48-53.
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fteenth century. The emblem of San Bernardino appears both on the entrance door and
above the pulpit, hinting at the contribution of Bernardinos sermons and those of his
successors to the pulpits iconography. The emblem of Bernardino, located directly above
the head of the preacher, features the letters IHS (Holy Name of Jesus) surrounded by
rays of light against a blue background. The congregation facing the preacher would see
the emblem in glittering colors; he would thus be speaking under the inspiration (both
physical and spiritual) of Bernardino and his school. Bernardino initiated a cult centered
on this emblem and dedicated entire sermons to it that were followed by scenes of people
kissing the emblem, weeping and hugging one another
18
. Visual representations of the
emblem were widely dispersed in Siena and can be found in many Franciscan institutions
throughout Italy. Though removed during reconstruction in the nineteenth century,
another representation of the emblem of San Bernardino was on the original faade of the
church of Santa Croce; in 1437, Bernardino had organized a procession through Florence
demanding that his emblem be put there to protect the city from the plague.
The encounter between the Christian and Muslim worlds is relevant in two
scenes on the pulpit: The Trial by Fire before the Sultan (g. 2) and The Martyrdom of
the Franciscans at Morocco (g. 3). The former emphasizes the role of the Franciscans
as missionaries and the greatness of Francis, who impressed even the sultan
19
. John
Tolan recently published St. Franciss Trial by Fire before the Sultan which is an
innovative treatment of the evolution of the celebrated scene, in the artistic and literary
tradition from its beginnings until modern times
20
.
Fig. 2. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475:
The Trial of the Sultan (phot. Alinari).
18
D. Arasse, Entre dvotion, pp. 118-139.
19
D.E. Randolph, The Franciscan Concept.
20
J. Tolan, Saint Francis and the Sultan; J. Tolan, Il Santo dal Sultano; F. Cardini, Nella presenza
del soldan.
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Fig. 3. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475:
The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco (phot. Alinari).
According to tradition, Francis followed the crusades to Damietta and had
an interview with al-Kamil, the sultan of Egypt. Bonaventures version, presented in
the Legenda Maior in 1260, portrays Francis challenging the sultan and his imams
to an ordeal by re to establish which religion was more powerful. The Muslims
refused and Francis offered to undergo the ordeal himself. The story ends with al-
Kamil offering rich gifts to Francis, who declined them and left the Muslim court
21
.
Another version, emphasizing the merits and generosity of the sultan, was offered by
the oretti (the Little Flowers of the Life of St. Francis) and goes as followed:
And standing before him, St. Francis, taught by the Holy Ghost, preached
the faith of Christ so divinely that for his faiths sake he even would
have entered the re. Whereat the Sultan began feeling great devotion
towards him, as much for the constancy of his faith as for his contempt
of the world (for albeit he was very poor he would accept no gift), and
also for the fervour of martyrdom he beheld in him. From that time forth
the Sultan heard him gladly, and entreated him many times to come back,
granting to him and to his companions freedom to preach where so ever it
might please them; and he also gave them a token, so that no man should
do them hurt
22
.
21
C.T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades; St. Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, pp. 579-580; J. Dalarun,
Franois dAssise; I.H. Donat, Cultures italiennes.
22
J.M. Dent, The Little Flowers.
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This much favored version often appears in the popular preaching tradition,
most evidently in the sermons of Bernardino da Siena. Franciss dramatic encounter with
the sultan became central to the Franciscan legacy and, thanks to Giotto, a frequently
depicted scene. In Santa Croce, it appears in both Giottos and Gaddis cycles.
In the pulpit relief The Trial by Fire before the Sultan, an arch draws attention
to the sultan, seated at the centre. He wears a dignied gown and his hat is the focal
point, as is typical when portraying Saracens
23
. He approaches his four well-dressed
imams, who are holding books. Whereas in Giottos depiction, the attendants are
moving away in shame, in Benedettos version, they are conversing with the sultan.
The Franciscan delegation is off to the side and St. Francis appears small and humble
with a simple halo around his head. The two groups are distinct, the Saracens having
beards and moustaches, but there is also some resemblance between them and even
a sense of dialogue; for example, one of the Franciscans appears to be speaking with
one of the sultans attendants. This scene takes place in a ne architectural setting,
based upon Florentine ecclesiastical architecture that includes Brunelleschian motifs,
for example, the throne is fashioned in a Florentine shell niche. The familiar setting
has the effect of reducing the distance between the Florentine spectators and the
Saracens, who are not depicted as foreigners; two attractive balconies with intriguing
spectators complete the setting.
This scene reects an admiration towards the kind and wise Saracen ruler, a
perception that appears in the Italian literary tradition: in the Novellino, in Boccaccios
Decameron and in exempla in Bernardinos sermons. Furthermore, the possibility of
converting the Saracen ruler gains special signicance in the historical context, since
the idea of converting the Ottoman sultan as a solution to the Turkish threat was
discussed among Franciscan circles in the fteenth century, the most famous and
intriguing example being the Franciscan Pope Pius IIs, Letter to Mehmet, in which
Pius by a variety of arguments, both religious and pragmatic, tried to convert the Great
Turk to Christianity
24
. The letter goes as follows:
It is a small thing, however, that can make you the greatest and most
powerful and most famous man of your time. You ask what it is. It is
not difcult to nd. Nor have you far to seek. It is to be found all over
the world a little water with which you may be baptized, and turn to
the Christian sacraments and believe the gospel. Do this, and there is no
prince in the world who will exceed you in glory, or equal you in power
25
.
The fth scene on the pulpit, The Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco, is
highly original. According to tradition, Franciscan missionaries went to Morocco in the
thirteenth century to convert the indels, an initiative that ended in their being beheaded.
The martyrdom in Morocco is a scene rarely found in art. One possibly related depiction
is Ambrogio Lorenzettis fresco (ca. 1331) in the church of San Francesco in Siena; but
it has been argued convincingly that Lorenzettis fresco represents the martyrdom of the
six Franciscan missionaries at Almalyq in central Asia by the Mongol Khan Ali in 1339
and not the earlier martyrdom episodes in Morocco
26
. In Santa Croce, although the scene
of the martyrdom does not appear in Giottos Bardi chapel, it does appear in Gaddis
panel, probably the artistic source for Benedetto da Maianos relief.
23
A. Contadini, Artistic Contacts, pp. 1-16.
24
J. Hankins, Renaissance Crusaders, pp. 111-207.
25
G. Toafn, Pio II, pp. 113-114.
26
M.S. Burke, The Martyrdom, pp. 460-492.
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The martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco is unique in the cycle as a
whole in using the technique of continuous narrative, meaning that the same characters
appear more than once in actions occurring at different moments and are presented
together in a single unied space. The sculptor uses variations in depth to separate
the various moments of action: on the left, the friars awaiting their martyrdom; then
the martyrdom itself, with the friars in the background shown entering a church;
and nally their assumption into heaven. The Franciscan narrative paintings of the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, involved only monoscenic episodes, representing
single moments in the life of Francis, as exemplied in the cycles in Assisi and in
Giottos cycle in the Bardi chapel. It was in the fteenth century that the technique of
continuous narrative was introduced into Franciscan cycles, a further example being
Benozzo Gozzolis frescoes in Montefalco (1452), where numerous episodes of the
saints life are presented in continuous form, yet with narrative clarity
27
.
The artist has drawn attention to the Moroccan sultan and his court by placing
a canopy above their heads; while the sultan, with an impressive hat, looks aside and
talks with one of his attendants, another attendant evinces a gesture of horror at the
scene. The focal point of this relief, however, is the gure of the executioner, who
is dramatically beheading the friars. Instead of the benevolent sultan at the centre,
as in the preceding relief, there is a brutal killer with a distorted body. The two half-
naked spectators on the stairs resemble monkeys clinging to bars. Two distinct social
classes among the Saracens are depicted: the common executioner and spectators
versus the more cultured sultan and his attendants, who are nevertheless responsible
for the vicious act. The architecture chosen for this scene is notably different and more
Oriental, thus separating the action from the Florentine context.
There were two famous cases of martyrdom in Morocco in the thirteenth
century: one involving ve missionaries sent to Marrakesh in 1220, the other seven
missionaries sent to Ceuta in 1227. Then, in 1227, Brother Elias sent seven friars from
Tuscany to Morocco. They too preached to the Muslims, were arrested, imprisoned
and nally martyred. Part of a letter written from prison to Hugo, a Genoese priest,
has come down to us, which depicts their suffering as imitating the agonies of Christ.
These missionaries were idealized in Franciscan legacy as being devoted to God,
fervent in spirit and wanting with all their energies to convert the Muslims
28
. The ideal
of mission and crusade was central in Franciscan legacy. In the Morocco episode,
ve missionaries were sent to Marrakesh in 1220, traveling through Spain, Castile,
Portugal, and Seville before nally reaching Marrakesh, where they were martyred
because of their persistence in preaching Christianity. Upon seeing the bodies of the
martyred friars, St. Anthony of Padua had a spiritual experience that caused him to
join the Franciscans. The concept of martyrdom was also important for St. Francis.
According to tradition, he followed the Crusades to Damietta and had an interview
with al-Kamil, the sultan of Egypt. Bonaventures version, presented in the Legenda
Maior in 1260, portrays St. Francis as challenging the sultan and his imams to an
ordeal by re to establish which religion was more powerful. The Saracens refused
but St. Francis underwent the ordeal himself and emerged unscathed from the ames.
The story ends with al-Kamil offering the saint rich gifts, which he refused and he
departed from the court. In fact, the stigmatization of St. Francis was considered by
theologians such as St. Bonaventure as a type of martyrdom. Thomas of Celano noted
27
L. Andrews, Story and Space, pp. 9-11; M. Fierro, Decapitation of Christians, pp. 137-164;
I. Monteira, Une iconographie, pp. 165-181; I. Monteira, A. Munoz, F. Villasenor, Destierro fsico,
pp. 129-142.
28
D.E. Randolph, The Franciscan, pp. 37-54.
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in his Vita Prima that St. Francis longed for martyrdom but was showered with gifts
and sent back to the Christian side unharmed.
There is a debate as to which of these two cases is represented on the
pulpit. According to a recent interpretation by Doris Carl, the scene represents the
martyrdom of the earlier ve missionaries in Marrakesh. Carl bases her claim on the
hypothesis that the gure in the left corner is St. Anthony of Padua
29
. She therefore
connects the scene to the martyrdom of 1220, after which Anthony saw the relics of
the martyrs and decided to abandon the Augustinian order and join the Franciscans.
Carl, who dates the pulpit to around 1485, argues that in 1481 the Franciscan pope
Sixtus IV had canonized the martyrs of Marrakesh and that this explains their
appearance on the pulpit. She notes that the cult of the martyrs was rst venerated
by the Augustinian friars at Santa Cruz, Portugal, and that only with the rise of the
Turkish threat and the massacre in Otranto in 1480, did the Franciscan pope Sixtus
IV canonize these martyrs. In either case, whether it is the Marrakesh or the Ceuta
martyrs we are dealing with, the pulpits iconography should be placed in the context
of mendicant crusade-preaching campaigns. The fact that two scenes out of the ve
deal with an encounter of Franciscans with the Muslim world, either as missionaries
or as martyrs, also gains special signicance in this historical context. The second half
of the fteenth century, after the fall of Constantinople, is characterized by a call for
a crusade against the Turks. In 1443, an encyclical from Pope Eugene IV appealed to
all prelates to pay a tenth of their income to support the war against the Turks. There
were rhetorical calls by preachers such as Bernardino da Siena and writers advocating
the crusades, without practical results. In 1453, Constantinople fell to the Ottomans,
and Nicholas V issued a bull calling for a crusade against the Turks. Aeneas Sylvius
Piccolomini, who became pope in 1458, taking the name Pius II, initiated a meeting
of the Christian powers in Mantua in 1459 where prospects for a new crusade were
discussed. In 1464, Pius II was issuing additional plans for the crusade against the
Turks. He set out for Ancona but died there before his plans for the crusade were
realized. Pius successors, Paul II and Sixtus IV, were eager to carry on his endeavors,
but no real progress was made. In 1471, the Franciscan pope Francesco della Rovere,
who took the name Sixtus IV, published an encyclical letter urging the united action
of Christendom against the common foe, condemning the Turks and calling for their
destruction. This Christian propaganda for a new crusade met with little response in
the West. In 1472, Sixtus IV corresponded with Lodovico II Gonzaga of Mantua about
how to act against the sultan, and he began recruiting a eet with the aim of starting a
crusade against the Turks. He tried to raise support for various crusading plans but met
with no success. In 1480 with the Turks invading Rhodes and also Otranto in Apulia,
an atmosphere of fear prevailed in Italy and a league against the Turks that included
Florence was established. In 1481, however, Mohammed II died and the Otranto was
liberated, bringing temporary relief from the pressure
30
.
Crusading sympathy in Tuscany, particularly in Florence, had a long history,
going back to the twelfth century. Many Florentines throughout medieval times were
active as crusaders, missionaries and pilgrims or at least sympathetic to the crusading
movement. This tradition continued in the fteenth century, when Florence openly
voiced support for papal crusading efforts and participated in fund-raising for the
29
S.B. McHam, The Chapel of St. Anthony.
30
F. Cardini, Europe and Islam; K.M. Setton, The Papacy, vol. II, pp. 314-345; H.W. Hazard,
A History of the Crusades, pp. 661-665.
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crusade
31
. The main supporters of crusade propaganda in Florence were the Franciscan
and Dominican preachers, who acted as virtual papal envoys, continuing a tradition
of mendicant crusade sermons
32
. The genre of crusade sermons also intensied at this
time. An example of mendicant crusade propaganda in the fteenth century might be
taken from the preaching of the Dominican Observant preacher Antoninus Pierozzi
(1389-1459), archbishop of Florence. In his oration before Pope Calixtus III in 1455,
Antoninus made an impassioned plea for the crusade against the Turks:
All the powers of Italy, thus united (and for this reason the more power-
ful), unanimous in word and purpose, would be able to move against the
son of perdition, Mahomet, angel of Satan, most impudent dog, violator
of all laws and customs, mystic anti-Christ who ghts against everything
Christian, in order to destroy his forces and crush his audacity, and to
eliminate him from the frontiers of the faithful and to recover the territo-
ries seized by him and sacked, and especially that once glorious city of
Constantinople now, however, unfortunately captured by him
33
.
Bernardino da Siena might himself have been associated with crusade
preaching
34
, and his followers among them Cherubino da Spoleto, Giacomo della
Marca, Giovanni da Capestrano, Roberto da Lecce and Michele da Carcano were
all engaged in crusade-preaching campaigns, many of them conducted in Florences
Santa Croce. Cherubino da Spoleto delivered crusade sermons in Santa Croce in 1466
and 1482
35
. In 1443, Giacomo della Marca was nominated by Eugene IV as an apostle
for crusade preaching, along with Alberto da Sarteano, who in 1459 and again in
1463-1464 was active on behalf of Pius II in promoting the crusade
36
. Giovanni da
Capestrano, another crusade preacher, was active mainly in Tuscany in the 1450s
and 1460s raising funds for the crusade; in art, he is represented with a banner of the
crusade. Roberto da Lecce, according to Erasmus, during his sermons would strip
off his habit to reveal the crusaders livery and armor underneath
37
. Michele Carcano
was a crusade preacher who in 1459 and 1463 gave sermons on behalf of Pius II and
in 1481 on behalf of Sixtus IV. In Santa Croce he preached on the crusade cause in
1455, 1462, 1466, and 1467
38
. The content of these militant sermons can be shown
to inform the messages of Benedetto da Maianos pulpit with its ideas of mission, as
in Francis courageous encounter with the Egyptian sultan and especially regarding
martyrdom, as in the heroic death of the Franciscans in Morocco.
In short, the Saracens are portrayed ambivalently on the pulpit: while there
is admiration for the generous Egyptian sultan, combined with an interest in his and his
courtiers exotic appearance, the Saracens in the martyrdom scene are dehumanized
and shown as animals. The central ideas conveyed by the pulpit iconography are a
mixture of mission and martyrdom, conversion and crusade, typical of the Franciscan
heritage and relevant to the political and religious climate following the Ottomans
conquest of Constantinople.
31
R. Black, Benedetto Accolti, pp. 270-276; F. Cardini, Il Movimento Crociato; idem, Studi sulla
storia; idem, Toscana e Terrasanta.
32
C.T. Maier, Preaching the Crusades, pp. 111-160.
33
Antoninus, Summa Historialis, f. 299; P. Howard, Diversity in Discourse, pp. 283-307.
34
F. Donati, San Bernardino, pp.130-136.
35
R. Rusconi, Cherubino da Spoleto, pp. 446-453.
36
C. Casagrande, Giacomo della Marca, pp. 214-221.
37
M. Baxandall, Painting and Experience, pp. 48-50.
38
R. Rusconi, Michele Carcano, pp. 742-744.
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3. SANTA MARIA NOVELLA
In the Dominican church of Santa Maria Novella, on the other side of town,
we are confronted with a wealth of images that reect the complex way the Saracens
were perceived by the Dominicans. The Dominican church of Santa Maria Novella
had begun to assume its present form by the thirteenth century and, from 1311, a
studium was established in the convent
39
. We nd Muhammad in hell (following
Dantes conception) in Nardo di Cione fresco in the Strozzi Chapel; the threat of
the Turks during the Council of Florence, portrayed in Paolo Uccellos fresco of the
Flood, in the Green Cloister; and the cruelty of the Saracens, in Filippino Lippis
frescoes.
Dominican perceptions of the Saracens and of other minority groups, is
most vividly expressed in Andrea da Firenzes series of frescoes in the churchs
chapter house, also known as the Spanish Chapel
40
. The chapel had a dual function:
it was the funerary chapel of the patron and his wife, who are buried there, as well as
a chapter house for the Dominicans friars of Santa Maria Novella. The chapter house
served various purposes in the life of the Dominicans in Santa Maria Novella. It was
where the community met on a daily basis, where the Dominicans conducted their
ofcial ceremonies, where the prior was chosen and important visitors were received.
Thus the frescoes were viewed by the friars on a daily basis, and they were also shown
to distinguished guests on special occasions
41
.
The fresco decoration was paid for by the Florentine merchant Buonamico di
Lapo Guidalotti. He was a friend of Fra Jacopo Passavanti (1300-1357), the Dominican
writer and preacher sometimes credited with having been chiey responsible for the
iconographic program of the frescoes. Passavanti was prior of Santa Maria Novella
during the period 1354-1355 and the author of an inuential devotional treatise, Lo
specchio della vera penitenza (The mirror of true repentance). It has been suggested
that the treatise anticipated many of the frescos details, especially the Via Veritatis
fresco because in the prologue Passavanti explains that his text is based principally on
his Lenten preaching of the previous year in Florence. There has even been speculation
that Passavantis portrait is to be found in the gure of the friar listening to a penitent
in the Via Veritatatis fresco
42
. However, the commission was actually assigned, by
a later prior, Zanobi Guasconi, eight years after the death of Passavanti. Thus the
program was probably devised in the theological school attached to the convent, if not
directly by Passavanti.
The central theme of the series is twofold: rst, to commemorate Christs
death on the Cross and his subsequent Resurrection and Ascension to heaven;
second, to glorify the Dominican order, mark key activities of the order, and
celebrate such saints as Peter the Martyr. Accordingly, one of the entrance walls
has scenes from the Life of Saint Peter the Martyr, with the Road to Calvary, the
Crucixion and the Descent into Limbo opposite. Within the chapter house, the
Triumph of Saint Thomas Aquinas appears on the left and on the right the Church
Militant and the Church Triumphant, otherwise known together as the Via Veritatis.
39
R.A. Turner, Renaissance Florence, pp. 79-82; E.H. Welch, Art and Society, pp. 182-184; M.
Mulchahey, First the Bow.
40
L. Marcucci, Andrea di Bonaiuto, pp. 83-85.
41
E. Borsook, The Mural Painters, pp. 51-55; J. Gardner, Andrea di Bonaiuto, pp. 107-138; M.
Meiss, Painting in Florence, pp. 94-104; J. Polzer, Andrea di Bonaiutos, pp. 262-289; S. Romano,
Due affreschi del cappellone, pp. 181-213.
42
E. Corbari, Vernacular Theology.
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Scenes of the Pentecost, the Navicella, the Resurrection and the Ascension decorate
the vault
43
.
The Spanish Chapel frescoes include hundreds of gures. What is striking
is that many of them have a foreign appearance. Numerous gures wear Oriental or
Mongol costume, are dark-skinned or have Oriental eyes, have bearded faces and are
wearing turbans or Jewish hats. The intention seems to be to dene the identity of the
Christians, and particularly the mission of the Dominican order, in juxtaposition to
other nationalities and religions. The indels serve a vital role in bringing out their
differences from the Christians and illuminating the superiority of Christianity. The
New Testament scenes on the walls of the chapel, such as the Road to Calvary and the
Crucixion, exhibit Oriental-looking or bearded characters with Jewish hats mocking
Christ. These gures are the most prominent among Christs persecutors. There
seems to be a clear distinction between the European-looking gures shown as the
supporters of Christ and the Oriental or Jewish protagonists shown as his opponents.
The external differences highlight the moral distinction between the pious Christians
and the wicked indels.
The most celebrated fresco in the cycle and the one that offers the most
complex perception of the Jews is the Via Veritatis (g. 4). Focusing our attention
for a moment on the lower part of the fresco, we see the black and white dogs,
the domini canes racing to the right, urged on by St. Dominic, who represents the
zeal of the Inquisition. In another group, twelve heretics are having their errors
spelled out by St. Peter Martyr counting them off, point by point, on his ngers.
The ability of Peter Martyr to convert heretics was an admired cult among the
Dominicans. An example to the widespread adoration of the Martyrs persuasive
talents is an intriguing tale, taken from one of his vitae. It describes the preaching
of St. Peter Martyr directed to a group of heretics in the town of Melano
44
. The
leader of the heretics, mocking Peter Martyr, is disrupting the sermon, demanding
that the preacher create a cloud to protect the congregation from the heat of the sun,
which is very bothersome. Peter Martyr takes on the challenge. He makes the sign
of the cross from the high pulpit on which he is standing and immediately a cloud
appears, sent by the Lord, and provides shade for the audience until Peter Martyr
has completed his sermon, bringing joy to the believers and much shame to the
heretics.
Whereas Peter uses the power of speech and expressive gestures, St. Thomas
uses the written word as his means of persuasion. Pointing to the text of his opened
book, he is preaching to the disbelievers, including Saracens and Jews (g. 5).
They respond in various ways, some calmly and reectively, others with active
discourse. Two kneel submissively before him in prayer, while others seem deeply
affected by his arguments, one ripping his heretical book to shreds. Others, however,
are rejecting his teaching; one man is even covering his ears so as not to hear the truth.
His text: Veritatem meditabitur guttur meum et labia mea detestabuntur impium (My
mouth shall meditate truth; and my lips shall hate wickedness) is taken from Aquinas
Summa contra gentiles, which borrows from Proverbs (8,7). Here Thomas writings
seem more persuasive than Peters speech, since none appears to be converted by
the latter, whereas of the men addressed by Thomas some respond in a positive way
and convert. As is typical of medieval iconography, it is rather difcult to distinguish
clearly between the Muslims and the Jews in Thomas crowd of unbelievers. Perhaps a
43
D. Norman, The Art of Knowledge, pp. 217-242; G. Leoncini, La pittura del Trecento,
pp. 79-103; R. Salvini, Il cappellone, pp. 89-125; F. Antal, Florentine Painting, pp. 247-251.
44
R. Rusconi, Predicazione e vita, p. 147.
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clue to their identity could be their headgear: those wearing an Oriental-looking head
scarf, turban or kafyeh could be Muslims, while the bearded gures with the yellow
canonical or the wide-brimmed hats could be considered Jews. Yet the distinction is
not clear-cut
45
.
Fig. 4. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. Alinari).
Fig. 5. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis: Detail, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby).
45
I. D. Kalmar, Jesus Did Not Wear, pp. 3-11
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The representation of Thomas Aquinas in the Spanish Chapel conveys the
ideas of mission, and conversion as an option for Muslims and Jews. It especially
highlights the role of the Dominicans as missionaries. Although, modern research
throws doubt on the innovative nature of the Dominican missionary endeavors and the
utility of the Summa contra gentiles as a preaching manual, the fresco celebrates the
ideal. Thomas is depicted in accordance with the legend that Raymond of Penyafort,
the head of the Dominicans, had asked Thomas to compose a work against the errors
of the indels, by which both the cloud of darkness might be dispelled and the teaching
of the true Sun made manifest. Thomas famously says in the prologue to the Summa
contra gentiles that when debating with the Jews one can use the Old Testament as
a basis of understanding. However, with Muslims and pagans there is no use turning
to a common authoritative text and one must then have recourse to natural reason,
to which all men are forced to give their assent (Book I, Chapter 2). The Summa
contra gentiles, then, was written to expound to unbelievers certain philosophically
compelling arguments, arguments with which all are forced to agree, thus preparing
the way for their assent to the Christian faith. The painted image, then, shows Thomas
as a missionary using the written manual.
The next fresco, The Triumph of Thomas, emphasizes the glory of Dominican
wisdom as personied by Thomas Aquinas, the dominant gure at the center, who is
seated on a throne surrounded by the sacred and profane sciences, the cardinal virtues,
and various prophets and apostles (g. 6). Aquinas appears at the center of a complex
gural scheme. He is seated upon an elaborate throne at the apex of which appears
a ctive roundel that depicts a half-length female gure representing Wisdom. He is
holding an open book which features a text from the Book of Wisdom. On the base
beneath him crouch the tiny gures of the heretic Muslim and pagan philosophers:
Sabellius, Averroes and Arius, three writers whose teachings were decisively rejected
by the Church. They present a striking antithesis to the triumphant demeanor of the
other gures in the painting, and they appear as intruders in the real space of the
chapter house, reminding us that they are excluded from the intellectual community
of Christians (g. 7). The overthrow of Averroes by St. Thomas is illustrated in other
fourteenth-century works, of which the most famous is the Glorication of St. Thomas
Aquinas in Santa Caterina in Pisa, attributed either to a follower of Simone Martini.
This iconography was conceived with a specically didactic message: to celebrate
Saint Thomas Aquinas as a theologian and teacher and, more specically, to promote
the claim that his writings were divinely inspired and superior to those of non-
Christian authors.
The fresco on the vault illustrates the scene of the Pentecost, when the
apostles received the Holy Spirit and were thus able to disseminate their message
in different languages, an apt foreshadowing of the Dominican commitment to
teaching. This scene shows the triumph of Christianity over the heretics. On the
balcony are the Virgin, Christ and the apostles, surrounded by light, with the Holy
Dove above them representing the Holy Spirit; on the ground, in darkness, in front of
the closed door, are gathered the humiliated gures of the heretics, the Muslims and
the Jews. Additional gures are wearing Oriental costume, Eastern Asian headgear
or traditional Jewish hats. In the Ascension of Christ, a similar group of heretics lies
sprawled on the ground with closed eyes, a sign of their blindness to the miracle
occurring in the upper part of the scene. They represent a variety of Oriental gures
one wears a turban, another Mongol hat; and there is a bearded gure wearing a
Jewish hat
46
.
46
D.H. Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews, pp. 174-175.
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Fig. 6. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. Alinari).
Fig. 7. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas: Detail, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby).
On the whole, the frescoes deliver similar messages: the willfully unseeing
heretics serve to highlight the truth of Christianity. The Christian reigns triumphant
while the Saracen is subjugated and humiliated. The Saracens are lumped together
with other heretics such as the Jews. Nevertheless, hope exists for their conversion in
Thomas missionary activity. The frescoes adopt a theological and intellectual stance.
Thomas wins over Muslim philosophy, but he succeeds only partially in converting
the indels, including the Muslims.
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4. CONCLUSION
In conclusion, both the Dominicans and the Franciscans depicted the
Saracens in degrading manner in order to illustrate the superiority of their orders.
Yet their histories, ideologies and pictorial codes are distinct. The Franciscans were
a missionary order with direct contact with Muslim communities in the East for
centuries; in their pictorial imagery, they offered two options: a positive experience
with a kind Saracen ruler or a violent clash resulting in martyrdom; the Dominicans
as devoted servants of the papacy visualized the encounter as a religious debate and a
rivalry between philosophers. The Franciscans as a popular order closer to the masses
of believers emphasized the fantastic the trial by re, the exotic the gure of the
Sultan, and the violent, the savage death of the missionaries. The Dominicans as an
intellectual elite highlighted their ability to convert the Saracens through theological
arguments and the superiority of scholastic theology over Muslim philosophy. The
meeting between esh and blood depicted by the Franciscan legacy became that of
ideas in the Dominican heritage.
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Fecha de recepcin del artculo: octubre 2011
Fecha de aceptacin y versin nal: abril 2012
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 29-52
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.02
PREACHERS AS HISTORIANS.
THE CASE OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM IN 70 AD
EL PREDICADOR COMO HISTORIADOR.
EL CASO DE LA DESTRUCCIN DE JERUSALN EN EL 70 DC
JUSSI HANSKA
University of Tampere, Finland
Abstract: This article studies the uses of
historical sources in thirteenth-century
sermons. As the surviving corpus of the
sermons is vast, one particular Sunday,
namely the 10th Sunday after the Holy
Trinity, which refers to the destruction of
Jerusalem, was chosen for the analysis. In
particular, it will examine the use of the
widely copied model sermon collections.
The author demonstrates that the writers
of these sermons indeed used a wide
selection of historical sources and that
they sometimes had obvious gusto for
historical writing. However, the historical
reliability of the text was always
secondary to the theological purposes.
If theological argumentation demanded
tampering with the historical evidence, it
was done without remorse.
Keywords: historiography; preaching;
13th century; model sermon collections;
the destruction of Jerusalem; Flavius
Josephus.
Resumen: En este artculo, se estudia el
uso de fuentes histricas en los sermones
del siglo XIII. Habida cuenta de la inmen-
sidad del corpus homiltico existente, el
anlisis se centrar en los sermones pro-
nunciados para un solo domingo el d-
cimo domingo despus de la Santsima
Trinidad que aluden a la destruccin de
Jerusaln. Para llevarlo a cabo, se exami-
nar el uso de los sermonarios con mayor
difusin. El autor demostrar que los au-
tores de estos sermones emplearon una
amplia seleccin de fuentes histricas y
que, incluso, pudieron evidenciar un claro
gusto por la redaccin histrica. Sin em-
bargo, la abilidad histrica de la fuente
siempre fue considerada de menor impor-
tancia que los nes teolgicos. Si la argu-
mentacin teolgica requera la manipu-
lacin interesada de los hechos histricos,
sta se haca sin remordimiento.
Palabras clave: historiografa; predica-
cin del siglo XIII; sermonarios; la des-
truccin de Jerusaln; Flavio Josefo.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. The use of historical sources in thirteenth-century sermons. 2. When? The
dating of the destruction of Jerusalem according to the historical sources. 3. The founding
of Aelia Capitolina, a chronological mistake? 4. The description of the siege. 5. Why? The
motivations for including historical events in sermons. 6. Conclusions. 7. Bibliography.
30 JUSSI HANSKA
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1. INTRODUCTION. THE USE OF HISTORICAL SOURCES
IN THIRTEENTH-CENTURY SERMONS
When one is thinking about the sources of medieval sermons, one generally
tends to think of different theological, especially patristic writings. However, closer
examination reveals that among the popular source material of thirteenth-century
preachers were astonishing numbers of texts that can only be described as historic.
The range of these texts varies from history proper to the pseudo-historical narratives
found in different exempla collections.
In the case of the exemplum stories history was conceived as a part of
the complex rhetorical system of convincing audiences. Historical story or anecdote
was not important as such, but rather because of its ability to conrm the message
of the sermon. According to the Artes praedicandi manuals preachers had three
possible ways of arguing their message. They could rely on rationes, auctoritates
and exempla. Rationes, as the name suggests, were means convincing listeners
with reasoning. The accepted auctoritates were the Bible, the Church Fathers, and
in some cases certain classical authors such as Cicero, Aristotle, and Seneca
1
. The
exempla are a far more complex category. They could include all sorts of narratives
that could be used to convey salutary moral lessons. These were, to give but a few
examples, exempla proper, fabulae, similitudines and, most interestingly from our
point of view, historiae.
Hence, preachers perceived history as one of the subcategories of
exemplum. If one looks into the denition of exemplum given by Jacques Le
Goff, one notices immediately that a short historical narration would be the best
possible exemplum. Le Goff writes that the exemplum is: un rcit bref donn
comme vridique et destin tre insr dans un discours (en gnral un sermon)
pour convaincre un auditoire par une leon salutaire
2
. Hence a good exemplum
needed to be short, credible, and it was supposed to contain a salutary moral lesson.
Numerous anecdotes of ancient history were often moralising in their very nature.
Therefore they made perfect material for exempla. The idea of historical anecdotes
as exempla was by no means a novelty in the thirteenth century. History had been
presented as a means of moral education in numerous eleventh- and twelfth-century
artes poeticae and artes rhetoricae
3
. The novelty was that similar rhetorical means
of persuasion were introduced into the sermo modernus in preachers manuals
(artes praedicandi).
Yet the role of historical material in the thirteenth-century and later
medieval preaching was much more important than being relegated to exempla
material. As Gilbert Dahan points out, in any medieval exegesis there was an
ongoing conict between the literal and the spiritual meaning of Scripture, and
during the thirteenth-century the use of historical material in the literal expounding
of the Scripture was particularly fashionable. Even during earlier centuries, the
medieval commentators never neglected the study of the literal sense of Scripture.
In fact, Gregory the Great, who was an advocate of spiritual explanation par
excellence, took the view that exegesis of a Biblical text must always begin from
its literal interpretation
4
.
1
C. Bremond, J. Le Goff, J.C. Schmitt, LExemplum, pp. 30-31; B. Roest, Reading the Book
of History, pp. 219-220.
2
C. Bremond, J. Le Goff, J.C. Schmitt, LExemplum, pp. 37-38.
3
Pivi Mehtonen, Old Concepts and New Poetics, pp. 64-65, pp. 80-86.
4
G. Dahan, Lexgse chrtienne de la Bible, p. 239 and p. 280.
PREACHERS AS HISTORIANS 31
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Sermons, especially when written according the more traditional homily
style, were essentially a subcategory of biblical exegesis, and therefore this balancing
between the spiritual and the literal exposition of the biblical text that the preachers
were commenting and expounding upon is evident from the sources. All in all, one
can safely say that the spiritual analysis was considered to be more important, and
more space was given to it. Nevertheless, one still nds sermons that comment upon
their thema text with a highly literal approach, or, one could even say, as historians.
According to Hugues de Saint-Victor ( 1141), literal analysis of the text was divided
to three different parts, namely, textual analysis (littera), historical and archaeological
context (sensus), and philosophical and theological approach (sententia)
5
.
Thirteenth-century preachers had a great variety of standard sources to
help them to reconstruct the sensus, or the historical context of the biblical text they
were preaching about. One of the most important sources was the writings of Jewish
Historian Flavius Josephus, whose corpus provided preachers and commentators
with an alternative source to compare and conrm the writings of the Bible
6
. As we
shall see below, Josephus was not always quoted directly, but in many cases through
Eusebius of Caesareas Historia ecclesiastica.
Several other patristic writers continued to write church histories
according to the model set by Eusebius. The most well-known of them are Socrates
of Constantinople, Sozomen, and Theodoret of Cyrus. Cassiodorus (ca. 485-580)
combined the histories of Socrates, Sozomen, and Theodoret into a single work,
in Latin, called the Historia tripartita. It became one of the standard historical
sources for medieval writers
7
. Out of the later histories, it is necessary to mention
three works, namely Petrus Comestors ( 1178) Historia scholastica, which was
basically a revision of the biblical history from Creation up to the Acts of Apostles,
Vincent de Beauvais ( 1264) Speculum historiale, and lastly, Jacopo da Varazzes
( 1298) Legenda aurea, which included biographies of all the major saints and lots
of historical information about their times, and was consequently an important source
for the sermones de sanctis collections
8
.
One of the most interesting Sunday Gospel readings from the point of view
of historical information was the pericope for the tenth Sunday after the Holy Trinity
(Parisian or Dominican liturgy) or ninth Sunday after the Pentecost (Franciscan or
Roman liturgy)
9
. It was Lukes story of Jesus entering Jerusalem (Luke 19, 41-48)
The reading is divided in two parts. In the rst part (verses 41-44) Jesus sees the city
of Jerusalem from the Mount of Olives and cries over it. He makes a short speech in
which he prophesies the future destiny of the city, and tells that it will happen because
Jerusalem had not known the time of its visitation. The latter part of the reading
(verses 45-48) tells how Jesus entered the temple and drove out the moneylenders.
Most of the sermons for this Sunday, as indeed, this article, concentrated only on the
verses 41-44.
The general consensus is that Jesus was referring in his speech to the future
destiny of the city of Jerusalem. The Roman troops besieged and destroyed Jerusalem
5
Ibidem, p. 240.
6
Ibidem, p. 276.
7
G.F. Chesnut, Eusebius, Augustine, Orosius, pp. 688-689.
8
On Historia scholastica, see G. Dahan, Lexgse chrtienne de la Bible, p. 277. On Speculum
historiale, see J.B. Voorbij, Les mises jour de la matire dominicaine, pp. 155-161. On Legenda
aurea, see B. Fleith, F. Morenzoni (eds.), De la saintet lhagiographie.
9
On the Gospel readings according to different liturgical systems, see M. OCarroll, The Lectio-
nary for the Proper, pp. 79-103.
32 JUSSI HANSKA
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and the Temple of Herod the Great during the rebellion of 66-70 AD. The destruction
of the city in 70 basically nished the rebellion even if the last rebel outpost, the desert
fortress of Masada, was taken only in 73 AD. The main Christian source of the events
was the above-mentioned passage of Saint Luke
10
. Many other scholars, indeed the
majority of them, however, take the view that Luke wrote his gospel sometime after
the destruction of Jerusalem in 70, either in the late 70s or during the 80s. The most
common arguments for this dating were presented by E. Peretto in the Dizionario
patristico e di antichit cristiane. He states that the ancient tradition, Lukes prologue,
and Ireneus of Lyon invite us to think that the gospel was written shortly after Saint
Pauls death that took place in 67. In addition to that, the detailed description of Luke
compared to the more vague allusions of Mark, seem to indicate that it was written
after the destruction of Jerusalem as a prophecy ex eventu
11
. While there seems to
be no consensus on the dating, it may be underscored that the majority of the most
credible scholars are in favour of the view that the Gospel was denitely written after
the destruction of Jerusalem
12
.
As the above-mentioned Gospel passage became the standard reading
sometime during the early Middle Ages that was used as a basic text for Sunday
sermons all over Christian Europe, it became increasingly important to nd material
that helped preachers to construct the literal exposition of this text. For this purpose,
the most obvious text, and indeed heavily used already during the patristic age, was
Flavius Josephus Bellum Iudaicum
13
. However, as Josephus wrote his work in Greek,
most of the thirteenth-century preachers had to rely on the Latin translations of
Josephus or, as indeed many of them did, Latin translations of Eusebius of Caesareas
Historia ecclesiastica
14
.
How did preachers make use of the historical source materials when
expounding this Gospel reading? What was the tradition on which they were building
their sermons? This article analyses more closely how the writers of the model
sermon collections presented the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD as a historical
event. When exactly did it happen? How was the siege described, and nally, the
key question of any historical analysis, namely, why was Jerusalem destroyed by the
Romans? Historical anecdotes used as exempla will be left out of this article as they
have already received fair share of the scholars attention.
10
For a comprehensive modern presentation of the events of the Jewish War and its consequen-
ces, see M. Goodman, Rome and Jerusalem, pp. 379-487.
11
E. Peretto, Luca in Dizionario patristico, vol. II, col. 2037.
12
See for example: W. Stegemann, Lukas, col. 492; R. Fabris, Luca, Vangelo di L., vol. II, p. 279.
For the contrary opinion dating Luke before the destruction of Jerusalem, see R.T.A. Murray, Luke,
Gospel, vol. VIII, p. 1070.
13
On the Christian use of Josephus writings, see H. Schreckenberg, Josephus in Early Christian
Literature, pp. 3-85; P. Bilde, Flavius Josephus, pp. 16-17.
14
Josephus was translated to Latin twice. The rst translation circulated under the name of He-
gesippus. It can be dated to the end of the fourth century or to the beginning of the fth. It is not
exact translation, but rather a Christian re-working of Josephuss text lled with interpolations and
anti-Jewish tendencies. The writer remains unknown as the Hegesippus must be considered to be a
scribal misspelling of Josephus. The second translation, also dating back to late antiquity, was more
reliable rendition of Josephuss text. Eusebius of Caesareas Historia ecclesiastica was translated in
Latin by Runus de Aquileia in the beginning of the fth century; C. Moreschini; E. Norelli, Manuale
di letteratura cristiana antica, p. 386.
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2. WHEN? THE DATING OF THE DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM
ACCORDING TO THE HISTORICAL SOURCES
For historical writing the dating of the events described is essential. Stories
beginning with expressions such as, a long time ago, are considered fairy tales, not
histories. From the historical sources we know that the destruction of Jerusalem took
place in year 70 AD. This is, however, not the way it was presented in the sermon
literature where one practically never encounters dates given according to our calendar
system. That was simply not important for the preachers and their audiences. For them
it was necessary to accord the events described a specic place within sacred history,
running from the creation of the world to the second coming and the end of times. In
this linear history, the signicant turning point was obviously life of Christ incarnated.
It is within this timeline that the Cistercian preacher, Caesarius von
Heisterbach ( sometime after 1240), sets the events in Jerusalem. He writes:
On the fortieth year after the passion of our Lord (which time was given
for the Jews for penance), Caesar Nero sent against the obdurate two
Roman princes, Vespasian and Titus, who would have vengeance for the
blood of Christ, John the Baptist, and both Jameses
15
.
Thus Caesarius anchors the events of the Gospel reading rstly to the
salvation history by informing that they took place forty years after the passion of
Christ and secondly, to the secular Roman history by mentioning explicitly that they
took place during the reign of Nero, and by naming the Roman generals Vespasian and
Titus who were in command during the Jewish war.
Caesarius claries the dating even further by noting that after the death of
Nero, Vespasian returned to Rome to become the new emperor and left his son, Titus,
in command. Finally, in a later passage of his sermon Caesarius also informs his
readers that the siege took place after Easter because the city was lled with pilgrims
who had come there to celebrate Easter according to Jewish custom
16
.
What then would these dates reveal to the potential audiences of the sermons?
For modern readers familiar with the main events of Roman history, it is easy enough
to calculate that Vespasians military operation in the Roman province of Judaea must
have begun before the death of Nero in 9 June 68 and continued at least sometime after
it. Similarly, modern readers, knowing that the operation started before the death of
Nero, although probably not much before, can subtract the aforementioned forty years
from 68 and conclude, taking at face value the information provided by Caesarius von
Heisterbach, that Jesus must have been crucied in 37 or 38 AD.
However, it is very unlikely that the audiences of Caesarius von Heisterbach,
except perhaps some of his fellow monks, would have known his sources or been
aware of Roman history beyond a few morality stories and anecdotes heard from the
pulpit. Therefore we really need to ask: What was the signicance of providing these
dating elements for the preachers themselves and for the audiences of their sermons? It
15
Caesarius von Heisterbach, Homilia in domenica undecima, p. 68. Anno quadragesimo post
passionem Domini, (quod tempus iudaeis ad poenitentiam indultum fuit,) missi sunt contra induratos
duo principes Romani a Nerone Caesare, Vespasianus et Titus, qui sanguinem Christi, Joannis Bap-
tistae, et Jacobi utriusque vindicarent.
16
Ibidem, pp. 68-69. Mortuo vero Nerone Vespasianus propter obtinendum imperium Romam
redijt, Tito lio in obsidione relicto (...) ad diem siquidem festum Paschae innumerabilis multitudo
ex diversis ciuitatibus Jerusalem conuxerunt, qui nutu Dei in ciuitate, quasi carcere inclusi, detine-
bantur.
34 JUSSI HANSKA
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is easy enough to understand that the destruction of Jerusalem needed to be presented
as part of the one truly signicant history, that is, the great narrative of the history of
salvation. Hence it was dated with respect to the death of Christ by claiming that the
events prophesied by Jesus in the Gospel reading began to come true on the fortieth
year after his death. In fact, the year here is not a very signicant detail since some
preachers said that they happened forty-two years after the passion of Christ. For
example, we could consider two model sermons on this Sunday from the rst half of
the thirteenth century. The English preacher Odo of Cheriton ( 1246/47) wrote his
sermon collection in 1219, and Italian Franciscan Luca da Bitontos ( c. 1247)
collection can be dated between 1234 and 1243
17
. Both these preachers provide an
interesting exegesis for the 4 Kings 2, 23-24:
And he went up from thence to Bethel: and as he was going up by the
way, little boys came out of the city and mocked him, saying: Go up, thou
bald head; go up, thou bald head. And looking back, he saw them, and
cursed them in the name of the Lord: and there came forth two bears out
of the forest, and tore of them two and forty boys.
Both the preachers explain that the boys mocking the Prophet Eliseus are
the Jews who mocked Jesus on the Cross. The Latin word for the bald head calvus
resembles calvario, the name of the place of execution where Jesus was crucied. The
two bears that came from the forest stand for Vespasian and Titus. The number of boys
torn to pieces stands for the forty-two years after the passion that was given for the
Jews to repent before the destruction of Jerusalem
18
.
Both these preachers used the German Benedictine monk Walafrid Strabo
( 849) as their primary source for this exegesis. Walafrid Strabo took his information
concerning the destruction of Jerusalem not directly from Flavius Josephus but from
the Latin translation of Eusebius of Caesareas Historia ecclesiastica
19
. Thus we see
here that in the exegetic tradition of explaining this Gospel reading the novel exegetic
analysis won over chronological accuracy. Eusebius of Caesareas Ecclesiastical
History clearly relates (both in the original Greek version and in the Latin translation)
17
A.C. Friend, Odo of Cheriton, p. 647; E. Lombardo, Ecclesia huius temporis, pp. 124-125.
18
Odo of Cheriton, Sermones dominicales, f. 132r. Tunc adimpleta [est] maledictio Elisei qui,
cum esset in monte quadraginta duos pueros illudentes ei dixerunt: Ascende calue, ascende calue At
ille maledixit eis in nomine Domini. Et egressi sunt duo ursi de saltu et deuorauerunt illos pueros. Hii
pueri sunt iudei qui uero Elyseo illudentes dixerunt: Prophetiza nobis Christe quis est qui te percus-
sit, et iterum, descendat nunc de cruce et credimus ei. Per quadragintaduos pueros intelligitur quod
Dominus expectauit per XLII annos, ut penitentiam agerent, sed illis, ne quaqua penitentibus ingressi
sunt duo ursi de saltu et deuorauerunt illos pueros, id est, Titus et Uespasianus de saltu gentilium et
iudeos, ut dictum est, interfecerunt; Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, ms. 505, f. 204r. Dati
sunt tamen ad penitentiam XLII anni post passionem Domini, sicut preguratum fuit in Helyseo, 4
Regum 2, 23-24: Cui cum ascenderet in Bethel pueri egressi de ciuitate illudebant dicentes: Ascen-
de calue, ascende calue qui maledixit eis et sunt eggressi duo ursi de saltu [et] lacerauerunt ex eis 42
pueros. Pueri sunt iudei qui illudebant Christo dicentes: Prophetiza quis est qui te percussit. Item:
Descendat de cruce etc. ei. In hoc quod 42 ex eis lacerati fuerunt signicatur totidem anni quibus
expectati sunt, ut conuertentur. Duo ursi fuerunt principes romani Uespasianus et Tytus.
19
This is easily seen if one compares Walafrids text to existing Latin renditions of Flavius
Josephus and Eusebius. Walafrids text is edited in Mignes Patrologia; Walafridus Strabo, De sub-
versione Jerusalem, in PL 114, col. 965-974. I have collated it with Stiftbibliothek St. Gallen, ms.
Sang. 565, pp. 158-171 and found that the Patrologia edition is fairly reliable and does not include
interpolations or major lacunae. The relevant passage here is PL 114, col. 970; St Gallen, ms. Sang.
565, pp. 170-171.
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that the destruction of Jerusalem took place in the second year of Vespasians reign
and precisely forty years after crucixion of Christ. Hence, one cannot but notice that
the time period was lengthened to forty-two years evidently to be able to accomodate
the previously mentioned exegesis of 4 Kings 2, 23-24
20
.
Whether the thirteenth-century preachers who borrowed from Walafrid
Strabo were aware of this chronological error (he himself certainly was), or whether
they were simply following the tradition without consulting the original sources,
remains unclear. What we do know, however, is that at least Luca da Bitonto did
make some use of the earlier historians since he paraphrases a long passage directly
from Paulus Orosius ( not before 418) in the following passage of the very same
sermon:
One reads in the Histories of the Romans that the Jews, when Gods
mercy on them had completely run out, felt that they were threatened
from everywhere with endless evils and were afraid of the signs and won-
ders. They were deceived by the lots in Mount Carmel prophecying that
military leaders would rise from Judaea and take hold of supreme power.
Hence they started a rebellion and having wiped out Roman garrisons
they also drove back the legate of Syria who had come to their aid and
captured his eagle and massacred his army. Vespasian, on the orders of
Nero, marched against them to Syria with many valid legions and he had
as one of his legates his elder son, Titus. Thus having captured many
towns, he trapped the Jews into besieged Jerusalem where they had gath-
ered for the Easter feast. Having heard of Neros death, he was elected as
Emperor by the troops, he left to Rome via Alexandria and left Titus in
charge of the siege. Titus on his part, oppressed the city of Jerusalem with
[a] long and hard siege, [and] eventually broke the walls of the city
21
.
Using this passage from Orosius to give such a detailed description of the
events preceding the fall of Jerusalem is well beyond the call of duty of an ordinary
preacher. In so doing, Luca of Bitonto reveals himself as an acionado of historical
narrative. Therefore, it is quite possible that he was actually aware of Eusebius dating
for the crucixion, but nevertheless was carried away with the possibility of using the
appealing exegesis for 4 Kings 2, 23-24.
The odd relationship between, on the one hand, historical chronology and,
on the other hand, liturgical and exegetical needs can also be observed when preachers
discuss the more specic time of the destruction of Jerusalem within the church
20
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 7.3-8; cf. idem, Liber III, Cap. 7, ed. Ausburg, 1506, Hec
uero omnia gesta sunt secundo anno imperij Uespasiani iuxta ea que ipse Dominus et Saluator noster
Jesus Christus predixerat ... Quadraginta namque post admissum piaculum continuis protracta annis
impiorum pena differtur. Originally this exegesis came from the letters of Jerome, who obviously
did not agree with the date of passion as provided by Eusebius; Jerome, Epist. CXX, 8.9-10.
21
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, ms. 505, f. 204r-v. Legitur enim in Ystoriis roma-
norum quod iudei penitus Dei gratia destituti cum innitis malis undique premerentur et signis et
portentis exterreantur in Monte Carmelo sortibus decepti fuerunt, qui portendebant exortos a Iudea
duces rerum summam potituros, unde in rebellione accensi extinctis romanis presidiis, legatum Syrie
auxilia ferentem, capta aquila et cesis copiis, fugauerunt. Ad hos igitur Uespasianus a Nerone direc-
tus multas et ualidas legiones in Syriam duxit, Tytumque lium suum maiorem inter legatos habuit.
Itaque captis opidis cum iudeos in Ierusalem ad festum congregatos obsidione clausisset, cognita
Neronis morte, imperator a militibus est electus relictoque obsidione Tito, per Alexandriam profectus
est Romam. Tytus uero magna ac diuturna obsidione iudeos premens tandem muros ciuitatis irrupit.
I have corrected some readings in this passage from the manuscript Padova, Biblioteca Antoniana
417, f. 165v.; cf. Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganos VII, 9.2-5.
36 JUSSI HANSKA
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year. The Dominican preacher Jacopo da Varazze explains that this particular gospel
reading was placed in the month of August because in that particular month the city of
Jerusalem was rst besieged and destroyed by the Babylonian king Nebuchadnezzar,
and then by the Romans
22
. Thus, we see in this case the historical evidence affecting
directly the liturgical year.
Other preachers, however, provide a rather different, although not
inconsistent, argument for the time of the destruction of Jerusalem. They argue that
it took place in the period following the Easter festivities because it was just that
the Jews should be punished at the same time that they had crucied Christ. Some
preachers, such as late twelfth-century theologian Raoul Ardent ( 1200), actually
chose to claim that Jerusalem was really destroyed during the festive season
23
. In
fact, the Temple was burned in late August and the nal resistance within the city was
crushed during the rst days of September. Hence the actual destruction took place
months after the Easter season, a fact that, as we have seen from Jacopo da Varazzes
sermon, was well-known in the Middle Ages and it most likely was known also to
a learned theologian such as Raoul Ardent. Sometimes, being liberal with historical
chronology was accepted if it made the point of the sermon stronger, that is, in this
case, emphasised more the guilt of the Jews and the destruction of Jerusalem as their
punishment.
In this particular case critical issues were at stake. It was already the
interpretation of many early Christian writers that the destruction of Jerusalem and,
more to the point, the destruction of the Temple, was a sign of God marking the
end of the Old Covenant and the beginning of the New where the Christians, and no
longer the Jews, were Gods Chosen People. With the destruction of Jerusalem and
the Temple, the worldly Jerusalem lost its religious signicance (although it was later
on partly restored with the pilgrimages to the Holy Land), and the Christian discourse
concentrated on the Heavenly Jerusalem instead of the city of Jerusalem
24
. Therefore,
it was important for the preachers to show to their audiences that the destruction of
Jerusalem prophesied by Jesus in the Gospel reading was really an essential mile stone
in salvation history. If making that point demanded moving the events few months, it
was well worth the trouble.
3. THE FOUNDING OF AELIA CAPITOLINA, A CHRONOLOGICAL MISTAKE?
Another chronological inconsistency found time and time again in the
thirteenth-century sermons was clearly connected with the unfortunate combination
of the Patristic writers need to prove the accuracy of Jesus prophecy and their
22
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, Dominica decima sermo secundus, f. 4r. Sicut le-
gitur in libro qui dicitur Mitralis, istud evangelium ideo in mense Augusti decantatur quia ciuitas
Hierusalem in illo mense primo a Nabuchodonosor, deinde a romanis destructa fuisse inuenitur.
Jacopos source, a book called Mitralis, refers to Italian liturgist Sicardus da Cremona ( 1215) and
his book called Mithrale, seu de ofciis ecclesiasticis summa. The rst destruction of Jerusalem by
the Babylonians took place in 587 B.C.
23
R. Ardent, Sermones de tempore, Sermo in dominica decima post festum S. Trinitatis, PL 155,
col. 2024. Haec omnia, fratres mei, quae Dominus praedixit, impleta sunt per romanos principes,
Titum et Vespasianum, quadragesimo anno a passione Domini, et eadem solemnitate, in qua Domi-
num crucixerant, subversa est civitas, et de ipsis occisi, tum ferro, tum fame, decies centum millia.
24
On the early Christian theological debate on the role of Jerusalem, see P.W.L. Walker, Holy
City, Holy Places? See also J. Prawer, Christian Attitudes, pp. 311-315; T. Renna, Jerusalem in
Medieval Thought, pp. 11-12.
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careless reading of the primary sources. The errors thus born were circulated by the
later preachers either because of their exaggerated trust in these patristic authorities,
or because, once again, the mistake conveniently strengthened the argument that
needed to be made.
We are here referring to the Homily of Gregory the Great ( 604) on the
Luke 19, 41-44. Gregory the Great used as his historical source Eusebius of Caesareas
Church History which, rstly, quoting long passages from Flavius Josephus Bellum
iudaicum, relates the story of the destruction of Jerusalem. Then in a later chapter,
Eusebius also relates the events that took place during the rebellion of Simon-Bar-
Kochba (132-135 AD) culminating in yet another destruction of Jerusalem in 135
25
.
After that rebellion Emperor Hadrian issued an edict that forbade Jews from entering
the city of Jerusalem or even coming within a distance from where it was possible to
see it. In many patristic sources the two destructions of Jerusalem are presented as
belonging to a same change of events and down playing the time between, namely
more than sixty years.
A good example of this tendency is homily number 39 by Gregory the Great.
He commented on the events of 70 AD in a homily delivered at the Lateran Basilica
in Rome sometime between 590 and 592. He rst described quickly the events of
70 AD and then he moved on to describe the actual destruction of the city as it was
outlined in the Gospel text. He does not refer his readers to any historical sources on
the subject, but simply says only that the Gospel words and they shall not leave in
thee a stone upon a stone are conrmed by the fact that the contemporary Jerusalem
(that is, Gregorys contemporary Jerusalem) was situated in a different place than the
ancient Jerusalem. In Gregorys time the city centre was located near the place where
Jesus was crucied, whereas in Jesus time the executions were carried out outside the
city walls. Therefore, Gregory concluded that the old city had been entirely destroyed
and the new one built in a slightly different place
26
.
Here Gregory was essentially confusing the events of the two different
Jewish revolts, or he simply concluded that Jesus prophecy was only nally fullled
with the events of 135. Since he does not mention Hadrian or the Bar-Kochba rebellion
at all, one cannot know which the case was. What is certain is that later commentators
and preachers mixed these two events and presented them as one and the same chain
of events leading to the destruction of Jerusalem in such a manner that there indeed
was not a stone left upon a stone.
One of the most important commentators who followed Gregorys argument
was Peter Comestor, who wrote his Historia scholastica between the years 1169 and
1173
27
. Peter did not devote much space to the destruction of Jerusalem, but what
he wrote clearly indicates that he built on Gregory the Greats exegesis
28
. The most
25
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 7 and VI, 6.
26
Gregorius Magnus, Homiliae in evangelia, XXXIX, 7-13. etiam ipsa iam eiusdem ciuitatis
transmigratio testatur, quia dum nunc in eo loco constructa est, ubi extra portam fuerat Dominus
crucixus, prior illa Jerusalem, ut dicitur, funditus est euersa.
27
D. Luscombe, Petrus Comestor, p. 119.
28
Petrus Comestor, Historia scholastica, PL 198, col. 1600. Et, ut appropinquauit Jerusalem,
evit super civitatem, dicens: Quia si cognovisses, et tu, subaudi eres, quia circumdabunt te inimici
tui vallo, et non relinquent in te lapidem super lapidem, quasi dicat: Si cognosceres ruinam tuam
futuram, et causam eius, quae abscondita sunt tibi in hac die, quae ad pacem tibi est, eres. Quod
autem illa Jerusalem prior funditus euersa sit, apparet, quia locus Calvariae, qui tunc erat extra eam et
sepulcrum modo sunt in ea. Helius enim Adrianus eam penitus euersam reparavit, mutavitque locum
et nomen, uocans eam Heliam. I have controlled the PL edition against the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, ms. Borghes. 62, ff. 144v-145r. It presents almost identical reading of this passage.
38 JUSSI HANSKA
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famous of the thirteenth-century biblical commentators, the Dominican Hugues de
Saint-Cher ( 1263) provided a more detailed version of Gregorys argument and
gave it some more historical context. He wrote on his Postilla on the Gospel of Luke
commenting on the pericope of the tenth Sunday:
And it happened literally as the Lord had prophesied, for Jerusalem was
totally destroyed, not to be ever built, according to the prophecy of Isaias
5 [,5]: And I will break down the wall thereof, and it shall be trodden
down. After the destruction carried out by the Romans, when they had
returned to Rome, the Jews, who had been hiding in caves and forests,
returned to their city, and started to venerate the holy places and rebuilt
them. When the Romans heard of this, they sent Aelius Hadrian, who de-
stroyed it all completely so that there remained not a stone upon a stone,
and the Romans gave an edict that none of the Jews should live in the
inland areas [of the province of Judaea]. Later on Aelius built a modest
little town where the modern city is situated, and called it after his own
name Aelia, and it was known with that name for a long time afterwards.
It is evident that the earlier city was not rebuilt because Aelius built it in
a new place and changed its name. That it is situated in a different place
than the earlier city becomes evident from the fact that the place where
the Lord was crucied and the garden where He was buried are now in
the centre of the city, but at that time they were outside, just like the gal-
lows where the thieves are hanged are in our days similarly outside the
cities
29
.
Hugues narration follows closely what actually happened except in one
small detail. The punitive campaign of Hadrian did not take place immediately after
the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, but sixty-ve years later. This historical
inaccuracy did not seem to bother other thirteenth-century preachers who copied
widely Hugues explanation of the events in their sermons. For example, the famous
Dominican preacher Guillaume Peyraut ( 1271) and Jacopo da Varazze copied
extensively from the Hugues commentaries
30
.
29
Hugues de Saint-Cher, Postilla in Lucam, f. 248r. Ad literam factum est sicut Dominus prae-
dixit, quia Hierusalem funditus eversa est, non reaedicanda in aeternum, iuxta vaticinium Esa. 5.b.
Diripiam maceriam eius et erit in conculcationem. Post eversionem quidem Romanorum, postquam
redierunt Romam, Iudaei, qui in speluncis et silvis latuerant, redierunt ad civitatem suam, et coepe-
runt venerari loca sancta et reedicare, quod audientes Romani miserunt Aelium Hadrianum, qui
funditus eam evertit, ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit, et datum est edictum a Romanis, ne
quis Iudaeorum intra marinas partes habitaret. Postea Aelius aedicavit modicam civitaticulam ubi
moderna civitas est sita, et a nomine suo Aeliam denominavit, et longo tempore sic dicta est. Constat
ergo primitivam urbem non esse reaedicatam, cum in alio loco Aelius aedicaverit et nomen mu-
taverit. Et quod in alio loco sita est quam illa primitiva, apparet ex hoc, quia locus in quo crucixus
est Dominus et hortus in quo sepultus est, modo sunt in medio civitatis, et tunc erant extra, sicut et
patibula furum in quibus rei suspenduntur modo sunt extra civitatem.
30
Guillaume Peyraut, Sermones de euangeliis dominicalibus, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
ms. Vat.lat. 8605, f. 233v. Postquam redierunt romani ipsa euersa uideris que in speluncis et siluis
latuerant redierunt Ierusalem et ceperunt uenerari loca sacra et reedicare quod audientes romani mi-
serunt Elium Adrianum qui funditus euertit eam ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit et datum
est edictum a romanis ne iudeus aliquis in transmarinis partibus habitaret. Post edicauit modicam
ciuitatem iuxta locum ubi esse solebat et a nomine suo Heliam nominauit, et longo tempus sic dicta
est et quia in alio loco Ierusalem sit quam esset tum Dominus fuit crucixus patet ex hoc quod locus
in quo sepultus est modo modo sit in medio in medio ciuitatis et tunc erat extra et sicut et patibula
malefactorum hodie fuit extra ciuitatem; Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 215. Iudei
autem qui in siluis et in speluncis latitauerant redierunt et ciuitatem reedicare ceperunt. Tunc romani
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Sometimes Hugues de Saint-Cher was quoted indirectly. For example,
early thirteenth-century Dominican preacher Ugo da Prato ( 1322) was obviously
quoting the same passage of Hugues de Saint-Cher as Guillaume Peyraut and Jacopo
da Varazze
31
. However, closer analysis of his text reveals that he did not use Hugues
directly, but rather another thirteenth-century commentary on Luke written by another
Dominican preacher, Constantino da Orvieto ( 1256)
32
. Thus we see that either
directly or indirectly, Hugues de Saint-Chers gospel commentary greatly inuenced
the model sermons on the Dominica decima, especially those of the Dominican
preachers.
All these Dominican preachers were extremely learned men. Guillaume
Peyraut had written several learned tractates, such as the famous Summae de virtutibus
and de vitiis, and a guide to education of royal princes. He most likely entered the
Dominican order in Lyon and studied at the studium there. Lyon was during the
rst half of the thirteenth century one of the most important centres of Dominican
preaching and a respectable centre of learning too
33
. Jacopo da Varazze had a keen
interest in historical writing as he wrote the Chronicle of his home town Genova
(Chronicon Januense) and the histories of the most important saints (Legenda aurea).
Ugo da Prato is less well-known than the other two, but it is known that he studied
theology in the studium of Naples in 1288-1289
34
.
Is it conceivable that none of them would have known the time gap
between the siege of 70 and the Simon-Bar-Kochba revolt? We know that at least
Jacopo da Varazze knew the Latin version of Josephus Jewish War and Eusebius
Historia ecclesiastica since he used both these works as sources in his Legenda aurea.
Therefore, it seems plausible that these preachers considered that the destruction of
Jerusalem in 135 and the edict that forbade the Jews from entering the city were a
tting way to round up the exegesis of Luke 19, 41-44. Therefore down playing the
historical distance between the two destructions of Jerusalem was a small sacrice
that needed to be made to keep the story coherent and rhetorically effective.
In fact, we have some evidence of such practise from the preceding century.
German Benedictine abbot Werner von Ellerbach ( 1126) claims in his homily for
illuc miserunt Helium Adrianum qui ciuitatem funditus euertit, ita quod lapis super lapidem non
remansit. Iuxta locum tamen illum quandam ciuitatem eis reedicauit, et suo nomine eam Helyam
nominauit. Et longo tempore sic uocata fuit. Quod autem illa ciuitas non sit modo ut prius erat patet,
quia sepulchrum Christi tunc erat extra muros. Modo autem in media ciuitatis est.
31
Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales. Sermo in dominica decima post festum s. trinitatis,
f. 14r. Post euersionem enim Hierusalem redeuntibus romanis Romam, iudei qui in speluncis et
siluis latuerunt, redierunt et receperant loca sancta uenerari et reedicare. Quod audientes romani mi-
serunt Hierusalem Helium Adrianum qui funditus eam euersit ita quod lapis super lapidem non reman-
sit. Postea dictus Helias edicauit modicam ciuitatunculam non in eodem loco ubi moderna Hierusalem
sita est et a nomine suo Helyam nominauit et longo ipse sic dicta est. Quod patet ex hoc quia locus in
quo crucixus est Dominus et ortus in quo sepultus est in medio ciuitatis sunt, ante erant extra.
32
Constantino da Orvieto, Commentarius in Lucam, f. 110r. Post euersionem enim romanorum
redeuntibus eis iudei qui in speluncis et in siluis fugientes latuerant redierunt ad ciuitatem et ceperunt
uenerari loca sancta et reedicare, quod audientes romani miserunt Helyum Adrianum qui funditus
eam euertit ita quod lapis super lapidem non remansit. Postea Helyus edicauit modicam ciuitatuncu-
lam ubi moderna ciuitas sita est et a nomine suo Helyam denominauit et longo tempore sic dicta est,
non tamen in eodem loco quo erat prima ciuitas, quod ex hoc constat quia locus in quo crucixus est
Dominus et ortus in quo sepultus est modo sunt infra ciuitatem, tunc autem erant extra. On Constan-
tino da Orvieto and his commentary, see C. Cenci, Il Commento al Vangelo di S. Luca, pp. 103-145.
33
A. Dondaine, Guillaume Peyraut, pp. 170-172, 184, 222-223; D. dAvray, The Preaching of
the Friars, pp. 147-149.
34
S. Vecchio, Le prediche e la istruzione religiosa, p. 305.
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the tenth Sunday after the Holy Trinity that the Romans would have sown salt to the
ground after the destruction of Jerusalem to make sure that nothing would grow there
anymore an obvious confusion between the destruction of Carthage after the third
Punic war and the events of 70 AD (none of the historical sources on the destruction
of Jerusalem claims that salt was sown there)
35
. Making such a mistake seems so far
fetched that clearly Werner von Ellerbach did it on purpose to emphasise the severity
of the destruction of Jerusalem.
4. THE DESCRIPTION OF THE SIEGE
The Gospel text does not provide rich details describing how the city was
actually conquered. The expression circumdabunt te inimici tui vallo et circumdabunt
te et coangustabunt te undique informs the readers that Jerusalem was besieged, while
the rest of the text reveals that after the siege the city was destroyed. We have seen
that the preachers, nearly all those who dealt with the literal interpretation of the text,
specied that the enemies of the Gospel text were Romans and, in most cases, the
names of Titus and Vespasian are also mentioned.
As for the details of the siege, only a few preachers were adequately
informed of them, or thought it necessary to provide their audiences with such details.
Sometimes preachers differed on the exegesis of the siege. Hugues de Saint-Cher
comments on the above quoted passage as follows: thine enemies shall cast a trench
about thee, Bede: Roman princes. Trench, literally, as it is said that the Romans made
three ramparts around Jerusalem to capture the city. And compass thee around, and
keep thee in on every side, so that you are surrounded from every side
36
.
Thus Hugues text is not very informative, but all the same, interesting. It
stands to logic that Jesus words were to be interpreted literally to mean ramparts or
siege walls made by the Romans. The problem is, however, that none of the known
sources claims that there were three of them. Flavius Josephus writes about several
siege walls or ramparts that were raised in different stages of the campaign, but nowhere
does he claim that there were three of them altogether
37
. Similarly, the surviving part
of Tacitus Histories only states that since the nature of the ground did not allow a
direct assault, Titus chose to use earthworks to besiege the city
38
. However, Jerusalem
had three defensive walls and it is possible that Hugues had somehow misunderstood
them to mean aggeres built by the Roman forces.
Another Dominican commentator and preacher, Nicolas de Gorran ( 1295),
followed Hugues explanation but offered also an alternative one. He wrote:
Thine enemies shall cast a trench about thee, that is, the Roman princes,
a trench, literally, as it is said that the Romans made three siege walls
around Jerusalem to capture the city, or a trench, that is, with an army
placed around the city in the form of a trench, Isaiah 29[,3]: And I will
35
Wernerus abbas S. Blasii in Silva Negra, Libri deorationum, PL 157, col. 1094.
36
Hugues de Saint-Cher, Postilla in Lucam, f. 248r. Circumdabunt te inimici tui, Beda: Romani
principes. f. vallo, ad literam dicuntur romani tres aggeres fecisse circa Hierusalem capiendam. g. Et
circumdabunt te et coangustabunt te quasi undique eris obsessa. By Beda, Hugues is referring to his
immediate source, the commentary on Luke by Venerable Bede; cf. Opera. Pars II Opera exegetica.
3 in Lucae Euangelium expositio, pp. 346-347.
37
Josephus, Bellum Iud. V and VI.
38
Tacitus, Hist. V.13.
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camp against thee round about, and will lay siege against thee with a
mound etc. And compass thee around, and keep thee in on every side,
that is, close you in prohibiting entrance, exit, introduction of victuals,
soldiers, and weapons
39
.
Here Nicolas de Gorran rst repeats verbatim the explanation of Hugues
de Saint-Cher, but then adds, as if he was not very convinced by Hugues argument,
that it could be that Lukes words simply meant that the Roman army surrounded
Jerusalem, thus taking the shape of a wall. Nicolas also refers to the grim life in
besieged cities by spelling out explicitly that compassing Jerusalem from every side
meant completely isolating the city from the outer world by stopping anyone entering
from exiting, and especially stopping the transports of victuals and other necessary
things to the besieged city.
The third Dominican commentator of Luke, Constantino da Orvieto, showed
even more awareness of military issues:
Thine enemies, the Roman princes, shall cast about thee a trench, a
trench dug around the city of Jerusalem, And compass thee around with
an army of soldiers posed on all sides of the city, and keep thee in with
war machines placed on every side
40
.
The novelty in Constantinos exposition was that he was the only
biblical commentator to mention the war machines used in the siege. Constantinos
commentary was, as stated before, the principal source for the model sermon
collection by another Dominican, Ugo da Prato. He took the material of Constantino
and claried it further:
Thine enemies, that is the Roman princes, shall cast a trench about thee,
that is, with a wall made of vallis, that is, of wooden poles, for vallus
means pole, but vallum is a palisade made of poles. For it is said that
Titus and Vespasian had made three ramparts or ditches over and around
Jerusalem, and in the rst place they ordered to build a palisade. Simi-
larly they will hem thee in with a army of soldiers posed on all sides of
the city, and keep thee in on every side, that is with war machines and
giant crossbows placed all around
41
.
39
Nicolas de Gorran, Commentarius in Lucae Evangelium, ms. 525, f. 217r. Et circumdabunt
te inimici tui, scilicet principes romani, uallo ad litteram, quia tres aggeres dicuntur romani fecisse
circa Ierusalem [ad] capiendam [eam], uel uallo, id est exercitu suo ad modum ualli ordinato Ysa.
29[,3]: Circumdabo quasi sperata in circuitu tuo et iaciam contra te aggerem etc. Et conangustabunt
te, scilicet concludendo et prohibendo introitum et exitum et introductionem uictualium, militum et
armorum. I have collated this manuscript against the Brussels, Bibliothque Royale, ms. 682,
f. 120r. and corrected some readings.
40
Constantino da Orvieto, Commentarius in Lucam, f. 110r. Et circumdabunt te inimici, roma-
ni principes, uallo, per fossatum factum in circuitu Ierusalem, et circumdabunt te, per exercitum
bellatorum circumquamque disponitum, et coangustabunt te, per machinas et instrumenta undique
erecta.
41
Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales, f. 14r. Et circumdabunt te inimici tui, super, romani
principes, vallo, scilicet per cathenationem factam de vallis, id est, de palis ligneis. Nam vallus est
palus, sed vallum est ista cathenatio facta de palis. Tres enim aggeres siue fossata dicuntur fecisse
Titus et Vespasianus super Hierusalem in circuitu eius, et in primo fecerunt vallum. Similiter circu-
mdabunt te per exercitum bellatorum circumquaque dispositum et coangustabunt te undique, scilicet
per machinas et balistas undique erectas.
42 JUSSI HANSKA
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Ugo da Prato was obviously writing his model sermon with a delivery in the
vernacular in mind. Otherwise there would have been no point in explaining carefully
the difference between the words vallum and vallus. Interestingly, despite using
Constantino da Orvieto as his main source, he here refers to Hugues de Saint-Chers
commentary, too, by introducing the story about the three ramparts built around
the town. Where Ugo makes a slight mistake, however, is that he claims that these
ramparts were built by Titus and Vespasian, as Vespasian at the time of the siege had
already left to Rome to claim the Emperors position.
Ugo seems to be very keen on the military details. A good example of
this particular interest is that he replaces his source with more precise terms when
describing the war machines used by the Romans during the siege. Where Constantino
da Orvieto simply states that the city was also surrounded by war machines (machinas
et instrumenta), Ugo claries that there were war machines and giant crossbows
(machinas et balistas).
Also, Jacopo da Varazze shows remarkable interest in the details of the
siege. His model sermon also provides us with a short interpretation of what Saint
Luke might have meant by the term vallo:
What comes to literal interpretation, it is true that the Roman princes,
namely Titus and Vespasian, laid siege to Jerusalem and surrounded it
with three mounds, and over each mound they built a vallum, that is, a
wall made of vallis, that is, of poles
42
.
Thus, Jacopo da Varazze puts together the words agger and vallum, by
proposing that the Romans rst built mounds and above them ramparts made of
wooden poles.
Interestingly, he also explains the difference between vallum and vallus,
which raises the question of mutual dependence between Jacopos and Ugo da Pratos
sermon collections. A brief look at the sermons of these authors reveals that there are
many more common passages. Hence it is clear that one of them borrowed from the
other. As we know that Jacopo da Varazzes Sunday sermon collection was written
before 1286, and Ugo da Pratos sermons were most likely written only after 1291, we
can fairly safely conclude that it was Ugo da Prato who copied from Jacopo
43
.
Flavius Josephus tells that Titus tried to avoid at all cost destroying the
Temple of Herod the Great, but, alas, some soldiers set it on re accidentally, and
others failed to obey his orders to save it
44
. Eusebius of Caesarea simply mentions in
passing that the Temple perished in ames
45
. Historians have argued that Josephus
version of the destruction of the Temple was meant give a more sympathetic picture of
Titus. In fact, the Romans had destroyed it on purpose to eradicate the Jewish religion.
42
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 216. Quantum enim ad litteram, verum fuit quod
Romani principes, scilicet Vespasianus et Tytus Hierusalem obsederunt et circa eam fecerunt tres
aggeres et super aggeres fecerunt vallum, id est, concathenaturam de vallis hoc est de palis.
43
Jacopo da Varazze gives himself an elenchus of his works in his Chronicon Januense written
in 1293; Jacopo da Varazze, Chronicon Januense, col. 53. It is likely that he lists his works in the
writing order. As Sermones de omnibus evangeliis dominicalibus precedes the Sermones quadrage-
simales in the list. The dating of Ugo da Pratos collection is based on the fact, that he seems to refer
to the fall of Acre that took place in 1291; Ugo da Prato, Sermones dominicales, f. 15r. Tempori-
bus etiam nostris omnes civitates ultramarine christianorum capte et destructe a barbaris nationibus
sunt. Therefore it is clear that Ugo wrote his sermons after Jacopo da Varazze.
44
Josephus, Bellum Iud. VI, pp. 236-266.
45
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 5.4.
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Indeed, this is the version that was given by the now lost passages of Tacitus Historiae
that were quoted by the early Christian writer, Sulpicius Severus ( c. 425)
46
.
Severus (or Tacitus) version of the destruction of the Temple was used by
Paulus Orosius in his hugely popular History against the Pagans
47
. Orosius was, in
turn, paraphrased by Italian Franciscan preacher Luca da Bitonto in his sermon for the
tenth Sunday. Luca writes:
But to ght the internal fortications of the Temple where a great multi-
tude of priests and magnates had closed themselves in and continued to
defend it, Titus spent twenty days. He pondered whether he should burn
it or save it as a sign of victory, but eventually he burned it and destroyed
it on the 1002th year from the rst day of its existence as it was foretold
by Zechariah 11[,1]: Open thy gates, O Libanus, and let re devour thy
cedars
48
.
Here it is interesting to note that Luca da Bitonto uses Orosius text rather
freely. Firstly, he adds the detail that the battle over the inner fortications of the
Temple took twenty days. Such information is not to be found in Orosius nor have
I been able to track any other source for it. The quotation from Zechariah was also
the preachers own addition to conrm Orosius narrative with biblical authority.
This was typical of preachers because for them the authority of Holy Scripture
was always superior compared with the historical works that could only be used as
secondary sources of information to complete the picture drawn from the biblical
sources.
Another interesting point about Luca da Bitontos use of historical sources
is his vagueness in naming them. The rst time he quoted (see above footnote 22)
Orosius in this sermon, he referred to it as the Histories of the Romans (Legitur enim
in Ystoriis romanorum). The above presented paraphrasis is presented in the middle
of the text without giving any information on the source. In another passage in the
same sermon, Luca introduces the story of a Jewish woman who during the siege kills
and eats her own son by stating: As Josephus relates (Nam sicut Josephus refert)
49
.
However, when compared to the different Latin versions of Josephus, it soon becomes
obvious that Luca da Bitonto did not have rst hand access to Josephus text, but he
took his version of the Jewish womans story from the German Benedictine monk
Walafrid Strabos tractate De subversione Jerusalem
50
.
It was a common custom during the Middle Ages to use different
intermediary sources or even orilegiae and still refer to the original work. In this
respect Luca da Bitonto was no exception. Indeed, many other preachers related the
46
Sulpicius Severus, Chron. II 30.6; M. Goodman, Rome and Jerusalem, pp. 420-423; W. Weber,
Josephus und Vespasian, pp. 72-73; B. Isaac, The Invention of Racism, pp. 477-478.
47
Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversus paganos VII.9.5-6. On the Paulus Orosius History and
its popularity (more than 200 extant manuscripts), see G.F. Chesnut, Eusebius, Augustine, Orosius,
p. 697.
48
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207v. Sed
ad expugnandum templi munitionem quam inclusa multitudo sacerdotum et principum tuebatur, 20
dies Tytus expendit, de quo deliberans an incenderet, an in signum uictorie reseruaret, tandem in-
cendit illud ac diruit millesimo centesimo secundo anno a primo die conditionis sue sicut predictum
fuerat Za. 11[,1]: Aperi Libane portas tuas et comedat ignis cedros tuas.
49
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207r. As I
have dealt with this story elsewhere, I will not deal with it any further in this article.
50
Cf. Walafridus Strabo, De subversione Jerusalem, col. 968.
44 JUSSI HANSKA
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same story about the Jewish woman Mary who killed, fried, and ate her son. Nearly
without exception, they name Josephus as their source, but in none of the cases I have
seen did they actually use directly Josephus even in Latin translation.
5. WHY? THE MOTIVATIONS FOR INCLUDING HISTORICAL EVENTS IN SERMONS
One of the real measure sticks of historical thinking is the ability to
understand the reasons for the historical events. The true historian is never satised
with description of what happened, but rather asks the key questions: Why did it
happen? Here the theologically motivated preachers had an advantage as the very
biblical text they were commenting upon was written to answer this question. One has
to remember that Luke, as we have seen, in all likelihood wrote his Gospel soon after
the events of 70 AD. The dating of the Gospel plays a key role when seeking Lukes
motivation to explain the destruction of Jerusalem.
It is important to understand that the destruction of Jerusalem was not only
a catastrophe for the Jews, but it was also a terrible blow for the Jewish-Christian
community of Jerusalem. It is true that Eusebius of Caesarea claims that the Christian
community of Jerusalem was warned and commanded by an oracle to move to the city
of Pella in Perea (one of the Greek cities of Decapolis in eastern side of river Jordan).
Eusebius writes that by the beginning of the siege, the holy men, that is, the Christians
had altogether deserted Jerusalem and the whole of Judaea so that the judgement
of God might at last overtake them [i.e. the Jews] for all their crimes against the
Christ and his Apostles
51
. Modern scholars, however, have not accepted Eusebius
reconstruction and taken the view that the Jewish Christians, even if Josephus does
not mention them, fought alongside the other Jews to defend Jerusalem and perished
with the city. This theory seems to be plausible because the Jerusalem church that had
played a major role in the early decades of Christian movement simply vanishes from
the sources after 70 AD
52
.
When writing his Gospel Luke had to explain to his readers how the holy
city of Jerusalem came to be destroyed by the Romans, and his answer was because it
had not known the time of its visitation. Luke does not state explicitly what he means
by this visitation, but it is clear enough, and it was clear enough for his contemporary
readers, that he meant the incarnation and preaching and teaching of Jesus among the
Jews
53
. Such was also the interpretation of numerous early Christian writers
54
.
With the existing Biblical and Patristic tradition, the thirteenth-century
preachers did not have much space to manoeuvre when explaining the destruction
of Jerusalem. What is interesting, however, is what sources they used to provide
the standard explanation, namely that Jerusalem was destroyed because the Jews
had killed Jesus and some of the leaders of the early Christian movement, such as
Saint Stephen and James the brother of Lord. Caesarius von Heisterbach writes in his
sermon for the tenth Sunday:
51
Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica III, 5.3.
52
S.G.F. Brandon, The Fall of Jerusalem, pp. 170-180.
53
B. Kinman, Jesus Entry into Jerusalem, p. 143.
54
For a catalogue of such early sources, see F. Cocchini, Gerusalemme, in Dizionario patristico,
vol. II, col. 1488. Cocchini indicates following sources: Tertullian. Adv. Jud. 13, 26-28; Tertullian,
Marc. 3,23; Origen. Hom. Jer. 13,1; Jerome, Comm. Matth. 23,38; Jerome, Epist. 46,5; John Chrys-
ostom, Hom. Matt. 76,1; Augustine, Civ. 17,10.
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The illustrious historians Josephus and Hegesippus relate thoroughly in
the order foretold by the Lord how much and what kind of evil thing
came to pass to the city of Jerusalem and its surroundings after the pas-
sion and ascension to Heaven of our Saviour. These things happened be-
cause it did not know its visitation, that is, the corporal presence of Christ
who saw it t to teach the sons of Jerusalem with words, example, and
miracles and to entice them away from their sins
55
.
Here Caesarius von Heisterbach has clearly revealed the role of the historical
sources in his sermon. The historians were useful when one needed to expound with
more details the literal sense of the Gospel reading. Yet they were second hand
sources compared to Holy Scripture, and indeed, Caesarius implies that the historians
were writing according to Jesus prediction and he even described the events in the
very order that Jesus had predicted them (eo ordine quo praedicta sunt a Domino).
The reader gets the impression that Caesarius meant to state that the historians were
writing, supposedly without knowing it themselves, under divine inspiration, and
precisely because they would be useful in explaining the Gospel text to ordinary
Christians.
Luca da Bitonto does not emphasise the role of the historians as material
witnesses useful for explanation of the Gospel, but in practise this is evident from his
sermon too. When dealing with the reason of the destruction of Jerusalem he notes
that Luke explains the reason when he writes that Jerusalem did not know the time of
its visitation, and adds: The time of visitation was the time of the Incarnation when the
Orient from on high hath visited us. Then he launches into a series of similitudines all
describing how the Jews rejected this visitation. All these are conrmed with biblical
authorities
56
. Having proved that the Jews refused their visitation, Luca reveals the
consequences of this refusal by saying:
Because they did not want to receive this salutary visitation, they were
visited in wrath and indignation as the Lord himself says, Jeremiah
11[22-23]: Behold I will visit upon them: and their young men shall die
by the sword, their sons and their daughters shall die by famine. And
there shall be no remains of them
57
.
Having stated that, Luca moves on to relate the actual siege and destruction
of the city, and this he does mostly by referring to the historians writings, albeit
occasionally adding biblical quotations to give more authority to his text. This
passage concerning the consequences of the Jews refusal to accept the Lords
salutary visitation culminates with the quantitative presentation of the losses the
Jews suffered during and after the siege: Josephus writes that 1,100,000 perished
55
Caesarius von Heisterbach, Homelia in dominica undecima, p. 67. Quanta vel qualia mala
post passionem Saluatoris, et ascensionem eius in coelum venerunt super Hierusalem, et universos
nes eius; eo quod non cognoverit tempus visitationis suae, id est, praesentia Christi corporalem; in
qua lios eius verbis, exemplo, et miraculis docere, et a peccatis euocare dignatus est; Josephus et
Aegesippus historiographi illustres plenissime descripserunt.
56
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 206v.
Tempus uisitationis fuit tempus incarnationis quando visitavit nos oriens ex alto.
57
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, Assisi, Bibl. Co-
munale, ms. 505, f. 206v-207r. Quia uero uisitationem istam salutarem recipere noluerunt, ideo
uisitati fuerunt in furore et indignatione sicut ipse dominus ait, Ier. 11[,22-23]: Ecce ego uisitabo
super eos iuuenes morientes in gladio lii eorum et lie morientur in fame et reliquie non erunt
ex eis.
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by the sword or hunger, whereas it is told that 90,000 were dispersed [all over the
Empire]
58
.
As we have seen, Luke and the early Christian writers presented the
destruction of Jerusalem as divine punishment for the Jews because they had killed
Christ and persecuted the Church. In practise this meant that the Romans were only an
instrument of God. However, different preachers present their role differently. Some
claimed that the Romans were really aware of the wrong doings of the Jews towards
Christ and his apostles and decided to avenge this out of their own initiative. Other
preachers took the view that the Romans only served as a part of the divine plan and
their own free will had little or no inuence in the matter.
An example of a preacher who presents the Romans as willing to avenge
Christ is the Dominican preacher Antonio Azaro da Parma ( after 1314)
59
. He wrote:
This great evil happened forty years after the ascension of the Lord. Ves-
pasian, namely, who was a great prince in the court of the Roman emper-
or, wanting to avenge the death of Lord, gathered together a great army
with the blessing of the emperor, and left to destroy Jerusalem, which he
besieged for a long time
60
.
Obviously, we know from Flavius Josephus and other sources that in reality
Vespasian did not go to Jerusalem to avenge the death of Christ, but rather on the
orders of Emperor Nero to put down the Jewish revolt.
Antonio Azaro Parmenses version of the events goes back to an anonymous
eighth-century apocryphal legend concerning the destruction of Jerusalem circulating
under the name Vindicta salvatoris
61
. In this legend Titus meets a Jew in Libya and
asks him if he knows of some medication that could cure leprosy. The Jew Nathan
responds that he does not, but if Titus had been in Judaea some time before, he would
have seen a man who worked many miracles and cured people who suffered from
leprosy. However, he was crucied on the demand of the Jews. Titus replies to this
lamenting his faith and saying that if he had the Jews who killed Jesus in front of him,
he would kill them all. Once he says this, he is miraculously cured from leprosy, is
baptized and plans his revenge upon the Jews. Together with Vespasian, he raises an
army, sails to Judaea, and besieges Jerusalem
62
.
However, taking into account Antonio Azaro Parmenses strong emphasis on
Vespasian, it is likely that he used Jacopo da Varazzes enormously popular Legenda
aurea as his primary source instead of the original version of Vindicta salvatoris. In
Jacopo da Varazzes version it is Vespasian, not Titus, who promises to avenge the
murder of Christ. He gathers a great army on the permission of Nero and sails to
58
Luca da Bitonto, Sermones de tempore, Dominica nona post Pentecosten, ms. 505, f. 207v.
Josephus scripsit undecies centena milia gladio et fame perisse, dispersorum uero numerus nona-
ginta milia hominum fuisse narratur.
59
On the life and works of Antonio Azaro Parmense, see G. Meersseman, Le opere di fra Antonio
Azaro Parmense, pp. 20-47.
60
Antonio Azaro Parmense, Sermones de tempore, Sermo in dominica decima post festum S. Tri-
nitatis, Brussels, Bibl. Royale, ms. 1958, f. 153 v. Hoc grande malum factum est post ascensionem
domini anno quadragesimo. Uespasianus enim magnus princeps in curia imperatoris romani, uolens
ulcisci mortem domini congregauit magnum exercitum de uoluntate imperatoris, et uadens ad de-
structionem Iherusalem obsedit eam longo tempore.
61
On the origin and dating of the Vindicta Salvatoris, see H. Lewy, Josephus the Physician,
pp. 224-230; S.K. Wright, The Vengeance of Our Lord, p. 29.
62
Vindicta Salvatoris, in Evangelia apocrypha, pp. 471-486.
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Judaea
63
. In either case, re-producing this apocryphal story shows that either Antonio
Azaro Parmense was not familiar with the original sources of the Jewish war (Josephus
or Eusebius quotations from Josephus), or he simply decided that in connection with
preaching a colourful story beats dull historical facts. Here it is interesting to note
for the sake of comparison that Jacopo da Varazze himself does not reproduce the
apocryphal material of Legenda aurea in his Sunday sermons, but is content with
using much more reliable sources and providing a historically more accurate picture
of the destruction of Jerusalem.
A good example of the divine plan theory is the second sermon for the tenth
Sunday by Jacopo da Varazze. He writes:
The Romans had this victory, as Augustine says in his commentary on the
Psalms, from God, even if they accredited it to their gods. And Augustine
says in the same source, that in this the Romans were made the instru-
ment of Him enraged, not so as to be the kingdom of Him pacied. They
were made the axes of God with which the Jews were cut down, and the
sticks of God with which they were deservedly whipped. And Augustine
adds that when a father beats his son, he throws the stick he had used to
the re, and the son will eventually inherit him. Thus those Romans were
destroyed, and many of the Jews have believed and will believe in the
end of the world
64
.
This paraphrasis from Saint Augustines Enarrationes in Psalmos was used
by several other preachers too. Yet Jacopo da Varazze is the only one who actually
continues the paraphrasis until the point spelling out Augustines theology concerning
the Jews, namely that they will be saved in the end and thus need to be tolerated
amongst the Christians with certain conditions
65
. As the sermons for the tenth Sunday
included sometimes anti-Jewish literary topoi, and the whole explanation of the
destruction of Jerusalem put the blame on the Jews, one cannot but wonder whether
this omission of the latter part of the Augustines text reects the anti-Jewish attitudes
of those preachers.
6. CONCLUSIONS
In this article I have analysed the literal explanation of the Gospel text
of Luke 19, 41-44 as it was found in some thirteenth-century sermons. While it is
necessary to keep in mind that the analysis based on the sermons of one single Sunday
periscope does not necessarily provide a reliable picture of preaching on the whole, I
still feel that these sermons give us a rather good indication of the preachers attitudes
toward and use of the historical source material as exegetic tools.
63
Jacopo da Varazze, Legenda aurea, pp. 452-458. Jacopo da Varazze used as his source anony-
mous apocryphical De ortu Pilati that clearly retells the same story as Vindicta Salvatoris but with
slight changes.
64
Jacopo da Varazze, Sermones de tempore, p. 215. Istam autem victoriam, ut dicit Augustinus,
Romani a Deo habuerunt, licet ipsi diis suis ascriberent. Et dicit Augustinus ibidem, quod in hoc
Romani facti sunt instrumentum irati, non [in] regnum placati. Facti sunt securis Dei qua iudei sunt
excisi et virga Dei, qua sunt pro meritis agellati. Et subdit Augustinus quod pater quando lium uer-
berat virgam proicit in ignem et lio seruat hereditatem. Sic Romani illi perierunt et multi ex iudeis
crediderunt et in ne mundi credituri sunt. Cf. Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmos 73.8.
65
On the Augustines view on the Jews, see S. Simonson, The Apostolic See and the Jews, pp. 4-5.
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Firstly, one is struck by the quality and quantity of the historical material
used in these sermons. The preachers were not satised with the usual patristic source
material found in the standard orilegies and glossae. More often than not, they
tried to provide their audiences with further background information on the events
described in the Gospel reading. Sometimes this was done by trying to distil historical
information from the standard sources of the preachers such as Legenda aurea or the
thirteenth-century commentaries on Luke by Hugues de Saint-Cher, Constantino da
Orvieto, and Nicolas de Gorran.
Sometimes they obtained their material from older theological tractates
such as Walafrid Strabos De subversione Jerusalem. Occasionally historical material
was borrowed directly from the earlier model sermon collections, as we saw in the
case of Ugo da Pratos recycling of the material from the earlier sermon by Jacopo
da Varazze. Sometimes the preachers tried to penetrate beneath the language of the
Gospel reading to provide their readers with more accurate information, as in the
case of Jacopo da Varazze explaining the meanings of the words vallus and vallum to
reconstruct just what kind of ramparts the Romans actually built around Jerusalem.
Occasionally they even tried to go ad fontes and quoted or paraphrased
historical works dealing with the destruction of Jerusalem, such as Eusebius of
Caesareas Historia ecclesiastica. Perhaps the best example of this was the sermon by
Luca da Bitonto analysed above using long passages from Paulus Orosius Histories
against the Pagans. On the other hand, sometimes the preachers wanted to show
themselves even more historically oriented than they really were. In many cases
we nd them referring to Josephus Jewish War as if they had used it, whereas the
comparison of their texts to the possible sources reveals in most cases that they did not
use Josephus even in Latin translation, but rather opted for later sources circulating
material originating from Josephus.
No matter what sources the thirteenth-century preachers used, it is clear
that they indeed appreciated the historical material in constructing their sermons.
This they did not only because the literal explanation of the biblical texts was quite
fashionable during the thirteenth century, but also because they appreciated good
stories and logical thinking. If someone invented a good historical anecdote, it was
almost certainly accepted into the canon of literary topoi that were circulated in
these sermons from one collection to another. A good example is Gregory the Greats
remark on the new place of the Aelia Capitolina compared to the old location of the
city of Jerusalem that was destroyed in the aftermath of Simon-bar-Kochbas revolt. It
was repeated in numerous thirteenth-century collections, perhaps not so much because
it proved that Jerusalem was indeed raised to the ground so that there did not remain
a stone upon a stone, but because Gregorys argument was so clever.
The fact that the preachers obviously appreciated historical material did not
necessarily make them good historians. As we have seen, some of them were better
and more critical with the use of their sources than others. Two extremes in this sense
are the Italian Franciscan, Luca da Bitonto, who used a wide variety of sources and
furnished a rather reliable picture of the siege and destruction of Jerusalem, and on the
other hand, the Dominican preacher, Antonio Azaro Parmense, who did not hesitate
to make Christian of Vespasian and produced anything but historically reliable
apocryphal stories.
Nevertheless, the thirteenth-century preachers, even those who can be
dened as acionados of history, were not historians in the modern sense of the word.
The history they were explaining to their readers, and eventually to the audiences of the
sermons delivered by using their model sermon collections, was not the linear history
modern historians are writing, but the history of salvation. In writing this history, it
was important not only to explain the historical background of the Gospel reading, but
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also to strengthen the faith of the audiences. Hence, if the historical material could be
edited to give more emphasis on a point the Gospel reading was trying to make, there
was no moral problem doing so. Therefore, it was possible to present together the
destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD and the destruction of Jerusalem which followed
after the Simon-Bar-Kochba revolt. It served to emphasise that Jesus had been right
when predicting that Jerusalem would be destroyed so that there will not remain a
stone upon a stone. Thus history remained always subordinate to the queen of the
sciences theology.
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Walafridus Strabo, De subversione Jerusalem, Stiftbibliothek St. Gallen, ms. Sang. 565.
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and Iconography in Early and Medieval Christianity, Maastricht, Van
Gorcum, 1992, pp. 3-85 (Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum
Testamentum; 2).
Simonson, Shlomo, The Apostolic See and the Jews. History, Toronto, Pontical
Institute of Medieval Studies, 1991 (Pontical Institute of Mediaeval
Studies, Studies and Texts; 109).
Stegemann, Ekkehard W., Lukas, in Der Neue Pauly. Enzyklopdie der Antike, Band
7 Lef-Men, Stuttgart, Metzler, 1999.
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Vecchio, Silvana, Le prediche e la istruzione religiosa, in La predicazione dei frati
dalla met del 200 alla ne del 300, Spoleto, Centro Italiano di Studi
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studi francescani e del Centro interuniversitario di studi francescani. Nuova
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Voorbij, Johannes B., Les mises jour de la matire dominicaine dans le Speculum
historiale, in Lusignan, Serge; Paulmier-Foucart, Monique (eds.), Lector et
compilator. Vincent de Beauvais, frre prcheur un intellectuel et son milieu
au XIIIe sicle, Grne, Craphis, 1997.
Walker, Peter W.L., Holy City, Holy Places? Christian Attitudes to Jerusalem and the
Holy Land in the Fourth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1990.
Weber, Wilhelm, Josephus und Vespasian. Untersuchungen zu dem Jdischen Krieg
des Flavius Josephus, New York, G. Olms, 1973.
Wright, Stephen K., The Vengeance of Our Lord: Medieval Dramatizations of the
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 53-75
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-KHUTBA:
CONCERNING THE CONVERSION OF INFIDELS TO ISLAM
DURING THE MUSLIM FRIDAY SERMON IN MAMLUK EGYPT
1
ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-JUTBA:
SOBRE LA CONVERSIN DE LOS INFIELES AL ISLAM
DURANTE EL SERMN DEL VIERNES EN EL EGIPTO MAMELUCO
LINDA G. JONES
Universitat Pompeu Fabra
1
This article is based partly on a conference paper that I delivered at the Annual Meeting of the
American Academy of Religion, San Francisco, California, USA in November 2011. The article
forms part of my activities as research professor associated with the Medieval History program of the
Instituci Mil i Fontanals (Barcelona) of the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientcas via the
research project La Corona de Aragn en el Mediterrneo medieval: interculturalidad, mediacin,
integracin y transferencias culturales (MICINN HAR 2010-16331).
Abstract: Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari a Maliki
jurist in Mamluk Cairo, denounced a
religious innovation (bida) that had
apparently become current in fourteenth-
century Egypt: Indels would interrupt
the Muslim Friday sermon in order to
profess or reiterate their conversion to
Islam before the entire congregation. Ibn
al-Hajj urged preachers not to tolerate such
interruptions under any circumstances, a
posture that seems at odd with Mamluk
policy of inducing such conversions
especially among the Coptic community.
The Maliki jurists legal arguments furnish
new insights into the hitherto unexplored
role of the Friday liturgical sermon in the
conversion to Islam. This article will explain
the legal basis of Ibn al-Hajjs opposition to
this practice, propose some explanations
for the motivations behind the would-be
converts interruption of the sermon, and
relate this phenomenon to the historical
context of tense Muslim-Christian relations
in fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt.
Keywords: Friday khutba; preaching
and conversion; Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari;
Mamluks; Mamluk Egypt; bida
(religious innovation); conversion to
Islam; Muslim-Christian relations.
Resumen: Ibn al-Hayy al-Abdari, un juris-
ta malik en el Cairo mameluco, denunci
una innovacin religiosa (bida) que se
extendi en el Egipto del siglo XIV. Los in-
eles interrumpan el sermn del viernes,
aparentemente, para proclamar o reiterar su
conversin al Islam ante la congregacin. Ibn
al-Hayy inst a los predicadores a no tolerar
dichas interrupciones bajo ninguna circuns-
tancia postura que parece contradecir a la
poltica impuesta por los mamelucos de for-
zar la conversin de los ineles, sobre todo
de los procedentes de la comunidad copta.
Los argumentos legales de Ibn al-Hayy arro-
jan nueva luz sobre el papel, hasta entonces
ignorado por los estudiosos, del sermn del
viernes en la conversin al islam. El artculo
analiza las bases jurdicas de la oposicin ma-
nifestada por Ibn al-Hayy hacia esta prctica,
explica los posibles motivos que indujeron a
los conversos a interrumpir el sermn islmi-
co y relaciona este fenmeno con el contexto
histrico de las tensas relaciones entre musul-
manes y cristianos en el Egipto mameluco.
Palabras clave: jutba del viernes; Ibn
al-Hayy al-Abdari; mamelucos; Egipto
mameluco; bida (innovaciones religio-
sas); conversin al islam; relaciones entre
musulmanes y cristianos.
54 LINDA G. JONES
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. A review of the scholarly literature on preaching and conversion to Islam.
3. The strange case of the conversion of the indel during the Friday sermon. 4. Islamic
legal procedures concerning the conversion to Islam. 5. The Friday khutba: piety or spectacle?
Toward an understanding of the motivations of the convert. 6. The fourteenth-century: the age
of conversions in Mamluk Egypt. 7. Concluding remarks. 8. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari (d. 1334), a Maliki jurist resident in Mamluk Cairo,
denounced a practice that had apparently become current in Egypt whereby an
indel would interrupt the Muslim Friday sermon (khutbat al-juma) in order to
profess his conversion to Islam before the entire congregation. For Ibn al-Hajj this was
an intolerable innovation (bida) from established custom that no preacher should
allow. The reasons for Ibn al-Hajjs objections to this practice will be examined in
detail in what follows. It should be noted here at the outset that this statement, buried
among the countless deeds that the Maliki jurist condemned in his compendium on
innovations in Islamic ritual practices
2
, provides a rare glimpse of the relationship
between Islamic preaching and the conversion of indels to Islam under the
Mamluks.
The signicance of Ibn al-Hajjs testimony resides in the fact that while
scholars of the Mamluk period agree that the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries
witnessed a pronounced increase in the documented cases of conversions, especially
of Coptic Christians to Islam, these authors invariably speak of forced conversions
under the threat of death, physical violence, or social pressures stemming from
institutionalized forms of humiliation
3
. Their works say nothing about conversions
that may have resulted directly or indirectly from Islamic preaching. Admittedly, as
we shall see in the forthcoming discussion, Ibn al-Hajj does not portray the conversion
of the indel to Islam as a direct response to the preaching of the liturgical preacher
(khatib). Rather, he tells us that these conversions are taking place fi hal al-khutba,
that is, during the sermon while the preacher is speaking. Nevertheless, Ibn al-Hajj
furnishes evidence directly linking conversion to Islam to the preaching event and this
is important because in so doing, he provides us with another mode of explaining the
phenomenon beyond the classic coercion thesis advocated by scholars such as Donald
P. Little, Nehemia Levtzion, or Ira Lapidus
4
.
For all that, by labeling these incidences as innovations, Ibn al-Hajj
makes clear his disapproval of the conversions occurring under these circumstances.
The purpose of this article is to explain the nature of Ibn al-Hajjs objections to
the conversion of indels during the Friday sermon from a legal perspective,
to propose some explanation for the motivations behind the would-be converts
interruption of the khutba, and to relate this phenomenon to the historical context
of fourteenth-century Mamluk Egypt, a period characterized by social tensions
involving religious minorities, the Mamluk authorities, and the larger Muslim
2
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal al-shar al-sharif.
3
See, for example, D.P. Little, Coptic Conversion to Islam; N. Letvzion, The Conversion of
Egypt; I. Lapidus, The Conversion of Egypt to Islam; R. Irwin, The Early Mamluk Sultanate. This
thesis of coercion posed by earlier scholars has been challenged and nuanced in the more recent
scholarship, as will be discussed in greater detail in Part 3, below.
4
See note 3, above.
ISLAM AL-KAFIR FI HAL AL-KHUTBA 55
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
population. In particular, there is evidence to suggest that converts were capable
of exploiting the Islamic legal exigency of voluntary conversion to their advantage
by staging public conversions to Islam and then publicly reverting to their former
religion, at least in the case of the Coptic Christians of Egypt. I would argue that
the indels public confession of his conversion to Islam during the Friday
khutba was a response to the pressures exerted by the Mamluks and the ulama
upon religious minorities, particularly the Coptic Christians, to convert to Islam
during this period. I further hypothesize that the discrepancy manifested in Ibn
al-Hajjs text between the alleged motives of the neophyte for interrupting the
sermon and Ibn al-Hajjs interpretation of these motives reects Muslim anxieties
about the sincerity of the wave of conversions of Coptic Christians to Islam during
this century.
The interpretation of Ibn al-Hajjs text requires a two-fold process. In
the rst place, the text must be examined in light of Muslim jurisprudence on
the subject of the conversion to Islam in order to understand the legal bases of
his argument. Given that Ibn al-Hajj was a Maliki jurist, I consulted the relevant
Maliki legislation on this topic, highlighting al-Umawis Kitab al-Wathaiq, as
an example. Secondly, I draw upon the existing scholarship on the situation of
religious minorities under the Mamluks in order to gain insights into the possible
historical and socio-political circumstances that induced indels to publicly
display their conversion to Islam and into the reasons for Muslim suspicion of
such conversions. Before proceeding to analyze Ibn al-Hajjs text in greater depth,
a brief word is in order concerning the problems surrounding the scholarship on
preaching and conversion in Islam.
2. A REVIEW OF THE SCHOLARLY LITERATURE
ON PREACHING AND CONVERSION TO ISLAM
The use of preaching as an instrument of religious conversion in
the Christian tradition is well known and has been the subject of numerous
investigations. Robert I. Burns characterized the thirteenth century as the dream
of conversion due to the ourishing of preaching campaigns of the mendicant
friars aimed at converting Muslims in the Iberian peninsula and North Africa
5
.
Various scholars have studied the royal licenses that the Crown of Aragon granted
to mendicant preachers in the fourteenth century to proselytize Jews and Muslims
living under Christian rule in the peninsula
6
. As is well known, the energetic and
deliberately polemical content of the sermons of the famed Dominican preacher
St. Vincent Ferrer (d. 1419) as well as other contemporary orators, among them
the Franciscan mendicant Pere dez Quo and Mestre Nicolau Grau, often resulted in
pogroms against those communities
7
.
5
R.I. Burns, Christian-Islamic Confrontation.
6
The subject of the licenses issued to the mendicants to preach to Jewish and Saracen minorities
has been treated by J. Riera i Sans, Les licnces reials per predicar; M.T. Ferrer i Mallol, Frontera,
convivencia y proselitismo; M.D. Johnston, Ramon Llull and the Compulsory, pp. 5-37.
7
On the anti-Jewish discourse in the sermons of Vincent Ferrer, see M.A. Snchez, Predicacin
y antisemitismo, pp. 195-203. On the preaching of Mestre Nicolau Grau, see J. Maiz Chacn, Los
judos de Baleares, p. 55; on Pere dez Quo, see A. Rubi i Lluch, Documents per lhistria, p. 81.
On the conversion of Jewish women to Christianity in the Crown of Aragon, see P. Tartakoff, Jewish
Women and Apostasy.
56 LINDA G. JONES
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By contrast, although conversion to Islam in the premodern period has
been analyzed from many perspectives by social historians
8
, some of whom have
acknowledged the role played by Su mystic and ascetic popular preachers in bringing
new converts to Islam, no concrete details are forthcoming in the scholarly literature
about the nature of preaching to non-Muslims, much less about the content of such
sermons. This is because, as far as I am aware, there is no documented evidence of
sermons that were targeted specically at converting non-Muslims. The available
evidence mostly furnishes eeting glimpses of this process. One manuscript preserved
in the Paris National Library
9
, contains an extract from a collection of hortatory
sermons, Rawd al-faiq fi l-mawaiz wa l-raqaiq, by Shuayb al-Hurayfish (d. 1398),
an Egyptian Su preacher known for his sermons on ascetic and mystical themes
10
. The
homiletic fragment narrates the conversion of several Spanish monks to Islam at the
hand of the celebrated twelfth-century Andalusi Su mystic and preacher, Abu Madyan
Shuayb al-Ansari (d. 1198)
11
. Although I have not been able to consult this manuscript,
it is signicant to point out that al-Hurayfish was also a resident of Mamluk Egypt
and hence a witness to the tensions between the Muslim and Christian communities
of the time. His compendium of homilies mostly contains pious exhortations, stories,
exempla, and legends about Muhammad, the scriptural prophets, and other heroes from
the early period of Islamic history. The survival of an independent narrative from this
collection concerning the conversion of Christian monks at the hands of a twelfth-
century Su saint could indicate that this legend circulated independently and was held
in special consideration within a historical climate in which the dream of conversion
of Christians was being vigorously pursued by the Mamluks and the Muslim ulama.
More often one encounters generic reports of Muslim preachers who
claimed to have converted scores or hundreds of unbelievers. A typical example is
seen in the gure of Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 1200), a charismatic Iraqi popular preacher and
Hanbali jurist, who boasted to having personally converted to Islam more than one
hundred thousand men
12
. Unfortunately, Ibn al-Jawzi provides no further details as to
how he managed this feat. There is nothing in his writings to suggest that he launched
preaching campaigns aimed specically at proselytizing non-Muslims. Rather, the
impression one obtains from reading such works as his preaching manual, Kitab al-
Qussas wa-l-mudhakkirin (the book of hortatory preachers and storytellers), or
the various biographical accounts about this preacher is that his sermons, which he
preached in public squares, simply attracted large crowds of people, Muslim as well
as non-Muslims
13
.
8
The classic studies include R. Bulliet, Conversion to Islam; N. Letvzion, Conversion to Islam;
L. Poston, Islamic Dawah in the West. These studies deal with the social and historical aspects of
Muslim missionary activities but say nothing about the role that preaching or sermons might have
played in this regard. Regarding the conversion of Coptic Christians to Islam, see M. Brett, The
Spread of Islam; I. Lapidus, The Conversion of Egypt; J.R. Zaborowski, The Coptic Martyrdom; and
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture and Conversion.
9
S. al-Hurayfish, Rawd al-faiq, Bibliotque Nationale de Paris, Manuscrits orientaux, ms. 782,
n. 2, f. 64.
10
On this gure see W.M. Brinner, The Signicance of the Harafish, pp. 190-215; J. Berkey,
Popular Preaching, p. 18. For the biography of Shuayb al-Hurayfish, see Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani,
Inba al-ghumr, vol. IV, p. 63.
11
On Abu Madyans preaching, see V. Cornell, The Way of Abu Madyan.
12
M.L. Swartz, Ibn al-Jawzis Kitab al-Qussas, p. 231.
13
For biographical notices of Ibn al-Jawzi, see Ibn Rajab, Dhayl ala tabaqat al-Hanabila,
pp. 399-434; Ibn al-Kathir, al-Bidaya, pp. 28-30; and Ibn al-Imad, Shadharat al-dhahab, pp. 29-30;
and the introduction by M.L. Swartz in his Ibn al-Jawzis Kitab al-Qussas, esp. pp. 20-98.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
Here it is important to distinguish between the homiletic tradition of so-
called popular hortatory preaching and storytelling, which was associated mostly
(although not exclusively) with ascetics and Su mystics, and the tradition of
canonical mosque preaching (khitaba), which is enshrined in Islamic law and has
a xed place in Islamic ritual
14
. The textual evidence of liturgical preaching aimed
at converting non-Muslims is even scarcer than that for hortatory preaching.
A remarkable comment preserved in Inquisition records from late fteenth-century
Aragon reveals the measures that at least one Muslim liturgical preacher took to ensure
that his message reached Christian ears. Yue de la Vaa was a Mudejar preacher
who, despite his disadvantaged sociopolitical circumstances, apparently harbored
dreams of proselytizing the Christians to convince them to change their religion. The
Inquisition accused Yue de la Vaa of inviting the Christians into the mosque to
listen to him preach and the records cite him as boasting that he used to preach in the
mosque with the doors wide open in the hopes that the Christian passers-by would
be enticed by his sermons
15
. Though short on detail, the accounts about the hortatory
preachers Ibn al-Jawzi and Abu Madyan and the liturgical preacher Yue de la Vaa
coincide in showing the preacher taking an active role in pursuing the conversion of
unbelievers to Islam.
The aforementioned statement by Ibn al-Hajj allows us to consider
the relation between Islamic preaching and religious conversion from another
perspective. The text depicts the Friday sermon as the preferred venue and occasion
for indels to publicly declare their conversion to Islam. Yet in contrast to the cases
mentioned previously in which the preacher took the initiative in the conversion
process, in the example to be analyzed here, it is the indel who seeks out the
preacher in order to convert before him while he is on the pulpit delivering the
sermon. As we shall see in further detail in the following section, Ibn al-Hajj regards
these unsolicited interruptions of the Friday worship as controversial from a juridical
point of view. Upon rst glance, the Maliki jurists objections might seem adverse
to the policies of the Mamluk authorities who were exerting great pressure upon the
Coptic population, and particularly the Coptic elites, to convert to Islam during this
very period
16
. While I have not located in the Madhkal any statements by Ibn al-Hajj
indicating that he either supported or disagreed with the Mamluk regimes initiatives
to foster the conversion of indels to Islam, it is clear that he strongly opposed
the circumstances in which these conversions were taking place in the midst of the
Friday communal worship.

14
On the distinction between the two homiletic genres, see L.G. Jones, The Power of Oratory, in
press; and J. Pedersen, The Islamic Preacher. The historiography on popular preaching is extensive
in comparison with the studies devoted to the liturgical khutba. On the former, see J. Pedersen, The
Criticism of the Islamic Preacher; M.L. Swartz, The Rules of the Popular, pp. 223-239; idem, Arabic
Rhetoric, pp. 39-65; J. Berkey, Popular Preaching; idem, Storytelling, Preaching; C. Taylor, Saints,
Ziyara, Qussas; and L.G. Jones, Witnesses of God. For the medieval mosque sermon, see S.D. Goi-
tein, The Origin and Nature, pp. 111-125; L.G. Jones, The Power of Oratory; idem, Some Methodolo-
gical Considerations; N.M. al-Maktabi, Khasais al-khutba wa-l-khatib; and T. Qutbuddin, Khutba.
15
M.J. Viguera, Sermones aljamiados, pp. 3-4. On the trial of Yue, see A. Labarta, M. Garca
Arenal, Algunos fragmentos aljamiados, p. 129.
16
For background on the situation of Coptic Christians in Egypt during the Mamluk period, see
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt; R. Irwin, The Early Mamluk Sultanate; and T. el-Leithy,
Coptic Culture and Conversion.
58 LINDA G. JONES
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
3. THE STRANGE CASE OF THE CONVERSION OF THE INFIDEL
DURING THE FRIDAY SERMON
The Introduction to the noble law based upon the four methods (Madkhal
al-shar al-sharif ala l-madhahib al-arbia) is a legal tract condemning religious
innovations composed by the Egyptian Maliki jurist Ibn al-Hajj al-Abdari
17
.
Innovation (bida, pl. bida) is a non-Quranic concept that is applied in general
to anything that is novel and without precedent. In Islamic juridical terminology
bida refers to any belief or practice that does not have a precedent in the time of
the Prophet Muhammad
18
. Al-Shai (d. 820), the founder of the eponymous Sunni
school of law, was among the rst of the Muslim jurists to distinguish between good
and bad innovations. He established the principle that a deviant innovation is that
which contradicts the Quran, the Sunna or established customs of Muhammad and
the early Muslim community of Medina, the consensus (ijma) of that community, or
the traditions (athar) traced to one of Muhammads Companions or Followers, while
a praiseworthy innovation is that which is introduced for the welfare of the Muslims
and which does not contravene any of these sources of Islamic law
19
.
A further development occurred in the thirteenth century when jurists such as
the Shai faqih Ibn Abd al-Salam (d. 1262) and the Maliki faqih al-Qarafi (d. 1285)
classied the bida according to the ve legal categories of forbidden (muharrama),
reprehensible (makruha), neutral (mubaha), recommended (manduba), and obligatory
(wajiba)
20
. There is evidence in the Madkhal that Ibn al-Haj subscribed to this system
of classifying innovations because there are certain bida that he deemed praiseworthy.
For instance, he argued that the novelty of increasing the number of muezzins who
performed the call to prayer from one to four was commendable because it had been
introduced in response to the growing number of Muslims and because it occurred
during Muhammads lifetime and met with his approval
21
. He used similar logic to
mosques, arguing that it was a praiseworthy innovation (bida mustahsana) because
as greater numbers of people entered the mosque they would not know the direction of
prayer were it not for the mihrab
22
.
Most often, however, when Ibn al-Hajj qualies an act as an innovation tout
court or when he uses the expression, recent innovations (bida muhadditha) or the
analogous verbal phrases, al-bida allati uhdithat or al-bida allati ahdathuha (the
innovations that were introduced recently or that they introduced recently), his
position is condemnatory. Invariably, he calls for these acts to be censured, avoided,
or forbidden. Ibn al-Hajj counted his brief section On the conversion of the indel
to Islam during the [Friday] sermon (fasl fi islam al-kar fi hal al-khutba) among
the categories of such innovations that should be reproved and forbidden. It is also
worth noting that this segment forms part of a larger chapter discussing the things that
the prayer-leader (who is also the khatib) should avoid and the recent innovations
introduced by the preachers, muezzins, or other mosque personnel in the mosques on
17
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal al-shar al-sharif. For a brief biography of Ibn al-Hajj, see F.S. Colby,
The Rhetoric of Innovative Tradition, p. 34.
18
On the concept of bida, see J. Robson, Bida, p. 1199a; M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bida, pp. 92-93;
and J. Berkey, Tradition, Innovation.
19
J. Robson, Bida, Encyclopaedia of Islam, p. 1199; M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bida, p. 95.
20
M. Fierro, Kitab al-Bida, p. 95.
21
See A. al-Wansharisi, Kitab al-Miyar, vol. II, p. 473, who cites Ibn al-Hajj to justify his opi-
nion.
22
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, p. 272.
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Fridays. The censurable innovations of the preachers that he mentions immediately
prior to the discussion of the conversion of the indel include wearing black clothing
or bearing black symbols while delivering the khutba
23
, grasping the liturgical sword
or staff in his left hand upon ascending the pulpit, when the established practice (al-
sunna) is to use the right hand
24
, striking each step of the pulpit with the sword or
staff as he ascends
25
, covering the pulpit with prayer rugs for the Friday sermon, and
having the ruler sit upon the pulpit while the khatib is pronouncing the sermon
26
. Ibn
al-Hajj vigorously denounced all of these innovations not only because they had no
precedent in the deeds of the Prophet, the Rightly Guided Caliphs, the Companions,
or the pious forefathers
27
, but also because they exhibited signs of ostentation (jahr),
affectation (tasannu), and hypocrisy (nifaq) in ones piety. In his opinion, the truly
pious khatib should adopt a state of humility and humbleness (hal al-khushu
wa-tadarru) precisely because these are the affective states that he should induce in
his audience
28
. Bearing these antecedents in mind, let us now consider the details of
the passage in question:
And it is incumbent upon [the khatib] to avoid the innovation (al-bida)
that some of them commit [whereby] the indel (al-kar) comes before
the khatib and converts to Islam in his presence on a day other than a
Friday, and then returns [the subsequent Friday], coming before the
khatib again while he is on the pulpit to profess his conversion in front
of the congregation, and the khatib interrupts his khutba because of this.
And this causes a tumult in the mosque, which is far removed from such
things. Since [the indel] had already converted previously, [the khatib]
is not permitted to interrupt the prescribed order of the khutba on account
of this since he (the convert) was already a Muslim. Hence there is no
justication for his renewing his conversion to Islam at that time in order
to make his conversion conspicuously known (li-yashtahira islamahu)
among the Muslims so that they would recognize him for this and he
would not return to his previous state of indelity prior to his conver-
sion
29
.
An analysis of Ibn al-Hajjs argument reveals a number of grounds for his
objections to the public conversion of indels during the khutba. First of all, it was a
gratuitous gesture since we are told that the individual had already come before the
khatib previously and converted to Islam. This means, as Ibn al-Hajj indicates, that the
person was already a Muslim. Second, it follows that the convert was committing an
innovation in Islamic law by reiterating his conversion in public since the law calls for
no such second order conversion whether in public or private. As we shall see in the
following section, Maliki law merely stipulates that an individual who has converted
under duress has up to three days to recant his or her conversion without incurring a
legal penalty.
Third, Ibn al-Hajj particularly condemned the converts interruption of
the Friday khutba in order to profess his conversion. He decried the scandal and
23
Ibidem, p. 266.
24
Ibidem, p. 267.
25
Ibidem.
26
Ibidem, p. 268.
27
Ibidem.
28
Ibidem.
29
Ibidem, p. 271.
60 LINDA G. JONES
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.03
tumult produced by the indels conduct because it disturbed the solemn and tranquil
atmosphere that should reign in the mosque at all times since the mosque is a sacred
space and a house of prayer. Indeed, this seems to have been a general concern of the
Maliki jurist, judging from Ibn al-Hajjs repeated complaints that nowadays one
could hardly hear the sermon due to the ruckus and the din caused by the peoples
untoward behaviour in the mosques
30
.
Moreover, Ibn al-Hajj especially condemned the convert for deliberately
choosing the time of the Friday khutba in order to make his conversion conspicuously
known among the Muslims. As J.C. Vadet and other scholars have observed, Ibn
al-Hajjs legal reasoning was heavily inuenced by the famed Ashari theologian al-
Ghazalis (d. 1111) concept of niyya or intention
31
. Al-Ghazali maintained that an
act of worship consists of two parts: the rst is the attitude of the body, the second
the intention of the heart, but it is the second that is the most important. That is, the
underlying intention of an act determines whether it is a sincere and authentic display
of piety or mere hypocrisy (nifaq)
32
. Time and again we see Ibn al-Hajj applying
the principle of niyya explicitly or implicitly to his justications for condemning
conspicuous and gratuitous ritual acts that he deems to be motivated by selsh desires
(e.g., to draw attention to the self, to inate the ego) or by personal gain rather than
by true sentiments of piety and a sincere yearning to draw nearer to God. According
to this logic, the indels deliberate interruption of the khutba in order to make his
conversion conspicuously known comes under the category of what Ibn al-Hajj
criticized as jahr or ostentation in ones piety.
Ibn al-Hajj provided other examples of jahr in his complaints about the
innovations taking place in the mosque not only during the Friday communal worship
but also on other festival occasions, particularly the two canonical feasts and the
celebrations throughout the month of Ramadan. For instance, he reproved those who
wilfully drew attention to themselves by uttering aloud the blessing upon the Prophet
Muhammad upon entering and exiting the mosque
33
. Above all, he singled out for
criticism those who used the occasion of the liturgical sermon to make a show of their
piety. Such was the case of the Mamluk rulers who would ascend the pulpit along
with the khatib during the two canonical festivals and remain sitting there while he
delivered the sermon. Ibn al-Hajj further complained that on these feast days the entire
pulpit would become lled up with the muezzins and others pressing up against [the
khatib and each other]
34
. This constituted an innovation because there was no legal
precedent from the time of Muhammad or the rst four caliphs for anyone to be on the
pulpit other than the khatib during the delivery of the khutba. In order to discourage
such unseemly spectacles of ostentatious piety, Ibn al-Hajj urged preachers to strive
to shorten their sermons on these holidays, saying that prolonging the khutba on the
two feast days was even more reprehensible than [so doing] on Fridays. The Maliki
jurists reasoning is somewhat hyperbolic considering that whereas there are explicit
30
For example, Ibn al-Hajj disagreed with the position of the Shai jurists of Egypt who permit-
ted the audience to respond audibly to the khatib during the sermon. He countered that the proper
conduct was to respond secretly to oneself (sirran fi nafsihi) and he regretted that nowadays the
noise in the mosque from people shouting during the khutba was such that the khatib could no lon-
ger be heard above their uproar criticized. See Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal vol. II, pp. 269 and 223. For the
same reason, he objected to the custom of applauding during the sermon. Ibidem, p. 223.
31
J.C. Vadet, Ibn al-Hadjdj, p. 779b. See A.H. al-Ghazali, Al-Ghazali on Intention.
32
Cited in Vadet, Ibn al-Hadjdj.
33
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal vol. II, pp. 234-235.
34
Ibidem, vol. II, p. 287.
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directives in Islamic law to keep the khutba short and lengthen the ritual prayer during
the Friday communal worship
35
, there are no similar statements indicating the duration
of the khutba on the two canonical festivals or other occasions
36
. In a similar vein,
Ibn al-Hajj objected to the neophytes interruption of the Friday khutba in order to
publicly renew his conversion to Islam because it was motivated by a self-interested
desire to make a spectacle of his new status as a Muslim.
Furthermore, it is signicant that Ibn al-Hajjs criticisms did not apply only
to those persons who had previously converted to Islam. For he went on to add that,
If we considered that he had converted to Islam right now (al-ana), then
the khatib must order him to leave the mosque and likewise he should
order whoever from the among Muslims accompanied him to leave with
him in order that he cleanse himself ritually (hatta yaghtasila) since he is
in a state of major ritual impurity.
His legal opinion was that the convert must perform the major ritual
cleansing (ghusl) for the sake of Islam and that the fullment of the minor ablution
(wudu) alone before performing the ritual prayer would be insufcient
37
. Here we see
that the fourth reason for Ibn al-Hajjs objections to this innovation also concerns the
conduct of the preacher. As indicated in the passage cited above, Ibn al-Hajj insisted
that the [khatib] is not permitted to interrupt the prescribed order of the khutba
on account of [the indels conversion]. This implies rather that the khatib should
continue with his oration and then lead the communal prayers as normal. In sum, it
would seem then that Ibn al-Hajj takes the position that the khatb should not interrupt
the ow of the Friday ritual in order to accommodate the conversion of indels to
Islam under any circumstances.
It may be noted in passing that Ibn al-Hajjs judgment that the appropriate
conduct of the khatib in such circumstances is to avoid interrupting the khutba
for the sake of the unbelievers conversion contrasts with the opinion of his near
35
For instance according to Sahih Muslim, vol. IV, The Book of Prayer (Kitab al-Salat), chapter
159, n. 1889: I have heard the Messenger of Allah (may peace be upon him) as saying: The leng-
thening of prayer by a man and the shortness of the sermon [are] the sign of his understanding (of
faith). So lengthen the prayer and shorten the sermon, for there is charm (in precise) expression.
36
Precisely for this reason some ulama and Muslim rhetoricians posited that the other sub-
genres of the khutba could be longer. In his anthology of Arabic prose, the twelfth-century Andalusi
belletrist Abu l-Qasim al-Kalai cited the well-known hadith tradition, The Messenger of God im-
posed upon us brevity in the sermon and prolixity in prayer, yet he deduced that this condition did
not apply to the other liturgical sermons: As for the other types of khutab, perhaps prolixity is what
is required of them, although there is no legal prescription for this. One could put forth the report
about Qays b. Kharija and his oration [which lasted] virtually from sunrise until sunset. See A.Q. al-
Kalai, Ihkam sanat al-kalam, p. 167. The Cordoban rhetorician Ibn Abd Rabbihi (d. 940) classied
khutbas according to two broad sub-genres: long ones and short ones, citing the marriage khutba as
a typical example of the former. Surviving manuscripts of sermons for the two canonical festivals and
marriage orations are considerably more extensive in length than the typical Friday khutbas. See L.G.
Jones, The Power of Oratory (in press); Ibn Abd Rabbihi, al-Iqd al-farid, vol. IV, p. 54.
37
Ibidem, vol. II, p. 223. Here Ibn al-Hajj is aware that his opinion dissents from the opinion
of some that the minor ablution alone would be sufcient.

While the condition of being an indel
renders one impure according to Islamic law, it is worth recalling that Muslims may also become
impure and be required to perform the major cleansing. Ibn Qasim quotes Malik b. Anas as saying
that the Christian who converts to Islam, the Muslim who has fainted and come to, and the Muslim
woman who is menstruating must all perform the major ablution before they can perform the ritual
prayer. Ibn Rushd, Kitab al-Bayan wa-l-tahsil, vol. II, pp. 165-167, cited in A. Fernndez, Cuestiones
legales, p. 456.

On the performance of wudu, see M. Katz, The study of Islamic ritual, pp. 106-145.
62 LINDA G. JONES
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contemporary, Ibn al-Attar, a Shai scholar and preacher residing in Mamluk Syria.
Ibn al-Attar not only argued that the khatib must indeed interrupt the Friday khutba
if an unbeliever comes before while he is on the pulpit and expresses the desire to
convert to Islam; he upped the ante by warning that the preacher who failed to do so
placed himself in danger of committing the sin of unbelief by aiding and abetting the
individual to remain in his state of indelity
38
. Ibn al-Attars opinion, preserved in
his manual for liturgical preachers, provides independent corroboration that the same
phenomenon that Ibn al-Hajj described of indels interrupting the Friday sermon to
convert to Islam was occurring simultaneously in other regions of the Mamluk state.
Juridical complaints regarding the proper response of the khatib to such
interruptions of the Friday sermon could stem from the tensions surrounding the
converts status as a free agent, insofar as, theoretically at least, Islamic law emphasizes
the voluntary nature of conversion
39
. The problem, according to Ibn al-Hajj, is that the
convert who interrupts the Friday khutba in order to publicly renew and advertize his
conversion consciously exceeds the boundaries of what the law requires to validate his
conversion for his own personal benet. A concomitant difculty not mentioned by
Ibn al-Hajj but which also must be considered is the possibility that the Friday sermon
could be used as forum in which the neophyte could publicly recant his conversion,
alleging coercion. Potentially, then, the latitude that the Law accords to convert poses
problems for the receptor community and its principal representatives, in this case,
the khatib.
4. ISLAMIC LEGAL PROCEDURES CONCERNING THE CONVERSION TO ISLAM
In order to more fully understand the rationale behind Ibn al-Hajjs objections,
a word is in order about the Maliki legal prescriptions concerning the conversion of
non-Muslims to Islam. To begin with, in the text described above, we have seen that
Ibn al-Hajj began by arguing that the indels public conversion during the Friday
sermon was unnecessary because the individual had already professed his acceptance
of Islam before the khatib in private on an earlier date. This rst act of conversion in
the presence of the khatib prior to the Friday prayer echoes the established procedures
according to Maliki law. The scholar Montserrat Abumalham has studied notary
forms from medieval Andalus, which were used in the process of conversion. The
neophyte was required to sign such a form in the presence of valid witnesses and a
Muslim authority
40
. Of particular relevance is the emphasis that Maliki law places on
the voluntary and self-conscious nature of the conversion experience. A model of an
afdavit for the conversion of a Jew to Islam provides a typical example
41
:
The convert, So-and-so (son of So-and-so), being of sound mind and
body, rmly resolved in his mind, and having complete mental faculties
and juridical capacity, hereby testies () that he abandons the Jewish
religion, rejecting it, and embraces Islam of his own free will. He knows
that God Almighty and Sublime admits no other religion nor derives
38
Ibn al-Attar, Adab al-khatib, p. 144.
39
Here I am deliberately leaving aside the situation of forced conversion, which has a different
dynamic and is irrelevant to the analysis of the texts under discussion.
40
M. Abumalham, La conversin segn formularios, pp. 73-75, 77.
41
The text, Kitab al-Wathaiq wa-l-sijillat, a collection of notary forms by Muhammad al-Umawi,
a 10th century Cordoban Maliki jurist, has been edited by P. Chalmeta and F. Corriente.
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satisfaction from any other religion, and that this one, Islam, abrogates all
previous laws. [The convert] bears witness that there is no god but God,
who has no partners, and that Muhammad, may God bless him and grant
him salvation, is His servant and Messenger and the last of the prophets,
and that Moses and Ezra, along with the other prophets, are His servants
and messengers. He also bears witness that in the eyes of God the only
religion is Islam. He has performed the major ritual cleansing (ghusl) in
order to embrace Islam, the ritual prayer, and the minor ablution. He ac-
cepts all the laws of Islam and its pillars () in their totality
42
.
The statement pertaining to the ofcial in whose presence the conversion
takes place likewise veries that the conversion was carried out voluntarily (taian),
willfully (aminan), without coercion (ghayr mukrihan), without fear (wa-la
mutakhawwifan amran), and without the expectation of any compensation (wa-la
mutawaqqa shayan). The nal paragraph testies that the convert has acknowledged
having understood everything completely and has accepted all his obligations
43
.
Several observations may be drawn from a reading of this conversion
form. All three sections of the testament address the voluntary nature of conversion.
The candidate manifests the sincerity of his testimony by conrming that he is of
sound mind and body (fi sihhatin min aqlihi wa-badanihi), rmly resolved in his
mind (thabatan dhihnihi), willing (raghbatan fi-hi), and juridically capacitated
(jawazan amrihi) to renounce his former religion and embrace Islam in its totality
44
.
Both the convert and the presiding ofcial must testify that the convert has
completely understood and accepted the implications of his actions. The convert
is thus conscious of and responsible for his conversion. It is also noteworthy that
after the neophyte professes the creed of submission to Islam and testies that it is
the only religion in the eyes of God, he concludes with a prayer of thanksgiving to
God for having inspired him in his conversion (wa-hamida Allah ala ma alhamahu
ilayhi min-hu)
45
. The prayer constitutes a further proof of the sincerity of the convert,
declares his allegiance to the new religion, and sancties his conversion by qualifying
it as a product of divine inspiration.
Although the conversion contract demands that the neophyte perform the
ritual prayers in their prescribed moments
46
, there is no requirement or expectation
that the conversion itself had to be timed to coincide with any specic occasion,
such as the Friday communal worship. At the heart of Ibn al-Hajjs complaint about
indels interrupting the Friday khutba, whether to gratuitously renew or to profess
their conversion, is the suspicion that they are moved by a premeditated desire
to strategically time the event to cause the maximum impact among the Muslim
community. Hence his insistence that there is no justication for the individual to
convert to Islam at that time in order to make his conversion conspicuously known
(li-yashtahira islamahu) among the Muslims so that they would recognize him for
this. The reasons for his suspicions become clearer bearing in mind that the Friday
sermon formed an integral part of the obligatory Friday communal worship, and thus
the convert would have been assured the presence of a critical mass of the Muslim
42
M. Abumalham, La conversin, pp. 72-73; al-Umawi, Kitab al-Wathaiq, pp. 309-310. I am
grateful to the anonymous reviewer for making the Arabic text available to me.
43
M. Abumalham, La conversin; M. al-Umawi, Kitab al-Wathaiq, pp. 309-310.
44
M. al-Umawi, Kitab al-Wathaiq, p. 309.
45
Ibidem.
46
M. Abumalham, La conversin, p. 76.
64 LINDA G. JONES
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community
47
. As will be recalled from the discussion in the previous section, most
of the innovations taking place in the mosques of Egypt that evinced what Ibn al-
Hajj called jahr (ostentation), tasannu (affectation), and nifaq (hypocrisy) in ones
piety occurred during the Friday communal worship or other communal festivals
48
.
Seen in this light, the neophytes conduct constitutes a subversive and immoral act
because he disrupted the Friday khutba in the quest to conspicuously publicize his
conversion
49
.
5. THE FRIDAY KHUTBA: PIETY OR SPECTACLE?
TOWARD AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE MOTIVATIONS OF THE CONVERT
Up until now our attention has focused on Ibn al-Hajjs assessment of
the would-be converts motivations. At this point one must attempt to explain what
motivated these incidences from the perspective of the convert. What could have
prompted non-Muslims to interrupt the Friday khutba in order to profess their
conversion to Islam? Ibn al-Hajjs point is well taken: if an unbeliever had already
come before the khatib to convert to Islam in private, what would inspire him or her
to return and interrupt the sermon on Friday in order to publicize the conversion?
While we obviously cannot know the converts true aims based upon Ibn al-Hajjs
skewed judgment, one phrase in the Maliki jurists text seems to provide a clue. Ibn
al-Hajj further accused the convert of seeking to publicize that he would not return to
his previous state of indelity prior to his conversion. As noted, Maliki law accords
the convert who apostasies up to three days to repent without incurring the penalty
of apostasy. The law further recognizes that an individual might formally convert
but subsequently claim to have been coerced, in which case his conversion could be
rendered legally invalid
50
. Hence the converts public reafrmation of his conversion
in the mosque on Friday during the khutba before the entire community could have
been a strategy to forestall accusations of apostasy or suspicions of insincerity or
lack of conviction. Yet in so doing, the neophyte conferred a novel purpose upon the
khutba by making it a showcase to prove the sincerity of his conversion to Islam, and
it is this novel intention to which Ibn al-Hajj objects.
Another possible answer, at least in the case of Christian converts, might
be an attempt to emulate the customs of the Coptic Church regarding baptism. Coptic
ecclesiastical legislation stipulates that the baptism ritual take place publicly in church
because it is through this rite that the individual is formally incorporated into the body
of Christ, which is composed of all the members of the Christian community. Moreover,
the central act of baptism is the full immersion of the neophyte in the consecrated
water of the baptismal font, which is located in the church. It is also preferable that the
ritual be conducted immediately prior to Mass, so that the candidate may subsequently
receive communion. The Coptic Church adheres to the doctrine forbidding rebaptism,
based upon the Nicene-Constantinopolitan creedal statement, We confess one baptism
for the remission of sins, and the Apostolic Canon 47, which stipulates that a bishop
or presbyter who knowingly rebaptizes someone who was rightfully received baptism
47
Juridically the Friday khutba falls under the category of a collective duty (fard kifai) as
opposed to an individual duty (fard ayn), meaning that a sufcient number of adult males of the
community must attend in order to comply with the exigencies of the law.
48
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, pp. 268-269 and 287.
49
Ibidem, pp. 267-269, among others.
50
Ibidem, p. 76.
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should be deposed
51
. This would suggest that Ibn al-Hajjs indel assuming that
he was a Copt was not substituting a Coptic custom for a Muslim one in seeking
to repeat his conversion. It is more plausible to assume that a Coptic convert might
consider the profession of the Muslim faith before the congregation during the Friday
khutba to be necessary not in order to make the conversion into a public spectacle,
but rather because this was the normative procedure in the Coptic Christian tradition.
Specically, the convert might have regarded this gesture as analogous to the Christian
practice of performing the baptism immediately before the Mass, given that the khutba
immediately precedes the Friday ritual prayer, a ritual whose central place in Islamic
practice is analogous to the Christian Mass.
Still another parallel might be found in a post-baptismal rite unique to the
Coptic Church known as the loosening of the girdle in which, among other things, the
priest says prayers of thanksgiving and absolution, recites certain biblical passages
(1 Corinthians 10, 1-4; Psalms 32, 1-2; Matthew 3, 1-6), and again immerses the
newly baptized person in water, along with his girdle and baptismal clothing, which
are subsequently disposed of in the sea. This ritual likewise takes place publicly in
the church and the congregation even participates by singing Psalm 150 prior to the
immersion of the neophyte
52
. It is true that the ritual loosening of the girdle occurs eight
days after the baptism, while Ibn al-Hajj implied that the indel went to the mosque
to reconrm his conversion on the rst Friday following his private conversion before
the khatib. Nevertheless, it is possible that the traditional post-baptismal custom of the
loosening of the girdle might have served as a model for a Coptic convert to Islam to
go to the mosque to publicly proclaim his conversion after having converted before
the preacher in private.
Finally, there may indeed have been a subversive intention underlying the
indels actions, whether in the deliberate interruption of the khutba or in the act of
repeating his conversion. As we have seen, the Coptic Church forbids the rebaptism
of persons if the original baptism was properly administered. In such cases, to repeat
the baptismal ceremony would be considered an act of sacrilege on the part of both the
presiding priest as well as the neophyte. Hence rather than conrm the conversion, the
indels true purpose in interrupting the Muslim Friday khutba in order to reiterate the
alleged embracing of Islam may have been to undermine his conversion for the benet
of the Coptic community. The intention, in this case, would be to ease the way toward
a subsequent reversion to Coptic Christianity. Alternatively, it is also possible that
non-Muslims felt compelled by political and social circumstances to publicize their
conversion to Islam during the prime-time of the Friday khutba in order to assuage the
doubts and suspicions of the Muslim authorities and the wider community regarding
their true motives for converting. The irony here, as we shall see in the following
section, is that these doubts and suspicions arose and, in fact, were engendered by the
pressures on the part of the Mamluk regime and the religious establishment to coerce
the Coptic Christians to convert to Islam
53
.
6. THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF CONVERSIONS
The fourteenth century was a difcult period for relations among the Mamluk
regime, the larger Muslim population, and the minority populations of Christians and
51
Cited in Archbishop Basilios, Baptism, pp. 336a-339a.
52
Archbishop Basilios, Baptism, Liturgy, pp. 339a-342b.
53
D.P. Little, Coptic Conversion to Islam, pp. 552-569.
66 LINDA G. JONES
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Jews
54
. In its worst manifestation, a wave of violence between Christian and Muslim
communities resulted in the destruction of numerous churches and the conversion of
many others into mosques
55
. There is some evidence that the destruction or conscation
of churches and monasteries was meted out as punishment for subversive acts on the
part of the Coptic community that challenged the preeminent status of Islam and the
Muslims with respect to the dhimmis. In one incident, which took place in 1378, some
decades after the death of Ibn al-Hajj, a Coptic church was demolished because the
congregation stubbornly persisted in ringing the church bells during the delivery of
the Friday khutba in order to drown out the sound of the preachers voice
56
. Scholars
generally agree that during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Mamluk regime
perpetuated or tolerated the use of violence and persecution aimed especially at Coptic
elites in order to intimidate them into converting to Islam. The Mamluks believed that
these conversions would encourage the broader Coptic population of Egypt to follow
their example
57
. Elites were targeted in particular in order to curtail the power and
inuence that Christian ofcers of the state had gained under previous regimes dating
from the Fatimid period onward
58
.
The reasons for the deteriorating situation of religious minorities under
the Mamluks are well known and need only be summarized here. First of all, it is
generally agreed that the brutality of the Crusaders during the thirteenth century had
hardened the position of the Muslim rulers and the populace against the Christians
in Egypt, Syria, and Palestine
59
. Whether founded or not, the then ruling Ayyubids
accused the Oriental Christians were colluding with the Franks. As a result, many
Coptic churches and monasteries were destroyed. For example, according to Jason
Zaborowsky, the early years of the reign of Saladin (r. 1169-1189) were characterized
by harsh reprisals against this community. In addition to the aforementioned
destruction of religious edices, crosses were removed from church cupolas, Coptic
religious processions were banned, and Copts were restricted to riding donkeys rather
than horses
60
. As reected in the Coptic and Ayyubid sources, the political situation of
the Copts gradually improved under Saladins reign as the Copts distanced themselves
theologically from the Frankish Roman Catholics and sided with Saladin in repulsing
the Crusader threat, going as far as to assert that God aided Salah al-Din (Saladin)
in granting him victory and triumph over the enemies of his religion and his state
61
.
Nevertheless, Muslim suspicions against the Coptic community were not
denitively quashed. Further violent reprisals occurred during the sieges of Damietta
in 1219 and of Fustat in 1242
62
. These same accusations of collusion between the
Egyptian Copts and the Franks re-emerged after the Mamluks seized power in 1250.
54
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture; K. Stilt, Islamic Law in Action.
55
K. Stilt, Islamic Law in Action, pp. 111-113.
56
J. Berkey, The Muhtasibs of Cairo under the Mamluks, p. 262, citing A. al-Maqrizi, Kitab
al-Suluk li-marifa duwwal al-muluk, Cairo, Maktabat al-Kulliyat al-Azhariyah, 1972, vol. III,
pp. 340-341.
57
D.P. Little, Coptic Converts to Islam, pp. 153-161; L.S. Northrup, Muslim-Christian Relations;
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, pp. 613a-635b; and T.G. Wilfong, The Non-Muslim Com-
munities, p. 184.
58
J. Berkey, Mamluk Religious Policy, p. 8.
59
For a fuller account of the complexities of Muslim-Christian relations during the Ayyubid pe-
riod, see J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom.
60
J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom, p. 164.
61
Ibidem, pp.168-169.
62
C. Hillenbrand, The Crusaders, p. 414.
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One contemporary Mamluk authority testied that he personally heard that the
Copts had written to the Frankish Christians bragging that they need not attack the
Muslims since they (i.e., the Copts) are ourselves ghting them night and day, we
are taking their possessions and attacking their women, we are running their country
and weakening their soldiers
63
. Taqi al-Din al-Maqrizi (d. 1442), the famed Egyptian
historian, further accused the Copts of sabotaging the land tenure system (iqta), which
was the basis of the revenues to nance the army
64
. The fact that the deterioration of
the position of the Coptic Christians worsened during the Mamluk period, even after
the capture of Acre and the defeat of the last Crusader foothold in the Holy Land in
1291, lends further credence to the inuence of the Crusades in the persecution of
Oriental Christians under Mamluk rule
65
.
Secondly, one must look to the origins of the Mamluks to understand the
historical context of the increased pressures placed upon religious minorities to
convert to Islam. As a caste of foreign slave soldiers of mostly Circassian descent,
the Mamluk rulers needed to consolidate their leadership among the Muslim populace
once they overthrew the last Abbasid caliph in Egypt in 1249/1250 and sought to
govern in their own name. Although their spectacular defeat over the Mongol armies
in 1250 lent them political legitimacy, the basis for the caliphate did not rest upon
military might alone. Donald P. Little, R. Stephen Humphreys, Jonathan P. Berkey and
others have shown that the Mamluks reinvented themselves as the patrons of Sunni
Islam, supporting religious and legal institutions, as well as providing generous pious
endowments (awqaf) for the support of Su mystic lodges, the upkeep of the shrines
of saints associated with popular forms of Sunni religiosity, and the building and
maintenance of mosques
66
.
A concomitant of the Mamluks ardent defence and patronage of Sunni
institutions was the reinforcement of Islamic legislation with respect to the treatment
of religious minorities regarding matters such as the sumptuary laws and the reduction
of the holding of court positions by non-Muslims. For example, the Mamluk historian
al-Maqrizi records that in 1301, the Mamluk regime issued a decree requiring religious
minorities to be distinguished by the color and size of their turbans: the Samaritans
should wear red, the Jews should wear yellow, and the Christians should wear blue
67
.
The size of the turbans of non-Muslims also had to be signicantly smaller than that
of the Muslims
68
. Subsequent decrees issued in 1354, 1401, and 1419 aimed at Jewish
and Christian women ordered them to wear one white shoe and one black shoe
69
and
prohibited them from using the public baths with Muslim women
70
.
Such discriminatory policies helped foster a climate encouraging the Copts
to convert to Islam. And yet, as Carl Petry and Tamer el-Leithy have pointed out,
conversion to Islam in and of itself did not sufce to assuage the misgivings Muslims
63
Ibidem, p. 417.
64
Ibidem, p. 417. For a general overview of the system of iqta, see C. Cahen, Ikta, pp. 1088a-
1091b. With respect to the Mamluks, see I. Lapidus, A History of Islamic Societies, pp. 292-293;
R. Irwin, Mamluks and Crusaders; and A. Levanoni, Rank and File, pp.17-31.
65
C. Hillenbrand, The Crusaders.
66
D.P. Little, Religion under the Mamluks, pp.165-181; R.S. Humphreys, The Expressive Intent,
pp. 69-117; and J. Berkey, Mamluk Religious Policy.
67
68
N. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands, pp. 273-274; N. Stillman, The Non-Muslim Communities,
p. 209.
69
70
N. Stillman, The Non-Muslim Communities, p. 209.
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harbored toward this collective. Arabic biographical dictionaries from the Mamluk
period abound with entries dedicated to Muslims of Coptic origin who despite having
been born Muslim or even having fathers and grandfathers who had converted to
Islam, were nevertheless referred to systematically in the literature as the Copt
(al-Qibti)
71
. The labelling of these Muslims with epithets such as the Copt or the
convert long after their conversion to Islam had taken place shows the difculties
of assimilation and acceptance experience by members of the Coptic community.
Petry neatly summarizes the prejudices and suspicions Muslims harbored against
the Copts: They were routinely depicted as having a natural aptitude for accounting
and administration, but also as having an inclination toward treachery, dishonesty,
guile, and, above all, spiritual ambiguity
72
. The alleged penchant of the Copts toward
treachery, dishonesty, and guile fuelled the general perception among the Muslims
that their conversion to Islam was insincere and motivated by self-interests to improve
their status within society or, worse still, to place themselves in a better position to
compete with or inict harm among the Muslim community and its rulers. Petry
further observes that:
Several writers of the Mamluk era claimed that a Muslim of Coptic de-
scent was potentially a false Muslim. Even worse, he was suspected of
converting to the majority faith, admittedly often under duress, in order
to aggrandize his own position at the expense of his genuine Muslim
colleagues. Indeed, such a person was frequently accused of converting
in order to blaspheme against Islam and to lead true believers astray.
Such a false Muslim was always, it was alleged, on the verge of retro-
gressing to Christian practices
73
.
A prime example of this mistrust on the part of the Muslims is seen in
the statement of the abovementioned Mamluk governor who accused the Copts of
sabotaging the land tenure system. Tellingly, he went on to warn that the enemy is in
your state; it is the Christians. Do not trust those who convert to Islam: Even if they
do, it is for another reason. Their faith is hidden in their hearts like re in ashes
74
.
Given the generalized nature of the negative sentiments and suspicions toward
Muslim converts of Coptic descent, it is likely that the Maliki jurist Ibn al-Hajj was
aware of these stereotypes and perhaps even shared them. Certainly his consideration
of the indels interrupting the Friday khutba as a manifestation of jahr (ostentation
in piety) tallies with the general Muslim views summarized by Petry regarding the
accusations that Copts were converting to Islam in order to aggrandize [their] own
position.
Such Muslim resentment and suspicion toward Coptic converts to Islam were
further enhanced by the large number of appointments of people from this collective
to serve in positions in the Mamluk government. Carl Petrys exhaustive survey of
biographical dictionaries from the Mamluk era reveals that Muslims of Coptic origin
engaged in relatively important nancial, scal, and secretarial activities and served
as military, court, and executive ofcers
75
. It is true that they were mostly barred from
appointment to the highest positions in these sectors of the administration and were
71
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, p. 2/618b.
72
Ibidem, p. 1/618a.
73
Ibidem.
74
75
C. Petry, Copts in Late Medieval Egypt, pp. 1-4/618a-619b.
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banned from access to ofces in charge of the welfare of the Islamic community as
well as from participating in the religious establishment as jurisprudents, judges, and
so forth. Nevertheless, many were able to amass considerable fortunes and enjoyed the
protection and patronage of the Mamluk regime oftentimes over the express objections
of the ulama
76
. Nor must one forget that it was precisely in the fourteenth century
when the Mamluk regime responded to the growing resentment toward religious
minorities among the ulama and the wider populace and ordered various purges of
non-Muslims from the administration. Wertmuller, citing Yaacov Lev, believes that
such policies encouraged the wave of mass conversions to Islam among the Coptic
community during this century
77
and, I would add, increased the suspicions on the part
of the Muslim community that these conversions were opportunistic and insincere.
Again, it is reasonable to suppose that as a jurist Ibn al-Hajj would have been aware
of this situation as well.
Additionally, one must be cautious not to exaggerate the impact of the
discriminatory legislation against religious minorities or converts to Islam. It is
important to observe, as Marina Rustow and Tamer el-Leithy recently have argued,
that the dhimmis were capable of appealing to Muslim rulers and judges (qadis) both
to settle internal disputes with in their communities and also to improve their situation
with respect to the Muslim majority
78
. Of special signicance are the ndings of
Tamer el-Leithys study on Coptic conversion to Islam. Exploring the issue from the
perspective of the Christian community and employing Christian as well as Muslim
legal and religious sources, el-Leithy found that many Coptic converts to Islam
likewise harbored doubts about the authenticity of their conversion, doubts that were
exacerbated by Muslim reluctance to accept them as real Muslims. As proof he also
refers to the evidence from contemporary Mamluk Arabic biographical dictionaries,
citing the often pejorative use of nicknames such as the Copt or the convert when
referring to Muslims of Coptic ancestry
79
.
Even more signicantly, el-Leithy demonstrates how Coptic converts were
able to work the system to their advantage, that is, to manipulate the laws on Islam
regarding conversion so as not to prejudice their Coptic relatives or their property.
Such was the case concerning what el-Leithy refers to as the single generation
conversion ruse, which allowed individual converts [to maintain] their progeny as
non-Muslims while remaining within the framework of Islamic law
80
. Although Islamic
legislation on conversion varies among the Sunni legal schools, the law regulates the
conditions under which the conversion of one individual will or will not affect the
status and inheritance rights of other members of the household. For instance, under
the Mamluks immediate family members of a convert were not legally obligated to
also convert to Islam. It is interesting to note in this regard that a hadith preserved
by al-Bukhari indicates that the minor child of an individual who converted to Islam
must follow the parent, whether father or mother, in embracing the new religion
81
. Yet
76
Ibidem, p. 2/618b.
77
K.J. Werthmuller, Coptic Identity, p. 76; Y. Lev, Persecutions and Conversion, pp. 73-91.
78
M. Rustow, At the Limits, pp. 133-159; T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture.
79
T. el-Leithy, Coptic Culture. El-Leithy discusses this in part two of his dissertation, where
he argues that epithets such as the Copt, which biographers applied to Muslims of Coptic origin,
constitute a discursive response to the converts practices of resistance against Muslim rejection or
suspicion of their conversions. I have not been able to consult el-Leithys dissertation, but rather the
abstract provided by the online institution, ProQuest.
80
Ibidem.
81
Cited in Y. Friedmann, Tolerance and Coercion, p. 113.
70 LINDA G. JONES
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as Islamic law developed, juridical opinions were divided over whether the children
of converts could inherit their parents property if they had not converted to Islam.
There are legal precedents that deny the children the right to inherit unless they also
convert, precedents that allow them to inherit while remaining in their traditional
religion, and still other precedents that allow them to inherit only on the condition that
they convert to Islam, otherwise the inheritance must go to the Muslim community
82
.
The possibility that a Muslim Copt might not be able to pass on his inheritance to the
Coptic members of his or her household could have been a strong incentive for the
reversion to Christianity.
El-Leithy identied a veritable culture of conversion and reversion to
Christianity during the Mamluk era, illustrating that many individuals purposefully
converted and reverted publicly with the intent of attaining martyrdom at the hands
of the Muslim authorities. This practice gained sufcient fame to warrant the
creation of a new Coptic ritual, the Rite of the Jar, to celebrate the apostates return
to the Christian community
83
. Jason Zaborowsky furnishes additional evidence
that many Coptic Christian elites reacted against the pressures to convert and
assimilate into Islamic culture by rst converting and then denying having done
so. Under Islamic law this constitutes apostasy and Zaborowsky shows that the
sultans took the initiative in actively pursuing and punishing those culpable. He
identies of a pattern of action whereby the sultan would rst attempt to bribe the
apostate to reconvert to Islam, the apostate would then resist and insist upon dying
as a Christian. The sultan would then offer the apostate choice of life in enforced
exile if only he would pronounce the Islamic testimony of faith (shahada), which
would be followed by further resistance by apostate. The latter would nally be
executed by beheading and his body hung in public. Finally, members of the Coptic
community would go to recover the body. Zaborowsky posits that this pattern, which
characterizes Coptic martyrdom narratives from the thirteenth century onward, also
reects Ayyubid policies
84
.
The salient point is that the evidence that Muslim Copts purposefully
transformed their conversion and apostasy into a public spectacle in deance of
Islamic law and the sensibilities of the Muslim community brings us back to the
complaints articulated by Ibn al-Hajj at the beginning of this article. Although
it cannot be shown that Ibn al-Hajj was aware of the public reversions to Coptic
Christianity, his criticism that the indel elected the time of the Friday khutba
in order to make his conversion conspicuously known among the Muslims so that
they would recognize him for this and he would not return to his previous state
of indelity prior to his conversion
85
accords with el-Leithy and al-Zaborowskys
ndings. Indeed, it is tempting to see in the converts interruption of the sermon
in order to insist that they would not return to the previous state of indelity an
allusion to a strategy invented by sincere converts to distance themselves from the
public apostasies being staged by certain Muslim Copts yearning for the glory of
Christian martyrdom.
82
Ibidem.
83
K.J. Werthmuller, Coptic Identity, p. 78. For a fuller discussion of this rite, see J. Zaborowsky,
Coptic Martyrdom, pp. 184-185; and especially L.S.B. MacCoull, The Rite of the Jar.
84
J. Zaborowsky, Coptic Martyrdom, p. 179.
85
Ibn al-Hajj, Madkhal, vol. II, p. 271.
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7. CONCLUDING REMARKS
The long-time Muslim suspicions regarding the sincerity and opportunism
of Muslims of Coptic descent, coupled with the disturbing spate of public reversions
to Christianity throughout the Mamluk period provide the most plausible context for
the religious innovation whereby indels would deliberately interrupt the Friday
sermon in order to either profess or reafrm their conversion to Islam. Although
numerous scholars have treated the topic of Coptic conversion to Islam in recent years,
virtually nothing has been said about the role of the preaching event in the Islamization
process. Ibn al-Hajjs testimony provides unexpected insights into the relationship
between the Friday sermon and the conversions taking place in fourteenth-century
Mamluk Egypt. Ironically, however, the scenario that the Maliki jurist describes is far
removed from that of spontaneous conversions in response to the rousing sermons of
a charismatic khatib, much less that of a concerted preaching campaign orchestrated
by the Mamluk regime. And yet, the Friday khutba, given its central role in Muslim
worship and the assurance of the mass attendance of the community by virtue of its
status as a collective obligation (fard kifaya), served as the ideal venue and occasion
for the convert to make conspicuous his conversion to Islam, whether in an attempt
to prove his sincerity in this regard or, on the contrary, to recant his conversion and
stage a stunning reversion to his original religion. The juridical objections offered
by Ibn al-Hajj to such interruptions under any circumstances were motivated not
only by the desire to guarantee the solemnity of a key Islamic ritual. The foregoing
discussion of the historical context in which these conversions were taking place,
a context characterized, on the one hand, by the social and political pressures that
Coptic Christians faced to convert and assimilate into Muslim culture and, on the
other hand, by their resistance to such pressures, also offers sufcient grounds for
deducing that these factors inuenced Ibn al-Hajj in seeking to safeguard the khutba
from being manipulated by would-be converts for their own self-interests. While not
denying the real dangers Coptic Christians faced in being forced to choose between
conversion and social disgrace, violence, or even death, the case under study has
demonstrated that converts could also exercise agency in the conversion process and
even use Islamic legislation in this regard to their advantage. Perhaps what Ibn al-Hajj
feared most was the (relative) empowerment of the convert.
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Fecha de recepcin del artculo: marzo 2012
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 77-93
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
ROBERTO CARACCIOLOS SERMON
ON THE MIRACLE OF THE STIGMATIZATION OF FRANCIS OF ASSISI
1
EL SERMN DE ROBERTO CARACCIOLO
SOBRE EL MILAGRO DE LOS ESTIGMAS DE FRANCISCO DE ASS
CAROLYN MUESSIG
University of Bristol
1
I would like to thank the Leverhulme Trust and the University of Bristol Research and Con-
ference Fund for their generous support during my study leave in 2010-2011 which enabled me to
carry out research for this article. I am also grateful to the three anonymous assessors and to Linda
Jones who took the care and time to read and make invaluable suggestions for the improvement of
this article.
Abstract: Roberto Caracciolo (d. 1495),
a relatively unknown Franciscan friar
in present day scholarship, was one of
the greatest preachers of his generation.
A favorite among popes, he was held in
such high esteem that in his mid-20s he
was invited to preach for grand occasions
such as the canonization of Bernardino
da Siena. His sermon on the stigmata of
Francis of Assisi tells us a good deal about
the late medieval Franciscan view of the
Poverellos reception of the ve wounds
of Christ. This paper will examine
Roberto Caracciolos understanding of
the stigmatization as a miracle. It will
assess how he fashioned his argument
to dispel doubt from the minds of those
who questioned the authenticity of an
event that purported to transform the skin
and bones of Francis of Assisi into the
crucied likeness of Christ. Ultimately,
it will consider the exceptional esteem
in which Roberto and his contemporaries
held both Francis of Assisi and the miracle
of his stigmatization.
Keywords: Francis of Assisi; miracles;
stigmata; preaching; Roberto Caracciolo.
Resumen: Roberto Caracciolo (m. 1495),
fraile franciscano relativamente poco co-
nocido en la actualidad entre los estudio-
sos, fue uno de los ms grandes predica-
dores de su generacin. Favorecido por
los papas y tenido por ellos en gran esti-
ma, con apenas veinticinco aos fue invi-
tado a predicar en ocasiones tan importan-
tes como la canonizacin de Bernardino
de Siena. Su sermn sobre los estigmas de
Francisco de Ass ilustra detalladamente
la visin que, durante la Baja Edad Media,
tenan los franciscanos de cmo recibi el
Poverello las cinco llagas de Cristo. El
objetivo concreto de este artculo consiste
en examinar la opinin de Roberto Carac-
ciolo acerca de los estigmas, considerados
por l milagrosos. Se observar tambin
cmo Caracciolo elabor su argumen-
tacin para disipar las dudas de quienes
cuestionaban la autenticidad de un suce-
so que pretenda transformar la piel y los
huesos de Francisco de Ass en la imagen
de Cristo crucicado. Por ltimo, se exa-
minar el excepcional aprecio que Rober-
to y sus coetneos sentan por Francisco
de Ass y el milagro de sus estigmas.
Palabras clave: Francisco de Ass; mila-
gros; estigma; predicacin; Roberto Ca-
racciolo.
78 CAROLYN MUESSIG
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Background: Roberto Caracciolo. 3. The Sermones de sanctis of Roberto
Caracciolo: dispelling doubts about the stigmata. 4. The miraculous process: validating the
authenticity of the stigmata. 5. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
There are thousands of extant homilies on saints from the Middle Ages
contained in sermones de sanctis collections
2
. Many of these deal primarily with
saints from the New Testament and early Christian era, in particular martyrs. There
are medieval sermons, however, which also deal with modern saints
3
. One of the
most preached about contemporary saints of the later medieval period was Francis of
Assisi (c.1181-1226). In some sermons dealing with the Poverello one nds detailed
information concerning the miracle of the stigmata
4
. This is not entirely typical as
sermones de sanctis normally emphasized the moral characteristics of a holy person
such as honesty, bravery, steadfastness and selessness. These virtuous ideals were
meant to serve as models of holiness for the Christian community to emulate, while
de-emphasizing the more spectacular aspects of a given saints miraculous career. As
Michael Goodich has argued, the tendency to focus on the moral quality of a persons
holiness rather than on his or her astonishing feats was an attempt to play down
miracles because claims of the wondrous had critics not only among unbelievers but
also among believers
5
. However, sermons which treat the stigmatization of Francis
of Assisi offer a major exception to this general rule in that they dwell more on the
miraculous associated with Francis rather than on his saintly qualities. The Franciscan
Roberto Caracciolo (1425-1495) provides a useful and succinct example of how
a sermo de sanctis focused on the miraculous qualities of Franciss reception of the
ve wounds of Christ. This article will, therefore, assess what pastoral literature can
tell us about attitudes toward the miraculous in relation to the conceptualization and
understanding of stigmatization in the later Middle Ages.
2. BACKGROUND: ROBERTO CARACCIOLO
Roberto Caracciolo was one of the most successful preachers of his
generation. Born in 1425 in Lecce, he was educated by the Conventual Franciscans
and then joined the Observant branch of the order, only to defect to the Conventuals
2
Several can be found in J-B Schneyer, Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones.
3
G. Ferzoco, Sermon Literature, pp. 103-125; idem, The Context of Medieval Sermon, pp. 279-291.
4
See Saint Bonaventure, Sermons Diversis, vol. II, sermon 58, p.783. See also Bernardino da
Siena, De stigmatibus sacris gloriosi Francisci, Tome 5, pp. 204-230. For examples and discussion
of non-Franciscan sermons on the stigmata, L.-J. Bataillon, Les stigmates de saint Franois,
pp. 341-347.
5
Goodich explains: Sermones de sanctis almost invariably focus on the moral virtues of the
saint as an example to believers, and deemphasize the supernatural. The often blatant absence of
references to miracles, even in sermons dealing with contemporary saints, indicates the clear desire
to encourage believers to think more about the exemplary quality of the saint, than about the alleged
supernatural powers, which critics such as Guibert of Nogent, Erasmus, Thomas More and others,
not to speak of heretics and nonbelievers, regarded with skepticism or even disdain. M. Goodich,
Miracles and Wonders, p. 31.
ROBERTO CARACCIOLO'S SERMON 79
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denitively in 1452
6
. His toing and froing from the Conventuals to the Observants
caused tensions to escalate between these two branches of the Franciscan order. Indeed,
some of the conict was exacerbated by Robertos invective against the Observants
when, for reasons not entirely clear, in 1451 he began to perceive his confreres as
obstacles to his preaching activities
7
. Although he ultimately chose to stay with the
Conventuals, he developed his image in the likeness of the stellar Observant preachers
that sprouted from that branch of the Franciscans, most notably Bernardino da Siena
(d. 1444)
8
.
Although he had never seen Bernardino preach, Roberto adopted the great
preachers sermons as a template for his preaching style
9
. Indeed, from the outset
of his ecclesiastical career he demonstrated great prowess as a preacher. In his mid-
twenties he delivered the ofcial eulogy for the canonization of Bernardino da Siena in
1450
10
. For the grand occasion of the canonization of another Sienese saint, Catherine
of Siena, in 1461 Pope Pius II invited Roberto to preach in the Dominican church
of Santa Maria Sopra Minerva in Rome, where the new saints tomb was located
11
.
Throughout his life he preached up and down the Italian peninsula educating audiences
in the Christian faith
12
. Generally, his preaching style was remarkable for its gestures
and impersonations
13
. He also was known for his ability to reduce his audience to tears
through the drama of his words and actions
14
. Like his role model Bernardino da Siena,
Roberto presented his sermons in a simplied structure that made them easy to recall
15
.
Throughout his ecclesiastical career he remained in great favor with the
papal curia, culminating in Pope Sixtus IVs appointment of Roberto as bishop of
Aquino in 1475. Thus, although little studied by contemporary scholars, Roberto
was one of the most popular preachers of his generation. From among the top 50
bestselling authors of all time between the years 1455-1500, Roberto ranked 45th
on the strength of the brisk sales for his sermon collections. In fact, he produced
several sermon collections, which circulated throughout Europe and are extant in over
100 manuscripts and numerous printed editions
16
. Therefore, Robertos sermon on
the stigmatization of Francis offers an opportunity to consider a prevalent fteenth-
century view on the subject preached by one of the most persuasive and inuential
preachers of the second half of the fteenth century.
6
For an overview of Roberto Caracciolos life and works see: See S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto
Caracciolo da Lecce; B. Roest, M. van der Heijden (eds.), Franciscan Authors, 13th-18th Cen-
tury. See also Z. Zafarana, Caracciolo, Roberto, pp. 446-452; A. Zawart, The History of Franciscan
Preaching, pp. 295-298; Caracciolo also gures in B. Roest, Franciscan Literature of Religious
Instruction, pp. 62-64.
7
Regarding the beginning of his disenchantment with the Observants, see S. Bastanzio, Fra Ro-
berto Caracciolo, pp. 34-35. See also O. Visani, Roberto Caracciolo e i sermonari.
8
O. Visani, Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena, pp. 213-228.
9
Ibidem, pp. 213-214.
10
S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce, p. 30.
11
Roberto Caracciolo had been given the responsibility to preach the sermon on the day of Cathe-
rine of Sienas canonization. See G. Cappelluti, S. Caterina da Siena, p. 505, n. 21.
12
For example of the sorts of sermons he preached see O. Visani (ed.), Roberto da Lecce.
13
In one Good Friday sermon he provided detailed stage directions, and it seems that while prea-
ching, he acted out all the roles. For further discussion see K.L. Jansen, Preaching as Playwriting,
p. 245.
14
S. Bastanzio, Fra Roberto Caracciolo da Lecce, pp. 206-207.
15
O. Visani, Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena, pp. 217-218. For Bernardino of Sienas use of
artes praedicandi, see C. Delcorno, LArs praedicandi.
16
See M. Milway, Forgotten Best-Sellers, p. 131.
80 CAROLYN MUESSIG
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
3. THE SERMONES DE SANCTIS OF ROBERTO CARACCIOLO:
DISPELLING DOUBTS ABOUT THE STIGMATA
Roberto wrote a sermones de sanctis collection entitled Sermones de
Laudibus Sanctorum. It was rst published in Naples and Venice in 1489. It is in this
collection we nd his De sacris admirandis stigmatibus seraphici Francisci, that is, his
sermon on the stigmata of Francis
17
. The sermon was written sometime between 1482
and 1489
18
. The sermons theme is: Galatians 6, 17: I bear the stigmata of the Lord
Jesus Christ on my body
19
. Roberto did not have much to choose from for a biblical
thema, as this is the only use of the term stigmata in the New Testament. What one
rst notes about Robertos text is the defensive tone it takes from the outset in order
to substantiate the authenticity of the event. Andr Vauchez has demonstrated that
reports of the stigmatic miracle met initially with immediate and vociferous criticism
and, in some cases, outright disbelief and hostility. Vauchez clearly illustrated that the
validity of this miracle, although papally approved in the early years after Francis
death by Pope Gregory IX (1227-1241), was deemed heretical by some ecclesiastical
leaders such as the thirteenth-century Bishop of Olomouc in Bohemia also known as
the Cistercian Robert of England
20
.
The defensive tone of Robertos sermon, written more than two hundred
years after the initial criticisms surrounding the reports of Franciss reception of the
ve wounds, indicates that hesitation persisted toward accepting this as an authentic
miracle. As Jean-Claude Schmitt has argued the notion of belief in general was
an ongoing activity that was inseparable from doubt
21
; this is clearly demonstrated
in the varying perceptions that people held regarding the miracle of the stigmata.
Furthermore, some of Robertos defensiveness can also be explained by the heated
debate that raged between the Dominicans and Franciscans in the second half of
the fteenth century regarding the stigmata. In general, Franciscans claimed that
only Francis bore the stigmata while the Dominicans argued that numerous people,
especially Catherine of Siena (d. 1380), had stigmata
22
. Roberto at once aimed to
dispel doubt over the miracle and establish Francis as a rare, indeed unique, example
of a stigmatic saint:
God the Father chose Blessed Francis not only because of Franciss evan-
gelical doctrine and his perfection in life, but so with this wondrous sign
he would excite the heart of humanity to desire eternal life. This same
man for two years bore visibly the picture of the cross on his hands and
feet and side. And just as the apostles with great virtue rendered testi-
mony of Jesus Christs resurrection, so too Francis in himself in his own
body demonstrated most splendidly the reawakened Christ. But many
17
See Robertus Caracciolus de Licio, Sermo XLXIII de sanctis admirandis stigmatibus seraphici
Francisci, ff. 149va-153ra.
18
The sermon contains numerous references to Sanctus Bonaventura. See for example, Rober-
tus Caracciolus, Sermo, XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150va. Bonaventure was canonized in 1482
and the collection was rst printed in 1489.
19
The Vulgate reads: Ego enim stigmata domini Iesu Christi in corpore meo porto.
20
A. Vauchez, The Stigmata of St Francis, pp. 66-67. This is a translation of A. Vauchezs Les
Stigmates de Saint Franois et leurs detracteurs.
21
J.-C. Schmitt, Ghosts in the Middle Ages, p. 7. See also J. Arnold, Belief and Unbelief, p. 17.
22
For further discussion on the intensity of this argument between the Franciscans and Domini-
cans see C. Muessig, The Stigmatic Debate. See also Catherine of Siena, in C. Muessig, G. Ferzoco,
B. Kienzle (eds.), A Companion to Catherine of Siena.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
when they hear these things, either they do not wish to believe it or they
have grown used to it as something trivial and not to be wondered at.
Wherefore, so that the rarity of such a matter be made known with devo-
tion to the faithful and so that the temerity of the curious is curtailed,
I have decreed in this sermon to treat [tractare] the sacred stigmata of
Francis
23
.
The sermon proceeds using a clearly organized structure consisting of
the aforementioned introduction, three distinct chapters and a conclusion
24
. Each
chapter considers an aspect of the mystery of the stigmata: chapter one explains
the truth (veritas) of how the stigmata were impressed on Franciss body; chapter
two explains the sublimity (sublimitas) of the miracle; chapter three considers
the appropriateness (congruitas) of the stigmata regarding the person of Francis,
the place it was received and the way it was received via the seraph. The scholastic
division of the sermon and Robertos aim to treat the subject do not mean, however,
that it was directed only to learned Franciscans attending studia for their religious
formation. Many Franciscans upheld strong pedagogical ideals in relation to preaching
and teaching; for these Franciscans, education was something for all and preaching
was a tool that could combat ignorance. In this case, Roberto was intent on relaying
the meaning and purpose of Franciss stigmata to the Christian community at large in
an accessible and straightforward manner
25
.
In establishing the truth of the stigmata, Roberto rst sets out to build a
case for the authenticity of the marks on the Poverellos body. The ve wounds of
Francis, he argues, should not be compared to fables like the Minotaur, the Centaur,
or, the Pegasus
26
. Disbelievers might say that if ancient myths were made up, why
couldnt Francis stigmata also be someones invention
27
? The rst weapon Roberto
uses to combat such attitudes is the listing of various ecclesiastical authorities that
explicitly support and recognize Francis miraculous reception of the ve wounds. In
his arsenal of ecclesiastical sources to convince doubters, Roberto rst mentions the
Legenda maior and Legenda minor by Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274), the
Minister General of the Franciscans (1257-1274) and then later Cardinal Bishop of
23
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo, XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150ra: Elegit pater omnium
Deus beatum Franciscum qui non solum euangelica doctrina vitaque perfectione sed mirabili signo
stigmatum excitaret hominum corda ad desiderium eterne vite. Duobus quidem annis picturam crucis
in manibus pedibus et latere visibiliter tulit. Et sicut apostoli virtute magna reddebant testimonium
resurrectionis Iesu Cristi ita Franciscus in seipso in proprio suo corpore Christum resuscitatum lucu-
lentissime demonstrabat. Sed plerique dum hec audiunt vel credere nolunt franciscum signo crucixi
fuisse insignitum vel quid leue et non admirandum id asseuerant. Quapropter vt nouitas tante rei cum
deuotione delibus inotescat reprimatur que temeritas curiosorum in hoc sermone de sacris Francisci
stigmatibus tractare decreui.
24
For a general discussion of how Roberto generally structured his sermons see O. Visani,
Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena: Roberto Caracciolo, pp. 218-219.
25
This view was held in particular by Bernardino of Siena and other Observant Franciscans. As
mentioned earlier Roberto, although he was a Conventual, at one time had counted himself among
the Observants. Furthermore, he modeled his preaching style on the Observant Franciscan preacher
Bernardino da Siena. For a discussion of the Observant Franciscan view of preaching and education
see B. Roest, Rhetoric of Innovation, pp. 132-135.
26
In making this argument Roberto refers to Augustines De civitate Dei, Book 18, Chapter 13,
where these myths and others are discussed as being invented when judges began to rule the Hebrews.
27
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, ff.149v-153r, at 150rb: Si igitur
ista et alia huius excogitari potuerunt, quid mirum inquiunt increduli si de Francisco aliquis ngendo
et mentiendo dixerit quod in manibus pedibus et latere plagas quasi crucixus habuit?.
82 CAROLYN MUESSIG
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
Albano (1273-1274)
28
. After 1266, these two legendae became the touchstone for the
understanding of Franciss religious character, including the nature of his stigmata.
That these legendae became the dominant indicator of Franciscan identity is greatly
owing to Bonaventures directive as Minister General to have all other biographies of
Francis destroyed
29
. In this sermon, Roberto relied prodigiously upon Bonaventures
legendae to make his case for the unusual Franciscan miracle. He also relied on
Bonaventures saintly reputation to assist in the authentication of Franciss stigmata.
Bonaventure had been canonized in 1482, only a few short years before the rst printed
edition of the Sermones de laudibus. Roberto himself had given the canonization
sermon to celebrate this event. Still fresh in the minds of Robertos contemporaries,
Bonaventures canonization would no doubt enhance the explanations that he offered
on the stigmatization of Francis. And just in case Bonaventures new status as saint and
his past role as cardinal had slipped the mind of Robertos audience, the consummate
preacher reminded them that the former Minister General was called: Saint Bonaventure,
Cardinal Bishop of Albano, a man of outstanding sanctity who wrote elegant legenda
about Saint Francis in which he spoke expansively about his stigmata
30
.Furthermore,
Bonaventure was thought to be the author of the Meditationes vita Christi, one of the
top 50 bestsellers of the fteenth century. Although this work is now recognized as a
Pseudo-Bonaventure piece, in the fteenth century Bonaventures reputation was no
doubt enhanced by his alleged authorship of the Meditationes
31
.
In addition to Bonaventures legendae, liturgical hymns celebrating the
stigmatization of Francis and papal bulls are evoked by Roberto as clear indictors
of the authenticity of the Poverellos ve wounds
32
. Popes who receive honorable
mention as keen supporters of the miracle are Gregory IX (1227-1241); Alexander
IV (1254-1261); Nicholas III (1277-1280); and Benedict XII (1334-1342)
33
. Roberto
skillfully follows these references with an exemplum taken from Bonaventures
Legenda maior about Pope Gregory IXs own initial doubt of the genuineness of
Franciss wounds. In a dream, the pope is confronted by a stern Francis who orders
the pontiff to gather up in a cup the blood continuously spurting from the Poverellos
side. From that time onwards, we are told, Pope Gregory became a rm believer in the
stigmata and rebuked anyone who doubted the wounds
34
.
After establishing the textual authorities, Roberto provides a list of
eyewitnesses whose testimonies attest to the truth of the stigmata
35
. Generally,
28
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150rb: Nam sanctus Bonauen-
tura Cardinalis episcopus Albanensis vir eximie sanctitatis legenda sancti Francisci eleganter scripsit
in qua diffuse loquitur de stigmatibus illis. Cited in Legenda Doctoris Seraphici S. Bonaventurae
Legenda Maior, vol. VIII, pp. 565-579.
29
For this point and a general overview of Bonaventures life see S. Botterill, Bonaventure, Saint.
For a more detailed discussion see F. Uribe, Il Francesco di Bonaventura.
30
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150rb: Nam sanctus Bonauentu-
ra Cardinalis episcopus Albanensis, vir eximie sanctitatis legendam sancti Francisci eleganter scripsit
in qua diffuse loquitur de stigmatibus.
31
See M. Milway, Forgotten Best-Sellers, p. 142.
32
In the sermon two hymns are mentioned: Plaude turba paupercula and Decus morum, dux
Minorum. For the ofce of stigmatization of Francis see G.M. Dreves (ed.), Analecta Hymnica Medii
Aevi, pp. 100-102. For the English text of the ofce of the stigmatization of Francis see R.J. Arms-
trong et al. (eds.), The Prophet, pp. 665-670.
33
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150vb.
34
Bonaventura, Legenda maior, p. 550; For the English translation see Bonaventure, The Major
Legend of St Francis in R.J. Armstrong et al. (eds.), The Founder, p. 651.
35
See M. Bihl, De Quodam Elencho Assisano.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.04
eyewitnesses were a vital link in the chain of the validation of miracles. Canonization
processes are perhaps the best-known example of where a hierarchy of witnesses
was interrogated to provide the details of the lives of potential saints in order to
verify their holiness
36
. However, there was no canonization process for Francis as he
was declared a saint in 1228 more by acclamation than by procedure, even though
formal papal processes were normally required by this time
37
. Hence, any formal
assessment of the miracles of Francis did not undergo the usual rigors of papal
investigation
38
. But Roberto used Bonaventures Legenda maior and Legenda minor
as a basis for eyewitness accounts as there are numerous references in these works
which allude to people having seen the wounds
39
. Roberto tells us that the immediate
inner circle of Francis, including Brothers Illuminato, Leo, Runo and Pacicus,
swore on the Bible that they themselves had seen the stigmata. Also, more than 55
other Franciscan brothers and Clare of Assisi, along with her religious sisters of
San Damiano and numerous priests, testied that out of affection and devotion they
kissed Francis wounds. The lay people of Assisi saw the stigmata too; one citizen
of Assisi, a doubting but well educated knight named Jerome touched them, upon
which he became a staunch believer, strengthening his own faith and those around
him
40
.
In some sources, the testimony of eyewitnesses who had seen the wounds
is presented as equally as important as the actual moment of stigmatization. For
example, a number of late medieval chronicles when referring to Franciss stigmata
underline not so much the moment of the miraculous occurrence, but the individuals
who saw later and touched the wounds
41
. Thus the inclusion of eyewitnesses was a
crucial component in Robertos evolving argument to validate in the minds of his
audience the authenticity of the stigmata. What mattered both in his sermon and in the
chronicles was not the witnessing of the actual event, but the reports of individuals
who said they saw and touched the wounds; such reports were presented by Roberto
36
For further information on canonization processes see A. Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later
Middle Ages.
37
A.M. Kleinberg, Prophets in Their Own Country, p. 146.
38
For a comprehensive account of the function canonization processes see A. Vauchez, Sainthood
in the Later Middle Ages, pp. 481-534.
39
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150vb. The accounts of eyewit-
nesses taken almost word for word from the following sections of Bonaventure, Legenda maior,
Chapter 13, par. 8, p. 544.
40
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, 150vb; see Bonaventure, Legenda
maior, Chapter 15, par. 4, p. 548.
41
Here are a few examples of chronicles that underline the signicance of eyewitness accounts:
Thomas Ebendorfer, Chronica ponticum Romanorum, p. 421: Hic canonisavit sanctam Claram
Assisi multis miraculis claricatem, que et asseruit se vidisse stigmata Christi in corpore beati Fran-
cisci; Joannes de Winterthur (Joannes Vitoduranus, ca. 1302-1348), Die Chronik des Johannes von
Winterthur, F. Baethgen, C. Brunn (eds.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Anno MCCXXX
beatus Franciscus contuens in aere seraphim in cruce ex tunc in palmis latere et pedibus efgiem
plagarum Christi tulit usque ad felicem exituum suum, multis utriusque sexus videntibus illa in eo
Christi stigmata p. 4.; Thomas Paviensis (Thomas Tusci, ca. 1212-ca. 1284), Thomae Tusci Gesta
Imperatorum et Ponticum, E. Ehrenfeuchter (ed.), Monumenta Germaniae Historica, p. 492. Hic
est ille Pacicus, qui corpore beatissimi viri Francisci adhuc in carne viventis sacra illa stigmata omni
mundo miranda videre promeruit. Hic ille Pacicus est, qui laterale vulnus in parte quadam deceptio-
ne pia sed devotione per maxima contrectavit. Hic ille Pacicus est, qui adhuc deditus vanitati duos
gladios sibi connexos ad modum crucis de ore patris sanctissimi predicantis exire conspexit, quo
miraculo territus est conversus et Francisci factus est imitator precipuus. Non igitur magnum fuit si
crucem nuci connatam invenit, qui amator vehemens crucis fuit.
84 CAROLYN MUESSIG
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as sound evidence. However, to underline that the wounds were divinely impressed,
Roberto adds that various cures occurred among sick individuals and livestock when
they came in contact with Franciss stigmata sure proof that the wounds were made
by the hand of God and not man
42
.
4. THE MIRACULOUS PROCESS: VALIDATING THE AUTHENTICITY
OF THE STIGMATA
The next step in Robertos pastoral lecture on the stigmatization shifts from
trying to prove the reality of the stigmata to a discussion of the actual miraculous
process of Franciss reception of the ve wounds. Benedicta Ward has noted that
the tendency to dissect the miraculous process emerges in the late twelfth and early
thirteenth centuries. This development of investigating the validity of miracles existed
side by side with another understanding of the miraculous which was held by monastic
communities, especially within the Cistercian order. Cistercians were not concerned
with proofs for miracles, rather they thought of miracles as learning experiences
normally sparked by visions or contemplation that led to the transformation of a person
into a more Christ-like individual. Thus, while some skeptics concerned themselves
with a clear discussion regarding the causes of miracles, for the Cistercians what
mattered was not physical evidence that a miracle actually occurred, but interior
improvement of the self. In essence, the primary importance of Cistercian miracle
collections was their didactic nature that encouraged moral perfection
43
. As we will
see, Robertos sermon indicates both his concern to establish the soundness of the
miracle and to demonstrate that Francis had undergone an interior transformation
toward a more perfect self.
Roberto is keen to demonstrate to skeptics how the miracle of the
stigmatization might have occurred. But he is also equally eager to discount theories
which he held to be worthless. Robertos rst step to scrutinize the miraculous event
was an attempt to dismantle a widely held theory on Francis stigmatization with which
he disagreed. Some theologians and preachers had posited that Franciss stigmata
were brought on by his vigorous imagination whereby the saint perfectly recalled
the passion of Christ to the point that he transformed his body into the object of his
contemplation, that is, Christ crucied. In other words, some held that because Francis
had mediated upon Christs suffering so intently, through the power of his mind he
was able to bring about the appearance of the wounds on his body. Thus, the stigmata
were effected through natural causes. The idea that esh could be transformed into the
object of its imagination had its theoretical foundation in a number of sources, such as
Augustines Against Julian, and in Avicennas writings on the soul and imagination.
However, the use of this theory to explain the stigmatization was made in a sermon
by Jacopo da Varazze (d. 1298), the Dominican preacher and author of the Legenda
aurea
44
. Jacopo da Varazzes hypothesis implied that the reception of the stigmata
42
These miracles included the warding off of plague and the rescue of individuals from certain
death. Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 150ra-rb. They are found in Bo-
naventure, Legenda minor, Chapter 6, lections, 4-6, p. 574. The power of wounds of holy men to heal
can be seen as early as the sixth century when the wounds of stylite monks, which occurred through
years of extreme ascetic punishment, were thought to cure the sick. See C. Cremonesi, The Meaning
of Illness in F. Jullien, M.-J. Pierre (eds.), Monachismes dorient.
43
See B. Ward, Miracles in the Middle Ages, pp. 154-155.
44
See Jacobus da Voragine, Sermo 3: De stigmatibus sancti Francisci, vol. II, pp. 322-323.
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was not a supernatural event because it was carried out through the natural powers
of the imagination. Roberto, on the other hand, aimed to establish that the reception
of the stigmata was a pure work of divine omnipotence surpassing the bounds of the
natural
45
.
To counter Jacopos argument, which was widely known
46
, and to explicate
that the stigmatization was entirely effected through divine agency, Roberto relies
on the authority of Thomas Aquinas, ironically (and possibly deliberately) another
Dominican. In particular, he turns to the Summa theologiae 3.13.3, where it is argued
that the imagination can alter the interior disposition of the person, that is the heart,
by leading individuals to act in certain ways. But imagination, Thomas continues, in
no way is able to transmute the shape of a hand or foot as it has no natural relation to
parts of the body. Roberto, concludes, therefore, it would be impossible for Francis
imagination to cause the stigmata as it would have no relation to his exterior body and
hence would be unable to change its form
47
. At the core of the stigmatization, was a
larger debate of the nature of the miracle: some theologians argued that the role of
human imagination with Gods assistance could effect the ve wounds, while others
posited that it was a stupendous incident transcending any connection with the natural
world
48
.
Roberto relies on Bonaventures Legenda maior to describe how the nails
that pierced the Poverellos hands and feet were actually made from Francis esh and
bones, although having the appearance of real nails:
The heads of these appeared on the inner side of the hands and the up-
per side of the feet and their points on the opposite sides. The heads of
the nails in his hands and feet were round and their points, which were
hammered and bent back, emerged and stuck out from the esh. The
bent part of the nails on the bottom of his feet were so prominent and
extended so far out that they did not allow the sole of his feet to touch
the ground
49
.
The nails made of the saints esh and their unusual protrusion from the
saints hands and feet lead Roberto to conclude that they could only be made by
divine power
50
. It is also posited that the stigmatization had to be a miracle because
Francis would otherwise not be able to endure the severe pain in both body and
45
For further discussion see C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate in Theology, pp. 484-486. Jacopo
da Varazze's thesis was quickly adopted by other preachers. For example Giordano da Pisa in a ser-
mon preached on 30 November 1304 discusses the possibility of the mind transforming the body into
a stigmatic reality. See S. Serventi (ed.), Giordano da Pisa, Avventuale orentino 1304, pp. 112-113,
and C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate, p. 486, where I discuss this in more detail.
46
C. Muessig, The Stigmata Debate, pp. 484-487 and p. 495, note 36.
47
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151ra.
48
See A. Boureau, Miracle, volont et imagination.
49
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, 151vb: In manibus eius et pedibus
apparere ceperunt signa clauorum ipsorum capitibus in interiori parte manuum et superiori pedum
apparentibus, et eorum acuminibus existentibus ex aduerso. Erantque clauorum capita in manibus et
pedibus rotunda et nigra, ipsa vero acumina oblonga, retorta et repercussa, que de ipsa carne surgen-
tia, carnem reliquam excedebant. Siquidem repercusso ipsa clavorum sub pedibus adeo prominens
erat et extra protensa, ut non solum plantas solo libere applicari non sineret. Bonaventure, Legenda
minor, Chapter 6, Lectio 3, p. 576. Translation from Bonaventure, The Minor Legend of St Francis,
Chapter 6, Lesson 3, p. 710.
50
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151vb: virtute divina mirice
fabre facti.
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mind resulting from the constant ow of blood and his vivid memory of the Lords
passion
51
.
Roberto not only articulated a clear analysis of the process of the miracle of
stigmatization, but he also pushed the argument further by attempting to demonstrate
that Franciss reception of the ve wounds of Christ was among the greatest of Gods
wondrous acts. To address this point Roberto employs verbatim another argument
by Thomas Aquinas, this time from the Summa theologiae 1.105.8. Here, Thomas
posited that a thing is called a miracle by comparison with the power of nature which
it surpasses. Nature can be surpassed in regard to substance, such as the glorication of
the human body. These observations provided in the Summa theologiae give Roberto
ample support to claim that the stigmatization is among the greatest of all miracles
because the sudden transformation of bone, blood and sinew into the stigmata as
shown in the nails of the hands and feet of Francis demonstrated the great power of
the divine in that the body acted beyond its nature. Furthermore, in this transformation
Franciss body was gloried by taking on the wounds of Christ. Roberto concludes:
The stigmatization of Francis is a work of such quality that nature did not
effect it, nor is it able to effect it; it seems because of the substance of the
deed, it is counted among the greatest miracles of God
52
.
Roberto could not prove beyond a shadow of a doubt that the miracle had
taken place, as miracles were the works of God not man, thus its exact nature was
impossible to articulate
53
. The only thing a witness could do was validate perceptions
of what was believed to be miraculous. For example at the canonization process
of Bernardino of Siena (1447), the magister and medicus Pax Antonii de Aquila
testied that he kissed the corpse of Bernardino and that it did not emit any foul odor,
validating claims that the great preachers body was indicating signs of sanctity
54
. In
a like manner, Roberto did all he could do as a preacher and theologian to established
that what happened to Francis of Assisi was none other than a miracle, whether the
audience believed it or not was a matter of faith
55
.
After discussing the supernatural quality of the event, Roberto leads the
argument away from the power of the miracle toward the implications that it had for
Francis in the unfolding of Christian history. Roberto is careful to show that Francis
is not similar to Christ in nature, but when compared to others he had a superior
similitude to Christ in the very fact that he bore the stigmata in his body. This is based
51
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 151vb: Ostendimus quod stig-
mata Fransisci fuerunt miraculosa ratione vite non enim potuisset per naturam vivere duobus annis
beatus Franciscus plagatus in quinque locis spasmosis ex quibus continuo uebat et sanguinis cum
dolore vehementissimo non solum corporis immo et cordis ex memoria passionis dominice.
52
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 152ra: Cum ita que stigmatiza-
tio Francisci sit opus tale quale neque natura fecit neque facere potest videret quod propter substan-
tiam facti sit connumeranda inter maxima miracula Dei.
53
See Troilus Malvetius, Tractatus, XIV, f. 101v and 102v: witness testimony relies upon the
senses natural to man; but since a miracle is beyond nature, man cannot testify to it. Rather, a witness
testifying about miracle is not describing it as a miracle (non deponit de eo, prout est miraculum),
but is testifying about that from which it can be shown to be a miracle (sed prout ex eo probatur
miraculum), as cited and translated in R.C. Finucane, Authorizing the Supernatural, p. 299, note 37.
54
C. Piana, I processi de canonizzazione; Bonaventure, Legenda Doctoris Seraphici, vol. V,
pp. 402, 405, and 407. See also J. Ziegler, Practitioners and Saints.
55
For a consideration of how miracles were viewed in the Middle Ages see S. Justice, Did the
Middle Ages Believe in Their Miracles?
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on a belief held by Roberto as well as a number of Franciscans that only Francis had
ever borne the miraculous signs of Christs wounds on his body
56
. Furthermore, the
geographical location where the miracle happened is likened to a sacred place equal
to those found in the Bible; like Moses who received the law on Mount Sinai, and like
Christ who on Mount Tabor was transgured, Francis received the sign of the passion
on Mount La Verna
57
. Roberto indicates that La Verna has a distinct, supernatural
quality about it owing to a momentous event in the history of Christianity:
On Mount La Verna the sign of the passion was xed onto Francis. As
this mountain indeed is separated from the others, it is important to note
that Francis was entirely alone from the honor of worldly company. And
being elevated, it is also important to point out that blessed Francis was
elevated to the contemplation of divine things and the love of heavenly
goods. This mountain is opened up in several places where it seems that
it was cut rather violently and that this was not naturally made. It is pos-
sible that these rocks were cut the very moment when Jesus the son of
God was suffering on the cross
58
.
This passage has strong resonances with the Vitae Beati Francisci ad Vitam
Domini Iesu by the Franciscan Bartholomeo da Pisa (d. 1401), a colossal work which
draws copious parallels between the lives of Francis and Jesus. Referring to Matthew
27, 51, Bartholomeo conjectures that the rocks that were split upon Jesuss death
included the rocks at La Verna, which were ripped to create the perfect setting for the
stigmatization of Francis
59
. This creates a strong typological connection between the
events surrounding Franciss stigmatization and the life of Christ as narrated in the
New Testament.
Although it is not explicitly stated in the sermon, the implication of
Franciss stigmatization makes him superior to other saints for Roberto leaves no
doubt that Francis had been deied. He makes abundant use of Bonaventuran texts
which allude to the deication of the Poverello
60
. Relying on the Legenda minor,
56
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 152rb: Est similitude corporalis
in manibus pedibus et latere miraculose signatis, et hoc usque nunc convenit soli Francisco.
57
Ibidem, f. 152vb.
58
Ibidem, f. 152vb: In monte Alverne consignatus fuit signis passionis Franciscus. Ille si quidem
mons separatus est ab aliis ad innuendum quod Franciscus penitus fuit alienus ab honore munda-
norum. Est insuper elevatus ad signicandum quod Beatus Franciscus elevatus erat ad contempla-
tionem divinorum et amorem bonorum celestium. Et ad hoc ille mons in plerisque locis apertus vbi
scissure videntur quasi violenter non naturaliter facte possibile esset ut tempore illo ita eveniret quod
petre ille scisse sunt patiente in cruce Iesu lio Dei.
59
Bartoleomo da Pisa (also known as Bartolomeo de Rinonich), De Conformitate Vitae Beati
Francisci, p. 387. Mons iste Alvernae a Deo fuit beato Franscisco praeparatus ut in ipso stigmatiza-
retur. Hic mons altitudine est procerus; est enim valde altus et a corruptione aeris mundus et sincerus,
ab aliis montibus totaliter separatus, et passionis Christi signis specialiter praedotatus. Nam tempo-
re passionis ut patet in Evangelio petrae scissae; quod singulari modo in monte isto apparet. Nam
divisus est a capite usque deorsum. Partes eius, ut patet cernentibus, scilivet saxa, ab invicem sunt
divisa. Et praefata Omnia impressioni stigmatum fuerunt apta. Eius altitudo correspondet mentali
elevatione, quae exigitur in tali stigmatizatione. See also O. Schmucki, The Stigmata of St Francis
of Assisi, p. 162.
60
The term deication is ambiguous. From the twelfth century onward, Bernard of Clairvaux had
the greatest inuence in shaping the meaning of this term, which was the conformity of the human
person through Christ not via nature but through love. For an excellent treatment of the term and
its theological meaning in the medieval western tradition see S. Botterill, Dante and the Mystical
Tradition.
88 CAROLYN MUESSIG
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Roberto explains that the Poverello was interiorly inamed by the seraphic ardor,
liqueed by the re of love and then impressed with the likeness of Christ crucied
61
.
It is worth noting that Robertos role model, Bernardino of Siena, in his sermon
on the Poverellos stigmata described Francis as being deied
62
. Furthermore,
Roberto explains the seraphic mode in which Christ appeared to Francis in order to
stigmatize him as apposite:
And nobody should be troubled by the apparition of Christ, who wished
to be seen at once in the seraphic species and also as the crucied one, as
an apparition of this kind suits such a mystery. Indeed, in this new way
Francis had to be crucied and thus he had to be inamed with seraphic
love
63
.
In this regard, like the Cistercians who looked at inner transformation as
an indicator of the miraculous, Roberto emphasizes that Francis had been changed
interiorly as a result of the stigmatization. However, although the very title of the
sermon refers to Francis as seraphic, nowhere in the sermon does one detect the
apocalyptic associations that Bonaventure made between Francis and the Angel of the
Sixth Seal of the Apocalypse
64
. Nor does he echo Bernardino of Siena, who claimed
that Francis belonged to the seraphic order after the stigmatization
65
. However,
Roberto does present Christs appearance to Francis as historically signicant in his
association with the event to New Testament accounts of the resurrected Christ. He
puts it on a par to an apostolic occurrence whereby he integrates Francis vision into
a cluster of biblical examples such as the disciples who met Christ as a pilgrim on
the road to Emmaus (cf. Luke 24, 13-27), Mary Magdalene who encountered Christ
thinking him to be a gardener (cf. John 20, 15), Stephen who saw him in the sky
standing on the right hand side of God (cf. Acts 7, 55) and Paul who experienced
him as a bright light on the road to Damascus (cf. Acts 9, 3). Francis follows in this
list as one who loved Christ so much that the Lord appeared to Francis in a crucied
form
66
.
61
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: Disparens igitur visio
post archanum ac familiare colloquium mentem ipsius seraphico interius inammavit ardore carne
vero crucixo conformi exterius insignivit efgie tanquam si ad ignis liquefactiva virtutem pream-
bulum sigillativa quedam esset impressio subsecuta. This corresponds verbatim to Bonaventure,
Legenda minor, Chapter 6, Lectio 2, p. 576. For an English translation see, Bonaventure, The Minor
Legend of St Francis, Chapter 6, Lesson 2, p. 710.
62
Bernardino da Siena, Sermo LIX: De Stigmatibus, p. 211, lines 8-10: Quia igitur corpus beati
Francisci fuit sic guratum specie crucixi, signum est quod caro illius fuit purissima et anima quasi
puritate deicata.
63
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: Nec titubare quispiam
debet de apparitionem Christi qui in specie seraphi et veluti crucixus videri voluit quam huiusmodi
apparitio conveniebat tali mysterio. Novo quippe modo crucigendus erat Franciscus atque ardore
seraphico debebat inammari.
64
Bonaventure, Legenda maior, prol. I, p. 504. See also D. Burr, Mendicant Readings of the
Apocalypse, p. 97.
65
Bernardino da Siena, Sermo LIX: De Stigmatibus, p. 207, lines 2-5.
66
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: Discipuli euntes in
Emaus viderunt illum in specie peregrine, et Magdalena quasi hortulanum inspexit et Stephanus
veluti stantem a dextris Dei agnovit, et Paulus ingenti lumine decoratus intuitus est ita Franciscus
regem celorum et dominum glorie veluti crucixum sibi apparentem adoravit.
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The words alter Christus sometimes used in Franciscan sources to describe
Francis are not explicitly used by Roberto
67
. In fact, the sermon does not discuss in any
deep detail Francis qualities
68
. Roberto does, nevertheless, suggest that astounding
holiness and saintliness were recognized as belonging to Francis as result of his ve
wounds:
O happy eyes of Blessed Francis that merited still in this mortal life to
rejoice in such a vision. O ears of Blessed Francis that alertly heard the
calling of the Redeemer of the world. O body of Francis, replete in every
elegance, in which miraculously the wounds of Christ were renewed.
These stigmata are therefore to be venerated as the mirror of immortality,
the hope of future life, the reafrmer of faith and the most valid testi-
mony of our Lord Jesus Christ. These stigmata Francis proffers; he shows
them to Christ while interceding for the faithful. For the Mother of God
shows her heart and breasts, the Son his side and wounds, and Francis
his holy stigmata. To those seeking and invoking him, he bestows desired
favors and, nally, grace in present and future glory. Amen
69
.
As this quote reveals, Roberto presented part of the miraculous aspect of the
stigmata as its signifying power because it reminded and thus reinforced the miracle
of Christs Resurrection. The function of a miracle as a sign leading individuals to
strengthen their faith had a long tradition
70
. But in the case of Franciss stigmatization,
we see this miracle not only presented as something to enhance faith in the wonders
of Christianity, but also as an indicator of Franciss power as an intercessor. Roberto
clearly made Franciss mercy comparable to that of Mary and Jesus
71
. Franciss
wounds, therefore, not only functioned to remind the viewer of the power of Christ,
but they underlined the supremacy of Francis over other saints. Therefore, Robertos
sermon endeavored to dispel not only the doubt surrounding the unusual miracle of
the stigmatization, but also to accentuate the implications of the miracle itself whereby
Francis, through the honor of his ve wounds, was princeps of saints on a par with the
Virgin Mary and second only to Christ.
67
Although the concept was implied in Bonaventures legenda, he never used the words alter
Christus as a description of Francis. The concept was articulated in the fourteenth-century Actus
beati Francisci et sociorum eius and completely developed by Bartholmeo da Pisa in his De Confor-
mitate. For further discussion see H.W. van Os, St Francis of Assisi.
68
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo LXV, De tribus excellentis beati Francisci, ff. 153rb-157ra. But
it should be noted that Francis saintly merits are discussed in the next sermon in the Laudibus co-
llection.
69
Robertus Caracciolus, Sermo XLIIII, De sacris stigmatibus, f. 153ra: O felices oculi qui
meruerunt adhuc in hac ita mortali tali visione gaudere. O aures beati Francisci que a redemptore
mundi vigilanter vocari se perceperunt. O corpus omni mundicia repletum in quo mirabiliter Christi
vulnera sunt renovate. Hec igitur sunt illa stigmata speculum immoralitatis spes vite future rermitas
dei et Domini nostri Iesu Christi validissimum testimonium, hec sunt colenda. Hec sunt que Fran-
ciscus offert, ostendit Christo dum pro delibus intercedit. Mater quidem Dei ostendit pectus et ube-
ra, Filius latus et vulnera, et Franciscus sua sacra stigmata. Quibus intervenientibus eum invocantibus
impetrat exoptata benecia et tandem gratiam in presenti et in future gloriam. Amen.
70
See R. Garland, Miracles in the Greek, p. 94.
71
The lines: Mater ostendit lio pectus et ubera. Filius ostendit patri latus et uulnera, appear
in Ernaldus Bonaevallensis, Libellus de laudibus Beatae Mariae virginis PL 189, col. 1726C-D.
Ernaldus Bonaevallensis, also known as Arnald of Bonneval, was a twelfth-century Cistercian abbot.
90 CAROLYN MUESSIG
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Fecha de recepcin del artculo: enero 2012
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 95-118
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.05
THE QUALITY OF RABBINIC LEADERSHIP
IN THE GENERATION OF EXPULSION
EL CARCTER DEL LIDERAZGO RABNICO
EN LA GENERACIN DE LA EXPULSIN
MARC SAPERSTEIN
Leo Baeck College - Kings College, London
Abstract: Not a few Jewish historians
have strongly criticized the spiritual and
intellectual leaders of Spanish Jewry in the
years leading up to the expulsion of 1492,
as expressed by the following statement in
a 1995 academic book by Norman Roth:
An important characteristic of fteenth-
century Spanish Jewry was the almost
complete lack of leadership. This article
will challenge some of the underlying
assumptions of this claim, especially
pertaining to the failure of these leaders
to foresee and prevent the expulsion, and
the charge of intellectual mediocrity in
the areas of Jewish law, philosophy and
Kabbalah (Jewish mysticism). Passing
briey over the best-known Jewish leader
of the generation, Don Isaac Abravanel,
about whom much has been written,
the second part of the article will focus
on Rabbi Isaac Aboab, based largely on
material from his sermons, much of which
remains in unpublished manuscripts.
Keywords: Aboab; Abravanel; backsha-
dowing; conversos; disputed question;
expulsion; inquisition; kabbalah;
martyrdom; Netanyahu; philosophy;
response; Seneor; sermons; syllogism;
Spanish Jewry.
Resumen: Algunos historiadores judos
han criticado duramente los lderes espi-
rituales e intelectuales de los sefardes en
los aos previos a la expulsin de 1492,
como pone de maniesto Norman Roth en
una publicacin de 1995: Una caracters-
tica importante de los sefardes del siglo
XV fue la falta casi total de liderazgo.
Con el n de cuestionar algunos de los
presupuestos subyacentes, este artculo
pone en tela de juicio algunas de las asun-
ciones fundamentales de esta armacin,
especialmente en lo que respecta al su-
puesto fracaso de esos lderes en prever
y prevenir la expulsin, y a la acusacin
de mediocridad intelectual en los mbitos
de la ley, la losofa y la cbala judas.
Despus de un breve acercamiento al l-
der judo ms conocido de esa generacin,
Don Isaac Abravanel, sobre quien ya se ha
escrito mucho, la segunda parte del artcu-
lo se centra en el rab Isaac Aboab, basn-
dose sobre todo en sus sermones, muchos
de los cuales proceden de manuscritos to-
dava sin publicar.
Palabras clave: Aboab; Abravanel; con-
versos; disputas; expulsin; inquisicin;
cbala; martirio; Netanyahu; losofa;
responsa; Seneor; sermones; silogismo;
sefardes.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Criticism of pre-1492 Spanish Jewish leadership. 3. Reassessing the quali-
ty of Rabbinic leadership. 4. The sermons of Isaac Abaob. 5. Conclusions. 6. Bibliography.
96 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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1. INTRODUCTION
Traditional Jewish discourse has often been overly generous in describing
spiritual leadership. Often it borders on hagiography, liberally bestowing superlatives
to the point where all praises seem debased. By contrast, much modern Jewish
historiography has been extremely critical of Jewish leaders in the Middle Ages. Thus
we learn from Graetz that after the death of Maimonides, the Jews stood without a
leader, and Judaism without a guide, leaving the Jewish people helpless against the
onslaught of the 13th-century papacy, spearheaded by Innocent III. And if Graetz
is old-hat, consider the following astonishing passage by an eminent historian of
medieval Europe, Norman Cantor:
There was one courtly, rabbinical, literary, mercantile elite, and all Jews
beside this immensely wealthy, prominent, fortunate, learned elite were
the silent exploited masses. Exploited and repressed, I think, not only
by the Gentiles, but also by the dominant court Jews. Every time I read
or hear about medieval Jewry, I think of Hannah Arendts Eichmann
in Jerusalem and her unforgettable picture of how the Jewish masses
of Hungary were sold into Nazi gas chambers by the Budapest Jewish
community leaders, so many of whom survived to become American
business men or indeed Israeli ofcials. (...) The rich, well-born and
learned Jews often survived even pogroms and moved easily on to havens
in other countries, while the masses in bad times sank even further into
poverty, misery, and martyrdom
1
.
From their rhetoric and substance, one would be hard-pressed to prove that
these lines were written by a professional historian. But rather than linger on this
overblown picture and its highly problematic use of an analogy with the Holocaust,
I prefer to approach the question of Jewish leadership by focusing on a specic
historical setting: the generation of the expulsion from Spain, about which a relatively
recent work has asserted, An important, and hitherto little-emphasized, characteristic
of fteenth-century Spanish Jewry was the almost complete lack of leadership
2
.
2. CRITICISM OF PRE-1492 SPANISH JEWISH LEADERSHIP
Several leading modern historians, mostly from a previous generation,
have subjected the leaders of Spanish Jewry during its last generation on the Iberian
peninsula to a two-pronged attack. The rst charge impugns their perspicacity and
their political judgment. Given all the warning signs, how could they not have foreseen
the approaching disaster of 1492? As Benzion Netanyahu put it,
1
N. Cantor, Aspects of Jewish, p. 182. Cantor returned to this theme in his monumental compen-
dium of misinformation, N. Cantor, The Sacred Chain, pp. 180-181: By the second quarter of the
thirteenth century the days of Ashkenaz were numbered. Anyone could see the future was gloomy,
indeed hopeless (). Ashkenazi rabbinate did nothing (...). It is the syndrome of waiting quietly for
the holocaust. Thus the Orthodox rabbinate failed to exercise leadership on behalf of the Jews in
thirteenth-century Ashkenaz as they were to do again in twentieth-century Poland. Meanwhile the
rabbinate drugged itself into comfort with the narcotic of the Cabala, an otherworldly withdrawal
into astrology and demonology. For the earlier passage, see H. Graetz, History of the Jews, vol. III,
p. 495.
2
N. Roth, Conversos, p. XVI, and see also similar formulations on pp. 53, 278, 302-303.
THE QUALITY OF RABBINIC LEADERSHIP 97
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common sense, it would appear, should have indicated to the Jews that,
with such a erce campaign being conducted against the Marranos in the
name of their Jewishness, the Jews could not possibly escape involvement.
But the Jews seem not to have sensed this (...). The blindness manifested
by the Jews in the Diaspora for developments laden with mortal danger
is nothing short of proverbial
3
.
In less value-laden terms, Haim Beinart wrote whether in surprise or
dismay that few Jewish leaders showed any premonition of the approaching danger
4
.
These are ne examples of what Michael Bernstein has called (in a literary context,
particularly with regard to the Holocaust) backshadowing, dened as,
a kind of retroactive foreshadowing in which the shared knowledge of
the outcome of a series of events by narrator and listener is used to judge
the participants in those events as though they should have known what
was to come
5
.
Second, there is a charge of general intellectual mediocrity. According to
some modern experts, this was a generation that produced no shining stars in any eld of
Jewish cultural endeavor
6
. Spanish rabbis of this generation made no contribution to the
responsa literature, we are told by Menachem Elon, because the progressively worsening
political situation, the persecutions and riots (...) prevented the creation of questions
and responsa under such conditions. Julius Guttmann reached a similar conclusion
from his own perspective: The frightful pressure under which Spanish Jewry, the
foremost bearers of Jewish philosophy, lived during the fteenth century precluded any
productive or original philosophic work. As for Kabbalah, the generation of 1492 shows
the dynamic, creative energies of earlier centuries spent; in Gershom Scholems words,
the literature of the fteenth century [in Spain] reects an unmistakable accidity of
religious thought and expression
7
. The conclusion suggested by these evaluations seems
unavoidable: the generation of the expulsion, in facing its crisis, had the misfortune of
being served by mediocre leaders who were simply not up to the challenge.
3
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45; B. Gampel has raised this issue in his own context
in The Last Jews on Iberian Soil, pp. 1-2, p. 210 n. 40.
4
H. Beinart, Order of the Expulsion, p. 87. Beinart goes on to note one exception, R. Judah ibn
Verga, who expressed his foreboding with a symbolic act according to Shevet Yehudah, chap. 62,
p. 127. But his translation of the passage in that article obscures the fact that Judahs symbolic act is
said to apply to three categories of conversos, not of Jews; furthermore, this kind of foreknowledge
claimed in a later text before the Inquisition came, he knew all it would do is always suspect of
being a prophecy after the fact.
5
M. Bernstein, Foregone Conclusions, p. 16 (italics in original).
6
There is, therefore, no question but that the fteenth century saw a complete breakdown and
virtual collapse of the high level of Jewish learning which had characterized Spanish Jewry from the
earliest days (N. Roth, Conversos, p. 13), but contrast the detailed information on pp. 53-54. Yom
Tov Assis recently articulated what he calls the view held by most scholars as follows: The last
century of Jewish life in Spain was on the whole a period of decline... Many leaders were either dead
or baptized. Inevitably, the years following the massacres were very meager in literary production.
Apart from poetry and ethics, many themes of Jewish learning were almost completely neglected
during the years after 1391. Y.T. Assis, Spanish Jewry, p. 309 (I am indebted to an anonymous
reviewer of this article for this reference).
7
M. Elon, Ha-Mishpat ha-Ivri, vol. II, p.1235; J. Guttmann, Philosophies of Judaism, p. 275;
G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism, p. 244. Contrast the much more positive assessment
by Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 426.
98 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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It is not my primary purpose either to polemicize against scholars, such
as those mentioned in the previous paragraph whose work I deeply admire, or to
defend the rabbinic leaders of Spanish Jewry, but rather to examine the basis on which
the charge of mediocrity has been leveled. For it seems to me that it is based on
assumptions that are fundamentally unhistorical. Let us consider each of the charges
in turn.
3. REASSESSING THE QUALITY OF RABBINIC LEADERSHIP
The accusation of political obtuseness, an inability to see the handwriting
on the wall, a blindness (...) for developments laden with mortal danger, sounds more
like the representation of the Diaspora experience in radical Zionist ideology than a
proper historical assessment. It is always easy to read history backward: from what
eventually happened to what should have been obvious. Before the fact, even the most
astute and canny contemporary observers, faced with contradictory indicators and
questionable precedents, confront an opaque wall. What seems so clear in retrospect
appears at the time to be open-ended, ambiguous, and obscure.
Should Jewish leaders have seen the expulsion coming? The evidence
indicates that virtually everyone in Spain, including powerful courtiers and inuential
churchmen, were taken by surprise. At the very least, it is clear that the Catholic
Monarchs carefully concealed their intentions until the last moment, permitting Jews
in Granada and the surrounding territories conquered to remain in their places until
December 8, 1494, and signing four-year contracts with Jewish tax farmers in January
of 1492. Indeed, one reconstruction suggests that the King and Queen themselves
decided hastily, only a couple of months before the Edict was issued
8
. If on January 1,
1492, Ferdinand and Isabella had no concrete plans to expel the Jews from Spain, or
deliberately disguised those plans, why should the Jewish leaders be condemned for
not having foreseen it?
Historical precedent? We neatly group the medieval expulsions from
Western Europe into a series: England in 1290, France in 1306, perhaps in 1322, and
in 1394, Spain in 1492. The Jews of Spain knew about these earlier expulsions. But
it was apparently only after their own that they began to recognize a pattern
9
. Before
the fact, they understandably and perhaps quite properly thought of themselves in
a totally different category from their Ashkenazi colleagues. For whether we look at
total population, political inuence, access to the court, social integration and prestige,
longevity of presence in the land, there were ample grounds to support the claim that
Spanish Jewry was uniquely rooted in the Iberian peninsula and would not suffer the
fate that had befallen the communities to the north.
8
On the Capitulations of Granada specifying the terms of surrender, see O.R.Constable, Medieval
Iberia, p. 349, par. 4. On the four-year contract, see S.W. Baron, History of the Jews, vol. XI, p. 238
and p. 403, n. 59 (suggesting the possibly duplicitous intent). For the argument that the monarchs
decided upon the expulsion precipitously, see S. Haliczer, The Castilian Urban Patriciate, pp. 35-58.
There is a division among historians rather analogous to the intentionalist and functionalist in-
terpretations of the Nazi Final Solution, but even from the intentionalist position, it does not follow
that the intentions of the rulers should have been obvious.
9
The expulsion from France in 1322 has been called into question; see E.A.R. Brown, Philip V,
Charles IV, pp. 294-329. Concerning knowledge of earlier expulsions, see M. Saperstein, A Sermon
on the Akedah, 1996, pp. 259-260. For the pattern of expulsions recognized after the fact, see I. Abra-
vanel, Commentary on the Torah, vol. III, 262b-263a, on Deuteronomy chap. 28; J. Hacker, Kroniqot
Hadashot, p. 201 n. 1; Y. Yerushalmi, Zakhor, p. 59.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.05
What about the local expulsions on the Iberian peninsula? Netanyahu
himself, discussing the expulsion from Andaluca in 1483, refers to Ferdinands
abilities at concealment and subterfuge whereby the King and Queen appeared as
if they came to the rescue of the expelled and supported their claims and nancial
interests
10
. But rather than taking this as evidence that the naive Jews were duped by
the duplicitous Ferdinand, it may be taken to indicate that the monarchs themselves did
not view this as the rst step leading to the general expulsion, but rather as a tactical
decision to solidify support in the South. When in 1486, local ofcials expelled the
Jews from Valmaseda, Rabbi Abraham Najara wrote in protest to the Monarchs, who
responded with an order to permit the Jews to return
11
. There is no reason why this
rabbi, or other contemporary Jewish leaders, should have seen the Crown as already
plotting the end of Spanish Jewry
12
.
Should they not have seen, as Netanyahu argues, that the establishment of
the Inquisition and the erce campaign being conducted against the Marranos in
the name of their Jewishness pointed to a clear and present danger for themselves?
13

But it was not at all clear and present, and Spanish Jewrys regnant theory of the
Inquisition, which Netanyahu contemptuously dismisses, was not implausible.
Whether one understands the Inquisition primarily as a religious institution or as a
social and political one, it was plausible to interpret it as devoid of direct threat to the
Jewish community
14
.
Religiously, it attacked the Jewishness of the Marranos only because they
were dened as Christians. The Jewishness of the Jews was in a totally different
category, protected by long-standing Church doctrine. It was not generally argued
that Judaism is by its very nature a pollution of Spanish culture, only that contact with
Jews could inuence the conversos in a negative way
15
. The solution seemed to be
in the direction of segregation, or at worst punishment of specic communities of
10
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 48, p. 277, n. 32b.
11
S. Haliczer, Castilian Urban Patriciate, p. 55, based on L.Suarez, Documentos, pp. 313, 317-
319. Cf. also H. Beinart, The Expulsion of the Jews, pp. 21-22, on the role of Abraham Seneor in
reversing this expulsion.
12
Cf. also C. Carrete Parrondo, Sefarad 1492, pp. 49-54.
13
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45. Common sense, we are told, should have led the
Jews to foresee the danger. It is rather extraordinary how none of the Jews then living, according to
Netanyahu, seem to have had any common sense.
14
The scholarly dispute over the nature of the Inquisition is, of course, integrally bound up with
the dispute over the nature of the conversos. For reviews of the literature, see B.A. Lorence, The
Inquisition and the New Christians, pp. 13-72; J. Kaplan, Baayat ha-Anusim pp. 117-44; J. Martnez
de Bujanda, Recent Historiography of the Spanish, pp. 221-247; and, in a more popular form,
A. Gopnik, Inquiring Minds, pp. 70-75. For a political interpretation of Inquisition, see B. Netan-
yahu, The Marranos of Spain, p. 4, and in exhaustive detail, idem, Origins of the Inquisition, e.g.
pp. 918-920; E. Rivkin, How Jewish Were the New Christians, vol. I, p. 108; M. Cohen, Towards a
New Comprehension, pp. 31-32.
15
Stronger attacks against Jews and Judaism were, of course, in circulation; a blatant example is
Alonso de Espinas Fortalitium Fidei. See Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 283-290;
B. Netanyahu, Origins of the Inquisition , pp. 814-847; A. Meyuhas Ginio, The Fortress of Faith,
pp. 215-237; S. McMichael, The End of the World, pp. 224-273. It should be noted, however, that this
book, completed in 1460, was printed outside of Spain (Strassburg, by 1471, Basel, ca. 1475, Nurem-
burg, 1485, Lyons, 1487). Even sophisticated Jewish leaders might not have known of it until quite
late, if at all. (Netanyahus conclusion that for Espina, mass extermination and annihilation was
the preferred solution to the Jewish problem in all the countries of Christendom (ibidem, p. 835) is
yet another instance of his projecting back on the fteenth century the experience of the Holocaust,
not to speak of pushing sources considerably beyond what they say).
100 MARC SAPERSTEIN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.05
Jews that had encouraged conversos to Judaize, not in total expulsion. The assertion
in the edict of expulsion that the Inquisition could never accomplish its task so long as
Jews remained on Spanish soil could hardly have been anticipated.
Socially, the same is true: the Inquisition attacked conversos accused
of Judaizing because, as Christians, they were theoretically entitled to advance in
Spanish society in accordance with their merits, thereby threatening the established
centers of Old Christian power. But the Jews themselves did not constitute such a
threat; their inuence in Spanish society was not growing but waning at the time of
the expulsion
16
. It was not argued that Jews per se were taking over Spanish society
and had to be stopped.
For both of these reasons, it was plausible for Jewish leaders to perceive
the Inquisition as not constituting a direct threat. Just as some conversos favored
establishment of the Inquisition in their belief that it would separate the genuine New
Christians from Judaizing heretics, so Jews were not necessarily indulging in self-
delusion when they concluded that their position was not affected by it. So long as
they did not violate the ground rules of toleration by inducing conversion to Judaism,
so long as they obeyed the law of the land by testifying before the Inquisition when
summoned
17
, they had no obvious reason to fear that they would be the next object of
attack
18
.
And what if these Jewish leaders had been able to foresee the expulsion?
19

What could they have done? Call for mass emigration in 1491, or 1480? Even in
the unlikely case they would have been heeded, the result would not have been
signicantly different: a shift in Jewish population to new arenas. Was there anything
Spanish Jewish leaders could have done to prevent the expulsion? Despite their
resources, the inuence of Jewish courtiers was limited. Abravanel describes his
efforts to convince the Catholic Monarchs to revoke the Edict, and it is difcult to
imagine what more could have been attempted: Christian allies in the court were
mobilized, a vast sum of money was pledged, various kinds of appeals were made
20
.
At the same time, other leaders were acting to facilitate the large-scale emigration
16
This has been persuasively argued by S. Haliczer in The Expulsion of the Jews, pp. 39-47.
17
On the Jewish obligation to testify before the Inquisition: S.W. Baron, History of the Jews, vol.
XIII, p. 37.
18
Making an explicit analogy, Netanyahu similarly condemns the Jews of Germany for
having failed to foresee Hitlers rise to power at any time during the period preceding that
rise (B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 45). It is here that the authors revisionist Zionist
subtext becomes most apparent. One might have thought it was time to stop blaming Jewish
leaders for unprecedented disasters they were powerless to prevent. Note the quotations from
Abravanel and Arama cited by B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 276, n. 27, and used
to document their blindness to the approaching tidal wave. To the contrary, they may serve
to indicate that there was no good reason to suspect that the position of Spanish Jewry. Cf.
B. Gampel, The Last Jews on Iberian Soil, p. 2. Netanyahus condemnation of Spanish Jews
for not being prophets for having failed to notice () the mountainous wave which was
approaching to overwhelm them (1968, p. 45) is no more convincing as history than it is as
metaphor: those living by the seashore cannot see a tidal wave until it is too late.
19
For a possible adumbration of a disaster lying ahead, see the passage in a sermon by Shem Tov
ibn Shem Tov quoted in M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 82. But this passage expresses deep
skepticism about the ability of the Jewish courtiers to accomplish anything signicant on behalf of
their people. Needless to say, later accounts of premonitions, such as the passage cited above in
n. 4, and the story that Isaac de Leon appeared to his widow in a dream a year before the expulsion
and ordered that the cemetery in which he was buried be plowed over, have no evidentiary value for
the period before 1492. See J. Ha-Kohen, Emeq ha-Bakha, p. 99.
20
See B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, pp. 54-55, with references to the sources.
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through negotiations in Portugal and Istanbul. There is little that suggests a paralysis
of leadership at this crucial juncture. And if, as Haliczer has argued, the Catholic
Monarchs themselves were pressed to expel the Jews by powerful social forces they
could not successfully resist
21
, then the relative impotence of the Jews would have
been even more pronounced.
The star witness in the case for the failure of leadership has been Abraham
Seneor. One can hardly imagine a more devastating image than that of the most
powerful Jewish courtier in Spain, Rab de la corte and chief judge of the aljamas
of the Jews in Castile, accepting baptism with his illustrious son-in-law under the
sponsorship of the king, queen, and a leading cardinal. Perceived as having committed
the ultimate betrayal, it is not surprising that Seneor would be described by historians
as not among the pious and a man of no great stature (...) disliked by the leading Jews
of Spain especially because of his religious laxity and meager scholastic attainments
22
.
But these negative accounts are based on post-expulsion sources
23
. If we
look carefully at documents written before the conversion, we nd a rather different
picture: a Jewish leader described by his contemporaries as the enduring scepter
of Judah, our exilarch, who was not afraid to use his considerable inuence in the
court on behalf of his people. Baer concludes that He faithfully exercised his political
functions so as to promote the welfare of his people for sixteen years, and up to
the very day of his baptism (...) worked untiringly for the sake of the Jewish cause.
Together with Abravanel, he tried to persuade the monarchs to revoke their edict. And
one tradition, recorded by Capsali, maintains that he converted because of a threat by
the queen that the alternative would be a bloodbath against the Jews
24
. If this is true,
then the act might legitimately be understood as the ultimate self-sacrice. If not, then
21
See the article cited above in n. 8.
22
For the negative evaluations of Seneor, see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 314;
B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel, p. 52. For a thorough and balanced treatment of Seneor in histo-
rical context, see E. Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, pp. 169-229. The characterization of Seneor as chief
judge, cited above, appears in a document on p. 200; cf. pp. 208-217 on the nature of this position.
23
The main source states that Isaac de Leon, in a pun on Seneors name, called him Sone or,
hater of light, for he was a heretic, as is proven by eventual apostasy; see A. Marx, Expulsion
of the Jews, p. 250, and idem, Studies in Jewish History and Booklore, New York, 1944, p. 85;
Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 314; H.H. Ben-Sasson, Dor Golei Sefarad al Atsmo,
p. 458, n. 105. Cf. the attack, made in a polemical context, by Judah ben David Messer Leon,
cited in H. Tirosh-Rothschild, Between Worlds, p. 103. See also J. Hacker, Kroniqot Hadashot,
p. 222 and n. 131; this source explains the motivation not as philosophical skepticism but as
the evil inclination. The disparity probably indicates that in the absence of solid information
about the circumstances of conversion, writers used the opportunity to blame it on whatever
factors they wanted to criticize. The propensity to resort to negative plays on the names Seneor
and Meir (ibidem, p. 228) also suggests a lack of substantive information.
24
For the letter praising Seneor from 1487, see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 315;
Ben-Sasson, Dor Golei Sefarad, pp. 205-206; cf. also the description cited by Ben-Sasson there on
p. 207. Baers positive description of Seneors activities: A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 314, 341-
342, 400-402; cf. also M. Kriegel, La prise dune dcision, pp. 56-57. In his comprehensive review
of Seneors career, Gutwirth gives a more nuanced assessment of Seneors representation of Jewish
issues in the political arena, suggesting that in some cases Seneor may have been acting to defend
the interests of his own economic and social class rather than the Jewish community as a whole
(pp. 218-219). But a main thrust of his article is to criticize the tendency to evaluate Seneors entire
career retrospectively in light of the conversion (p. 228). For the exculpatory interpretation of Se-
neors apostasy, see E. Capsali, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, p. 210; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II,
p. 436; B. Netanyahu, Don Isaac Abravanel , p. 281 (buried in n. 71); S.W. Baron, History of the
Jews, vol. XI, p. 240. Note also E. Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, p. 206, on Seneors behavior soon
after the edict was proclaimed, plausibly indicating an initial intention to leave Spain.
102 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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the decision reects the psychology of an 80-year old man faced with expulsion from
the only country he knew. Yet it also shows that he was not universally disliked, for
if he were, how could a tradition like this have been circulated and given credence?
The only thing that might have prepared Spanish Jewry for the disaster of
1492 was a total abandonment of its historical and political traditions, an attempt to
forge broader alliances with those social elements whose interests were opposed to the
unication of the kingdoms, centralization of power, the suppression of religious and
political liberties. Perhaps someone might have foreseen that the strong centralized
state could be a greater source of danger to the Jews than forces from which Jews
were ordinarily protected by royal authority. Some passages in the later writings of
Abravanel might perhaps suggest this insight, achieved in retrospect
25
. But it was an
insight that would not be fully conrmed until our own century. To blame fteenth
century Spanish Jews for not foreseeing the unprecedented is an exercise not in
historiography but in polemic
26
.
Turning to the second charge, of intellectual mediocrity, we nd here
too a number of historical problems. First, there is an issue of selection. It is never
superuous to repeat the reminder that our evaluation of the leaders of Spanish Jewry
is based almost entirely on those who wrote books. In the late fteenth century,
in the infancy of printing, no book written by a contemporary Jew in Spain had
widespread inuence on Spanish soil
27
. The Jews in the generation of the expulsion
were inuenced not by what their leaders wrote, but by what they heard them say, and
this is, for the most part, lost to the historical record
28
. In every Jewish community
of Spain, sermons were delivered each Sabbath during the crucial years leading
25
On the royal alliance as the axiom of Jewish political ideology and behavior, see Y.H. Yerushal-
mi, The Lisbon Massacre of 1506, esp. pp. 38-39. Abravanels arguments that a king is not necessary,
and that the best government is provided by those appointed to positions of authority for limited
periods of time, who make decisions in large groups, and who are divided into groups that have
specialized authority and function, all lead to the goal of preventing the concentration of power and
ensuring that it will be exercised only in the most diffuse manner. Perhaps this reects the conclusion
that the Jews had been sacriced to the interests of centralism in Spain and that kings could be a
source of danger as well as of protection.
26
Cf. Peter Gays formulation about German antisemitism during the Wilhelmian decades, Freud,
Jews and Other Germans, pp. 169-170, concluding: To reproach Germanys Jews of that [Wilhel-
mian] epoch with failing to see what was, after all, scarcely visible or wholly invisible is an exercise
in the unhistorical.
27
The Hebrew books printed in Spain were classical texts, not the works of contemporary writers.
See P. Tishby, Defusei Eres [Incunabulim] Ivriyim, p. 522 and bibliography on p. 530, and more
generally, Israel Ta-Shma, Li-Yediat Matsav Limmud ha-Torah, vol. II, p. 263. (The situation was
different in Italy, where Judah Messer Leons Nofet Tsum, published at Mantua in 1475 or 1476,
became the rst Hebrew work printed during the lifetime of its author; see I. Rabinowitz, The Book
of the Honeycombs Flow, p. XXX.) Books written by the leaders of Spanish Jewry were printed in
the sixteenth century in countries to which the Jews had immigrated. These books cannot therefore
be taken as clear evidence of their authors inuence in Spain itself.
28
Occasionally we encounter reports in a written work of what an author remembers having heard
from his teacher, a preacher, etc. I. Abravanel, Ateret Zeqenim,, p. 12b: I heard a man who thought
himself to be wise, and is so considered by our masses, preach to a large audience (I am grateful to
Eric Lawee for this reference); Commentary on the Torah (above, n. 9), 2:253b on Exodus chapter 25,
citing things he heard from Joseph ibn Shem Tov. I. Caro, Toledot Yitshaq, p. 40a, citing his brother
Ephraim. Abraham Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, p. 24b, citing Isaac de Leon. I. Aboab, Nehar
Pishon, p. 16d, citing Joseph Jeshua (cf. Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 248); I. Aboab,
Beur Perush ha-Ramban la-Torah (see below, p. 106), Genesis, 6b, 12a, 20b, 36d; Exodus 17b, 19b
etc., citing his unnamed teacher (Isaac Canponton?). J. Yabetz, Or ha-Hayyim, p. 21a, citing Joseph
Hayun: see J. Hacker, R. Yosef Hayun, p. 275. Abraham Saba reported a sermon (including the open-
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to the summer of 1492. Of these thousands of sermons, many were undoubtedly
uninspired, conventional, hackneyed, devoted to standard conceptual and exegetical
problems bearing no direct relevance to the period. But there were undoubtedly some
that attempted to interpret the bewildering events of the present, to provide guidance,
encouragement, comfort to Jews faced with staggering uncertainties.
To mention only some of the material we know from contemporary reports:
a rabbi named Levi ben Shem Tov of Saragossa delivered three sermons in 1490
exhorting his people to obey the edict compelling Jews to testify about Judaizing
conversos before the Inquisition; Rabbi Solomon of Albarracin, banished from his
own city because of his sermons, preached so powerfully in Teruel that he dissuaded
Jews from converting and convinced them to leave Spain; Abraham Saba preached a
sermon on the destiny of the Jewish people and Christendom at a gathering of sages
in Castile, and they praised it; Abraham Zacuto delivered a eulogy for his teacher
Isaac Aboab in Portugal, in February of 1493
29
. Such material, of obvious importance
in evaluating the leadership of Spanish Jewry, was never written in a form intended
for future readers. Without it, assessment of the quality of leadership is bound to be
precarious.
Our data is limited not only by what was written, but by what has been
preserved. It stands to reason that a generation disrupted by the cataclysm of a sudden,
unexpected universal expulsion will lose a greater proportion of its manuscripts than
a generation living in quiet times. Despite the concerted effort by the Spanish migrs
to save their books, the extant literature of the period is lled with references to books
that have been lost, either in Spain or in Portugal
30
. How much do we know of Ephraim
Karo, father of the author of the Shulhan Arukh? He died at a relatively early age; but
his teachings are cited by his brother Isaac and by his son Joseph, who apparently
had access to written material, a collection of legal decisions or responsa that is not
known to be extant
31
. Indeed, there is a whole list of distinguished rabbis and heads of
ing biblical verse) delivered generations earlier by Hasdai Crescas during a drought, see E. Gutwirth,
Towards Expulsion, p. 61.
29
Levi ben Shem Tov, see M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 85, n. 12; Rabbi Solomon of
Albarracin, Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 436 citing A. Floriano, La aljama de judios de
Teruel, p. 17f; A. Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, end of Va-Yishlah, p. 50a; cf. Exod. p. 29b, Deut.
p. 6d; A. Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin ha-Shalem, p. 226a. Jacob Yabetz refers to his own sermons, none
of which have been preserved: J. Yabetz, Hasdei Ha-Shem, pp. 22-23; the work was written in the
second year after expulsion.
30
On the effort to save books and the inevitable loss nevertheless, see J. Hacker, The Intellectual
Activity of the Jews, p. 106. For material written but lost, see M. Benayahu, Derushav she-le-Rabbi
Yosef ben, pp. 51-52 on the lost works of Garon and pp. 42-43 on the lost sermons of Abraham
Shamsulo and of Shem Tov Gamil (or Jamil) of Tudela (on the latter, see J. Toledano, Me-Kitvei
Yad, pp. 403-409; E. Gutwirth, De Castellnou a Tlemcen, pp. 171-182, with further references n. 6).
Abraham Saba describes three of his works, including commentaries on the Torah and Scrolls and
Avot, lost in Portugal; see Dan Magor, Le-Toldotav shel R. Avraham Saba, pp. 227-228; A. Gross,
Iberian Jewry, pp. 8-9. Abravanel refers to his lost work Mahazeh Shaddai; see B. Netanyahu, Don
Isaac Abravanel, p. 85. For lost works by the courtier, philosopher and preacher Joseph Isaac ibn
Shem Tov, see H. Wolfson, Isaac ibn Shem Tobs Unknown, p. 490. Inquisitional documents refer
to the burning of some 6000 volumes on Judaism and sorcery at Salamanca in 1490; many of these
were presumably written by Jews. E.N. Adler, Lea on the Inquisition, p. 527. Abraham Saba, in the
passage noted above, describes a conscation of all Jewish books in Lisbon at the time of the forced
conversion of 1497. A source cited by Hacker, above, speaks of Kabbalistic manuscripts that sank
in the sea.
31
On Ephraim Karo, see R.J.Z. Werblowsky, Joseph Karo, p. 85; B. Landau, Le-Toledot, p. 19,
n. 5.
104 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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academies about whom hardly anything is known, either because they did not write at
all or because their books have been lost
32
.
This is probably the reason why the generation of the expulsion made little
contribution to the established corpus of responsa literature. One may doubt that
it is, as Elon suggests, because the challenges of the times made it difcult for the
rabbis to concentrate: since when do hard times, or even persecution, prevent Jews
from writing sheelot and teshuvot? Nor can the problem be the ability of the rabbis.
Could a generation of halakhists whom Joseph Karo spoke of with deep respect have
been unable to produce responsa? It seems far more likely that the texts of responsa
written by the Spanish rabbis simply did not reach the centers of Italy or the Ottoman
Empire where they could be collected, organized, printed, and incorporated into the
recognized body of precedents
33
.
Similarly, the upheaval caused by the expulsion is undoubtedly responsible
for the loss of communal registers and minute books pinqasim, which are such a
valuable source of information about the leadership of communities in Italy, Poland,
Amsterdam, and elsewhere. Spanish pinqasim are known only from occasional
references in other literature a loss of enormous historical magnitude
34
.
There is a second fundamental problem with the assessments of intellectual
mediocrity cited. Scholars in our time writing histories of Jewish philosophy or
Kabbalah can readily identify those who appear to be the truly profound, probing and
original minds, who blaze new paths for others. It does not at all follow, however,
that these individuals are necessarily the most effective religious leaders of their
own generation. Those who centuries later appear to be the deepest thinkers of an
age may have had little to say to most of their contemporaries. Ordinary Jews need
leaders who can make ideas accessible to them, relate them to the structure of their
traditional values and apply them to the array of contemporary challenges. This is not
an exaltation of mediocre minds; it is, rather, a suggestion that leadership in a specic
historical context may require abilities and qualities different from those that impress
intellectuals of a later age, and that brilliance may lie in communicating with a wide
audience as well as in exploring uncharted territory
35
.
32
See the document published by Alexander Marx (above n. 23), pp. 250, 254, 259-261, nn. 11-
21. Paramount among them is Isaac de Leon, renowned as Talmudist, Kabbalist, and public gure,
but known primarily because of brief citations by others and mention in the celebrated Inquisitional
trial of Alfonso de la Cavalleria: J.H. Weiss, Dor Dor ve-Dorshav, vol. V, pp. 234-235; A. Marx,
Expulsion of the Jews, p. 260 n. 15; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 374-375, 491-492
n. 17; M. Idel, Iyyunim be-Shitato, p. 262; I. Ta-Shma, Li-Yediat Matsav Limmud, pp. 271-273;
cf. A. Zacuto, Sefer Yuhasin, p. 76b; J. Ha-Kohen, Emeq ha-Bakha, p. 99 (see above, n. 19). Some
additional material about the Spanish rabbis is provided in eulogies by Joseph Garon: see, e.g.,
Benayahu, Derushav she-le-Rabbi Yosef ben Meir, pp. 118-120, on Samuel Franco and pp. 122-123
on Jacob ibn Habib; J. Hacker, Li-Demutam, pp. 47-59. Also A. Gross, Centers of Study and Yeshivot,
vol. I, pp 399-410; D. Boyarin, Ha-Iyyun ha-Sefaradi; and I. Ta-Shma, Li-Yediat Matsav Limmud,
pp. 261-278b on these scholars and the Castilian academies in general.
33
See the discussion of Aboabs responsa below.
34
E.g. Shivah Einayimm (Leghorn, 1745), p. 56b, It is written in the book of minutes called
registo (sic).
35
Some combined effective leadership with profundity: Maimonides and Crescas are paramount
examples. Yet their inuence as leaders was not because of their technical philosophical work. It was
not Crescass critique of Aristotle that made him such an important leader for Aragonese Jewry in the
generation of 1391, but rather his efforts to reconstruct the devastated aljamas and possibly his prea-
ching; see Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 83-85, 110-130. (Indeed, the power of Crescass
philosophical thought was not appreciated by Jewish philosophers even two or three generations
later; see the words of Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov cited by H. Wolfson, Crescas Critique of Aristotle,
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Conscious of these considerations, we can begin to evaluate the quality of
leadership by criteria appropriate to the historical setting. What we should expect
from religious leaders is not the ability to foresee the future or chart new intellectual
paths, but rather the ability to address the cultural, intellectual, ethical and spiritual
problems besetting their people in a manner that both demonstrates the relevance of
the common tradition to these issues and strengthens a commitment to this tradition.
By this measure, I believe there is abundant evidence that Spanish Jewry in its nal
generation produced gures of considerable stature.
It is hard to conceive of any denition of leadership that would exclude
Isaac Abravanel from the very highest level. He is one of the handful in Jewish
history who combines political inuence at the pinnacle of what was possible for
Jews, deep concern for the welfare of his people, and prolic writings of major
cultural signicance. His literary oeuvre can be seen as a summation of the entire
cultural tradition of Sephardic Jewry in Spain, cutting across the lines of philosophy,
Kabbalah and Talmudism to forge a comprehensive yet accessible synthesis. Because
Abravanel is so well known, detailed investigation of others is at present a more
important task
36
.
The thought of certain gures Isaac Arama, Abraham Bibago, Abraham
Shalom, and Abraham Saba has been investigated in monographic studies
37
. But even
within the limitations of those who wrote substantial extant works, there are other
leaders Isaac Aboab, Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov, Joel ibn Shueib, Isaac Karo, Joseph
Yabetz, and Israel the author of the sermon manuscript called Dover Meisharim
who warrant more detailed and comprehensive investigation than has been given
them. I will illustrate with the example of Isaac Aboab.

4. THE SERMONS OF ISAAC ABOAB
Aboabs stature as one of the most important Talmudists in the generation
of the expulsion is attested by many. Himself one of the outstanding disciples of Isaac
Canponton, his own disciples included Jacob Berab, Joseph Fasi, Moses Danon, and
Abraham Zacuto. Joseph Karos maggid singles out Aboabs yeshivah as pre-eminent
in the recent past, promising Karo that your academy will be even greater than that of
My chosen one, Isaac Aboab; Levi ibn Habib, rabbi of Jerusalem and erce opponent
of Berab, described Aboab as the greatest of his generation
38
. Aboabs commentary on
Orah Hayyim of the legal code Arbaah Turim was an important source for Karo, who
refers in his own commentary to a question disputed in the Aboab yeshivah. He also
p. 33, and D. ben Judah Messer Leon, cited by H. Tirosh-Rothschild, Between Worlds, p. 286, n. 25).
Therefore, the absence of a thinker of the stature of Crescas in the generation of the expulsion does
not necessarily mean that the quality of leadership was mediocre.
36
The substantial literature on Abravanel, in addition to Netanyahus biography, need not be
reviewed here, but note especially the important work of J.-C. Attias, Isaac Abravanel) and of
E. Lawee, Isaac Abravanels Stance, with reference to earlier articles. On the tendency to incorporate
both philosophy and Kabbalah, see S. Regev, Ha-Mahshavah ha-Ratsiyonal-Mistit ba-Hagut Yehu-
dit, pp. 155-189.
37
S. Heller-Wilensky, Yitshaq Arama u-Mishnato; C. Pearl, The Medieval Jewish Mind; A. Laza-
roff, The Theology of Abraham Bibago; H. Davidson, The Philosophy of Abraham Shalom; A. Gross,
Iberian Jewry.
38
For the view of Aboab by Karos maggid, see Maggid Meisharim, p. 2b; quoted in L. Jacobs,
Jewish Mystical Testimonies, p. 113. Sheelot u-Teshuvot ha-RaLBaH, Lemberg, 1865, 2: 24d,
no. 122 end.
106 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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wrote a commentary on Yoreh Deah and Novellae on the Talmudic Tractates Betsah,
Ketubot and Kiddushin
39
.
In addition, we are told that he wrote responsa in the thousands and myriads:
he made them proliferate, but we do not know who will gather them
40
. Two of these
responsa were published in the eighteenth century (at the end of Shivah Einayim.
Both deal with a trustee who sold the portion of a house belonging to orphans, who
in turn challenged the validity of the sale when they reached maturity. Aboab shows
considerable independence in his decision, writing,
The Talmudic statement [b. Gittin 52a] that trustees may not sell real estate
applied to their time, when real estate was the basis of their livelihood,
and their primary responsibility pertained to it. Today, however, when
our livelihood is based primarily on moveable property, which is better
than real estate in every respect, and it is well known in our time that
there is no work more demeaning than [that involving] real estate [cf. b.
Yebamot 63a], we should change the law in accordance with the place
and the time... In this position of mine, I do not rely on anyone else, for I
have not found it in any other decisor. However, together with my other
arguments, this is what the law should be
41
.
Even if such independence of legal reasoning was relatively unusual in his
work, if the actual number of his responsa was anywhere near 1000, the loss of such
a substantial corpus has deprived us of what would undoubtedly be a major resource
for Spanish Jewish life in its nal generation.
Aboabs interests and talents were considerably broader than the world of
the Talmud and Jewish law. His biblical commentary a supercommentary on Rashi
and Ramban enters fully into the arena of biblical exegesis
42
. One could not prove
from this work that the author was a distinguished halakhic authority at all, nor could
one document a solid grounding in either philosophy or Kabbalah. It shows little in
the way of an intellectual agenda, other than to guide the reader through some of the
problems in the classic commentaries of the two masters. More than anything else, it
gives the impression of Torah study for its own sake.
39
For Aboabs halakhic works, see J. Weiss, Dor Dor ve-Dorshav, vol. V, p. 235; M. Elon, Ha-
Mishpat ha-Ivri, p. 1080, n. 276 and p. 1091 n. 117; Jacob Katz, Halakhah ve-Kabbalah, p. 41,
n. 28 and p. 61; and the relatively recent publications of his works: Shitat ha-Qadmonim al Masekhet
Betsah, end of introduction; Tur ve-Shulhan Arukh, Orah Hayyim, Hilkhot Shabbat, p. 2. On an im-
portant work that emerged from his academy, see D. Boyarin, Mehqarim be-Farshanut ha-Talmud,
pp. 165-184, esp. p. 171, n. 31.
40
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, esp. the introduction by Solomon ben Mazal Tov, p. 2b, alluding to
Ps. 39:7. The statement may imply that unlike most collections of responsa, based on copies made
by the author (or an amanuensis) before they were sent, in this case the collection of copies had been
lost and all that existed were the originals sent to many different questioners who were, after the
expulsion, widely dispersed.
41
Shivah Einayim, Leghorn, 1745, pp. 54a-58b; quotation from p. 55a. Cf. the use of this res-
ponsum by Gutwirth, Abraham Seneor, p. 214.
42
This work was rst published at Istambul in 1545. The 1972 Encyclopedia Judaica article (2:93) by
Zvi Avneri (reproduced without change in Encyclopedia Judaica, 2nd. edition, 2007, 2:267-268) states
that while the supercommentary on Ramban (Nahmanides) has been printed, Aboabs supercommentary
on Rashi has been lost. This statement seems to me to be based on a misreading of the introduction to
Nehar Pishon, in which Solomon ben Mazal Tov mentions among Aboabs works his commentary
on the commentary of Rashi z l [his memory for blessing] on the Torah and on the commentary of
Ramban z l on the Torah. The printed work reveals that it is as much a discussion of Rashi as of
Ramban; it is probable therefore that the above statement does not refer to two separate works but to one.
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Particularly important for our purposes are Aboabs sermons
43
. To be sure,
the evidence of his preaching is less than ideal. Most of the material preserved in the
book published as Nehar Pishon is a summary, apparently written by the preachers
son from his fathers notes and from notes taken by disciples, and not a full transcript
of anything that was said
44
. Unlike the sermons of Aboabs younger contemporary
Joseph Garon
45
, these sermons are not identied by date or place of delivery, only
by the Torah lesson, life cycle, or holiday occasion. Nevertheless, we get from these
texts clear evidence that Aboab took preaching as a serious responsibility, reecting
on the techniques and conventions of the art, occasionally preaching twice on the
same Sabbath (at morning and afternoon services), delivering wedding sermons and
eulogies as well as the expected sermons for the Sabbaths immediately preceding
Passover and the Day of Atonement
46
.
Some of these sermons seem to be intended for the broadest kind of audience.
Consider the following passage from a manuscript sermon on the lesson Be-Shallah:
There are many obstacles that hinder a person from studying Gods
Torah, as is known, but I will subsume them under two categories. The
rst is the magnitude and the extent of Torah. People say, How long
will it take me to read every verse in the 24 books [of the Bible], and
the entire Mishnah, and the entire Talmud, totaling 60 tractates? This
consideration keeps people from studying. God therefore said to Israel
that Jews should always study Torah, for its reward is sustained and
established by God even for one who reads only a single book. That is
why the Sages said, It is not incumbent upon you to nish the task
[Avot 2,16], meaning, even if you have read only a little, I will give you
your reward, unlike laborers who are not paid until they nish the job
47
.
Rather than the conventional complaint about the decline in the standards of
Torah study, here we nd a rabbinical scholar reaching out to the simple Jew, showing
empathy for the difculties and frustrations of Torah study, and encouraging those
43
The collection of Aboabs sermons called Nehar Pishon (derived from Gen. 2,10-11) was rst
published in Istanbul, 1538 and then in Zolkiew, 1806 (subsequent references, unless otherwise in-
dicated, are to the latter edition). In both of these editions, the sermons are arranged in what seems
to be a totally random order. By contrast, in London MS Or. 10701, they are arranged in the order of
the Torah lessons, with the sermon on Genesis 2:10-11, which provides the title for the collection,
coming rst. This manuscript contains nothing that is not in the printed edition, and lacks some
material that is in the printed edition (see below, n. 68); furthermore, the manuscript contains some
passages with obvious textual errors. It is not easy to imagine why a printer using a manuscript with
sermons in an intelligible order would have jumbled the order to produce what we have in print. The
relationship between the MS and the editio princeps still needs clarication. Oxford Bodleian MS
952, by contrast, contains important homiletical material that is not in the printed edition.
44
On the sermons as copied by Aboabs disciples, see Jacob b. Isaac Aboabs statement on the
nal page of the Zolkiew edition; cf. M. Pachter, Sifrut ha-Derush p. 15. There are, however, internal
indications that the apocopation was the work of the preacher himself (e.g. I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon,
pp. 27c, 33a).
45
See the articles by Benayahu and Hacker cited above (notes 30 and 32), and M. Saperstein,
Jewish Preaching, pp. 199-216.
46
For sensitivity to homiletical art, see I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, 5b [reshut] 28a, 38d; London MS
fol. 102b; I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 13b [reasons for silence]; cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching,
pp. 63-64. Preaching twice on the same Sabbath: idem, Jewish Preaching, p. 31. Some indications
of having addressed an actual audience remain in the written text: I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, pp. 23c,
23d, 38d, 40d.
47
Oxford Bodleian MS 952, f. 7b.
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who will never be scholars to set reasonable goals and nd satisfaction in what they
are able to achieve.
Or the following passage, in which Aboab is discussing the actions of
Jacobs sons following the rape of Dinah:
It is human nature that when people quarrel, whether over words or
deeds, and come for reconciliation between themselves, if they are truly
sincere, they will say, Even though this and that occurred between us,
and such and such happened, it makes no difference. If the reconciliation
is insincere, they say, Never mention again what happened, while
the aggrieved party holds on to his anger and bides his time until an
opportunity comes for revenge. So it was with the sons of Jacob. They
calculated to themselves how it would be possible to take vengeance
against Shechem. When Shechem and his father Hamor came to ask for
Dinah, they said, Even though you have done this shameful thing to
our sister, we will overlook this insult and give her to you in marriage,
provided that you circumcise every male. That is why they believed
them. And this is the meaning of the verse, The sons of Jacob answered
Shechem and his father Hamor with guile (Genesis 34,13). What was the
guile? That they said, that he deled their sister Dinah (ibid.) [implying
sincere reconciliation], and subsequently killed them
48
.
Here we have an insight of some psychological depth, expressed in a form
that any listener can understand and identify with, used to explain a problematic verse.
As in the previous passage, it is a preaching style intended to endear the preacher with
a popular audience.
On the other hand, some of the printed sermons seem to have been
addressed to rather sophisticated and learned audiences. The level of philosophical
material in some of these sermons can be quite high. Elsewhere I have published
a passage in which Aboab cites Thomas Aquinass Commentary on Aristotles
Metaphysics, in which Aquinas identies a problem in Ibn Rushds commentary
49
.
According to Steinschneider, this work by Thomas was translated into Hebrew by
Abraham Nahmias, apparently in 1490 in the city of Ocaa
50
. If so, it appears that
Aboab, who lived not far from Ocaa in Guadalajara, acquired a manuscript of
the translation, studied at least part of it, and incorporated a section of it into his
sermon between the completion of the translation in 1490 and his death in 1493.
The entire passage seems more characteristic of a lecture at the University of Paris
than the conclusion of a sermon by a Spanish Talmudist, a rather amazing clue to
the expectations of at least one kind of Jewish audience and the intellectual breadth
of an important rabbi.
48
Ibidem (from a different sermon). See I. Abravanel, Commentary on the Torah, vol. I, p. 348,
question 6, on the problem in Gen. 34,13 and the inadequacy of the conventional interpretations. Like
Aboab (and like A. Saba, Tseror ha-Mor, Genesis, p. 48b), Abravanel interprets the last phrase of the
verse not as the Torahs explanation of the reason for the guile, but as the content of what they spoke;
his understanding of the guile is different from Aboabs (p. 352b-53a).
49
Nehar Pishon, p. 32d, cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 79-80. For
the substance of this passage, see T. Aquinas, Commentary on the Metaphysics, vol. II, p. 556, on
Metaphysics 10:1034b-1035a, paragraph 624. Cf. A. Bibagos discussion in a sermon from about the
same time of the dispute between Ibn Sina and Ibn Rushd on the origin of forms, which he relates
to a dispute in the aggadic (rabbinic lore) literature over the creation of the angels: A. Bibago, Zeh
Yenahamennu, p. 6d.
50
M. Steinschneider, Die hebraeischen Uebersetzungen, p. 485.
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More signicant than the mere citation of these authors is the way they are
used. Occasionally, Aboab will refer to an extreme philosophical idea that cannot be
accepted. He argues against the philosophizers (perhaps referring to Gersonides)
who deny Gods knowledge of particulars
51
, and refers with disdain to the destroyers
of our religion who teach that after death the soul will be unied with the Active
Intellect or with God
52
. For the most part, however, Aristotle and other philosophers
are cited by Aboab (and the other contemporary Spanish preachers whose works we
know) not in order to refute them, or to contrast their teachings with those of Torah.
On the contrary, they are usually cited as established truths, self-evident principles,
universally accepted doctrines, that can be used as building blocks for subsequent
assertions
53
.
Where there is an apparent contradiction between the Torah and philosophical
truth, Aboab often sets out to resolve it.
It is said that this Torah lesson about the creation of the world is
contradicted by principles derived from reason and logical demonstration;
therefore we will speak at greater length in order to show that the subject
of the parashah agrees with the intellect and science
54
.
He realizes that material in the Torah that appears to contradict reason for
example the use of anthropomorphic and anthropopathic language about God may
make it more difcult for thinking Jews to believe, and that these problems must be
addressed and resolved in philosophical terms
55
.
Also noteworthy is his use of philosophical tools, particularly drawn from
philology and logic, to solve exegetical problems. For example, noting the redundancy
of an extra verb to be at the end of Leviticus 27,10 Aboab begins,
To resolve this puzzle, you should know that there are two terms in the
language of the Christians that the translators did not know how to render
properly until recently. The rst is in their language ente and in ours it
is nimtsa; the second in their language is essentia and in ours heyot. In
addition, you should know that things that exist (nimtsaim) can exist in
reality or in the imagination
56
.
51
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 17a.
52
Ibidem, p. 23b: such unication would submerge the individual identity of the soul.
53
For examples, see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 80-82.
54
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 5a. Cf. Abraham Bibagos sermon on creation, published as Zeh
Yenahammenu (above, n. 49). After arguing that it is permissible to discuss the matter in public
(p. 2c), he launches a strong attack against the Averroist double-truth position, which he identies
with Christian scholars: They state the arguments against (creation ex nihilo) and resolve the
problem by saying that they are true, but in the way of nature; however, faith is above nature. This is
foolishness, for we cannot say Two is half of four in nature, but above nature two is more than four.
Faith does not pertain to matters that are beyond any doubt impossible (p. 4b). Also, the passage
from Shem Tov ibn Shem Tov cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 80-81.
55
There are things in the Torah that may lead a man to have doubts about the existence of God,
heaven forbid (I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 38d).
56
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 2d. On Aquinass De Ente et Essentia, see J. Bobik, Aquinas On
Being and Essence. This passage is extraordinary in reecting from the pulpit on problems of philo-
sophical translation from Latin into Hebrew. Cf. Steinschneider, Die hebraeischen Uebersetzungen,
pp. 484-485 for the terminology reected here (ha-heyot u-vi-leshonam essentia (...) ha-nimtsa u-
vi-leshonam ens). For an alternative (Italian) tradition, in which metsiut is used as a translation for
essentia, see G. Sermoneta, Un Glossario losoco ebraico-italiano del XIII secolo, pp. 256-257. For
110 MARC SAPERSTEIN
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This distinction enables the preacher to explain both the strange wording of
the verse and a statement of Maimonides about it.
Philosophy inuences not just the content but also the modes of thought
and forms of argumentation in some of Aboabs sermons. Like other contemporary
preachers, he will resort to the use of syllogisms to set forth his argument, a homiletical
technique about which Hayyim ibn Musa had complained decades earlier
57
. Many Jews
apparently found this mode of thinking that many found convincing, and that could
be readily followed in an oral discourse. Clearly a new manner of Jewish preaching,
it reveals the inuence of Aristotles works on logic that had recently been translated
into Hebrew. Like other Jewish preachers of his age, Aboab also used in his sermons
the form of the disputed question, one of the characteristic modes of medieval
scholastic discourse, a striking innovation in Jewish homiletics. Aboab employs the
disputed question form in discussing repentance, a particularly problematic doctrine
in the generation of the expulsion, investigating in one sermon whether repentance is
efcacious and in another whether repentance is a root of the Torah
58
. This scholastic
form of argumentation also seems to have had a genuine appeal for many Jewish
listeners, and Aboab shows how it was accommodated naturally into Spanish Jewish
preaching.
Aboab was not averse to discussing Kabbalistic material in his sermons.
The limited evidence for the use of Zoharic quotations and Kabbalistic doctrines
in public preaching at this time has led some scholars to conclude that with rare
exceptions Kabbalah was not incorporated into sermons before the late sixteenth
century
59
. Aboab provides another example indicating that this generalization may
reect the paucity of the sources rather than the realities of pulpit discourse. Thus he
cites the Midrash ha-Neelam on Genesis 4,12 (Cains punishment) and on Leviticus
4,22 (the sin of the nasi), summarizes Kabbalistic interpretations of Genesis 32,26
(the wounding of Jacob) and Numbers 12:3 (Moses humility), presents a Kabbalistic
understanding of the serotic signicance of repentance and a Kabbalistic explanation
of why the new month is not mentioned on Rosh Hashanah
60
. There is no indication
that the discussion of such material from the pulpit is in any way daring. It is rather a
way of enriching the preachers presentation.
a broader discussion of Christian inuences, see D. J. Lasker, The Impact of Christianity on Late Ibe-
rian Jewish Philosophy, pp. 175-190, and A. Ackerman, Jewish Philosophy and the Jewish-Christian
Philosophical Dialogue, pp. 371-390. Cf. also the example of Aboabs use of technical logic, citing
Aristotle and Ibn Rushd, in a eulogy, cited in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 81-82.
57
For examples of syllogisms in the sermons of Aboab and contemporaries, see ibidem, pp. 83-
84; for ibn Musas complaint, see the passage cited in M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, pp. 386.
58
On the form of the disputed question, see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn,
pp. 84-86, with references to Aboab in p. 85, and an example pp. 311-317.
59
See references, idem, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, p. 299, n. 17. Israel Bettan had already
noted Kabbalistic references in Arama: I. Bettan, Studies In Jewish Preaching, pp. 184-185 n. 145.
60
Oxford Bodleian MS 952 f. 20b, anf f. 16b (see M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn,
pp. 328, 315); I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, pp. 41d, 49b-c; Oxford MS. f. 17b (M. Saperstein,Your Voice
Like a Rams Horn, p. 318), 21a (ibidem, p. 329). To be sure, mere citations from the Zohar do not in
themselves make the case for the dissemination of Kabbalah in sermons, as the Zohar was sometimes
quoted as just another work of midrash. This cannot be said, however, about a passage such as the
nal passage cited above: The answer to this, according to the masters of true doctrine (hakhmei
ha-emet), is that Rosh Hashanah is the serah Malkhut, and on it we pray that that serah will be
complete, for then it sits in judgment. That is why we do not mention the new month on Rosh Has-
hanah, for the new month teaches about the efuence that Malkhut receives from the serot above it,
and then we do not know what will be (Oxford MS, fol. 21a). Aboab also quotes from the Kabbalist
Joseph Gikatila, Shaarei Orah (M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 320, 330).
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Despite the rather theoretical nature of the material cited thus far, Aboab
was by no means oblivious to problems of social import. His awareness of tensions
between Christians and Jews is reected in several passages. The Gentiles vilify us
and say, You have no share in the world to come a remark that appears to cause
special hurt
61
. They want us baptized
62
. Predictably, Aboab found little to praise in the
Christian religion, conceding that they shared with Jews the goal of worshipping the
true God, but insisting that they err in the means and paths they take, making light
darkness and darkness light
63
. At the same time, Jews should be careful to avoid
behavior that might engender Christian contempt for Judaism.
Since we live among the Gentiles, we must be careful in speaking with
them that your Yes means yes and our No, no, careful not to trick
them or to do them any injustice or wrong, for this is how our Torah and
our God are forgotten in their speech
64.
He was not afraid to speak out about social justice among Jews. Discussing
the problem of loans to the poor in the context of the Biblical legislation (Deut. 15,7-
9), he makes a specic contemporary application:
This problem pertaining to loans has arisen many times, especially where
I live. Because the Torah forbids the taking of interest when a loan is
given to a Jew, no one wants to lend to him. Since the impoverished Jew
cannot get an interest-bearing loan as a Gentile can, he cannot nd the
money he needs, and he dies of hunger. Thus the commandment turns
into a transgression. I am tempted to say that it should be considered a
greater sin for someone to refuse to make the loan than it is for someone
to make the loan and take interest, for in the rst case there is danger and
in the second there is not (...) I have dwelt at length on this because I see
wretched Jews crying out and not being answered, because of our sins,
in this time of dearth
65
.
This is a rather extraordinary passage. Jewish ethical and homiletical
literature is lled with denunciations by moralists of businessmen who fail to observe
properly the prohibitions against loans on interest; rabbis frequently emphasize the
seriousness of these laws and urge that Jews consult with competent authorities who
will keep them from improper loans
66
. Rarely do we nd a leading rabbinic gure
saying, in effect, that the transgressions entailed in taking interest are less serious than
depriving the poor of what they need to survive. While some Jewish lenders might
conceivably have endorsed this position allowing them to take interest, in violation
of a Torah commandment, it is extremely unlikely that the potential prot from small,
61
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 45d.
62
Ibidem, p. 34c. Elsewhere, Aboab refers to Christians as our enemies, or those who hate
us: p. 31b-c.
63
Ibidem, p. 8b.
64
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 55a. The phrase nishkah toratenu ve-elokenu be-hem at the end
is somewhat strange; it seems to suggest the idea of hillul ha-Shem: that unethical behavior on the
part of Jews will discredit the Torah and the reputation of God as worshipped by Jews in the minds
of Christians.
65
Oxford MS, f. 16a; M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 313-14. For possible
datings of the reference to this time of death, see ibidem, p. 295, n. 9.
66
See examples in M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, pp. 101, 138-39.
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risky loans to the poor would have generated support for Aboabs position from a
powerful wealthy class of Jews. This statement rather bespeaks a leader of deep social
consciousness and the courage to resist possible criticism from other rabbis.
In short, the works of Aboab, and especially his sermons, provide evidence
of a rabbi who could draw on all the intellectual resources of contemporary Jewish
culture expertise in Jewish law, biblical study, philosophy, Kabbalah, and social
consciousness and bring them together in communicating with his people. But what
about the great historical issues of the day? Here we are likely to be disappointed. As
is characteristic of the genre, what we nd is general and allusive rather than concrete
and specic. The assertion that the present generation, because of our sins, cannot
see Gods providence as the generation of Moses did
67
may well t the dark months of
1492, but it is too commonplace a sentiment to have historical value.
A parable cited from Midrash on Psalms states, A father and son were
walking on a road. The son, tired and weak, asked the father if they were
far from the city [their destination] or near it. The father said, Remember
this sign: when you see a cemetery, that will indicate that we are near the
city.... Thus when we see calamities draw near, it is a sign of the coming
of the Messiah.
This has been cited by historians as an example of an immediate response
to the expulsion, and indeed it may be. But the messianic dimension is almost entirely
absent in these sermons. If the passage is indeed authentic and not a later interpolation,
it may be nothing more a topos of response to sorrow
68
.
There are also references to martyrdom. In one sermon, Aboab says:
The soul that does not cleave to its body does not feel it when they
separate it from that body, for it is cleaving to God. That is why man has
been compared to an upside-down tree with its roots above. One should
therefore cleave to God, cleave to ones true root, and then he will not
feel it even when they take his life
69
.
This appears to express the tradition that the martyr feels no pain despite the
tortures of execution, a tradition known in this generation from the somewhat later
Megillat Amraphel
70
. Yet in a different passage the preacher seems to be clarifying
his position and repudiating the radical claim:
67
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 17a.
68
Ibidem, p. 9a; cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 84, with references in n. 9. The context
is the response by Cain to Gods pronouncement of his punishment; on the motif of Cain in this
generation, see ibidem, p. 202 and n. 5. The passage containing the parable is not in the London
MS of Aboabs Nehar Pishon. If the manuscript is primary, then those who brought the sermons to
press might have added it as a response to the expulsion. It is also possible that the manuscript was
written later and the passage removed because the expulsion did not lead to the messianic advent as
anticipated.
69
I. Aboab, Nehar Pishon, p. 23c. The comparison of the human being with the tree, transforming the
rhetorical question of Deut. 20:19 into a proposition (cf. M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 371, n. 25),
is superimposed on the Kabbalistic motive of the inverted tree as a symbol of the serotic realm and there-
fore related to the supernal anthropos. Cf. the source cited by M. Idel, Kabbalah: New Perspectives, p. 57.
70
G. Scholem, Haqirot Hadashot , p. 153; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, pp. 430-431. The
idea that the martyr feels no pain is attributed to Meir of Rothenburg by his disciple in Sefer Tashbetz;
see G. Scholem, Haqirot Hadashot , pp. 441-442, and D. Tamar, Le-Maamaro shel MaHaRaM , 33
(1958), pp. 376-377 and 34 (1959), p. 397; Y. Baer, A History of the Jews, vol. II, p. 508, n. 4 notes
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This is like someone who accepts death as a martyr. There is no doubt
that he will feel distress at the time he is being put to death, for the body
is affected by it. But insofar as he imagines that by this death he attains
true communion [with God], his mind will rejoice
71
.
Without information about the date or circumstances of delivery, it is
impossible to be certain what resonance these passages about martyrdom would have
had among the listeners who heard them. They indicate, however, that the experience
of the martyr was being addressed as an actual issue at a time when Jews could witness
the burning of those relaxed into the arms of the secular powers.
5. CONCLUSIONS
Was the vision of a man like Isaac Aboab inadequate to the great historic
challenges of his age? His extant writings provide little clear evidence of a profound
mind or a charismatic personality
72
. He did not have the stature of Samuel ibn
Nagrela or Moses Maimonides, who could both dominate their specic environment
and produce work of enduring value. These writings do, however, suggest a leader
of considerable talent, rooted in Spain yet capable of leaving it as an old man and
preparing the groundwork for accommodation elsewhere
73
; expert in the traditional
Talmudic literature but fascinated by philosophy and open to the teachings of
Kabbalah; capable of communicating to Jews who lacked more than a rudimentary
Jewish education and to the most sophisticated intellectuals; passionate about both the
nuances of halakhic interpretation and the large issues of social responsibility. How
many others, who are little more than names to us or whose names we do not even
know, were leaders of similar caliber gracing the Spanish Jewish communities during
their nal decades? That is a question to which historians may never be able to give a
fully adequate response.
6. BIBLIOGRAPHY
PRIMARY SOURCES:
Aboab, Isaac, Beur al Perush ha Ramban la-Torah, in Otsar Mefarshei ha-Torah,
2 vols., Jerusalem, [s.n.], 1973.
Aboab, Isaac, Commentary on the Tur, Orah Hayyim in Tur ve-Shulhan Arukh, Orah
Hayyim, Hilkhot Shabbat ... im Beur Hadash mi-Ketav Yad MoHaRY
Aboab, Montreal - Brooklyn, Hadrat Qodesh, 1991.
the Christian analogues of this doctrine; cf. also R. Fox, Pagans and Christians, pp. 438, 473, and A.
Drage, J. Tabor, A Noble Death, p. 138.
71
Oxford MS. f. 20a; M. Saperstein, Your Voice Like a Rams Horn, p. 325.
72
Note, however, the legendary account of the impression he made on the king of Portugal, repor-
ted by R. Joseph b. Moses Trani, Sheelot u-Teshuvot, part 2, no. 16; and cf. M. Joseph Bin Gorion,
Mimekor Yisrael, vol. II, pp. 793-794.
73
Our knowledge of Aboabs efforts to negotiate entry for Jewish refugees into Portugal is based
on Immanuel Aboabs account of his familys traditions in his Nomologia; the passage is quoted by
M. Kayserling, Geschichte der Juden in Portugal, pp. 108-109; cf. M. Orfali, Ba-Maavaq al Erkah
shel Torah, p. 262. There does not seem to be more contemporary corroboration for this. Undoubte-
dly, the eulogy of his disciple Abraham Zacuto would have claried matters.
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Aboab, Isaac, Nehar Pishon (Sermons), British Library MS Or.10701 (Gaster 1398).
Aboab, Isaac, Nehar Pishon (Sermons), Zolkiew, 1806
Aboab, Isaac, Novellae on Tractate Betsah, in Shitat ha-Qadmonim al Masekhet
Betsah ... im Hiddushei Rabbenu Yitshaq Aboab, Jerusalem, Mekhon Hatam
Sofer, 1959.
Aboab, Isaac, Qetsat Prashiyyot (Sermons), Oxford Bodleian MS 952.
Aboab, Isaac, Responsa in Shivah Einayim, Leghorn/Livorno, 1745.
Abravanel, Isaac, Ateret Zeqenim,Warsaw, 1894,
Abravanel, Isaac, Commentary on the Torah, 3 vols., Jerusalem, Bnei Arbel, 1964.
Aquinas, Thomas, Commentary on the Metaphysics of Aristotle, 2 vols., trans. John
P. Rowan, Chicago, H. Regnery, 1961.
Bibago, Abraham, Zeh Yenahamennu, Salonika, 1522.
Capsali, Elijah, Seder Eliyahu Zuta, 2 vols., Jerusalem, Mekhon Ben Tsevi, 1975-
1977.
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 119-140
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
ISLAMIC RITUAL PREACHING (KHUTBAS)
IN A CONTESTED ARENA:
SHIIS AND SUNNIS, FATIMIDS AND ABBASIDS
1
LA PREDICACIN LITRGICA ISLMICA (JUTAB)
EN UN TERRENO DE CONFRONTACIN:
CHIES Y SUNES, FATIMES Y ABASES
PAUL E. WALKER
University of Chicago
1
This paper draws on and depends in part on my volume of collected Fatimid sermons, P.E.
Walker, Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs. The thirteen khutbas included there are numbered from 1 to
13 and the numbers cited here below in the notes are to them as they appear in that book.
Abstract: In circumstances of political
and religious conict, the Islamic ritual
sermon could be traumatic, especially
when such sermons signaled a change in
allegiance from a Sunni to a Shii ruler (or
vice versa). For more than two centuries
the Ismaili Fatimids confronted the Ab-
basids, each claiming for itself the right
to be in invoked in the ofcial sermon in
the congregational mosques. One drama-
tic example of this change of loyalty is
illustrated by a verbatim copy of what the
preacher said on the occasion. This text,
together with a few others that have been
preserved, offer an opportunity to analy-
sis this genre of preaching in a contested
arena.
Keywords: Islamic sermons; khutba; Is-
maili Fatimids; caliphate; Arab-Islamic
rhetoric.
Resumen: En contextos de conicto po-
ltico y religioso, el sermn litrgico is-
lmico poda ser traumtico, sobre todo
si aluda a cambios de lealtad de un lder
sun a otro chi (o viceversa). Durante
ms de dos siglos los fatimes ismailes
se enfrentaron a los abases, reclamando
respectivamente para s el derecho a ser
invocados en los sermones ociales en
las mezquitas. Un ejemplo dramtico de
este cambio de lealtades queda ilustrado
en una copia literal de lo que dijo el predi-
cador en aquel momento. Ese texto, junto
con otros pocos que se han conservado,
permite analizar este tipo de predicacin
en un terreno de confrontacin.
Palabras clave: sermones islmicos; jut-
ba; fatimes ismailes; califato; retrica
rabo-musulmana.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Signaling changes in political allegiance in the khutba. 3. Rhetoric and
rhetorical strategies in the Fatimid khutba. 4. Blessings and curses in the khutba. 5. Conclu-
sions. 6. Appendix: Qirwashs khutba. 7. Bibliography.
120 PAUL E. WALKER
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
1. INTRODUCTION
In the era of dueling caliphates, a period of intense political and religious
rivalry, especially between the Sunni Abbasids and the Ismaili Shii Fatimids, a most
public act in support of one over the other took place during in the Friday sermon,
the khutba. Although not required by Islamic law, it had long become a xed custom
to ask, as a key part of these khutbas, for God to bestow His favors and benedictions
upon the current ruler, the one recognized in that particular locale. Any change
or alteration in that request, particularly an omission of a name or substitution of
another, was noted and commented upon. It most often implied a switch of allegiance,
religious or otherwise. Medieval chroniclers record such events carefully. It is in fact
one of the surest methods of tracking where and when a given town moved from one
political camp to another. The inscriptions on coins likewise indicate these shifts, but
less immediately. In times of frequent alteration, the weekly sermon and its invocation
offers the most accurate evidence of what precisely happened.
2. SIGNALING CHANGES IN POLITICAL ALLEGIANCE IN THE KHUTBA
For the two and a half centuries (909-1171) that the Fatimids, rst from
North Africa and then from Cairo, were locked in a bitter conict with their Baghdad
rivals, the issues at stake were as much religious Sunni versus Shii Islam as political
and territorial, a matter of which party possessed the sole right to govern the Muslim
community. Normally, within the domain of one, the Friday sermon was common
routine, a ritual unexceptional in every way. However, for those rare moments of
change, when the preacher invoked the name and titles of the enemy power instead
of the one formerly recognized, all present would have noticed and reacted, with
word of what occurred spreading rapidly far beyond the location of the mosque in
which he preached. If the new language also signaled a conversion from Sunnism
to Shiism (or vice versa) on the part of the local governor, those in attendance
the audience might or might not have acquiesced, but about that in most cases we
know little or nothing. Our sources follow the sentiments of rulers and occasionally
comment on the person whose task it was to deliver the sermon but not ordinary
people. Nonetheless how could these preachers, the khatibs, whose profession was the
composition and pronouncement of the Friday khutba, so readily switch from one side
to the other? Were they not religiously bound to a doctrine that precluded, or at least
made impossibly difcult, such alteration, especially in so short a period?
2

Relatively rapid back and forth variations were, to be sure, quite exceptional
and most likely occurred in border towns and cities. A good example is Aleppo, and
some other locations in Syria, which fell between the two Islamic empires. Mecca
and Madina also witnesses years of turmoil both at the advent and the waning of
Fatimid inuence in the Hijaz, when competition on the part of the caliphs for
acknowledgement from the local elite resulted in frequent alterations. However a
most dramatic instance of this kind of switching, and perhaps the best known of them,
took place in the year 401 (1010-1011), when the semi-independent Uqaylid ruler
of northern Mesopotamia, Qirwash b. al-Muqallad, rather abruptly proclaimed his
allegiance, not to the Abbasid caliph in nearby Baghdad, as was previously the case
with him, but to the more distance Fatimid al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah in Egypt. Qirwash
2
Most of the material presented in this article provides the perspective of the Shii Fatimids.
For the Sunni view, one might see, for example, M.J. Viguera Molins, Los predicadores de la corte.
ISLAMIC RITUAL PREACHING (KHUTBAS) 121
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
had thus now become a subject of the caliph of Cairo; he had in effect instituted an
appeal, a dawa, on behalf of his former masters great rival. It was cause for anguish
and apprehensive reproach in the east and for pride and celebration in the west. The
two sides made as much of the event as they could.
The public manifestation of the change, as was typical of the times, occurred
in the next subsequent Friday khutba, this one delivered appropriately in Qirwashs
capital Mawsil. The Uqaylid ruler simply handed his khatib the text of the sermon for
the occasion and the man dutifully read it to the assembled worshippers. In the weeks
that followed a similar message was heard in the congregational mosques of other
cities belonging to Qirwash, among them al-Anbar, al-Mada,in, Qasr ibn Hubayra,
and probably Kufa as well. Quite suddenly, and most likely unexpectedly, Iraq outside
of, but nevertheless all around, Baghdad had gone over to the Fatimids. The Sunni
caliphate was surely in mortal danger of a Shii take over.
That it did not happen is due less to the actions undertaken by the rightly
alarmed Abbasid caliph than by his much more powerful sponsor, the Buyid amir
Baha, al-Dawla. The Sunni caliph had no army himself and he could only employ
a sort of moral persuasion that would prove effective solely on those already loyal
to him. One was the famous theologian Abu Bakr al-Baqillani, whose anti-Ismaili
proclivities were well known. But even al-Baqillani could do no more than appeal to
Baha, al-Dawla. The Buyids, who were inclined to Shiism on their own, nonetheless
saw Qirwashs act as a challenge to them as well as to the Abbasids. The amir ordered
100,000 dinars to be spent either on a military option or as a bribe. Whichever one it
was, it worked and Qirwash reversed himself. The khutba in his lands quickly reverted
and once again called for Gods blessing to fall on al-Qadir in Baghdad. The matter
was therefore soon resolved in favor of the Abbasids.
In all, this incident represents therefore but a brief interval, ordinarily hardly
worth more than a passing mention. The rivalry between the two caliphates was by
then old. Even so, while not itself a lasting stage in this competition, an unexpected
benet of Qirwashs declaration of 401 is that a verbatim copy of the actual text of
the khutba he issued for the occasion survived. And, most curiously, it was carefully
preserved by the anti-Ismaili Baghdadi historian Ibn al-Jawzi, and from him by the
much later Egyptian Ibn Taghri Birdi
3
. For a vehemently anti-Fatimid writer to include
this khutba, which is clearly Shii as well as pro-Fatimid, in its entirety, is at the least
curious. But beyond that what is odder even still is that it is the sole complete example
of a standard Friday khutba on behalf of the Fatimids to reach us
4
.
The historians of medieval Islam regularly report changes of allegiance that
were announced in the Friday sermon, but they seldom tell us more about what was
actually said in the process. They do not, as a general rule, comment of the body of the
sermon. They are interested in politics not in the subtleties of expression or nuances of
doctrine. Therefore to learn more it is essential to have available to us whole texts, at
best verbatim copies of at least some of the khutbas, perhaps representative samples.
Although all but unique, Qirwashs declaration of 401 provides, therefore, just about
the only evidence of this kind we have. This one sermon must stand for the rest of
which there would have been thousands and thousands.
Sunni historians, principally Ibn al-Jawzi and Ibn Taghri Birdi, also
had a hard time making sense of this incident, even though they provide far more
details about it than any other sources. Both historians insist that the inhabitants
3
Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, vol. VII, pp. 248-251; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol.
IV, pp. 224-227.
4
For an English translation of the full text see the appendix at the end of this paper.
122 PAUL E. WALKER
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
of Mawsil agreed to the change with the positive response of an enslaved ock,
while concealing their true aversion and disgust, and both marvel at how easily
the khatib, who had previously pronounced the sermon in the name of the Abbasid
caliph, al-Qadir, would acquiesce in the change, which amounted to converting
from Sunni to Shii Islam. They offer a list of rather sumptuous new accoutrements
by implication a bribe bestowed on him for the occasion. The list is clearest in
Ibn Taghri Birdi. But one explanation for Qirwashs having bestowed what amounts
to a khila, a formal robe of honor, on his khatib is that the Fatimid colors were
white whereas those of the Abbasids were black. Accordingly, the qaba, dabiqiyya,
a tunic of dabiqi linen, mentioned by him would have been white to symbolize the
change ofcially
5
.
Thus these Sunni authorities are convinced that the new khutba disgusted
the audience who heard it, in part thereby indicating that they had decidedly not
agreed to become Shiis. Also they hint that the preacher went along with the change
in response to a bribe. However neither claim is likely to have been as totally valid
as these authors insist. Their words have the feel of Abbasid propaganda against the
Fatimids, which is, in many other situations, reasonably easy to spot. Still, although
we are fortunate enough to have the whole text of the sermon, we have no sure way
of learning the exact religious sentiments of either the khatib or the populations of
Mawsil in 401. The audience for Qirwashs declaration was likely mixed, some
leaning toward the Shia, others against them, just as similarly would have been true
even in Egypt or North Africa when they were both Fatimid territories.
Another case of major importance is the rst Friday sermon following the
Fatimid conquest of Egypt. For it, although the whole text does not exist, the crucial
portion has come down to us. Ibn Taghri Birdi, the same historian mentioned above,
reports that, immediately after seizing control, Jawhar cut the khutba for the Abbasids
and prohibited the wearing of black, replacing it with white. He commanded that the
khutba everywhere have added to it:
O God, bless Muhammad, the chosen, Ali, the approved, and Fatima,
the chaste, and al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two grandsons of the mes-
senger, from whom God has removed impurity and purged of all sin.
Bless the pure imams, the forefathers of the Commander of the Believers,
al-Muizz li-Din Allah
6
.
The message, clear to all, is unmistakably Shii. Yet another account relates
a portion of the rst khutba delivered in Fustat.
When it was Friday with ten days left in Shaban, Jawhar went down with
the army to the Old Mosque [in Fustat] for Friday prayers. Hibat Allah b.
Ahmad, the deputy of Abd al-Sami b. Umar al-Abbasi [i.e. the khatib
of that mosque] gave the khutba wearing white
7
.
5
In addition he was given a yellow turban, pants of red brocade and red shoes. See A. Metz,
Renaissance of Islam, p. 325.
6
The date for the rst use of the new formula was Friday the 8th of Dhul-Qada (according to
Ibn Khallikan). Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. IV, p. 36; al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa,,
vol. I, p. 117.
7
The name al-Abbasi the Abbasid indicates that this man was a member of the Abbasid family
and thus a relative of the Abbasid caliph. Jawhar conrmed him as the khatib of the mosque of Amr
in Fustat and he held that post at least until 365.
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When he reached the prayer portion (the second khutba), he read the
following from a written note:
O God, bless Your servant and Your deputy, the fruit of prophecy, scion of
the rightly guided guiding family, the servant of God, the Imam Maadd Abu
Tamim al-Muizz li-Din Allah, Commander of the Believers, just as You
blessed his pure forefathers and his predecessors, the rightly guided imams.
O God, raise high his rank and advance his word, make his proofs clear,
bring the community together in obedience to him and their hearts loving
friends of his, make guidance follow his sanction, have him inherit the
eastern parts of the land and its west, have him be master of the beginning
of things and their outcomes, for truly You speak and Your word is the
truth. We had written in the Psalms after the remembrance that the
servants of righteousness shall inherit the earth [21: 105].
Your religion has been subject to vexation. When that which is sacred
to You was deled, jihad on Your behalf extinguished, pilgrimage to
Your house and visitation of the tomb of Your messenger () disrupted,
he made his preparations for the jihad, got ready everything necessary
and sent the armies to support You. He expended funds in adherence
to You, taking pains to please You, to curb those who are foolish and
restrain those who are arrogant, to cause the truth to appear and the false
to come to nothing. So, O God, support the armies that he has sent and the
detachments that he charge with ghting the polytheists, contending with
the heretics, defending the Muslims, building up of the border territories
and the holy places, eradicating injustice, suspicions and greed, and
spreading justice throughout the nations.
O God, make his banners stand high and prominent, his armies dominant
and victorious; plant righteousness through him and by his hand; and
grant us through him supreme protections
8
.
Whereas the briefer phrases were to be included in all khutbas everywhere
in the newly conquered territories, the longer version applied to a specic event and
depended on having a written text for the khatib to read. The source suggests, in any
case, that the preacher delivered his regular khutba for the rst of the two halves of
the sermon and referred to the written text only for the second. What has reaches us is
the latter i.e. written portion only.
The holy cities of the Hijaz possessed huge symbolic signicance to the
rival caliphates. The caliph could claim ultimate supremacy only if he controlled
them. The Fatimids obtained recognition in Mecca and Madina with the advent of
the caliph al-Muizz in Egypt. The khutba there named them thereafter until the pro-
Abbasid Seljuks grew powerful enough to contest it. As with other cities and regions,
however, the khutba in Mecca and Madina could revert even then
9
. Aleppo in northern
Syria witnessed frequent changes of allegiances throughout the 5th/11th century. The
Zirids in North Africa likewise both renounced their recognition of the Fatimids
and returned to it on several occasions, beginning in the mid-5th/11th century and
continuing onward to the time of al-Amir in the early part of the next.
Nor were khutbas accorded this level of political importance solely within
the lands of Islam. An interesting case is that of Constantinople and the Byzantine
8
al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa, vol. I, pp. 114-115.
9
Various medieval chronicles preserve details of these changes back and forth. See my Orations
of the Fatimid Caliphs, p. 8, note 11 and the references there.
124 PAUL E. WALKER
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empire. Fatimid relations with the Byzantines continued, at times with animosity and
other periods with peace, for two centuries or more. In the year 378/988, a treaty
concluded with Byzantium stipulated, among other provisions, that the khutba said
in the mosque of Constantinople name the Fatimid caliph al-Aziz as the Muslim
supreme authority
10
. It is difcult to imagine that the congregation of Muslims in the
Byzantine capital was large enough to be signicant. However, renewals of this treaty
maintained that provision. In 418/1027, a treaty with the Emperor made sure that
khutbas in the lands of the Byzantines were to name only the Fatimid al-Zahir. The
mosque in Constantinople is to reopen, it says, and in exchange al-Zahir will permit
the reopening of the Church of the Holy Sepulcre in Jerusalem (both were evidently
closed in the period prior to this)
11
. Three decades later, in 447/1055, this stipulation
remained in effect (or had been renewed in subsequent treaties), when an ambassador
from the Seljuk sultan Tughril Beg arrived in Constantinople and asked if he could
use its mosque. The Emperor granted him permission. The man went to the mosque
on Friday to say his prayer and while there also gave a khutba in the name of the
Abbasid caliph al-Qaim. At the same time the qadi Abu Abdallah al-Qudai, who
was the ofcial representative of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir, happened to be in
Constantinople on behalf of his own master. He reported this breech of the treaty to
Cairo, whereupon al-Mustansir revoked its provisions and ordered that all the goods
and possessions in the Holy Sepulcre be seized by the government, leading predictably
to a serious deterioration of relations with the Byzantines
12
. Yet it is unclear if the
Byzantines fully appreciated how a small gesture on their part allowing a visitor to
use the mosque could cause such an aggressive reaction elsewhere. Or how easily
one Muslim could violate standing policy by his choice of a simply benediction in a
Friday sermon.
Changing the khutba might come with other symbolic measures as well
beyond the naming of the new ruler and altering the color of the preachers robes. In
450/1058, when the amir al-Basasiri captured Baghdad on behalf of the Fatimids, he
had the khutba read in the name of al-Mustansir in all its mosques and the musalla (the
festival grounds) one by one. Al-Maqrizi reports that, on the Feast of the Immolation
(id al-nahr), he smashed the minbar (pulpit) in the masjid (mosque) in Baghdad and
built a new one, stating this [old] minbar is sinister; from it hatred of the family of
Muhammad has been proclaimed
13
.
But the other side could be equally as vociferous. A case in point involves
the Zirids. They were theoretically vassals of the caliph in Cairo. The Sanhaja Berbers
from which tribe these rulers came were not, however, ever converted to Ismailism.
Most remained Maliki Sunni even while supporting, at rst loyally, the Fatimid cause.
Thus they were partisans of the Fatimid caliphate politically, but not religiously. al-
Muizz b. Badis, the Zirid ruler, preserved the trappings of continued allegiance,
notably the khutba, until 440/1048-49. In that year he cut his ties to Cairo for the rst
time. The Maghribi (Sunni) historian Ibn Idhari reports that he ceased the khutba
in favor of the lord of Egypt and burned the banners of the Fatimids. He also quotes
from the poet Ibn Sharaf al-Qayrawani, who was extremely well connected at the
Zirid court and lived contemporary to the event
14
. He offers a detailed account of
10
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. IV, p. 152.
11
al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa, vol. II, p. 176.
12
Ibn Muyassar, al-Muntaqa min Akhbar Misr, p. 14.
13
al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa,, vol. II, p. 254.
14
On this man see Ibn Sharaf al-Kayrawani by Ch. Pellat in the Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd.
edition.
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this al-Muizzs switching the khutba to the Abbasids, thereby putting an end to the
dawa of the Fatimids. The reason given by him is that, following the departure of
the caliph from the Maghrib in the middle of the previous century, the appeal of the
Fatimids recitation of their names from the minbars was resented so strongly that
fewer and fewer attended the Friday service, leaving the mosques empty. After many
years the Zirid ruler nally, according to this view, came to agree with his subjects,
broke off the khutba in their favor, and divorced himself from them. On top of that he
ordered his khatib, commencing with the khutba of the next id al-adha, to insert into
the khutba a cursing of the Fatimids. Ibn Sharaf preserved a copy of the portion that
contained this curse and we have it even now
15
.
It is worth wondering again, as the medieval authors often do, how the same
khatib could, after perhaps years of calling upon God to bless the Fatimid caliphs,
suddenly recite a string of curses against them, asking that God do the same. But
this problem occurred often enough as we have seen. In the obituaries of famous
preachers, their biographers might note, as in one example, that Abd al-Karim b. al-
Husayn Abul-Barakat, a well-respected preacher, had said the khutba in Damascus
for both the Abbasids and the Fatimids
16
. And, as with Qirwashs khatib in 401 and the
example here for the Zirids, there are many more like him
17
.
Most khutbas were never copied; and it is probable that on the vast majority
of occasions the preacher spoke extemporaneously, perhaps embellishing a memorized
sermon, or elements thereof. Famous khatibs those noted for their rhetorical skills
and eloquence did in certain instances assemble collections of their work in book
form, providing in turn models for others in the profession. However, it is difcult
now to determine which of them might have been originally actually read in a mosque
rather than composed solely for the book. Thus, while such books of sample sermons
may have value as literature, they tell us little about historical events. Under such
conditions, the survival of a verbatim copy of Qirwashs khutba is extraordinary.
We may have the copy of Qirwashs khutba because it was not merely a
written text, which seems to have been a basic requirement for survival, but because
copies of it circulated to the other cities of his domain. The same khutba was likely
used in al-Anbar, Qasr and al-Mada,in, and perhaps elsewhere in towns unnamed in
our reports. Obviously agents of the Abbasid caliph obtained an example of it, which
thus made it available to later historians such as the Baghdad-based Ibn al-Jawzi.
The one portion of the rst khutba in Egypt similarly survives because it began as a
written text.
Within their own domain the Fatimids ruled a diverse population; their subjects
belonged to a complete array of Islamic sects and schools. Even the chief justices, men
who had ultimate responsibility for the khutba and the khatibs employed under their
supervision, were frequently not Ismaili. Many judges were Maliki or Hana, in other
words, Sunnis
18
. Yet a basic stipulation of holding such ofces required acceptance of
the khutba that was said in the name of the Fatimid caliph. Muslims attending Friday
15
Ibn Idhari, al-Bayan al-mughrib, pp. 277-278. The curse is fairly elaborate and full of invec-
tives, given that al-Muizz and the Zirids were later to revert to the Fatimids on more than one oc-
casion.
16
Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum al-zahira, vol. V, p. 138.
17
Not all khatibs so readily acquiesced. In 401 when the change of the dawa rst reached al-
Anbar and was presented to the resident khatib, rather than accept, he ed from there to Kufa to avoid
it (Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, vol. VII, p. 251).
18
A notable example is Ibn Abil-Awwam, mentioned later, who was Hanafi, but there were
many others.
126 PAUL E. WALKER
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services anywhere within the empire would hear the preacher ask God to bestow His
blessings on these Ismaili imams. The average citizen need accept what he heard only
passively. Even so he could not escape at least a basic level of recognition of those
who ruled over him without eeing or hiding, and there is little evidence of that, not
withstanding the resistance in the Maghrib cited above. Many other parts of the Fatimid
Empire accepted their rule without protest. These caliphs enjoyed considerable support
and evident loyalty from all their subjects. Willingness to listen to that khutba would
have constituted a minimal requirement for citizenship within their territory.
The Friday sermon is a required element in Islamic ritual; it is universally
acknowledged by Muslims and performed in every weekly service as part of the
communitys congregational worship. Its origin is extremely old, going back to the
practice of the Prophet, perhaps even earlier. Many of the provisions for it are common
to the several madhhabs, including the Shia. The Fatimids were no exception
19
.
Typically, the ordinary sermon, which precedes prayers, is delivered by a professional
preacher. Under the Fatimids khatibs (the Arabic plural is khutaba,) were government
ofcials employed by the judiciary. Although the Fatimids continued to maintain
the dawa, its teaching and proselytizing organization, which was likewise a bureau
of the government, the khutba was not the responsibility of the chief dai or of his
missionaries. Apparently the dai, who as members of the dawa were the agents for
the religious appeal of the Fatimid imams, did not deliver such sermons. Thus there
was a distinction in this regard between the khatib, the preacher, and the dai, even
though both were agents of the government. One obvious difference is that preaching
was considered a public activity open to a wide and diverse audience, whereas the
dawa was restricted to a smaller group consisting solely of those who had sworn an
oath of religious devotion to the imam.
A late source reports that the salary allocated for individual khatibs was ten
to twenty dinars per month
20
, which is a not inconsiderable amount, and indicates how
important they were
21
. A passage from a section of al-Qalqashandis manual of chancery
practice includes the text of a decree of appointment for a judge under the Fatimids. One
paragraph in it is devoted to the role of the khatibs whose job he is to supervise:
The khatibs are the knights of the minbars, the tongues of those assembled,
the spokesmen of the sacred rituals, and the leaders of the congregations.
They are the emissaries of the heart to its lofty station by means of the ears,
its purier that makes hearts overcome its illnesses. His warfare drives away
the satans of the communities when they commit aggression against them.
He gives expression to guidance and uses his eloquence to the utmost to lead
them rightly. He perfects the articulation of the letters so that they serve to
enable their fulllment and manifestation. His exhortation unties from the
hardened eyes the knots that bind them and he calls to the rusted hearts until
his cry unleashes their tears. He wears proudly the robes of high dignity so
that minbars appear properly dressed because of him. His sermons nourish
the souls when they come to him seeking assistance and appealing for help
22
.
19
For some indication of Fatimid doctrine in regard to the khutba, see Qadi al-Numans, Daa,im
al-Islam, part one, pp. 182-187, English translation, vol. I, pp. 227-233.
20
al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa,, vol. III, p. 340.
21
There is unfortunately little specic discussion of the appointment of individuals to the ofce of
khatib, the khataba. But see Orations of the Fatimid Caliph, p. 6, n. 8, for some references.
22
This document was written by Qadi al-Fadil on behalf of the nal Fatimid caliph al-Adid for
the appointment of a judge who is not named (al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-asha, vol. 10, pp. 424-434);
the paragraph about the khatib is found on pp. 432-433.
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Just as they would have been in other regions of the Islamic world, these
knights of the minbar, whether Ismaili or not, were, under the Fatimids, men of
distinction and religious probity.
Other occasions for the khutba include the two id festivals: id al-tr,
breaking of the fast following the close of Ramadan, and id al-adha (also called id
al-nahr) the feast of sacrice on the 10th of Dhul-Hijja. Khutbas may be a part of
rituals for special purposes such as an eclipse, a drought, or an appeal for a jihad. A
festival khutba, which, in contrast to that of Fridays, follows prayers, conforms to the
occasion of it, featuring instructions to the congregation on the stipulations for either
the zakat al-tr (alms due at the breaking of the fast) or for proper and acceptable
sacrice (i.e. what animals may be slaughtered and how)
23
. This later type of khutba
was, in Fatimid lands, the responsibility of the imam-caliph in person, who delivered
it personally whenever possible. Luckily more examples of it, although even so few
enough, survive.
With the addition of some dozen of this type, the material for analysis
becomes that much richer, although not precisely of the same order as the common
Friday sermon, which is therefore different in many respects. Even so the rhetoric in
them and its use can tell us a great deal about how the imam-caliph sought to engage
an audience often at odds with him. The festival sermon could thus also involve a
contested arena, though seldom as dramatic as that of Qirwash. A major exception
comes from early in the reign when the future caliph al-Qa,im preached the sermon
to a hostile Egyptian crowd during a military incursion. That text which survives
provides some of the most vehement denunciations of Fatimid enemies to appear in
the surviving literature.
Many of the reports we have provide detailed descriptions of the festival
itself, but not necessarily joined to a copy of the text, which rarely exists. The rst of
those in Egypt is a nice example of such detail.
On the day of fast-breaking [in 362], al-Muizz rode in procession to
the musalla of Cairo that Jawhar had constructed for the id prayer ().
al-Muizz approached in full attire
24
with his banners and coverings. He
prayed with the people the prayer of the id at full length and completely,
reciting for the rst, after the Surat al-Fatiha, Has the story of the over-
whelming event reached you [88: 1]
25
. Following the recitation, he pro-
nounced the takbir, bowed for a long time, and prostrated at length ().
Qadi al-Numan relayed the takbir from him. In the second he recited,
after the Fatiha, the Surat al-Duha [no. 93] and said the takbir following
the recitation. This was the prayer of his grandfather Ali b. Abi Talib. He
held the bowed position and the prostration in the second also at length
(). When he had completed the prayer he mounted the minbar greeting
the people on the right and the left. Next he unfurled the two banners that
were on the minbar and he delivered the khutba with them to the front of
23
On the role of the khutba in Islamic ritual, see Khutba by A.J. Wensinck in the Encyclopaedia
of Islam, 2
nd
edition, and for the Shii (Fatimid) rules for it according to the imams, see the section
on ritual prayer in Qadi al-Numans Daa,im al-Islam, particularly Arabic pp. 182-187, translation
pp. 227-232.
24
The attire of the imam on these occasions was highly important if only for ritual purposes. Note
the hadith quoted from the imams by Qadi al-Numan in the Daaim al-Islam (translation pp. 228
and 230) to the effect that the imams on Friday and the two festivals should wear their nest. Requi-
rements of royal prestige obviously added another dimension.
25
On the recitation of this passage as well as other details of the id prayer see the hadith of Jafar
al-Sadiq related by Qadi al-Numan in his Daa,im al-Islam, vol. I, p. 186, translation vol. I, p. 232.
128 PAUL E. WALKER
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him. On the highest step of the minbar, there was a heavy brocaded cush-
ion for him to sit on between the two khutbas. He began the sermon with
In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate. With him on the
minbar were Jawhar, Ammar b. Jafar, and Shafi, the bearer of the royal
parasol. Then he commenced with God is great, God is great, opening
with this. He preached so eloquently the people cried. His khutba was
humble and submissive.
When he had completed the khutba, he departed with his troops, followed
by his four sons wearing armor and helmets riding on horses in the nest
attire. Two elephants preceded him
26
.
The record for the reign of his grandson al-Hakim, to cite another example,
is spotty and uncertain; no copies of what he said in any of his khutbas survive. Even
so one account from the year 395 offers the following description of one such event:
The Mosque of Rashida was tted out and the caliph rode to it on the
feast of fast-breaking, wearing a plain yellow robe with an indeterminate
turban on his head, which had been wrapped on his head with a hanging
tail and with a jewel between his eyes
27
. In front of him in the proces-
sion were six horses bearing saddles studded with jewels, six elephants
and ve giraffes. He prayed with the people theid prayer and preached
to them. In his khutba he cursed his enemy oppressor as was his due and
those who would spread false rumors about him. The commander of the
armies and the chief judge climbed the minbar with him
28
.
Most reports of this type are important less for what they say about the
giving of the khutba than for the information they provide about the procession to the
place where it was given. Obviously the ceremony on these occasions needed to be
as elaborate as possible. The number and type of animals was one key element. From
only a few years before, an account of the Zirid rulers procession to the musalla in
387 describes him as wearing the nest attire and being preceded by an elephant, two
giraffes and a gleaming white camel the like of which had never been seen before
29
.
There are also descriptions of family members and other notables who walked behind
the caliph and in what order. However, as interesting as these ceremonies might be,
it is the language of the actual khutba, its rhetoric, that concerns us here. How, in
a situation fraught with potential conict between Sunni and Shii, did the speaker
convey his message? Was the Shiism of the dynasty obvious and always present?
3. RHETORIC AND RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN THE FRIDAY KHUTBA
Whoever delivers the Friday khutba, or that of the two id festivals, must
assume the responsibility of employing terms and phrases aimed at a broad audience,
the rhetoric, in other words, of public address. To understand fully what might have
been involved, we ought to have a much larger sample of these sermons. But, although
26
This account is from al-Maqrizis Ittiaz al-hunafa, (vol. I, pp. 137-138) but ultimately from
Ibn Zulaq. In al-Maqrizis notes from Ibn Muyassars History of Egypt (Akhbar Misr, A.F. Sayyid
edition, pp. 159-160) the same passage appears, indicating that this work was his source for it.
27
P. Sanders, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo, p. 25.
28
al-Maqrizi, Ittiaz al-hunafa,, vol. II, p. 58.
29
Ibn Idhari, al-Bayan al-mughrib, vol. I, pp. 238-239.
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the evidence is not as plentiful as we might want, what we do have is all the more
precious for its rarity. If we cannot expect denitive answers, we nonetheless have
important material to investigate in the sermons that survive.
The Fatimid caliphs obviously always guarded carefully what they said,
but perhaps no more so than on the occasions of the khutbas just described when they
spoke before an audience that may well have included a vast array of their subjects,
representing many different religious inclinations Sunnis and Shiis of various
kinds and also a variety of ranks: men of the elites from both the military and the
bureaucracy, merchants, religious scholars, and the common folk among them. These
rulers knew well that the audience for such khutbas likely consisted both of their
most loyal subjects and at the same time others less attached, possibly some who
harbored grave doubts about them, even hostility. The surviving khutba by al-Qa,im
in Alexandria in 302 acknowledges such conditions forthrightly. The future imam
even anticipated the resistance and possible enmity of the Egyptians to himself and
his dynasty
30
. The ceremonial khutba was open at least theoretically to all Muslims,
not simply to Ismaili believers, and the person speaking had to take that fact into
account in choosing his words. The sermon for the festival, moreover, was delivered
at the musalla, which was always a large open space designed to accommodate the
maximum number of worshipers at one time. The Friday khutba given inside a mosque
naturally limited the size of the audience. No so that of theid.
With crowds so large it is fair to ask how many could actually hear what
was said. Even in a mosque that may have been a problem. The congregation was
under strict rule to maintain absolute silence. A hadith on the authority of Jafar al-
Sadiq states clearly When the imam stands up to deliver his sermon, it is obligatory
for the congregation to observe complete silence
31
. Nevertheless, in the open air of the
musalla
32
, surely only those close to the minbar heard the words of the imam directly.
Perhaps the same was true in the largest congregational mosques. But this difculty
was in part overcome by having a series of voices relay the message out beyond the
reach of the speakers own immediate circle.
It is likely that those allowed to be close to the imam had a special claim to
this privilege, either through rank or proven loyalty. From the descriptions provided
by eyewitnesses from the last phase of Fatimid rule, it is clear that the protection of
the caliph was taken seriously whenever he appeared in public. The occasion of the
khutba required careful control of exactly who came into close proximity to him. One
note indicates that no one outside of the governing elite was admitted to the ceremony
without being vouchsafed by the chief dai. That stipulation would appear to conne
the scope of the public audience that is, those from outside the government to
Ismailis. Only Ismailis would have had access to the dai. This condition, however,
may have applied more to the Friday khutba that the caliph gave in Ramadan in a
mosque than to the festivals. In any case there is no comparable evidence about such
a restriction from the earlier periods.
One important detail in two of the khutbas from North Africa, however,
features a direct appeal by name to the Kutama Berbers, who must therefore have
constitute a major portion of the audience at the time. The rst instance is particularly
30
For more detail about what he said on that occasion see below.
31
Qadi al-Numan, Daa,im al-Islam, vol. I, pp. 182, 186, translation vol. I, pp. 227-228, 231.
32
The Imam Jafar had stated that The prayers on the two festivals should be offered neither
under a roof nor in a house. For the Messenger of God used to go out of [Madina] until the horizon
would come into view [far away from habitation] and place his forehead on the bare earth, Qadi
al-Numan, Daa,im al-Islam, p. 185, translation, p. 230.
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striking. It occurs in the khutba read to the army during Abu Yazids siege of al-
Mahdiyya in Rajab 333 (March 945). In the name of al-Qa,im, the judge al-Marwadhi
praises the Kutama, whose forefathers had performed so gloriously both in keeping the
rights of the Fatimid line safe when it had been forced into hiding and in ghting for its
return to triumphal victory. You were the cache where God placed this Muhammadan,
Fatimid, mahdist right [to the imamate] until He caused it to triumph. You are, it goes
on to say, like the apostles of Jesus and the Ansar of Muhammad. The appeal here is
so specic we must conclude that the audience on that occasion was predominantly
if not exclusively Kutama Berber. The second instance is the festival sermon for the
id al-tr of 336, again at al-Mahdiyya. In it al-Mansur addresses part of his remarks
to the Kutama, noting effusively Gods favors to them and thus their special status in
the Imams eyes, and how pleased he is with them and their devotion to the Fatimid
dynasty.
An element in the rhetorical strategy of these khutbas may have involved
the use of phrases that a Sunni audience would understand differently from the Shia.
For example the commonly employed words Ali waliy Allah ( Ali is the waliy of
God), which eventually appeared on all Fatimid coins and is quite standard in Shia
discourse of every type, is readily taken by Sunnis to mean Ali is the friend of God.
Ordinarily, because this sense of the word waliy, which is perfectly valid for it, is not
objectionable, it causes no resistance or hostility on their part. For the Shia, however,
it means more than friend. Ali was, in their view the guardian (waliy, in a different
sense) of Gods community on earth. He was thus the agent of God with exclusive
authority to act as regent for the Muslims; he is their guardian.
One good example, albeit by mistake, of how Sunnis might misread the
words of a Fatimid khutba occurs with the line in Qirwashs Friday sermon about
God, who, by His light, caused the rising of the sun of truth from the west. Islamic
messianic speculation, even among Sunnis, regarded the signal for the end of time as
the rising of the sun from its place of setting, in other words of time being made to
reverse course or to cease altogether. With the Shia, in expectation of the return of
this or that imam, who had temporarily gone into occultation, such speculations are
more pronounced. The doctrine of several early Shii sects included a rising of the
imam from the west, from where he will restore true Islam and reclaim his rightful
position as head of the Muslim community. The Fatimids, who had rst attained power
in the Maghrib, i.e. in the west, naturally made the most of this concept. They were,
beginning with al-Mahdi, but subsequently collectively, the embodiment of such
messianic aspirations. With their rising to the imamate in the westernmost region of
the Islamic realm, these speculations had become a reality. But, in at least one major
source that reports these opening words of Qirwashs khutba Ibn al-Athirs early
7th/13th century universal history, al-Kamil l-ta,rikh some copies have changed
the word west to Arabs, which in Arabic script is quite easy: instead of al-gharb (the
west), read al-arab (the Arabs), the difference is a dot above the Arabic letter
or
33
.
Thus the key phrase would have the sun of truth rising from the Arabs, which would
sound quite reasonable to a Sunni audience.
To bear witness or testify that Muhammad was the prophet and messenger
of God is a standard feature of the khutba in general. Most of the attributes ascribed
to Muhammad in Fatimid khutbas, moreover, agreed well with such statements in
those not by them. What is different and uniquely Fatimid is the reference to him
as the grandfather, e.g. of the current caliph, or, as it most often appears, as our
33
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil l-ta,rikh, vol. IX, p. 223. This edition, in fact, prefers the reading al-
arab, listing al-gharb in the notes as an alternate given by one of the manuscripts.
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grandfather, as in the invocation of Gods blessings on our grandfather (jiddina).
The meaning, of course, is ancestor or forefather, but it carries a special connotation
in conjunction with references to Ali b. Abi Talib, who is always called our father
(abuna, abina).
4. BLESSINGS AND CURSES IN THE FATIMID KHUTBA
References and characterizations of Ali are particularly important as a sign
of the ancestral lineage of the Fatimids and of the Shii assertion of legitimacy for its
imamate. Ali bears the title Commander of the Believers, which, for the Shia, applies
to him alone among the companions of the Prophet since they do not recognize any
of the others as valid successors to the imamate. In his position as heir to the Prophet,
both physically and spiritually, he carries also the title of Legatee (in Arabic wasi). In
Qirwashs khutba he is called the Lord of the Legatees (sayyid al-wasiyin). Another
appellation denotes his close family relationship to Muhammad, which for the Shia
means, in reference to Ali, brother. For them the Prophet had adopted him as his own
brother. He was, moreover, in the same position as had been Aaron with respect to his
brother Moses. The Prophet had stated, according to a hadith of special importance to
the Shia, that, Ali is to me as Aaron was to Moses.
Here follow some examples from the khutbas:
and bless the rst to respond to him [i.e. the Prophet], Ali, the Com-
mander of the Believers and Lord of the Legatees, the establisher of ex-
cellence and mercy, the pillar of knowledge and wisdom, the root of the
noble and righteous tree generated from the sacred and pure trunk. And
[blessings be] on his successors, the lofty branches of that same tree, and
on what comes from it: the fruit that grows there
34
.
God bless our grandfather, Muhammad, the guide to the shinning path,
and our father, the Commander of the Believers, Ali b. Abi Talib, his
brother and son of his paternal uncle, whom he sanctioned for the posi-
tion of executor, and the chaste imams among the descendants of both,
the clear evident proofs of God to His creatures
35
.
And bless, O God, our father, the Commander of the Believers, Ali b.
Abi Talib, who held the place with respect to him that had Aaron with
Moses, the one who spoke to God
36
.
From a brief mention of a ritual of mutual cursing which is apparently what
is taking place in Qur,an 3:61,
If any one disputes this with you after the knowledge has come to you,
say, Come, let us gather our sons and your sons, our women and your
women, ourselves and yourselves; then let us pray and invoke the curse
of God on those who lie.

an entire tradition developed around the implied story of Muhammad having brought
under his cloak on that occasion his immediate family members. They were the
ashab al-kisa, (the Companions of the Cloak). The question then became who exactly
34
Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, Qirwashs khutba (n. 11).
35
Ibidem.
36
Ibidem, Khutba of al-Amir (n. 12).
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belonged to this set. For the Shia this has never been much of a question since they
include only the Prophet, Ali, Fatima, al-Hasan and al-Husayn. The non-Shia
dispute the matter and they have alternate interpretations of the tradition
37
. However,
in the Fatimid khutbas, as one would expect, the Shii point of view prevails, as in the
following passages from them.
O God, bless Your servant and Your messenger with a perpetually perfect
blessing, increase him with an honor to his honor and a nobility to his
nobility. Bless also all of the Companions of the Cloak (ashab al-kisa,),
the pure ones, the immaculates: Ali, the Commander of the Believers,
Fatima the radiant, mistress of the women of the two worlds, and al-
Hasan and al-Husayn, the two most noble and most righteous, and [bless]
the rightly guided imams among the progeny of al-Husayn, the luminar-
ies of guidance, the full moons of the darkness, the masters of mankind,
friends of the Most Merciful, the proofs of times, and pillars of the faith
38
.
the rightly guided (mahdist) imams among his noble and chaste progeny
who have been chosen for the caliphate and approved for the imamate, con-
rming their proof in the testament of the messenger, making obedience to
them necessary in the revelation, after His conferring excellence on them
over the world through the parentage of Muhammad, the lord of the mes-
sengers, and Ali, the most excellent of the legatees, those whose mother
was the mistress of women, the fth of the Companions of the Cloak
39
.
The third caliph al-Mansur speaks of Fatima as the radiant, mistress of the
women of the two worlds or, the radiant, mistress of the women of the two worlds,
and in yet another khutba, in reference to his own father and grandfather, the imams
al-Qa,im and al-Mahdi, he calls her Fatima, the radiant virgin
40
, your mother. In a
sermon by the fourth caliph al-Muizz the rightly guiding imams are those whose
mother was the mistress of women, the fth of the Companions of the Cloak. Similar
characterizations appear in the khutbas of al-Amir well over a century later
41
.
In Fatimid era khutbas both Hasan and Husayn are cited as imams and
members of the ve Companions of the Cloak, although they make quite clear that
the imamate continued after them solely among the descendants of Husayn. Some
examples:
al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two most noble and most righteous, and
[bless] the rightly guided imams among the progeny of al-Husayn, the
luminaries of guidance, the full moons of the darkness, the masters of
mankind, friends of the Most Merciful, the proofs of times, and pillars
of the faith
42
.
al-Hasan and al-Husayn, the two lords of the youth among the people of
paradise; and the imams from the progeny of al-Husayn, the chaste ones,
37
For additional information, see the articles in the Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2nd. edition, on
mubahala by W. Schmucker, Ahl al-kisa, by A.S. Tritton, and Ahl al-bayt by I. Goldziher,
C. van Arendonk and A.S. Tritton.
38
From the khutba by al-Mansur on the id al-tr 335 (Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, n. 5).
39
From the khutba by al-Muizz on the id al-nahr 341 (Ibidem, n. 9).
40
Virgin here means immaculate (al-Batul), untainted by menstrual impurity.
41
And [bless] our mother Fatima, the radiant and chaste; [Bless] our mother Fatima, the ra-
diant, nurturer of the prophecy singled out for revelation and nobility of character and honor.
42
From the khutba by al-Mansur on the id al-tr 335 (Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs, n. 5).
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the remainder of the messenger of God and his fruit, his two heirs, his
proof to the servants, the mountains of religion, lords of the believers and
saints of the worlds
43
.
Clearly the imams after al-Husayn are his offspring, not those of al-Hasan.
However the individual imams are seldom mentioned by name in the surviving
khutbas, even those prior to the period of concealment which commenced with
Ismail, the son of Jafar al-Sadiq, or with his son Muhammad b. Ismail, who was
actually the rst never to have appeared in public. In Qirwashs sermon they are in all
simply the righteous imams, the best and most excellent, those of them that stood forth
and appeared and those of them that were concealed and hidden. In the rst khutba
by al-Mansur he calls his grandfather al-Mahdi, the son of the Rightly Guided Ones
(al-Mahdiyyin), the noble son of the most noble without going further into the matter.
That seems to have been, to judge from these khutbas, the preferred policy for public
pronouncements. Only in a khutba of al-Amir are any of them cited by name. There
he refers to the imams prior to al-Mahdi as:
Ali b. al-Husayn Zayn al-Abidin, and Muhammad b. Ali Bakir Ulum
al-Din, and Jafar b. Muhammad al-Sadiq al-Amin, and the true imam
Ismail, and Muhammad his son, possessor of the nobility of the au-
thentic caliphate, and those who had all excellences and superiority, and
[bless] the imams who were concealed from their enemy who opposed in
his actions, all of them in like manner.
whom he contrasts with the piercing stars of truth, the suns rising from the places of
setting. The latter he names one by one starting with al-Mahdi.
However, it was evidently customary practice to cite each of the preceding
imams by name back from the current caliph to al-Mahdi, the founder of the dynasty
(but not further back). Ibn al-Tuwayri a source from near the end of the Fatimid era
suggests as much. In one of the two khutbas of al-Amir, this caliph lists all of those
who came before him from al-Mahdi through al-Mustali, his own father. All those
up to the reign of al-Hakim are named likewise in the khutba of Qirwash. Since the
full name of each caliph contained the word Allah, as in al-Mansur bi-Nasr Allah or
al-Hakim bi-Amr Allah, in the sermon where the name appears as part of a request
addressed directly to God for Him to bless each of the imams so named, the proper
form requires a personal pronoun, thus al-Mansur bi-Nasrika (The One who is
victorious through Your support, rather than The One who is victorious through the
support of God) or al-Hakim bi-Amrika (The Ruler by Your Command rather than The
Ruler by the Command of God).
From the medieval period until now it has been customary to call the dynasty
of Ismaili imams the Fatimids. But the history of this term is not yet clear. Did, for
example, the earliest caliphs of this line refer to themselves by that name? The Spanish
scholar Maribel Fierro published in 1996 an important study of this problem and of
the use in general of the terms al-fatimi (Fatimid) and al-atimiyyun (the Fatimids)
44
.
Although she carefully surveyed many of the major sources, she found little evidence
of these terms in works written by adherents of the dynasty. Further investigation
by others since has turned up more information. These terms do, in fact, appear but
more so, and more often, in the later phases of this rule. By the end of the dynasty it
43
Khutba of al-Mansur on the id al-adha in the year 335 (ibidem, n. 6).
44
M. Fierro, On al-fatimi and al-fatimiyyun.
134 PAUL E. WALKER
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was fairly common to call it al-dawla al-fatimiyya (the Fatimid state or the Fatimid
dynasty), and thus later authors grew quite accustom to this term.
Nevertheless, it is strikingly rare in the earliest documents produced by
those who held positions of authority in the government, including most particularly
the imams in their public pronouncements and declarations. The khutba would have
been a natural occasion for its use. Yet only one of those we now have contains the
word in a form that suggests an appropriate meaning. In a khutba that al-Qa,im
dictated for his chief judge to read to the army in 333, while al-Mahdiyya remained
under the siege of the Kharijite forces of Abu Yazid, his words addressed to the
Kutama appeal to them as the depository where God put the rights of the Fatimid
line until it could be revealed once again. You were the cache, it states, where God
placed this Muhammadan, Fatimid, mahdist right [to the imamate] until He caused it
to triumph and raised it high again. The Arabic reads for the key terms: al-haqq al-
muhammadi al-fatimi al-mahdi. Therefore it is certainly technically correct to say that
the Fatimids called themselves Fatimid from quite early. It would not have been used
in this fashion otherwise. The terms al-imam al-fatimi and al-fatimiyyin also appear
in early pro-Fatimid poetry
45
.
Signicantly, however, it appears in this one instance joined by two other
adjectives, Muhammadan and mahdist (al-muhammadi and al-mahdi), either or both
of which have the same claim to apply to the dynasty. The latter term al-mahdi or its
plural al-mahdiyyun/al-mahdiyyin, moreover, was, to judge from the khuhbas and other
surviving documents, the standard way these early Fatimids referred to themselves.
The phrase khulafa, al-rashidin al-mahdiyyin the rightly guided mahdist caliphs was
a part of the very rst Fatimid khutba. Al-Qa,im in 302 asked for Gods blessings on
al-khulafa, al-rashidin al-mahdiyyin. In al-Mansurs rst khutba he uses the words ibn
al-mahdiyyin son of the mahdis for his grandfather. Later in the same sermon he cites
al-hudat al-mahdiyyin (the rightly guided guides). In a subsequent khutba he speaks
of al-Mahdi as warith fadl al-a,imma al-mahdiyyin min aba,ihi al-khulafa, al-rashidin
the inheritor of the excellence of the mahdist imams from his forefathers, the rightly
guided caliphs. In the same sermon he calls al-Mahdi the distinguished offspring of
the rightly guided imams (najib al-a,imma al-mahdiyyin). The phrase al-a,imma al-
mahdiyyin becomes standard in subsequent khutbas. And it appears regularly in many
contexts documents and khutbas throughout the Fatimid period
46
.
Many of the khutbas feature condemnations of various enemies of the
Fatimids. The very earliest text requests God to:
grant him [the Imam] victory over Your apostate enemies (a,da,ika al-
mariqin), and heal through him the breasts of the believers, conquer
through him the easts of the land and its wests as You promised him,
support him against the iniquitous rebels.
Those who oppose the Fatimid cause are in fact enemies of God. In the
earliest sermon by al-Mansur he says:
Bring down upon his [meaning his father, al-Qa,ims] enemies, in the
east and the west, on land and on the sea, the most severe assaults and
45
See M. al-Yalawi (Yalaoui), al-Adab bi-Ifriqiya l-ahd al-fatimi, pp. 37 and 139. These two
references were brought to my attention by Tahera Qutbuddin.
46
One other term that might have been considered is Ismaili (Ismaili). However, it appears no
where in the khutbas and is exceedingly rare in Fatimid era literature as a whole.
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retributions that You have done or caused to occur with any of those
who were enemies of Yours, with destructive misfortune, dishonoring
exemplary punishments; destroy them by annihilation and burn them in
the re of hell.
The rst khutba by al-Qa,im deals with specic dynastic opponents, here
the Abbasids and the Umayyads. Responding to the situation in which he was at the
time having invaded Abbasid Egypt, al-Qa,im castigates both the rulers in Baghdad
and also their predecessors, the Umayyads. Although he does not say so in this khutba,
descendants of the Umayyads he denounces were still governing Spain and portions
of far western North Africa. They thus remained to be overcome and defeated just like
the Abbasids.
The lying apostate community, reneging on its intentions, deviating from
the command of their Lord, suppose that it has been correct in what it
claims about its caliphs whom they insist are the caliphs of the Lord of
the worlds, such as a youth not yet mature, like the boy lacking knowl-
edge, or like the child who, according to their claim, governs Islam. And
yet among them women bring them wine from every valley and region
on the backs of horses and in the bottoms of ships. As God the exalted
said: They take their priests and monks as lords besides God [9: 31].
They spend the funds of orphans and the poor, wrongly on their part and
unjustly, for singing lute players, skilled tamburists, and mazatanists
47
,
and talented drummers. You have seen their governors of cities, how one
of them mounts the wooden pulpit of the Prophets minbar to preach to
the people but he does not preach to himself. Rather he descends from
that position and inquires of those in that land for male and female sing-
ers, tamburists, ud players, thieves, short change artists, and shavers of
weights so that those can be brought to serve him. God curses the unjust
and prepares for them a blazing re. That man is someone who neither
commands the good nor prohibits the bad.
So much for the Abbasids. For the Umayyads he names specic names.
O God, curse Your enemies, the people who disobey You among the an-
cients and the later comers: the nation of Noah in the two worlds truly
they were an impious group and Ad and Thamud, and the Associates of
al-Rass
48
, and the tyrants of the tribe of Umayya and tribe of Marwan,
and Muawiya b. Abi Sufyan, who took from Your servants the rightful
share of dinars and dirhams, and waged war with them against the Emi-
grants and Helpers. Curse Amr b. al-As, [Here he lists fourteen more],
and those who were faithless and deviant, the apostates, transgressors
and heretics, and those who put off [acknowledging Alis succession]
and those who refrained from going to war under the Commander of the
Believers.
It should be noted that this list, by including the names of certain Umayyads
or Umayyad supporters and not others, suggests that the enemies named are worse
than those not mentioned. Al-Qa,im likely knew what he was doing. He did not for
47
Players of the short-necked lute.
48
For the meaning, identity and signicance of those named here and in the following passage,
see the notes to this khutba in part two of Orations of the Fatimid Caliphs.
136 PAUL E. WALKER
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example explicitly condemn Abu Bakr or Umar, the two earliest caliphs whom the
Shia generally castigate vehemently, or the third caliph Uthman, who was himself
an Umayyad and usually considered an enemy. To invoke the curse of God on any
of these three in Egypt at the time of this khutba would have provoked a strongly
negative reaction. In contrast the men named, who al-Qa,im likens to a set of enemies
cited in the Qur,an (the nation of Noah, Ad, Thamud, and the Associates of al-Rass),
were not even remotely as well regarded.
5. CONCLUSIONS
The public face of Shiism, as it appears in the few sermons to reach us
from the Fatimid period, suggests that, even in situations fraught with partisan conict
and the potential for violent opposition, the preacher held to a fairly clear message.
Thus despite some evidence of caution and the use of rhetorical strategies designed
to bridge sharp divides of doctrine, the words spoken, most particularly in the request
for God to bestow His favor on the Ismaili imams, consistently upheld the Shii
position against that of the Sunnis and of the Fatimids of North Africa and Egypt
in direct opposition to the Abbasids of Baghdad. The enemies of a dynasty could be
castigated, even cursed, from the pulpit; asking for God to bless one party might be
pared with another request for Him to condemn the other. And one individual khatib
may have uttered sentiments of support or those of rejection and aversion, both for
and against the same ruler barely more than a week apart. But it is less obvious that
he managed the switch on his own rather than depend on a precise written text in all
likelihood produced by an authority higher than himself, which was handed to him for
the occasion. Written copies are, moreover, apparently a key to the survival of any of
the sermons. If a khutba did not originate as a written document, no exact notion of
what was said in it has come down to us. That rule applies also to those by the caliphs.
6. APPENDIX: QIRWASHS KHUTBA
God is great, God is great; there is no god but God.
For Him is the praise of those who are, by His light, above the oods of fury,
who, by His power, burst asunder the pillars supporting idols, who, by His light, cause
the rising of the sun of truth from the west, who, by His justice, blot out the tyranny
of injustice and break, by His might, the back of inequity so that matters revert to
their original state and truth returns to its owners. Distinct in His essence, alone in
His attributes, manifest in His signs, solitary in His indications, time passes by Him
not so that the seasons preceded Him and forms do not resemble Him so that places
contain Him. Eyes do not see Him so that tongues can describe Him. His existence is
prior to all existences; His goodness surpasses all goodness. His oneness is xed in
every intellect; His presence exists in every vision. I praise Him with what is required
of His grateful friends, the highest of praise for Him. I implore Him to do as He wills
and wants. I acknowledge about Him what His most sincere friends and His witnesses
acknowledge. I bear witness that there is no god but God, alone, no partner does
He have; this is testimony unadulterated with the lth of idolatry or aficted with
delusions of doubt. It is free of deceit; it consists solely of obedience and submission.
I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and His messenger, may God
bless him. He chose him and selected him for the guidance of the people and for the
upholding of the truth so that the message and guidance away from error arrives.
The populace was at that time heedless and astray from the path of truth because of
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following personal whims. He saved them from the worship of idols and commanded
them to obey the most Merciful so that the proofs of God and His signs were upheld.
He brought to perfection his words by the delivery of them
49
, may God bless him,
and bless the rst to respond to him, Ali, the Commander of the Faithful and Lord
of the Legatees, the establisher of excellence and mercy, the pillar of knowledge and
wisdom, the root of the noble and righteous tree generated from the sacred and pure
trunk. And [blessings be] on his successors, the lofty branches of that same tree, and
on what comes from it: the fruit that grows there.
O people, fear God with the piety He is due [3: 102]; seek His reward:
beware of His punishment. You have seen what was recited to you in His book. God
the exalted said: the day We summon all the people by their imam [17: 71] and He
said: O you who believe, obey God and obey the messenger and obey those with
command among you [4: 59]. So beware, beware, O people, it is as if the present
world were leading you to the next. Its conditions have become clear, the pathway
looms up, interrogation is its reckoning and entry is according to its book: thus
whosoever does an atoms weight of good he will see it; whosoever does an atoms
weight of bad he will see it [99: 7-8]. Climb aboard the ship of your salvation before
you founder; hold fast to the rope of God altogether, do not scatter [3: 103]. Know
that He knows what is in your souls, so beware of Him
50
. Return to God with the
best of returns, respond to the summoner
51
who is the gateway of compliance, before
you yourself should say, Ah, woe is me, I neglected my duty to God and am now
among those who scoffed; or should say, alas, if God had guided me I would have
been among the God-fearing; or should say, upon seeing the punishment, O that I
could have another chance that I might be among those who do good [39: 56-58].
Be on your guard against heedlessness and indifference before that remorse, and the
sorrow, the hoping for another chance, the begging for redemption, and it is too late
to escape [38: 3]. Obey your imam and you will be well guided; cling to the holder
of the covenant and you will be led on the right way. He has shown you knowledge
by which you are led rightly and the path by which you are guided. May God make
us and you those who follow His wish; He makes faith his provision. He inspires
him with his piety and good sense. May God the most magnicent grant us and you
forgiveness, and for all Muslims the same.
[Then he sat and rose again and said:]
Praise be to God who is the most glorious and who is the creator of
mankind, who determines the divisions though He is [Himself] matchless in eternity
and perpetuity, who causes the dawns to break, who creates phantoms and makes
spirits. I praise Him as the rst and the last. I testify that He is the outward and
the inner. I seek His aid as the divine power. I request His support as the victorious
guardian. And I testify that there is no god but God, alone, who has no associate,
and that Muhammad is His servant and His messenger, this testimony from one
who afrms His absolute oneness in true faith and who confesses to His divinity
willingly, knowing the demonstration of what He summons to and understanding the
truth of the proofs for Him. O God, bless your radiant guardian and your greatest
friend, Ali b. Abi Talib, the father of the rightly guided imams. O God, bless the two
pure grandsons al-Hasan and al-Husayn and the righteous imams, the best and most
49
Qur,an, vol. 6, p. 115.
50
Qur,an, vol. 2, p. 235.
51
Qur,an, vol. 46, p. 31.
138 PAUL E. WALKER
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
excellent, those of them that stood forth and appeared and those of them that were
concealed and hidden
52
. O God, bless the imam who is The One rightly guided by
You [al-Mahdi bi-llah], and who conveyed Your commandments and made manifest
Your proofs and who took up the cause of justice in Your lands as the guide for Your
servants. O God, bless The one who takes charge by Your order [al-Qa,im bi-amr
Allah] and The one who is victorious through Your support [al-Mansur bi-nasr
Allah], these two who expended themselves for Your satisfaction and waged holy war
on Your enemies. O God, bless The one who makes strong Your religion [al-Muizz
li-din Allah], warrior in Your cause who revealed Your authentic signs and prominent
proofs. O God, bless The one who is mighty because of You [al-Aziz bi-llah] by
whom the land is cleared and by whom the servants are guided. O God, extend all of
Your blessings and the most perfect of Your favors to our lord and master, the imam
of the age, fortress of the faith, head of the Aliid dawa and prophetic religion, Your
servant and guardian on Your behalf, al-Mansur Abu Ali al-Hakim bi-amr Allah,
Commander of the Believers, just as You blessed his rightly guided forefathers and
as You ennobled Your saints who were rightly guided. O God, bear in mind what You
have appointed him to do and safeguard him in what You observe of him. Favor him
in what You bring to him; support his armies; raise high his banners in the east of the
land and its west, for indeed You are capable of all things.
[Source: Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Muntazam, 7: 248-51; Ibn Taghri Birdi, al-Nujum
al-zahira, 4: 224-27]
7. BIBLIOGRAPHY
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Islam 20 (1996), pp. 130-161.
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Golmohammadi, J., minbar. 2, Encyclopaedia of Islam. 2nd. edition, Leiden, E.J.
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(ed.), Leiden, 1867; reprinted Beirut, Dar Sadir, 1965-67.
Ibn Idhari, Abul-Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Marrakushi, Kitab al-Bayan al-
mughrib fi akhbar al-Andalus wal-Maghrib, George S. Colin; . Lvi-
Provenal (eds.), Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1948, vol. I.
Ibn al-Jawzi, Abul-Faraj Abd al-Rahman, al-Muntazam fi tarikh al-muluk wal-
umam, Haydarabad, Matbat Dairat al-Maarif al-Uthmaniyya, 1939.
Ibn Khallikan, Ahmad b. Muhammad, Wafayat al-ayan, Ihsan Abbas (ed.), Beirut,
Dar al-Thaqafa, 1968, 8 vols. (English translation of M. de Slane, 4 vols.,
Paris, Oriental Translation Fund, 1842-1871).
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Sayyid (ed.), Cairo, Institut franais darchologie orientale du Caire,
1981.
Ibn Said, Ali b. Musa al-Maghribi, al-Nujum al-zahira fi hula hadrat al-Qahira,
al-qism al-khass bil-Qahira min Kitab al-Mughrib fi hula al-Maghrib,
Husayn Nassar (ed.), Cairo, Matbaat Dar al-Kutub, 1970.
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This is a reference to those imams in the Ismaili line usually said to be three between Muham-
mad b. Ismail b. Jafar al-Sadiq and al-Mahdi who went into hidden to avoid Abbasid persecution.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.06
Ibn Taghri Birdi, Jamal al-Din Abul-Mahasin, al-Nujum al-zahira fi muluk Misr
wal-Qahira, Cairo, 1929-49; Cairo, Matbaat Dar al-Kutub, 1963-1971.
Ibn al-Tuwayr, Abu Muhammad Abd al-Salam, Nuzhat al-muqlatayn fi akhbar al-
dawlatayn, Ayman Fuad Sayyid (ed.), Beirut, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1992.
Ibn Zar, Jamal al-Din Ali, Akhbar al-duwal al-munqatia, Andr Ferr (ed.), Cairo,
Institut franais darchologie orientale du Caire, 1972.
al-Jawdhari, Abu Ali al-Mansur, Sirat Ustadh Jawdhar, M. K. Husayn; M. Abd al-
Hadi Shaira (eds.), Cairo, Dar al-Fikr al-Arabi, 1954; French transation
of M. Canard, Vie de lustadh Jaudhar, Alger, La TypoLitho et J. Carbonel,
1958.
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abul-Abbas Ahmad, Ittiaz al-hunafa bi-akhbar al-aimma
al-fatimiyyin al-khulafa, vol. I, Jamal al-Din al-Shayyal (ed.); vols. II-III,
Muhammad Hilmi Muhammad Ahmad (ed.), Cairo, 1967-1973.
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abul-Abbas Ahmad, al-Khitat (al-maruf bil-mawaiz
wal-itibar bidhikr al-khitat wal-athar), Bulaq, 1853, 2 vols. New edition
A. F. Sayyid, London, al-Furqan Islamic Heritage Foundation, 2002-2004,
5 vols. (unless otherwise noted all references are to this edition).
al-Maqrizi, Taqi al-Din Abul-Abbas Ahmad, Kitab al-Muqaffa al-kabir, M. al-
Yalawi (ed.), Beirut, Dar al-Gharb al-Islami, 1991, 8 vols.
Metz, Adam, The Renaissance of Islam, S. Kh. Bukhsh; D. S. Margoliouth (trads.),
London, Luzac and Co., 1937.
al-Musabbihi, al-Mukhtar Izz al-Mulk Muhammad, al-Juz al-arbaun min Akhbar
Misr, part 1 (historical section), Ayman Fuad Sayyid; Th. Bianquis (eds.),
Cairo, Institut franais darchologie orientale du Caire, 1978.
al-Nuwayri, Shihab al-Din Ahmad, Nihayat al-arab fi funun al-adab: al-Juz al-
thamin wal-ishrun, Muhammad Muhammad Amin; Muhammad Hilmi
Muhammad Ahmad (ed.), Cairo, Dar al-Kutub al-Misriyya, 1992.
Pedersen, J., minbar. 1. and Khatib, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden,
E. J. Brill, 1960-2004.
Pellat, Ch., Ibn Sharaf al-Kayrawani, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden,
E. J. Brill, 1960-2004.
al-Qalqashandi, Shihab al-Din Ahmad, Subh al-asha fi sinaat al-insha, Cairo, al-
Muassasa al-Misriyya al-Amma lil-Talif wal-Tarjama wal-Tibaa wal-
Nashr, 1912-1938.
Qadi al-Numan, Daaim al-Islam, A. A. A. Fyzee (ed.), Cairo, Dar al-Maarif, 1951-
1961; translation of Fyzee and I. Poonawala, New Delhi, Oxford University
Press, 2002-2004, 2 vols.
Sanders, Paula, Ritual, Politics, and the City in Fatimid Cairo, Albany, N.Y., State
University of New York Press, 1994.
Schmucker, W., mubahala, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill,
1960-2004.
Tritton, A. S., Ahl al-kisa, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd. edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill,
1960-2004.
Viguera Molins, Mara Jess, Los predicadores de la corte en Saber religioso y poder
poltico en el Islam: Actas del Simposio Internacional (Granada, 15-18
octubre 1991), Madrid, Agencia Espaola de Cooperacin Internacional,
1994, pp. 319-332.
Walker, Paul E., Exploring an Islamic Empire: Fatimid History and Its Sources,
London, I. B. Tauris, 2002.
Walker, Paul E., Orations of the Fatimid caliphs: festival sermons of the Ismaili
imams: an edition of the Arabic texts and English translation of Fatimid
khutbas, London, I. B. Tauris, 2009.
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Wensinck, A. J. Khutba, Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2
nd
edition, Leiden, E. J. Brill, 1960-
2004.
al-Yalawi (Yalaoui), Muhammad, al-Adab bi-Ifriqiya l-ahd al-fatimi, Beirut, Dar
al-Gharb al-Islami, 1986.
Fecha de recepcin del artculo: diciembre 2011
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 141-161
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
PREDICAZIONE E CURA PASTORALE.
I SERMONI DELLA CLARISSA VENEZIANA CHIARA BUGNI
(1471-1514)
1
PREACHING AND PASTORAL CARE.
THE SERMONI OF THE VENETIAN CLARISSAN NUN CHIARA BUGNI
(1471-1514)
GABRIELLA ZARRI
Universit di Firenze
1
Abbreviature utilizzate: ASV = Archivio di Stato di Venezia; Libro = Libro della beata Chiara.
Riassunto: Si analizzano i Sermoni della
clarissa veneziana Chiara Bugni (1471-
1514) a partire dalla recente edizione
dal Libro della beata Chiara, compos-
to alla met del Cinquecento. I Sermoni
documentano la prassi della predicazione
dellabbadessa allinterno del monastero
e sono distinte dalle visioni e rivelazioni
afdate alla Vita composta dal confessore.
Si conferma cos una duplice funzione de-
lla predicazione femminile: quella profe-
tica, rivolta allesterno, e quella ex ofcio
di carattere esortativo e pastorale.
Parole chiave: scrittura monastica; bio-
graa e rivelazione; predicazione femmi-
nile ex ofcio.
Abstract: This article analyzes the Ser-
mons of the Venetian Clarissian nun Chia-
ra Bugni (1471-1514) based on a recent
edition of the Libro della beata Chiara,
composed in the mid-sixteenth century.
The sermons document the practice of the
preaching of the abbess of the monastery
and they are distinct from the visions and
revelations afrmed in the Vita composed
by her confessor. This conrms a double
function of feminine preaching: that of
the prophetess, oriented outward, and that
of an ex ofcio kind of a hortatory and
pastoral character.
Keywords: monastic writing; biography
and revelation; extra-ofcial womens
preaching.
SOMMARIO
1. Premessa. 2. Il Libro della beata Chiara. 3. Chiara Bugni e la Vita composta da Francesco
Zorzi. 4. La predicazione ex ofcio. 5. Il testamento spirituale. 6. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni
alle consorelle: il fondamento della carit. 7. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni alle consorelle: la
pazienza e lumilt. 8. I Sermoni di Chiara Bugni alle consorelle: lubbidienza. 9. Il congedo
di Chiara Bugni: la predicazione femminile. 10. Bibliograa.
142 GABRIELLA ZARRI
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
1. PREMESSA
Per secoli ignorata dallOrdine religioso a cui si era consacrata, dimenticata
perno nellambiente cittadino in cui era vissuta, la clarissa Chiara Bugni ritornata
recentemente alla memoria come protagonista di una vicenda mistica e intellettuale
che molto ha da dirci sulla religiosit del primo Cinquecento veneziano. Professa nel
monastero del Santo Sepolcro di Venezia, fondato da diverse nobildonne sfuggite alla
presa di Negroponte da parte dei Turchi nel 1470, visse nascostamente per un quin-
dicennio no a quando il confessore non rivel i doni mistici di cui Chiara Bugni era
stata insignita. Tra il 1507 circa e il 1511 tutta Venezia segu con partecipazione ed
interesse il gran mistero che si svolgeva tra le mura monastiche. Leccessivo rumore
provoc lintervento di un visitatore dellordine francescano che impose alla clarissa
il silenzio e la carcerazione nel monastero. Dopo tre anni la mistica mor lasciando
dietro di s una duratura fama di santit.
Gli studi sulla clarissa veneziana hanno ricevuto impulso nellultimo tren-
tennio sulla scia dellinteresse per la dottrina e le opere del teologo francescano
Francesco Zorzi, Guardiano del monastero di San Francesco della Vigna e direttore
spirituale delle monache del Santo Sepolcro, e nellambito delle ricerche sulla santi-
t femminile e sul fenomeno delle sante vive nel primo Cinquecento
2
. Da questo
congiunto interesse sono scaturite indagini importanti tanto sul piano dellapprofon-
dimento losoco che documentario. La vita di Francesco Zorzi, teologo cabalista,
autore di opere che ebbero fama europea nel secolo XVI e oltre, stata puntualmente
ricostruita da Saverio Campanini
3
e la biograa di Chiara Bugni ha avuto una propria
collocazione allinterno della storia complessiva della comunit monastica in cui era
vissuta attraverso la pubblicazione del Libro della beata Chiara, opera che segna una
tappa miliare nella conoscenza della vita religiosa del primo Cinquecento
4
.
2. IL LIBRO DELLA BEATA CHIARA
Prima della pubblicazione del Libro della beata Chiara, la vita e i sermoni
di Chiara Bugni erano conosciuti tramite una edizione seicentesca
5
e un testimone ma-
noscritto conservato nel convento veneziano di San Francesco della Vigna
6
. A questi
testi fanno riferimento gli studi n qui prodotti e sopra citati. Il lungo lavoro di ricerca
condotto in relazione alledizione di questo manoscritto ha fatto emergere nuovi te-
stimoni e in particolare ha portato alla luce il Libro della beata Chiara, confezionato
nella seconda met del Cinquecento dal confessore del monastero, il sacerdote o-
rentino Andrea Pillolini, in collaborazione con le monache. Composto tra il 1562 e
2
Si citano i primi saggi di riferimento su Francesco Zorzi e Chiara Bugni: C. Vasoli, Intorno a
Francesco Giorgio Veneto, pp. 129-403. Per i rapporti con Chiara Bugni: idem, Un precedente
della Vergine Veneziana, pp. 203-225; G. Zarri, Le sante vive, p. 96 e rispettive note; eadem, Madri
dellanima, vol. XVII, pp. 415-435.
3
F. Zorzi, Larmonia del mondo, pp. 11-43; cf. anche G. Busi, Francesco Zorzi. Un metodico
sognatore, pp. 161-186.
4
Ledizione critica del Libro in: R. Mueller, G. Zarri (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara
Bugni. Nelle pagine che seguono riporto alcune informazioni pi ampiamente espresse nel saggio
introduttivo a questa edizione: G. Zarri, Chiara Bugni e Francesco Zorzi suo biografo, pp. 11-39.
5
Marco da Lisbona, Croniche de li Ordini instituiti, parte IV, tomo III.
6
Questo manoscritto stato oggetto della tesi di laurea di Stefania Cavalli, che ne ha condotto
ledizione. S. Cavalli, Beata Chiara Bugni.
PREDICAZIONE E CURA PASTORALE 143
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
il 1563, il libro contiene la traduzione della vita di Chiara Bugni tratta dagli appunti
latini di Francesco Zorzi, le Esortazioni, o sermoni, dati dalla mistica alle consorelle
e trascritti da una monaca di nome Augustina, inne una seconda vita di Chiara Bugni
compilata allinterno del monastero. Pi completo rispetto agli altri testimoni e pri-
mo in ordine di tempo, il Libro della beata Chiara, ora conservato al Museo Correr
di Venezia, appare anche pi consono ad illustrare un peculiare esempio di scrittura
monastica condotta da pi persone e su diversi registri.
Basilare resta la vita del primo biografo, il colto Francesco Zorzi, che con-
segna un testo incompiuto ma gi organizzato per essere completato con immagini
e gure. Landamento diaristico della biograa lascia supporre che essa fosse stata
compilata durante la vita della Bugni o almeno poco tempo dopo la sua morte. Il pro-
getto non fu tuttavia portato a compimento per il mutare degli interessi del teologo o
forse per il mutare dei tempi. Certo la stesura di questo testo deve collocarsi in data
anteriore al 1540, anno di morte dello Zorzi. I diversi decenni trascorsi tra questo
primo resoconto delle visioni e miracoli della clarissa e la compilazione del Libro ora
edito sono carichi di eventi sconvolgenti per la citt di Venezia e per lintera cristia-
nit. Lo stesso biografo, noto per cultura e santit di vita nei primi decenni del Cin-
quecento, a met secolo risulta ormai autore sospetto di eresia e i suoi testi maggiori
saranno di l a poco sottoposti a emendazione e posti allindice
7
. Ci non impedisce
che allinterno del monastero egli goda ancora di grande rispetto e autorit e Andrea
Pillolini ne traduce fedelmente lo scritto inserendolo in una compilazione che non ha
soltanto uno scopo edicante, ma probabilmente pensata in funzione di una auspica-
ta canonizzazione di Chiara Bugni.
A gloricare la mistica clarissa concorrono dunque la fama in vita, la bio-
graa di un teologo illustre, le parole della santa raccolte e trascritte dalle consorelle
ed inne un nuovo ritratto elaborato allinterno del convento, mettendo a frutto le
informazioni mancanti nella prima biograa e le virt e miracoli della beata ltrati
attraverso lesperienza delle consorelle e tramandate nella seconda biograa.
Il Libro della beata Chiara appare dunque lespressione pi compiuta della
continuit della fama di santit della Bugni allinterno del convento e della volont di
promuoverne il culto; e al tempo stesso rappresenta un esempio singolare di scrittura
conventuale comunitaria in cui concorrono, con unit dintenti e pari dignit, noti
teologi, colti sacerdoti e monache acculturate.
In questo breve saggio non si potr dar conto di tutti gli aspetti del Libro
che presentano interesse dal punto di vista storico. Accenneremo alla vita scritta da
Francesco Zorzi e approfondiremo maggiormente i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni, ma vor-
remmo ugualmente sottolineare la cornice in cui questi testi vengono inseriti.
Le estese ricerche condotte da Reinhold C. Mueller sullambiente e le gure
che circondano Chiara Bugni forniscono nuova luce sullorigine del monastero vene-
ziano del Santo Sepolcro e sulle prime fondatrici
8
. Esse confermano tuttavia le asser-
zioni con cui si aprono le prime pagine del Libro della beata Chiara: il racconto della
fondazione del monastero. La vita della monaca illustre in santit non viene in questo
scritto composito proposta e rappresentata come un unicum avulso dal contesto in cui
opera: essa viene inserita nel tessuto vivente di una comunit che la eleva ad esempio
di virt e di dottrina presentandola tuttavia come la parte di un tutto. Nel redigere Il
libro della beata Chiara la comunit del Santo Sepolcro intende fare memoria della
propria origine ed identit, con lo scopo di consegnare questa memoria alle consorelle
che si aflieranno al convento.
7
C. Vasoli, Nuovi documenti sulla condanna allindice, pp. 55-78.
8
R. Mueller, Ambienti ecclesiastici e laici, pp. 63-122.
144 GABRIELLA ZARRI
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
Come avviene anche in altri casi, e in particolare nei monasteri osservanti,
a partire dalla met del Quattrocento le monache acquistano maggiore coscienza del-
la propria identit, contrassegnata da una pi rigorosa disciplina, e intraprendono la
stesura di cronache monastiche il cui ne quello di fare memoria del proprio modus
vivendi e delle religiose che vivono santamente
9
. Tra le cronache italiane pi signica-
tive per continuit e ricchezza di particolari si segnalano il Memoriale di Monteluce,
delle clarisse perugine
10
, e quello di Santa Lucia di Foligno, culla dellosservanza
francescana nellItalia centrale
11
.
Non mancano cronache monastiche anche nellambiente veneziano. Tra
queste spicca per originalit e per intento polemico quella del Monastero delle Ver-
gini. Composta negli anni Venti del Cinquecento per rivendicare i privilegi delle
nobili professe che si oppongono alla riforma imposta dal Patriarca Antonio Con-
tarini, il testo redatto in latino e corredato da ricche miniature. Diversa per scopi,
dichiaratamente volti a contrastare vita comune e clausura, ma ugualmente diretta
a trasmettere monumento della nobilt del monastero e della cultura delle professe,
la cronaca del monastero delle Vergini partecipa di un comune intento di lasciare
memoria dellistituzione e del suo peculiare modo di vivere
12
. Come diversi studi
recenti hanno rilevato, la conservazione e trasmissione della memoria di un mona-
stero nellet rinascimentale non solamente afdata al ricordo delle donne illustri
per santit ma accompagnato da un preciso riferimento allistituzione e a quanto
in essa appare peculiare. Nel Libro della beata Chiara il ricordo della vita santa di
Chiara Bugni strettamente connesso con la disciplina e losservanza del monastero.
Alle Esortazioni, ossia Sermoni, della abbadessa morente sono afdate le parole che
fondano ledicio spirituale della comunit. Carit, umilt e obbedienza sono le virt
che le professe debbono osservare per vivere in pace e nella grazia del Signore. Le
esortazioni pronunciate dalla beata in punto di morte sono il lascito che le consorelle
raccolgono dalle labbra di Chiara Bugni e che trasmettono in scritto a coloro che ver-
ranno negli anni a seguire. Non presente nel testo il ricordo delle altre professe del
Santo Sepolcro morte in concetto di santit. E noto infatti che Beatrice Venier, una
delle fondatrici del monastero, era ritenuta beata al pari della Bugni. La sua inuen-
za spirituale non aveva tuttavia raggiunto la fama di Chiara, la cui vita miracolosa
aveva attratto lattenzione di principi, alti prelati e citt. Il ricordo della Venier avr
ugualmente un posto di prestigio nella memoria del monastero, ma sar destinato ad
un luogo diverso: il Catastico delle possessioni del convento
13
. Finalizzato a lasciare
testimonianza della fondazione e ampliamento dellistituto conventuale, il libro del
Catastico si apre infatti con la biograa della Venier, una delle prime professe che
era convissuta con Chiara in unit dintenti e santit di vita. Comprenderemo meglio
i motivi della fama di santit di Chiara Bugni addentrandoci brevemente nellanalisi
della vita della clarissa tramandataci da Francesco Zorzi, francescano dellOsservan-
za e curatore spirituale del convento.
9
Su queste tematiche vase da ultimo: G. Zarri, N. Baranda Leturio (eds.), Memoria e comunit
femminili.
10
U. Nicolini (ed.), Memoriale di Monteluce; G. Zarri, R. Chiacchella (coords.), Memoriale di
Monteluce, vol. II.
11
Ricordanze del Monastero di Santa Lucia.
12
G. Zarri, Venetian Convents, pp. 37-56; K. Lowe, Nuns Chronicles.
13
ASV, Santo Sepolcro, b. 1, reg. A, Catastico dei Beni. Sulle fonti relative a Beatrice Venier si
veda il puntuale intervento di S. Rauch, La Vita della beata Chiara Bugni, pp. 3-26.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
3. CHIARA BUGNI E LA VITA COMPOSTA DA FRANCESCO ZORZI
La santit di Chiara Bugni appariva particolarmente signicativa agli occhi
dei contemporanei per la singolarit delle grazie che le erano state concesse e per la
missione a cui si diceva chiamata in un alternarsi di visioni ed ostensioni di oggetti
materiali di origine sacra che conferivano alla religiosa un segno inequivocabile di
predilezione divina e di santit. Di nobile famiglia, Chiara nacque a Venezia nel 1471.
Entr nel 1489 nella comunit di terziarie francescane del Santo Sepolcro, fondata
nel 1481, che divenne di clausura nel 1499, sotto la direzione dei Francescani Osser-
vanti. Nel 1504 venne eletta abbadessa, carica che detenne no al 1511, anno in cui
il provinciale dellordine viet la sua rielezione. Durante il suo ufcio si erano infatti
manifestati alcuni dei pi importanti prodigi che la riguardavano e un Commissario
visitatore, inviato dai superiori dellordine nello stesso 1511 si dimostr scettico nei
confronti dei fenomeni ritenuti miracolosi e deprec il singulare et peregrinum genus
vitae
14
della clarissa, obiettando che la quiete del convento era perturbata per lecces-
siva frequenza delle visite. A Chiara venne dunque imposto il silenzio e la carcera-
zione; fu costretta infatti a vivere in abdito domus recessu ab hominum Sororumque
conspectu semotam
15
. Pochi anni dopo, nel giorno delle Stigmate di san Francesco, il
17 settembre 1514, Chiara Bugni mor lasciando nel dolore le consorelle che conti-
nuarono a prestare fede alla sua santit e al suo insegnamento. La vita di astinenza e
le visioni della clarissa erano di fatto state divulgate in citt n dal 1507 e divennero
presto note, tanto che lo stesso Marin Sanudo, senatore della Repubblica e storiografo,
diede spesso ragguaglio nei suoi Diarii degli eventi che riguardavano la donna e il
monastero
16
. Quanto sappiamo di lei, tuttavia, si deve quasi interamente alla leggenda
agiograca composta da Francesco Zorzi.
Quali erano le rivelazioni della clarissa che tanto avevano interessato il col-
to biografo e avevano destato scalpore nellambiente cittadino? Quali potevano essere
stati i motivi che avevano spinto Francesco Zorzi ad annotare quelle visioni e ad ab-
bandonare successivamente il proposito di comporre una biograa della Bugni? Senza
dubbio linteresse del teologo ha una motivazione culturale e speculativa in ordine al
problema allora scottante della profezia vera e falsa, intorno a cui si concentravano le
riessioni dei domenicani savonaroliani e di loso eclettici come Giovan Francesco
Pico; e certo non poteva mancare il tentativo di interpretare in senso cabalistico le
manifestazioni che riguardavano la mistica clarissa. Tuttavia i fenomeni mistici che
concernevano Chiara Bugni erano strettamente connessi con temi e problemi, quali la
stigmatizzazione e i miracoli eucaristici, che nei primi due decenni del Cinquecento
attiravano lattenzione dei teologi e dell intellighenzia religiosa e laica di diversi
paesi europei. Prima di indicare alcuni possibili spunti interpretativi concernenti i
fenomeni mistici di Chiara Bugni, opportuno esaminare il racconto che Francesco
Zorzi ne fornisce con ricchezza di particolari.
Le prime visioni della clarissa veneziana riportate nella Vita del teologo
francescano risalgono allanno 1503 e si inttiscono tra il 1506 e il 1507, per poi
diradarsi lentamente. Hanno il carattere di rivelazione iniziatica. Pi volte Chiara as-
serisce di essere tenuta al segreto, anzi una volta afferma esplicitamente: Sappi, -
gliuolo mio, come li doni divini vengono con tal conditione, che essendo tenuti secreti,
14
L. Wadding, Annales minorum, vol. VII, pp. 541-548: citazioni a p. 547.
15
Ibidem.
16
Sulla vita e lambiente della monaca rinvio al saggio di R. Mueller, Ambienti ecclesiastici e
laici, pp. 63-122.
146 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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si conservano, et manifestati si perdono
17
. Nonostante ci, la mistica rivela a poco a
poco i doni che le sono stati dati, premurandosi di dichiarare di farlo con il consenso di
Dio, no a pretendere che siano pubblicati, cio resi pubblici, dallo stesso Francesco
Zorzi
18
.
In questo graduale processo di disvelamento, la Bugni alterna reticenze con
manifestazioni di impazienza, che ricalcano le invettive profetiche di Geremia, come
quando scrive lettere per ingiungere ai francescani di predicare lannuncio della re-
denzione del mondo
19
. Quanto al carattere di segretezza, questo mantenuto dallo
stesso Zorzi e forse imposto dalle autorit ecclesiastiche, data la straordinariet degli
eventi e delle manifestazioni miracolose che coinvolgono la clarissa e il monastero.
Nella primavera del 1507 il Cardinal Domenico Grimani, Protettore dellor-
dine francescano, incaricato di compiere una visita al monastero del Santo Sepolcro
per accertarsi della veridicit dei fatti che avvengono in quel luogo, e poco tempo
dopo la visita i misteri concernenti la monaca vengono divulgati in citt. Sotto la
data 15 aprile 1507 Marin Sanudo sintetizza con precisione i doni celesti ricevuti da
Chiara Bugni:
Labbadessa dil Sepulcro, qual non manza, vive di comunion, auto
sangue, late, aqua di Cristo in una impoleta, s che santa. El cardinal
Grimani, suo protetor, quando el fu qui a Venecia, fo nel monasterio per
veder, s come ho scripto di sopra
20
.
Dalla testimonianza del cronista apprendiamo dunque che suor Chiara vive
in completa astinenza e si ciba solo di eucarestia; ha inoltre ricevuto dal cielo sangue
e acqua di Cristo e latte della Vergine divise in diverse ampolle. Le annotazioni di
Marin Sanudo sono lunica testimonianza esterna alla biograa no ad ora reperita.
Per addentrarci nei misteri di Chiara occorre dunque afdarci alle parole di France-
sco Zorzi.
Il teologo francescano compone in un tutto armonico lesperienza mistica
della donna, raccontando come dopo la conversione, avvenuta ascoltando una predi-
ca, Chiara entr in monastero e qui inizi una vita di austerit e penitenza, descritta
secondo la tipologia trasmessa dalla leggenda agiograca di Caterina da Siena: la
religiosa digiuna costantemente e vive solo di eucaristia, unita in matrimonio con
Cristo, graticata di visioni, ha spirito di profezia e fa miracoli.
Eletta abbadessa nel 1504, gi in fama sanctitatis, la Bugni fu insignita
dei doni pi straordinari proprio nel periodo del suo ufcio. Comp alcune guarigioni
servendosi anche di un fazzoletto bagnato nel misterioso liquore che le era stato
inviato dal cielo
21
, ma soprattutto in occasione della comunione che ella pot godere
dei maggiori doni mistici. Quasi sempre dopo la comunione era soggetta ad estasi che
duravano interi giorni. Quando non le era consentito ricevere il sacramento, invece, si
scioglieva in lacrime. Nonostante avesse una profonda devozione alleucarestia, era
17
Si cita dal Libro edito in: R. Mueller, G. Zarri (eds.), La Vita e i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni: Libro,
f. 13r, p. 155.
18
Sopra le tue spalle, fra Francesco, da Dio ti imposto questo (). Tu predicherai in piazza di
San Marco. Quivi fa di bisogno che tu mostri questo celeste thesoro. Io te lo dar sopra la fede tua
acci che tu facci quello che ha ordinato laltissimo Idio. Libro, f. 80r, p. 207.
19
Ibidem, ff. 111r-v, p. 231.
20
M. Sanudo, I Diarii, VII, col. 42.
21
Guarisce una consorella inviandole una mela da mangiare, guarisce anche il nipote di fra Fran-
cesco: Libro, ff. 15r-v, pp. 156-157.
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tentata sulla realt della transustanziazione e un giorno le apparve il Bambino Ges
sopra la patena
22
.
Fino a questo punto la rappresentazione agiograca della clarissa venezia-
na non si discosta molto da quella di Caterina da Siena; si deve soltanto notare una
maggiore rilevanza data alla devozione eucaristica, in conformit con la tradizione di
Chiara dAssisi e di altre sante clarisse del secolo XV, come Caterina de Vigri
23
. Nel
racconto dello Zorzi, tuttavia, si riscontrano alcune lacune proprio in corrispondenza
dellevento pi clamoroso che riguarda direttamente la Bugni e che era stato divulgato
dallo stesso Marin Sanudo: il dono da parte di Cristo di alcune gocce del suo sangue
racchiuse in una ampolla. A questo proposito la leggenda contiene per la descrizione
dellestasi in cui Chiara Bugni riceve la rassicurazione da parte del Salvatore stesso
che in quelloggetto materiale trasmessole misteriosamente non vi inganno, ma che
quel sangue le stato dato per la remissione dei peccati di coloro che avranno fede.
Nella medesima visione vi anche lavvertimento di Cristo che per quel dono la reli-
giosa destinata a patire no alla morte
24
.
Siamo dunque in presenza di una imitatio Christi completamente realizzata
da parte della mistica, che chiamata per questo a una morte vicaria, in sostituzione
e ripetizione di quella di Cristo stesso. Di l a poco infatti ci verr detto dallagiografo
che Chiara ha una piaga nel costato che sanguina.
Il testo della precedente visione contiene anche alcuni elementi fondamen-
tali per comprendere la missione di Chiara Bugni. Come nuova Maria Maddalena, la
vergine veneziana ha il compito di annunciare per prima al mondo la misericordia di
Dio; tale misericordia si manifester nella sofferenza di Chiara per la salvezza della
umanit. Ella sar tramite della illuminazione del mondo per il sangue che le stato
donato: il mondo sar illuminato per questo sangue
25
.
Una serie di fatti miracolosi si sussegue con rapidit intorno al sangue rice-
vuto dalla Bugni dal cielo. Esso bolle nellampolla e aumenta di volume; nel sangue
si deposita un liquore che viene posto in pi ampolle custodite in un oratorio; un gior-
no, destatasi da unestasi, la clarissa corre alloratorio e vede le ampolle sparse dun
qualche sudore di latte et quel liquore se nera ridotto al fondo
26
; qualche tempo dopo
ancora, il liquore di balsamo sale alla supercie del sangue; nel mezzo dellampolla
si forma uno splendore in forma di croce e Chiara e le sorelle vedono alcune gocciole
che uscivano dal collo della ampolla
27
.
A questo punto il signicato simbolico del sangue di Cristo che aumenta di
volume, che produce balsamo e latte, da cui si distaccano alcune gocciole per uscire
dal vaso di ampolla simbolismo che rinvia tanto ai sacramenti dellUnctio battesimale,
crismale e sacerdotale, quanto al fatto biologico della generazione si mescola al signi-
cato del sangue che esce dal costato di Chiara. La piaga laterale della mistica infatti
esaminata dai confessori, il suo sangue rosso e profumato, non coagula, guarisce dalle
malattie, anchesso raccolto in una ampolla
28
. Ora Chiara diventata non solo un alter
Christus, ma anche un secondo san Francesco, come lui insignita del dono delle stigmate.
Non proceder oltre nella descrizione dei fenomeni mistici di Chiara per la
cui esposizione e interpretazione rinvio al saggio introduttivo citato, vorrei soltanto
22
Libro, f. 24v, p. 164.
23
Tra i molti studi recenti, v. C. Leonardi (ed.), Caterina Vigri.
24
Libro, f. 26r-v, pp. 165-166.
25
Ibidem, ff. 26v-27v, p. 166.
26
Ibidem, f. 32v, p. 171.
27
Ibidem, f. 35v, p. 173.
28
Ibidem, ff. 41r-43r, pp. 177-178.
148 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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ricordare che la Vita di Chiara Bugni composta da Francesco Zorzi elegge la monaca
veneziana a testimone esemplare della ormai centenaria discussione teologica sul si-
gnicato del sangue uente e delle stigmate, riportata alla luce da un pregnante saggio
di Caroline Bynum
29
; discussione rivitalizzata nel primo decennio del Cinquecento
dal caso controverso delle stigmate di Lucia da Narni, terziaria domenicana protetta
dal duca Ercole I dEste
30
.
Le trasformazioni che il sangue di Cristo subisce nelle ampolle dove Chiara
lo aveva riposto e lulteriore dono fatto alla monaca del latte della Vergine Maria com-
pletano il discorso teologico relativo al sanguis Christi collegandolo alle conoscenze
scientiche del tempo relative alla generazione. Poich si credeva che il corpo umano
fosse generato dal sangue di donna, Giovanni da Capistrano argomentava che il corpo
di Cristo fosse stato formato dal puro sangue mestruale del grembo di sua madre: ci
implicava dunque la conferma della dottrina dellImmacolata Concezione. Come af-
fermavano anche altri teologi, il pretium della redenzione era il sangue uterino di Ma-
ria. Lidea, tratta dalla teoria siologica, che il feto fosse formato dal sangue femmini-
le divenne nella spiritualit del tardo medioevo una comune immagine di salvezza
31
.
Anche nello specico aspetto della connessione tra sangue e generazione,
che accompagnava il dibattito teologico medievale sul sangue di Cristo, possiamo
riconoscere molti dei fenomeni attribuiti alla Vergine veneziana. Certamente i misteri
di Chiara Bugni presentati da Francesco Zorzi in forma di visione avevano una forte
valenza spirituale, ma toccavano anche dottrine su cui occorreva esercitare cautela
e discernimento. Comprenderemo allora meglio di quanto si sia fatto no ad ora il
noto episodio in cui fu implicato un predicatore vicino a Chiara Bugni e Francesco
Zorzi: il canonico lateranense Pietro da Lucca che nel 1511 venne sottoposto a una
processo di fronte a diversi prelati e teologi per aver predicato a Mantova che Cristo
era stato concepito nel cuore e non nel grembo della Vergine Maria. Accusato di pre-
dicare false dottrine, egli si giustic dicendo che aveva sostenuto quella tesi come
semplice opinione pia e devota, avendola appresa da una donna ritenuta santa
32
. Sar
forse stato anche il clamore suscitato da questo evento mantovano che avr inuito
sulla decisione dei superiori dellordine francescano di intervenire disciplinarmente
contro Chiara Bugni? La data del processo contro Pietro da Lucca e quella della visita
del Commissario francescano al monastero del Santo Sepolcro coincidono: oltre non
possibile andare.
Certo occorrer ricordare che alla stessa data anche a Bologna una pia don-
na guidata spiritualmente da Pietro da Lucca professava dottrine e manifestava feno-
meni mistici analoghi a quelli di Chiara Bugni: si trattava di Elena Duglioli dallOlio
su cui ci siamo in altre occasioni soffermati
33
.
Tutti i misteri di Chiara Bugni possono essere interpretati come episodi che
rientrano a pieno titolo nel dibattito teologico qui sommariamente ricordato e vengo-
no presentati a conferma e difesa della piena unit di umanit e di divinit del sangue
di Cristo donato dal cielo alla Vergine veneziana, nalizzato ad essere esposto alla
adorazione dei fedeli per procurare loro misericordia e salvezza.
Se laspetto teologico e devozionale che abbiamo sopra esposto costituisce
il tessuto connettivo che consente di dare spiegazioni razionali alle visioni e ai molti
29
C. Walker Bynum, Wonderful blood.
30
Cf. A. Matter, G. Zarri, Una mistica contestata.
31
C. Walker Bynum, Wonderful blood, pp. 158-159.
32
Il primo a segnalare lepisodio stato D. Cantimori, Le idee religiose del Cinquecento,
pp. 7-53.
33
G. Zarri, Le sante vive, pp. 165-196.
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misteri presenti nella Vita di Chiara Bugni composta da Francesco Zorzi, che cosa
rimane delle precedenti interpretazioni che rinviavano quasi esclusivamente alla cul-
tura ermetica e cabalistica del francescano veneziano? Molto probabilmente la Vita si
dovr interpretare usando diverse chiavi di lettura. Pur considerando che linterpre-
tazione teologica relativa al sanguis Christi appare ora convenientemente esplicativa,
resto nella convinzione che Francesco Zorzi avesse identicato in Chiara Bugni la
Madre di una rigenerazione universale e di una Concordia mundi che nel secondo
decennio del Cinquecento, per i rapidi mutamenti politici e culturali, era destinata ad
allontanarsi sempre pi
34
.

4. LA PREDICAZIONE EX OFFICIO
Le Esortazioni di Chiara Bugni trascritte da suor Augustina e inserite nel
Libro della beata Chiara ci introducono alla duplice tematica storiograca della scrit-
tura femminile e della predicazione delle donne, su cui ho avuto occasione di soffer-
marmi in studi precedenti
35
, ma possono anche offrire nuova documentazione alla
pratica del sermo monasticus nelle istituzioni religiose medievali e rinascimentali.
Unanalisi dei Sermoni ci consente di esaminare dallinterno la cultura delle clarisse
e di saggiarne tanto la formazione umanistica e letteraria quanto la profondit scrit-
turistica e teologica; ci autorizza inoltre a ribadire la netta distinzione, sostenuta nei
saggi sopra citati, tra annuncio di tipo profetico e predicazione ex ofcio, intendendo
con questa espressione linsegnamento impartito dalla Abbadessa, in virt del proprio
ufcio, allinterno delle mura monastiche.
Molte delle rivelazioni di Chiara Bugni raccolte e trascritte dal confessore
fra Francesco Zorzi erano allinsegna della passione di Cristo e della croce. Come
in altri famosi casi della mistica italiana o straniera, tra Chiara e Francesco si era in-
staurato un rapporto particolare: solo lui era in grado di notare le rivelazioni della
donna; in sua assenza queste venivano disperse
36
.
Nel complesso degli scritti rimasti, e in particolare nel Libro della beata
Chiara, si pu riscontrare una netta distinzione tra rivelazioni e sermoni. Le prime
sono tutte annotate nella vita scritta dallo Zorzi e ai secondi riservato uno spazio a
parte, essendo stati riportati di seguito alle pagine che contengono vita e rivelazioni.
Questa netta ripartizione tra visioni, che contengono annunci profetici e verit rivela-
te, e esortazioni, che impartiscono insegnamenti alla comunit monastica, ha lo sco-
po di differenziare la qualit e la funzione della predicazione femminile, riservando
lannuncio profetico ai fedeli e discepoli esterni al monastero e indirizzando i sermoni
allinterno del chiostro
37
.
Ci che accomuna i sermoni di Chiara Bugni con quelli della pi antica
consorella Caterina de Vigri il fatto che siano stati dati in punto di morte
38
. Quando
34
Su Chiara Bugni come Madre della rigenerazione universale della chiesa rinvio al saggio di chi
scrive: Madri dellanima: Chiara Bugni, Elena Duglioli e la rigenerazione della chiesa, che utilizza
come fonte il manoscritto di San Francesco della Vigna trascritto nella tesi di Cavalli, ora superato
dalla edizione critica del Libro della beata Chiara.
35
G. Zarri, Predicatrici e madri spirituali, pp. 159-177; eadem, Places and Gestures of Womens
Preaching, pp. 177-193. Anche questi due saggi utilizzano come fonte la trascrizione di S. Cavalli.
36
Tra i molti studi, si veda: G. Barone, J. Dalarun (eds.), Angle de Foligno.
37
Ho approfondito questo tema nel saggio: G. Zarri, Predicatrici e madri spirituali.
38
Ho sviluppato il confronto nel saggio ibidem (pp. 165-167). Nel recensire gli autogra e gli
scritti di Caterina Vigri, Silvia Serventi accetta come autentici i sermoni di Caterina pervenuti in
150 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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la monaca veneziana si ammala, infatti, fa chiamare le sorelle e d loro una serie di
esortazioni che paiono costituire una regola di vita. Tanto in Chiara che nella bolo-
gnese Caterina de Vigri cera forse il ricordo e lesempio di san Francesco, che in
punto di morte volle lasciare il suo testamento spirituale. Nel caso della Bugni, si pu
parlare infatti di un particolare lascito della madre abbadessa morente: una sorta di
ordinamento della comunit disegnato sulla base di una riessione sui voti e le virt
essenziali per conservare losservanza della regola monastica. Occorre infatti notare
che i Sermoni della clarissa veneziana furono dettati in un periodo in cui le Costitu-
zioni della comunit di recente fondazione erano in via di elaborazione. Esse vennero
infatti approvate nel 1517, dopo la morte di Chiara Bugni.
In questa breve analisi non esaminer le Esortazioni dal punto di vista della
scrittura femminile; intendo invece situare il testo allinterno della discussione sulla
predicazione delle donne nellet medievale e rinascimentale
39
, con particolare rife-
rimento alla tradizione del sermo monasticus. Per quanto attiene laspetto letterario,
mi limiter ad osservare che i Sermoni di Chiara Bugni mostrano una approfondita
padronanza della Sacra Scrittura e una non superciale conoscenza dei Padri della
Chiesa.
Oltre alle citazioni esplicite dei Vangeli e delle lettere apostoliche, dei salmi
e di altri libri dellantico testamento, le Esortazioni dellabbadessa del Santo Sepolcro
alle consorelle sono intessute di riferimenti impliciti che costituiscono il tessuto con-
nettivo dei diversi discorsi. Tra le autorit pi frequentemente citate gurano i prin-
cipali Padri e dottori della Chiesa, come Agostino, Ambrogio, Giovanni Crisostomo,
Gregorio e Cassiodoro, ma sono presenti anche i fondatori degli ordini religiosi, con
il richiamo alle regole di Benedetto e Francesco. Un posto privilegiato nelle citazioni
occupano lagostiniano Girolamo da Siena e la clarissa Caterina Vigri, ma non man-
cano riferimenti diretti alle sequenze e agli inni liturgici o i richiami a versi danteschi
e a proverbi popolari
40
.
In sintonia con una buona conoscenza dei testi sacri e degli autori cristiani,
anche la forma letteraria delle Esortazioni di Chiara Bugni presenta aspetti pregevoli.
Colpisce particolarmente una specica attenzione allandamento retorico del discor-
so, in gran parte basato sulla ripetizione della parola chiave che costituisce il thema
del sermone. In analogia con il noto passo della lettera paolina contenente lelogio
della carit, la clarissa veneziana fonda lefcacia retorica del suo discorso sul pro-
gressivo ampliamento del concetto che intende sottolineare partendo sempre dalla
iterazione della parola chiave. Si veda ad esempio come Chiara sviluppa il thema della
pazienza tessendo lelogio della tribulatione:
La tribulatione una bevanda salutifera et unherba molto buona, pi
di tutte lherbe del Paradiso. La castiga il corpo, il qual nondimeno in
breve tempo si ha da risolvere in putredine, et rinfresca lanima molto
pi nobile et che sempre ha da vivere. La tribulatione una verga piena
damore et paterna castigatione de miei eletti. La qual cognoscendo, il
mio profeta David disse: La tua verga et il tuo bastone mhanno con-
solato (cfr. Sal. 23, 4). La tribulatione tira et spigne a Dio la persona, o
trascrizione seicentesca e recentemente pubblicati. Cf. C. Vigri, Laudi, trattati e lettere; C. Vigri,
I Sermoni.
39
Tra gli studi pi importanti: B. Mayne Kienzle, P. Walker Berkeley (eds.), Women Preachers
and Prophets; J.A. Kay McNamara, Sisters in Arms; K.L. Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen;
B. Roest, Predicazione femminile, pp. 119-154.
40
Ringrazio Silvia Serventi per la lettura dei Sermoni di Chiara Bugni e per le competenti osser-
vazioni e suggerimenti.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
voglia o no, et chi non ha provato le tribulationi et le tentationi, ditemi di
gratia, che cosa sa costui?
41
Altrettanto avviene per lelogio della carit:
La charit fraterna un ligame di pace, la qual sola nutrisce la concor-
dia nella sua habitacione et conserva lunit christiana fra le sorelle.
La charit la madre della mansuetudine et madre generosa della piet
chatolica. La charit fraterna spaventevole a demoni, perch la fa vit-
toriose tutte quelle delle quali abbraccia la camera del cuore. La charit
spegne lincendio della libidine et cuopre ogni multitudine di peccati.
La charit fa che la monaca sia molto chara a Dio et la fa compagna de
santi angeli. La charit conserva la Chiesa nella unit de santi, fuor della
quale nessuna conseguisce la salute eterna. La charit fraterna compone i
costumi di quelle che stanno ne monasteri et fa che Idio habita nel mezzo
delle monache. La charit non fa dispiacer ad alcuna, ma a tutte porge
aiuto per compassione. La charit scaccia ogni vitio, perch ell sola nu-
trice di tutte le virt. La charit conserva la reformatione della fraternit,
nel vigore di quelle che stanno ne monasteri, et opera una gran salute
dellanime. La mutua charit conferma lubbidienza et fa la correttione
fraterna fruttuosa. La charit nutrisce la vera concordia fra le sorelle et
conserva la castit bene odorifera, cos delle menti come de corpi. La
charit fa che le monache, nella casa di Dio, siano dun medesimo animo
et in ogni buona opera lodevolmente concorde
42
.
La formula iterativa del thema si ripete anche nei sermoni sulla umilt e
lubbidienza, costituendo una caratteristica peculiare della scrittura di Chiara Bugni
che assume una dignit letteraria superiore a quella di altre scrittrici coeve. Per quanto
attiene le modalit espressive della scrittura si pu notare ancora luso frequente delle
forme dialogiche, tipiche della civilt della conversazione, qui adoperate anche in
stretta connessione con il concetto di conversatio monastica.
5. IL TESTAMENTO SPIRITUALE
Nel Libro della beata Chiara le Esortazioni dellabbadessa sono poste di
seguito alla biograa incompiuta di fra Francesco Zorzi e sono inserite allinterno del
racconto degli ultimi anni di vita della mistica. La parte del manoscritto che riproduce
i sermoni inizia con un capitolo dal titolo: Questo che segue della morte della beata
Chiara
43
. E proprio in questo capitolo che apprendiamo della visita di un Commis-
sario nel monastero del Santo Sepolcro e della proibizione dei superiori dellOrdine
francescano di rieleggere abbadessa Chiara Bugni dopo il settennato gi espletato.
Conosciamo inoltre la motivazione addotta per lintroduzione dei provvedimenti re-
strittivi nei confronti della mistica visionaria: il commissario rimprovera Chiara Bugni
di questo suo voler vivere a suo modo e le ingiunge di rinchiudersi dentro il monastero
ch tu non habbi a conversar con laltre, et quivi vivi a tuo modo et fa le tue discipline
et i tuoi digiuni; o veramente provediti dandare ad habitar fuori di questo luogo
44
.
41
Libro, f. 128r, p. 245.
42
Ibidem, ff. 135v-136r, p. 251.
43
Ibidem, f. 125r, p. 243.
44
Ibidem.
152 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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Secondo la testimonianza del Libro della beata Chiara, limposizione del
carcere comminato alla abbadessa venerata nel monastero e nellintera citt appare
determinata da motivi disciplinari, specialmente dallo scarso rispetto per la regola
francescana. Non si fa menzione delle grazie mistiche e delle rivelazioni lasciate tra-
pelare dai confessori e contenute nella Vita di Francesco Zorzi che avrebbero potuto
essere considerate sospette dal punto di vista dottrinale. E certo comunque che la
monaca trascorse nel silenzio gli ultimi anni della vita accettando con spirito di ras-
segnazione la condanna imposta, considerata come una prova. E in questa occasione
che Chiara tesse lelogio della pazienza e introduce una pregnante riessione sulla
tribolazione come martirio e via di salvezza:
La tribulatione una via stretta, la qual fortemente perviene per insino a
esse porte del cielo. Essa porta la persona alla compagnia de martiri, essa
riporta la laude et la palma di tutti gl inimici, essa veste lanima duna
veste di rosado et di purpura. Essa fa le ghirlande, over le corone di rose,
et fa li scettri di palme verdi
45
.
Relegata in un luogo separato del monastero e privata del contatto con le
altre sorelle, suor Chiara trascorse tre anni in penitenza, senza poter comunicare le
rivelazioni che continuava a ricevere dal cielo a causa dellassenza del confessore fra
Francesco Zorzi:
Et cos gli fu consegnato un luogo secondo il suo volere, dove quivi si fece
un letticello di tavole con una stuora sotto et con un zocco di legno per cape-
zzale. Et in quel luogo stette rinchiusa circa dua anni, dove hebbe di bellis-
sime revelationi, le quali, per non esser stato fra /130r/ Francesco Giorgi
nella citt, non sono state notate. Et veramente essa poteva dire con san
Paulo: Vidi et audivi arcana Dei que non licet homini loqui (1 Cor. 2, 9)
46
.
Secondo la testimonianza del Libro, durante il periodo di prigionia le rivela-
zioni della clarissa cessarono e lasciarono il posto alla predicazione che ella cominci ad
impartire in punto di morte. Le Exortationi sono il lascito spirituale della mistica, che agli
occhi delle consorelle riveste ancore lufcio di abbadessa, e le sue parole costituiscono
un insegnamento per vivere santamente in comunit e per raggiungere la salvezza:
Sorelle mie dilettissime, sentendomi horamai mancare tutti gli spiriti et
cognoscendo che egli venuta la ne della vita mia, che poco debba star
con voi et che il mio Signore mi vuol cavar di queste tenebre et condurmi
alla sua luce inaccessibile, amandovi come mie proprie gliole, vi ho
fatto chiamare per ricordar alle charit di vostre alcune cose molto neces-
sarie, le quali, se osserverete et farete il debito vostro, et vi farete degne
di vita eterna. Et quel medesimo precetto ricorder a voi, che dette il nos-
tro Signore a suoi discepoli quando disse: Hoc est perceptum meum, ut
diligatis invicem, sicut dilexi vos (Gv. 13, 34)
47
.
Lesordio solenne della mistica morente, che richiama il primo precetto
evangelico, si completa immediatamente con il riferimento alla lettera paolina che tes-
se lelogio della carit e si sviluppa in un incalzante susseguirsi di esortazioni allamo-
45
Ibidem, f. 129r, p. 246.
46
Ibidem, ff. 129v-130r, p. 246.
47
Ibidem, f. 130v, p. 247.
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re reciproco. Nella prima esortazione e in tutte quelle successive il thema del Sermone
direttamente rapportato alla vita monastica, cos che si pu legittimamente afferma-
re che la predicazione di Chiara Bugni indirizzata esclusivamente alle consorelle e
costituisce un insegnamento impartito ex ofcio. Ad un pubblico pi vasto e non solo
cittadino erano invece rivolte le visioni e rivelazioni che costituivano una sorta di pre-
dicazione profetica mediata attraverso la parola e la scrittura del confessore.
6. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: IL FONDAMENTO DELLA CARIT
La carit il fondamento della vita monastica. Nel suo primo Sermone
Chiara Bugni propone la differenza tra amore e carit e parla a lungo della carit tra
le monache, che sono invitate a comportarsi come ministre di Dio. La monaca non
deve amare i prossimi per affetto di parentado et di carne, come fanno i pagani, ma
ama cos il nimico come lamico
48
. Questa prima affermazione, seguita dalla constata-
zione che vi sono molti che amano malamente perch vogliono tanto bene a qualcuno
che perdono lamor di Dio
49
, mostra in modo esplicito che la beata Chiara basa il
proprio insegnamento sulla esperienza di Madre abbadessa e che i suoi sermoni hanno
il ne di promuovere la concordia nel monastero, spesso turbato da lotte di fazione o
di partiti tra le monache
50
.
Altro esempio di amore sbagliato quello eccessivo o quello particolare.
Il primo stolto, il secondo pericoloso. Le monache non debbono amare impudica-
mente e lascivamente perch nulla giova la verginit corporale se non vi quella
mentale
51
. Anche linvidia si oppone alla carit ed espressione di amore di s. Pa-
rentado, amicizie particolari, invidie e mormorazioni sono le cause pi frequenti di
discordia tra le monache. Solo la pratica della carit fraterna consente il superamento
di questi ostacoli.
Il quadro della vita monastica che emerge indirettamente dal sermone di
Chiara Bugni sulla carit mette a fuoco aspetti solitamente taciuti dalle fonti interne
del monastero, che tendono a porre in evidenza la nobilt e la santit della istituzione,
e aprono uno spiraglio sui rapporti tra le monache e la loro vita di relazione. Partico-
larmente signicative appaiono le diverse declinazioni della carit fraterna: la carit
un legame di pace, madre della mansuetudine, spegne lincendio della libidine
52
, fa
che la monaca sia cara a Dio, conserva la chiesa nella unit, ha compassione di tutti,
scaccia ogni vizio e nutre la virt, conserva la reformatione della fraternit, scac-
cia lodio e linvidia, ministra della giustizia e conserva la disciplina regolare nel
monastero, conserva la mente pura, non biasima la povert, non cerca i diletti della
carne, ama la purit, non giudica, ma corregge umilmente il prossimo. In sintesi si
pu affermare che:
La charit fraterna adempimento della legge, perch tutto quello che ci
vien comandato, dopo il culto di Dio, si refferisce alla dilettione del pros-
simo. Di qui il santo amator di Christo disse: Quello che ama il prossimo
ha adempiuto la legge
53
.
48
Ibidem, f. 131r, p. 247.
49
Ibidem, p. 248.
50
Cf. L. Arcangeli, Ragioni politiche della disciplina monastica, pp. 165-187.
51
Libro, f. 132r, p. 248.
52
Ibidem, f. 135v, p. 251.
53
Ibidem, f. 137v, p. 252.
154 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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Dopo aver enunciato brevemente le caratteristiche principali della carit
fraterna, la santa monaca riprende le sue affermazioni soffermandosi su alcuni aspetti
particolari, come quello della amicizia delle monache e della concordia; ricorda inne
che non giover alla salute praticare astinenze e rinunciare ai patrimoni familiari se
non si consegue la carit fraterna.
Come il primo, il secondo e il terzo sermone hanno lobiettivo di indicare
le virt che sono alla base della vita spirituale, ma anche di una serena convivenza
tra le monache: la pazienza e lumilt. Queste virt rinviano infatti ai fondamenti
dellimitazione di Cristo, e al tempo stesso favoriscono la reciproca sopportazione e
comprensione.
7. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: LA PAZIENZA E LUMILT
Il sermone sulla pazienza impartito da Chiara alle sorelle il giorno dopo
aver pronunciato quello sulla carit. La condizione di debolezza sica in cui si trova
la mistica fa s che ella debba riposarsi dopo aver sostenuto una lunga conversazione.
Lo confessa la monaca stessa: Et havendovi assai sufcientemente parlato di questa
santa charit, piglier licenza dalle charitadi vostre di riposarmi alquanto, per sen-
tirmi un poco stracca
54
. Come in questo caso, anche successivamente, linsegnamento
di Chiara Bugni viene impartito in giorni diversi, quasi a prolungare la conversazione
tra sorelle e allontanare il momento del distacco.
Il sermone sulla pazienza si sviluppa dalla constatazione che questa virt
particolarmente necessaria alle religiose che, come dice san Paolo, siamo fatte uno
spettacolo a tutti gli huomini (1 Corinti 4,9)
55
. A proposito del richiamo paolino, si
osserver in premessa che qui e in tutti i Sermoni la citazione biblica resa al fem-
minile: segno evidente che lenfasi del discorso rivolto alluditorio specico delle
monache a cui la predicazione indirizzata. Si dovr rilevare inoltre che la clarissa
veneziana attenta a contestualizzare i suoi discorsi, non soltanto sotto il prolo del
pubblico, ma anche del clima culturale del tempo. Ella sa bene che al suo tempo la
vita religiosa gode di scarsa considerazione e che le suore vengono beffeggiate, cos
da dover ricorrere alla paziente sopportazione. Del resto lo stesso Cristo Salvatore
fu beffeggiato e deriso e pu fornire lesempio pi signicativo della virt della pa-
zienza. Questa si manifesta prima di tutto nella mancanza di superbia e nellamore
della povert.
Dopo aver proceduto ad alcune esemplicazioni, Chiara Bugni riassume il
suo insegnamento indicando una vera e propria classicazione della virt della pa-
zienza. Il primo grado quello di coloro che non cercano volontariamente lavversit
e che si rattristano quando questa si presenti loro, per dopo una prima ribellione la
sopportano pazientemente. Il secondo grado di coloro che, pur non cercando di patir
mali, sopportano il male come dono mandato da Dio. Il terzo grado della pazienza
il pi perfetto e comprende quelle monache che si offrono spontaneamente alla deri-
sione e alle avversit: come accade per il martirio, anche la virt della pazienza pu
essere di due specie, a seconda che lavversit sia ricercata o accettata.
Come i Martiri, anche i Confessori che non hanno subito la morte ma accet-
tato la persecuzione possono costituire un esempio da imitare.
Terminata lesortazione alla penitenza Chiara Bugni congeda le sue conso-
relle e le invita ad ascoltare il giorno seguente la predica sulla umilt, virt necessaria
54
Ibidem, f. 142v, p. 256.
55
Ibidem, f. 143r, p. 256.
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quanto la pazienza a quelle monache che veramente vogliono vivere in santa pace nel
monastero
56
.
Lumilt pu essere considerata fondamento stabile di tutte le virt, perch
riconosce la condizione di peccato in cui la creatura caduta, e continua a cadere
facilmente, e non si insuperbisce. Con espressione icastica Chiara Bugni denisce
lumilt come la scala del cielo; essa tanto necessaria alla professione monastica
che senza questa virt non ci si pu salvare. La santa abbadessa conduce questa ries-
sione applicandola alla realt culturale e sociale dei monasteri rinascimentali, abitati
per lo pi da professe nobili, ere dallappartenenza a casati illustri:
La monaca gonata danimo et superba, non serva di Christo, ma del
diavolo et non har parte con Dio in cielo, ma co demoni nellinferno
senza ne sar tormentata. Imper che Christo, maestro et precettor
dellhumilt, detesta et maledisce tutti li superbi, et non riceve in sua
compagnia se non gli humili, miti et mansueti
57
.
Sulla contrapposizione del binomio umilt-superbia si sviluppa successi-
vamente il sermone di Chiara Bugni, che si conclude con la visione del giudizio e il
premio riservato agli umili:
Lhumilt in cielo senza ne sar coronata et la superbia patir
nellinferno, in perpetuo, un cruciato inestimabile co dimoni. Lhumilt
coronata con Christo regner in cielo et la superbia, dispregiata, sar cru-
ciata nelle pene col diavolo
58
.
In questo contesto i superbi condannati al fuoco eterno comprenderanno
lerrore fatto nel beffeggiare le umili monache durante la loro vita e dovranno ricono-
scere che le religiose hanno scelto la parte migliore:
Et vedendo i superbi et arroganti condennati allinferno tanta gloria delle
persone humili, le quali esse dispregiorno nel mondo, si maraviglieran-
no in tanta subitatione de santi, et si turberanno con uno spaventevole
timore, per langustia dello spirito gemendo et dicendo nel furor della
superbia: Queste son quelle monache povere et humili, gi vestite di
panni vili, separate dalle maritate, astenendosi dal mangiar carne et da
ogni spurcitia di carne, le quali qualche volta noi le dileggiassimo et se ne
ridavamo noi insensati. Noi pensavamo che la ne loro fusse una pazzia
et la ne loro fusse senza honore. Ecco come hora sono computate, fra i
gliuoli di Dio, et la loro sorte fra li santi
59
.
8. I SERMONI DI CHIARA BUGNI ALLE CONSORELLE: LUBBIDIENZA
Nel quarto sermone, dedicato allubbidienza, la clarissa veneziana moren-
te riprende e illustra un altro dei capisaldi della vita monastica. Non mi dilungher
nella illustrazione della importanza di questa virt, a cui Chiara Bugni dedica diverse
pagine. Mi limiter a sottolineare che la mistica ribadisce a pi riprese la necessit
56
Ibidem, f. 158r, p. 268.
57
Ibidem, f. 166r, p. 274.
58
Ibidem, f. 169v, p. 276.
59
Ibidem, ff. 170r-v, pp. 276-277.
156 GABRIELLA ZARRI
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che lubbidienza sia volontaria. E infatti la rinuncia al libero arbitrio e la soggezione
totale alle superiore e alle ufciali del convento che rendono virtuosa la vita mona-
stica. Questa rinuncia fa s che lubbidienza possa essere denita un martirio senza
spargimento di sangue
60
.
Dalla esortazione sullubbidienza ricaviamo il complesso semantico dei
termini che accostano la professione monastica alla vita apostolica e cio a quellin-
sieme di concetti e pratiche che possono suggerire la eventuale partecipazione delle
donne al munus sacerdotale. Fin dallesordio la Madre venerata dalle consorelle af-
ferma solennemente che il suo ufcio comporta la cura pastorale delle monache e a
questo ufcio elle vuole rimanere fedele no alla morte:
Et per, havendo io a satisfar allucio della cura pastorale, spesso vi
soglio ammonire allosservanza della disciplina regolare, n mai da qui
indietro vi mancher la parola salutifera della salute per n che lo spirito
mio viver et perseverer nella prigione di questa carne
61
.
La monaca viene denita da Chiara Bugni soldata di Christo, secondo la
metafora che paragona la vita spirituale ad un combattimento. Nei testi dellepoca la
gura paolina della milizia viene usata pi spesso per designare lidentit maschile
del monaco, essendo pi consona alle donne limmagine della sponsa Christi
62
. Tra
le monache, labbadessa riveste il ruolo particolare di vicaria di Christo nel mona-
sterio
63
, o addirittura di vicaria di Dio
64
ed per questo che la virt dellubbidienza
conduce alla perfezione, in quanto espressione della volont di Dio mediata attraverso
i superiori ecclesiastici. E interessante notare che nellordinamento monastico che
regola la convivenza di donne professe labbadessa designata come vicario di Cristo
allo stesso modo dei sacerdoti. In questo caso, il ruolo della monaca non pare avere
bisogno di mediazioni maschili.
In qualit di vicaria di Cristo nel monastero, labbadessa deve sempre essere
ubbidita, indipendentemente dalla sua bont o miseria; lubbidienza le dovuta da
tutte le suore non per il suo merito ma per il nome di Cristo. Le consorelle debbono
per prestare particolare attenzione ai suoi ammaestramenti:
La sua dottrina ti sia la regola del vivere et la sua santa conversatione ti
sia esempio dun ammaestramento molto puro. Perch ell amica di Dio
et vicaria di Christo in terra; nel primo merita che tu lami, nel secondo
che tu lobbedisca in tutte quelle cose chessa ti comanda
65
.
Se poi accadr alle monache di avere unabbadessa rozza, ignorante o
non troppo idonea, la professa stia attenta a non disseminare quello che lei fa
o che dice, ma pensi che i suoi peccati meritano che ella abbia una badessa di-
sutile
66
.
60
Ibidem, f. 182r, p. 285.
61
Ibidem, f. 177r, p. 282.
62
Sullidentit di genere dei religiosi, mi permetto di rinviare a: G. Zarri, Religious Institutions,
pp. 193-212; eadem, La vita religiosa, pp. 103-151. In prospettiva diversa cf. anche A.J. Schutte,
Between Venice and Rome.
63
Libro, f. 179v, p. 284.
64
Ibidem, f. 177v, p. 282.
65
Ibidem, ff. 179v-180r, p. 284.
66
Ibidem, f. 179r, p. 284.
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Vediamo dunque quali sono i requisiti e le competenze dellabbadessa, la
gura femminile pi prossima al sacerdote e al vescovo. Requisiti prioritari sono lan-
zianit nella professione e la conoscenza della Sacra Scrittura, la mansuetudine e la
modestia, la capacit di giudicare e di usare misericordia:
Ma ci sia una dona vecchia di costumi, erudita nelle scritture divine, che
camini con lo spirito nella vera conversatione della santit, pia, mansu-
eta, tranquilla di mente et discreta, la qual sappia giudicare le cattive e, a
quelle che hanno buon volere usar miseratione
67
.
La fedelt al voto fatto dalle monache al momento della professione ga-
ranzia di perfezione e di salvezza. I fedeli cristiani si possono salvare vivendo retta-
mente secondo il Vangelo, ma le religiose non si salveranno se non osserveranno no
alla morte la regola del proprio ordine. Tramite lubbidienza alla abbadessa la monaca
potr camminare sicuramente e se perseverer insino alla ne combattendo et vincen-
do, gloriosamente sar coronata
68
.
Lesortazione alla virt della ubbidienza si accompagna allinvito di com-
piere un esame di coscienza circa losservanza dei voti e si conclude con un elogio
per lattenzione con cui le monache del Santo Sepolcro hanno seguito linsegnamento
della loro madre morente. Inne la considerazione della stanchezza delle consorelle
spinge Chiara Bugni ad interrompere il sermone. Ella pensa che le compagne hanno
assistito a una predica molto lunga e le ringrazia per averla ascoltata in cos profondo
silenzio che non s udita pur una di voi sputare, n forbirsi il naso
69
; conclude in-
ne richiamando uno dei tratti propri della disciplina monastica: la meditazione della
parola di Dio:
Vostro ucio sar, come nellaltro sermone vi dissi, fare come il bue, ru-
minare quelle cose dette di sopra e pensarle molto bene, perch m parso
avervi detto tutto quello che fa a proposito dellubbidienza
70
.
Andr notato che nelle parole di Chiara Bugni citate in questo sermone
ricorrono due termini propri della tradizione monastica: la conversatione, il cui am-
bito semantico si estende dalla parola detta in comunit alla vita vissuta insieme, e la
ruminatio della parola di Dio, che bene esprime la forma e lo scopo della meditazione
della Sacra Scrittura: un ripensamento individuale e interno della parola di Dio che
viene mangiata e si trasforma in vita.
9. IL CONGEDO DI CHIARA BUGNI: LA PREDICAZIONE FEMMINILE
I primi sermoni dettati alle compagne da Chiara Bugni erano indirizzati alla
riessione sulla disciplina monastica e sul modo di perseguire la salvezza individuale.
Trascorsi tre giorni dallinizio della predicazione, le consorelle si avvicinano ancora
allabbadessa ammalata e le chiedono una riessione sulla morte. Chiara non lo nega,
sapendo che presto lascer coloro che le sono state sottoposte e hanno condiviso con
lei la vita comune. Il sermone sulla morte unoccasione per parlare della resurrezio-
67
Ibidem, f. 178r, pp. 282-283.
68
Ibidem, f. 184r, p. 287.
69
Ibidem, f. 185r, p. 288.
70
Ibidem, f. 185v, p. 288.
158 GABRIELLA ZARRI
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
ne di Cristo e del corpo e per prendere denitivo congedo dalle sorelle che assistono
al conferimento del viatico e della estrema unzione alla Madre morente.
E proprio in questultimo discorso che viene toccato il problema della pre-
dicazione femminile nellambito dei doveri abbaziali. Qui si esplicita compiutamente
il senso del sermone come conversatio tra fratelli, poich le monache intessono con
labbadessa un dialogo intenso. Il discorso inizia con una perorazione di Chiara sulla
morte, che si presenta letterariamente molto bella ed ricca di citazioni indirette della
Sacra Scrittura:
Ecco chio mi spoglio questo vestimento ch mortale, acci che io me ne
vesta duno immortale. Per insino a hora io sono stata in peregrinaggio,
horamai io ritorno alla mia patria. Ecco che io piglio il palio per il quale
ho combattuto nel monasterio. Ecco che io tocco il porto, il quale con
tanto desiderio io ho desiderato
71
.
A queste parole rispondono le sorelle, piangendo:
Chi haveremo pi noi che ci consoli, ci ammaestri et ci insegni? (...).
Voi eravate la nostra cara madre, la nostra maestra, il nostro refugio, la
nostra consolatione et un essempio dinnocentia (). Horamai verremo
a niente, saremo come pecore senza pastore (...). Non sar chi ci consoli,
rimarranno orfane le vostre gliuole et patiranno la fame come cani, an-
dandovi cercando per tutto e non vi trovando
72
.
Di rimando labbadessa consola le consorelle e ricorda loro la storia del
popolo dIsraele. Dopo la morte di Mos, Dio elesse Giosu per guida e diffensore
al populo suo e avendo portato Elia in cielo con un carro di fuoco lasci al suo po-
polo Eliseo come profeta sopra lo quale si ripos lo spirito doppio di Elia
73
. Come
ha fatto con Israele, il Signore invier anche alle monache veneziane qualcuno in
grado di prendere il posto della mistica visionaria e che avr i requisiti dellabba-
dessa santa:
Il Signore sar la parte della vostra heredit et del vostro calice, et esso
vi restituir la vostra heredit et vi susciter unaltra Madre, alla quale
dar il verbo di predicarvi il vangelo; et essa camminer senza macchia
et operer la giustitia
74
.
Prima di congedarsi dalle compagne di vita, Chiara Bugni cerca di frenare
la commozione del momento e il dolore del distacco ricorrendo alla consolante realt
della istituzione monastica, che garantisce la continuit degli ufci e la trasmissione
dei carismi. Ogni abbadessa, e non soltanto colei che gode fama di santit, ha il com-
pito di insegnare e predicare alle monache nel contesto della quotidiana conversatio.
Nel passo citato appare pienamente chiarito il senso della predicazione fem-
minile allinterno delle comunit regolari: un insegnamento in forma di sermone,
condotto da coloro che esercitano un ufcio al servizio delle sorelle, rivolto in primo
luogo alle monache, negli spazi comuni del monastero, quando non addirittura al letto
di morte dellabbadessa.
71
Ibidem, f. 194r, p. 294.
72
Ibidem, f. 194v, p. 295.
73
Ibidem, f. 195v, p. 295.
74
Ibidem, f. 195v, p. 296.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.07
In conclusione, la Vita e le Esortazioni della clarissa Chiara Bugni possono
essere considerate a mio parere un caso esemplare per illustrare il doppio binario della
predicazione femminile: quella profetica, afdata alle rivelazioni e alle visioni, rivolta al
pubblico dei fedeli e per lo pi mediata da un confessore che ne garantisce lautenticit e
lortodossia; e quella in forma di sermone, riservata allinsegnamento interno alla co-
munit e trasmessa ex ofcio alle monache nellambito della conversazione monastica.
10. BIBLIOGRAFIA
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Fecha de recepcin del artculo: enero 2012
Fecha de aceptacin y versin nal: marzo 2012
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 163-181
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
SERMONES Y ESPEJOS DE PRNCIPES CASTELLANOS
1
SERMONS AND CASTILIAN MIRRORS OF PRINCES
HUGO O. BIZZARRI
Universit de Fribourg
1
Una primera versin de este trabajo fue leda como conferencia en el International Medieval
Sermon Studies Society XVIIth Symposium (Salamanca, 16-20 de julio de 2010).
Abreviaturas utilizadas: c = copla; cc = coplas.
Resumen: Con este estudio se propone el
autor destacar la evolucin del discurso
poltico en los espejos de prncipes caste-
llanos. En este sentido se puede observar
que, si bien en los tratados de origen rabe
los catlogos de vicios y virtudes ocupa-
ron un puesto considerable, estos lista-
dos se volvieron an ms importantes en
los tratados de fuentes occidentales y se
transformaron en su marca distintiva. Ello
permiti un acercamiento an ms estre-
cho entre discurso poltico y religioso, en
especial favoreci el cruce de dos gneros
literarios: el de los espejos de prncipes
con el de los sermones.
Palabras clave: espejos de prncipes; ser-
mones; discurso religioso.
Abstract: This essay describes the
evolution of the political discourse in the
Castilian mirrors of princes. In fact it can
be observed that, even if the catalogues
of vices and virtues were already
considerably important in the treaties of
Arabic origin, these lists became even
more relevant in the treaties of western
sources and became their distinctive mark.
This allowed the bringing together of the
political and the religious discourse and
it especially contributed to the mixing of
two literary genres: the mirrors of princes
with the sermons.
Keywords: mirrors of princes; sermons;
religious discourse.
SUMARIO
1. Introduccin. 2. Espejos de prncipes y discurso religioso. 3. Espejos de prncipes y los
tratados de vicios y virtudes. 4. El discurso religioso en los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV.
5. La rearmacin del discurso en la Baja Edad Media. 6. Conclusin. 7. Bibliografa citada.
1. INTRODUCCIN
En 1390, en Pamplona, el rey de Navarra, Carlos III, hizo pblica su
obediencia al Papa avions Clemente VII. En esa ceremonia don Pedro de Luna,
el futuro Benedicto XIII, pronunci un sermn en el que fundament la decisin
del monarca. Su editor moderno, H. Lapeyre, calic a este texto como un temoi-
nage historique
2
, pues documenta un paso importante de Espaa en la contienda
del Cisma. Por mi parte, considero adems a este sermn como un precioso testi-
2
H. Lapeyre, Un sermon, p. 45.
164 HUGO O. BIZZARRI
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
monio del acercamiento de discurso poltico y religioso en el entorno monrquico
castellano.
Las crnicas non son muy perceptivas a hacer mencin de sermones pro-
nunciados ante los monarcas; sin embargo, la Crnica de Juan II no calla un incidente
que involucra a San Vicente Ferrer en su paso por Aylln (Segovia), en 1411: muchas
predicaiones dixo en Ayllon e muchos dias estovo en la corte del rei frai Biente,
predicando e dexando dotrina
3
. Las crnicas no sienten necesidad de consignar mu-
chos otros ocios religiosos a los que asistan los reyes, pues formaban parte de la
vida cotidiana del monarca. Pero el fanatismo que despertaba San Vicente Ferrer hizo
imposible que el cronista callara sus prdicas. El discurso religioso invada muchas
facetas de la vida medieval y el mbito poltico no le era indiferente.
Numerosos trabajos se han publicado sobre la historia del Derecho espaol,
especialmente de los primeros cdigos, entre los que los fueros, el Espculo y las Par-
tidas juegan un papel fundamental
4
. Ellos nos muestran que la redaccin de un cdigo
jurdico propiamente hispnico no fue sino un largo proceso de escritura y reescritura
de textos, pero tambin que la secularizacin del derecho cannico dej impregnada
su huella en el discurso legal. Un caso similar nos plantean los espejos de prncipes
castellanos. Sus diferentes modelos, las diversas formas que tomaron en muchos ma-
nuscritos, muestran que ellos tambin se vieron sometidos a un proceso de escritura
y reescritura. La falta de un molde preciso que caracterice al espejo de prncipes,
factible de ser escrito en prosa o en verso, en un estilo arabizante o escolstico, como
discurso organizado o como simple lista de sentencias o ejemplos, facilit no slo su
constante metamorfosis, sino tambin su pervivencia.
Desde la publicacin del estudio pionero en el mbito hispnico de Jos
Manuel Nieto Soria
5
, se han ido estudiando las imgenes de representacin del poder,
su simbologa, su aporte a la formacin del estado moderno, la sacralizacin del po-
der, entre otros tantos temas
6
. No faltan tiles panoramas que trazan la tradicin de los
especula castellanos
7
, aunque todos ellos son parciales. Todos estos panoramas por
su naturaleza historicista no solucionan un problema de base: cules son las claves
de organizacin y de exposicin de un espejo de prncipes? Tratando de solucionar
este interrogante, hace aos ensay una explicacin encontrando en la difusin del
postulado pseudo-aristotlico de la trifuncionalidad de la ciencia poltica (es decir,
su divisin en tica o monstica, econmica y poltica) una clave de organizacin
que se conoca ya desde la traduccin de la econmica de Pedro Gallego, pero que
se patentiz, nalmente, con el tratado de Egidio Romano, que ya aparece citado en
Juan Manuel y que tradujo y glos fray Juan Garca de Castrojeriz para el rey Pedro
3
Vase P. Ctedra, La predicacin, p. 308; idem, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, p. 134. El epi-
sodio es tambin recordado por Alfonso lvarez de Villasandino en un poema dedicado al obispo de
Palencia, Sancho de Rojas, contenido en el Cancionero de Baena (n. 159), para que interceda ante el
rey y le pague los favores que le hizo.
4
Por ejemplo, los de A. Garca Gallo, El Libro de las leyes e idem, Nuevas observaciones; o
los trabajos de J. Craddock ahora reunidos en el volumen Palabra de rey.
5
Me reero a sus Fundamentos.
6
De lo cual son reejo los volmenes de J.M. Nieto Soria, Ceremonias de la realeza e idem, El
conicto en escenas, los de Genet y Vincent, tat et glise y A. Rucquoi, Gense mdivale. Un
valioso antecedente fue el estudio de M. Garca Pelayo, El reino de Dios.
7
F. Rubio, De regimine principum; H.L. Sears, The Rimado de Palacio; B. Palacios Martn, El
mundo de las ideas polticas; J.M. Nieto Soria, Les Miroirs; M.A. Prez Priego, Sobre la congura-
cin literaria; D. Nogales Rincn, Los espejos de prncipes; H.O. Bizzarri, A. Rucquoi, Los espejos
de prncipes; y M. Haro Corts, Literatura de castigos.
SERMONES Y ESPEJOS DE PRNCIPES CASTELLANOS 165
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
I
8
. Hoy pienso que no puede ser la nica clave, fruto, naturalmente, del multifacetismo
del gnero.
Lo que presento a continuacin es un ensayo de explicacin de la conforma-
cin del discurso de los espejos desde el punto de vista de su tradicin discursiva.
Lo que me pregunto es si hay un tipo de discurso con el que se identiquen los espe-
jos de prncipes como s los hay para otras tradiciones
9
.
2. ESPEJOS DE PRNCIPES Y DISCURSO RELIGIOSO
Ambas tradiciones tienen un punto en comn: ellas se vieron de alguna ma-
nera comprometidas en la renovacin cultural que se produjo en los siglos XII y XIII
en la que la Universidad jug un papel importante. El discurso religioso para entonces
tena una larga tradicin: desde el mandato de Cristo a sus apstoles de salir y pre-
dicar el Evangelio (Marcos 16, 15), la homila se haba congurado como un gnero
propio. Pero, como bien se ha destacado, hasta el siglo XIII era un discurso dejado al
libre arbitrio, a la libre inspiracin y por qu no a la capacidad del orador
10
. En el
siglo XIII, sin embargo, se reorganiz el discurso religioso y se estableci el sermn
como una pieza de retrica. Ese sermn propio de las universidades estuvo pautado
por normas jas, por una estructura que era necesario seguir
11
. El predicador contaba
ahora con una serie de textos auxiliares que le servan para componer su sermn: las
artes praedicandi, manuales de retrica sagrada que incluan muchos modelos de
sermones, y las distinctiones, repertorios de citas bblicas, ejemplos y auctoritates. De
esta forma, el sermn se transform en un discurso retrico que oscil entre prdica
oral y discurso escrito. Las rdenes mendicantes lo consideraron un arma esencial de
la reforma de las costumbres de los clrigos, como se haba propuesto en el IV Conci-
lio de Letrn (1215). La prdica efectiva de la que nos dan cuenta la gran cantidad
de reportationes que guardan los manuscritos medievales dio paso a la utilizacin del
sermn como manual de lectura, es decir, la reunin en volmenes de sermones que
nunca se haban pronunciado
12
. Pero el sermn universitario no se qued en el mbito
monacal y acadmico. Tambin se instaur como instrumento de las costumbres de
los laicos. De esta forma, gracias a los sermones ad status las rdenes religiosas que
estaban en el entorno de la corte expandieron su inuencia a palacio
13
.
El discurso poltico tambin se beneci de la reforma impulsada en las
universidades. La ya antigua tradicin de espejos de prncipes encontr en el mbito
universitario un impulso renovador
14
. l tambin se transform en un tipo de discur-
so ms elaborado: el entretejido de sentencias bblicas, de auctoritates y de ejem-
plos hizo que los llamados medios auxiliares de la predicacin fueran herramienta
indispensable para la elaboracin de estos tratados. El magister universitario, entre
cuyas funciones estaban tanto la de ensear y disputar como la de predicar, cultiv
8
H.O. Bizzarri, La estructura; idem, El concepto de ciencia poltica; idem, El surgimiento.
9
Segn han demostrado los diversos trabajos del volumen de D. Jacob y J. Kabatek, Lengua
medieval.
10
Como bien ha demostrado F. Rico, Predicacin y literatura.
11
. Gilson, Michel Menot; M. Zink, La prdication; J. Longre, La prdication; B.M. Kienzle,
The Sermon.
12
J. Leclerq, Les sermons. Un caso en Castilla nos lo presenta el manuscrito BUS 1854 editado
por M.A. Snchez Snchez, Un sermonario.
13
Remito al trabajo de M. Corti, Structures idologiques.
14
W. Berges, Die Frstenspiegel; J. Miethke, Las ideas polticas.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
ambos gneros, el sermonstico y el poltico, pues en el fondo ambos tenan puntos
en comn
15
. Juan de Salisbury con su Policraticus impuso un modelo que inuy
directa o indirectamente en otros espejos de prncipes
16
. El modelo ms perfecto lo
estableci, sin embargo, Egidio Romano con su De regimine principum librii III. Pero
estos, como otros tantos tratados en los que circul el pensamiento poltico de la Edad
Media, no se pueden entender sin ese contacto con la universidad.
3. ESPEJOS DE PRNCIPES Y LOS TRATADOS DE VICIOS Y VIRTUDES
El tercer elemento que jug un papel importante en la elaboracin de un
discurso de los espejos de prncipes al que quisiera hacer referencia son los listados
de vicios y virtudes. Sabemos que en la Edad Media circularon dos matrices de lis-
tas de pecados (un listado septenario y otro octonario)
17
. Sin embargo, esas listas se
presentaban como repertorios abiertos, es decir, permitan a cada autor completar o
modicar dicho listado. Newhauser seal que los tratados de vicios y virtudes sirvie-
ron para componer colecciones de sermones, exempla y orilegios
18
. Por lo que puedo
advertir en la literatura espaola, ellos tambin sirvieron para articular los espejos de
prncipes. Y no creo que en esto Espaa sea una excepcin, si bien la particular si-
tuacin de la Pennsula Ibrica, cruce de caminos entre Oriente y Occidente, permiti
la existencia de ms listados.
Trazar la evolucin de un gnero como el de los espejos de prncipes
hispanos tropieza con un grave problema: la dicultad de describir una lnea evolu-
tiva clara y con ello una periodizacin
19
. Para el caso de los espejos de prncipes
castellanos no es fcil establecer la datacin cronolgica de las obras, an de forma
aproximada: muchas de ellas debemos situarlas grosso modo dentro de una misma
corriente, aunque no sepamos qu texto precede a cul. Si bien hay excepciones, como
los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV o el Libro de los doze sabios, la mayora de ellos
estn tan encerrados en s mismos que no hacen alusiones externas que nos permitan
fecharlos. Es el caso del pseudo-aristotlico Poridat de las poridades. No hay ningn
indicio claro que permita determinar su fecha de composicin. Su primer editor, Llo-
yd A. Kasten, conjetur que, si dos de sus manuscritos son del siglo XIII y ellos pre-
sentan grandes diferencias, sera ste un indicio de que la obra hubiera sido traducida
del rabe a mediados de dicha centuria, tal vez a nales del reinado de Fernando III o
a comienzos del de Alfonso X
20
. La obra debe agruparse junto a otras de procedencia
rabe que se traducan en el mismo perodo. Pero no se puede ir ms lejos. Este tratado
consta de un prlogo, en el que se narra el origen del libro (la expedicin de Yahaya
15
P. Glorieux, Lenseignement au Moyen ge; P. Delhaye, Enseignement et morale.
16
W. Berges, Die Frstenspiegel, pp. 131-143; P. von Moos, Geschichte als topik.
17
Una lista de ocho pecados tuvo su origen en los monasterios de Egipto en el siglo IV y fue re-
cogida por el monje Evagrius (gula, lujuria, avaricia, codicia, ira, pereza, vanagloria, soberbia). Ella
pas luego a Casiano (ca. 360-433/35) y a Gregorio Magno quienes la difundieron a toda la Edad
Media. Pero Gregorio Magno, si bien sigue a Casiano, instituy un segundo modelo: el listado septe-
nario. Modic el esquema octonario colocando un pecado (la soberbia) como raz de todos los otros
(Moralia in Job, 31, 45, 87-91). Esto reforz la imagen de los pecados como una familia y la idea
de la comunicacin entre ellos. Vase R. Jehel, Die Geschichte des lasterschemas; C. Casagrande,
S. Vecchio, I sette vizi capitali.
18
R. Newhauser, The Treatise, p. 84.
19
Para una tradicin del gnero remito a los trabajos citados en la nota 7.
20
Pseudo-Aristteles, Secreto de los secretos. Poridat de las poridades, pp. 10-11.
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ibn al-Batrik al palacio de Hermes Trismegisto) y las cartas cruzadas entre Alejandro
Magno y Aristteles cuando el lsofo se excusa de no socorrer a su discpulo que
ha conquistado Persia. Luego le siguen ocho captulos en los cuales se dan consejos
para el buen gobierno del reino, pero tambin consejos medicinales, de numerologa
mgica y hasta un lapidario. Todos saberes que son tiles para el gobierno del reino.
El primer captulo describe cuatro tipos de reyes, que se determinan a partir
de un vicio y una virtud: el franco para s y para su pueblo, el escaso para s y para
su pueblo, el escaso para s y franco para su pueblo y el franco para s y escaso para
su pueblo. Es la diferente combinacin de este vicio y esta virtud la que determina la
tipologa de monarca. Pero hay un elemento que no debe faltar en el buen monarca: el
seso, es decir, la inteligencia; l es el comienzo de todo buen gobierno y de la fama
(nombrada) del rey. Es el deseo de fama inmerecido el que desencadena una lista
de pecados:
Onde el primer grado de seso es nonbradia, [e por el rregno uiene amor
de la nonbradia], e si la demandar omne sin so derecho uiene por ella
enbidia. E por la enbidia uiene la mentira. E la mentira es rrayz de las
maldades. E por la mentira uiene la [mestura]. E por la [mestura] uiene la
malquerencia. E por la malquerencia uiene el tuerto. E por el tuerto uiene
el departimiento. E por el departimiento uiene odio. E del odio uiene
baraia. E de la baraia uiene enemiztad. E de la enemiztad uiene lit. E la lit
es contraria al iuyzio e desfaze el pueblo e uene la natura. E la contraria
de la natura es danno de todas las cosas del mundo
21
.
El amor a la nombrada es una forma de mencionar la vanagloria, y de ella
viene la envidia y la mentira. El tratado nos presenta un modelo generativo de vicios:
el encadenamiento de un vicio hacia el otro es claro y directo. Todo esto coincide con
el modelo gregoriano. En el texto hasta se elige un superpecado (la mentira). No
obstante, la obra est lejos de la tradicin gregoriana. La vanagloria dispara una serie
de calamidades, entre ellas la mentira, raz de todos los males. Es aqu evidente la
idea de ilacin de los pecados, no de familiaridad, y que uno de ellos dispara todos los
dems hasta llegar a la destruccin del mundo.
La obra, sin embargo, no est escrita como un listado de vicios y virtudes
que hay que ensear al rey. Ello ser caracterstico de los tratados de races occiden-
tales. Por eso, sus captulos discurrirn sobre la forma de impartir justicia, sobre el
ejrcito y la guerra, sobre numerologa mgica, sobre sonoma y el estudio de las
piedras. En muchos pasajes la obra no parece ser sino una acumulacin de consejos
como si se tratase de un orilegio:
Alexandre, nunqua digades de si en las cosas que dixieredes de no. E
nunqua digades de no en las cosas que dixieredes de si. E todauia pensat
en las cosas que ouieredes de dezir o de fazer, e de guysa que non semeie
aliuiamiento en uuestro dicho ny en uuestro fecho. Ny edes por seruicio
si non poor omne que ayades prouado por leal e por uerdadero. E guardat
uuestro cuerpo e uuestro auer. E guardat uso de las cosas ueninosas ca
muchas uezes mataron los omnes buenos con ellas (p. 117).
No faltan tampoco pequeas historias con las que se ejemplican algunos
preceptos. As, en la advertencia contra el veneno se coloca el ejemplo de la mujer
alimentada con veneno (cap. 2), para demostrar el poder de la astronoma, los dos
21
Ibidem, pp. 110-111.
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ejemplos de los estremonianos (cap. 3) o sobre la caballera el ejemplo de los caballe-
ros que van a lidiar (cap. 7).
La construccin de un espejo de prncipes estructurado sobre la base de
vicios y virtudes es ms propio de la tradicin occidental. El Libro de los doze sabios
es un precioso ejemplo de mezcla de elementos orientales y occidentales en un mismo
espejo de prncipes. La obra fue compuesta hacia 1237 por Fernando III y comple-
tada a comienzos del reinado de Alfonso X, hacia 1255
22
. Ella posee 66 captulos y
parece haber sido compuesta en diferentes momentos
23
. Un primer ncleo de la obra
lo constituyen sus primeros veinte captulos que son anunciados en el prlogo. Esa
primera seccin funciona como un tratado de vicios y virtudes: lealtad, codicia,
esfuerzo, sabidura, castidad, templanza, saa, largueza, avaricia, amistad, enemistad,
piedad, crueldad, justicia, codicia. Se trata de vicios y virtudes que se pueden hallar en
un prncipe, por eso rompe el molde habitual. Por momentos se observa que el autor
trabaja sobre la base de opuestos: si habla en un captulo de la amistad, en el prximo
lo hace de la enemistad; si habla en otro de la piedad, en el siguiente de la crueldad.
Pero vemos ahora que la serie de vicios y virtudes no es un listado enunciado en el in-
terior del texto, sino que l estructura la primera parte de este tratado, la ms orgnica.
Muchos de sus captulos estn dispuestos como una sucesin de sentencias
o dichos, que cada uno de los lsofos expone sobre el tema propuesto. Hay, sin em-
bargo, captulos que no hacen esto. Ellos desarrollan ms bien un discurso, aunque en
denitiva nunca se alejan de la forma expositiva del consejo:
Non dexes de fazer bien mientras podieres, que del mundo non te que-
dara al synon el nonbre de las bienaventuranas e de las conquistas, e las
buenas obras que te salvaran el alma. E lo al, como sueo pasara ante dy
(p. 110).
Hay captulos que mezclan ambas formas expositivas como si se tratase de
una acumulacin de cosas. Estas diferencias me han sugerido que posiblemente la
obra se nos haya conservado con diversos estados redaccionales, consecuencia de su
tradicin manuscrita
24
.
Otro tanto pasa en otra obra del perodo, Flores de losofa, tambin a me-
dio camino entre Oriente y Occidente. Se trata de un pequeo tratado de 38 captulos
con un pequeo prlogo en el que se dice que la obra fue compilada por una reunin
de sabios, pero que luego fue Sneca quien la naliz
25
. La ccin no deja de repre-
sentar la tcnica de trabajo de los talleres del rey Alfonso: el grupo de sabios coordi-
nados por el monarca
26
. En este caso, la obra presenta dos catlogos, uno de vicios y
virtudes y otro slo de virtudes. El primero, como en el Libro de los doze sabios, se
halla en la sucesin de captulos: el amor a Dios, lealtad, justicia e injusticia, braveza,
esfuerzo y desmayamiento, sabidura, el uso de la palabra (custodia linguae), pacien-
cia, sufrimiento, buen talante, buenas maneras, nobleza, cortesa humildad, orgullo,
concordia (avenencia), esfuerzo y cobarda, riqueza y pobreza, honra de los parientes,
mesura, mansedad y braveza, seso, osada, codicia, saber y voluntad. Los captulos
22
La fecha fue propuesta por J.K. Walsh (ed.), Libro de los doze sabios, pp. 23-33; F. Gmez
Redondo, Historia de la prosa, pp. 241-260, ha puesto reparos a estas fechas, pero vanse ahora las
consideraciones de H.O. Bizzarri, Le croissement de cultures.
23
H.O. Bizzarri, Consideraciones; idem, La idea de Reconquista.
24
Ibidem.
25
Para la tradicin de Sneca en Espaa, vase K.A. Blher, Sneca en Espaa.
26
Segn estableci G. Menndez Pidal, Cmo trabajaron.
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mismos se desarrollan sobre una oposicin. Cada vicio o virtud es denida a travs de
la confrontacin con su opuesto. Por ejemplo, en el mismo captulo se habla de la jus-
ticia y la injusticia (cap. 6), del esfuerzo y del desmayamiento (cap. 10), del esfuerzo
y de la cobarda (cap. 24), de la riqueza y de la pobreza (cap. 26), de la mansedad y
de la braveza (cap. 30), etc.
La obra presenta una mezcla de vicios y virtudes cortesanas y eclesisticas.
A la nobleza, cortesa y braveza propias de una sociedad feudal, aade otras de medios
religiosos como la humildad, la codicia y el uso de la palabra, disciplina esta ltima
en desarrollo en medios monacales a partir del siglo XII
27
. Pero lo que prima son los
vicios y virtudes de una sociedad seorial.
El segundo listado se halla en el cuento de los captulos II y III, donde se
presenta el ejemplo del rey y el predicador. Un rey sale de caza y se encuentra con un
predicador. Absorbido por su ejercicio, el rey indica al predicador que no tiene tiempo
de or su sermn. El predicador le advierte que si Adn perdi el paraso por slo un
pecado, Dios no querr acoger a aqul que cometi tantos. El rey se qued pensando
en estas palabras durante todo el da. A la vuelta de la caza, encontr un fsico traba-
jando frente a unos orinales a quien le pregunt si tena una medicina para curar sus
pecados. Esa medicina conforma el captulo III. Ella est constituida por una lista de
virtudes: humildad, caridad, temor a Dios, vergenza, obediencia, esperanza en Dios,
mesura, amor verdadero, perdn, sabidura, vencimiento de la voluntad y deseo de las
buenas obras. El relato retoma la idea de las pasiones como una enfermedad, espe-
cialmente porque ellas estaban enlazadas a los pecados
28
. Se trata ahora de un listado
de virtudes cuyo origen es claramente clerical. El lector de este manual encontrar
muchas de ellas analizadas en el interior del tratado.
Sin embargo, la inuencia oriental es an fuerte. Por eso, si bien sus captulos
presentan un discurso ms elaborado que se vale de conectores y giros para su ilacin,
es evidente que ste logra su articulacin sobre la base del entretejido de sentencias:
Sabed que paciencia es que non peche omne mal por mal en dicho nin en
fecho, e que non muestre sanna nin mala voluntad, nin tenga mal conde-
sado en su coraon por cosa que le fagan, nin que le digan. E de la pa-
ciencia son dos maneras, la primera es: que sufra el omne a los que son
mayores que el, la segunda: que sufra a los menores que el. E por esto
disen que, quando vno non quiere, dos non varajan. E sabed que nunca
barajan dos buenos en vno, mas en dos malos fallaredes baraja, e quando
barajan [vn] bueno e [otro] malo, amos a dos son contados por eguales. E
por ende deue omne dar pasada a las cosas, sy non, nunca sera paciente
29
.
Hasta este momento los espejos de prncipes compilados en los reinados
de Fernando III y Alfonso X, a medio camino entre tradicin rabe y occidental, se
constituyen como tratados de vicios y virtudes, con una organizacin cada uno parti-
cular. Podramos decir que cada tratado establece su sistema de vicios y virtudes, cada
obra su particular universo de virtudes. Ya he dicho que, si bien existan dos modelos
de listas de pecados, el de Casiano y el de San Gregorio, cada autor poda elaborar el
suyo propio. Y esa posibilidad fue utilizada por los compiladores de estos espejos. La
evolucin de la poltica castellana hizo que no tardaran los caminos de los espejos de
prncipes y de la predicacin en cruzarse.
27
Como han demostrado C. Casagrande, S. Vecchio, I peccati della lingua.
28
Vase para ello S. Vecchio, Passions de lme et pch capitaux.
29
Flores de losofa, pp. 39-40. La cursiva es ma.
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4. EL DISCURSO RELIGIOSO EN LOS CASTIGOS DEL REY DON SANCHO IV
La llegada al trono de Sancho IV (1284-1295) signic la instauracin de-
nitiva de la clereca en el poder. Ello se reeja claramente en las obras literarias y
en las monumentales impulsadas por el monarca
30
. Sancho IV fue un hombre de una
gran piedad, pero la clereca fue quien le ayud a llegar al poder y eso el monarca lo
recompens rodendose en la corte de las personas que le haban sido eles en sus
momentos difciles
31
. La orden de los franciscanos tendr un papel destacado junto
al monarca
32
. Todo esto hace que la visin del rey vuelva hacia una cultura eclesis-
tica de fuentes latinas. Tampoco estuvieron ausentes en el perodo textos de fuentes
francesas, tal vez conocidos gracias a los prolongados, necesarios (y accidentados)
contactos diplomticos con el pas vecino
33
.
Precisamente en Francia el discurso poltico experimentaba un cambio
abrupto. En 1282 Egidio Romano terminaba su De regimine principum para el rey
Felipe. Y poco despus Henri de Gauchi realizaba la primera de las ocho traducciones
al francs que se hicieron de este tratado
34
. La obra una dos corrientes que estaban
en pugna en las universidades francesas: la de los telogos y los nuevos textos aristo-
tlicos. No voy a expandirme sobre este tema, pero s decir que el tratado de Egidio
se une a esa corriente de expurgacin de textos de Aristteles que trataba de hacer
asimilable las enseanzas del Filsofo a una ortodoxia cristiana.
Es muy difcil decir si la obra de Egidio inuy sobre los Castigos del rey
don Sancho IV, sea en su versin latina o francesa. Recordemos que el De regimine
principum era lectura obligatoria para la orden de los agustinos, lo cual impuls su
difusin
35
. Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV es un testimonio de la apropiacin que
hizo el discurso poltico del religioso. La consecuencia es la creacin de un discurso
escolastizante. Pero tambin la obra reeja la situacin poltica de la Castilla del rey
don Sancho IV: la inuencia creciente en la corte del clero.
Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV fueron compuesto hacia 1292, ao
importante para Sancho: el rey se arma en su trono, impone su autoridad y ob-
tiene una de las batallas ms importantes frente a los moros, la toma de Tarifa. No
sabemos, sin embargo, en qu estado redaccional dej el rey su tratado. Muchos
accidentes internos indican que mientras algunos captulos fueron perfectamente
terminados otros quedaron en redacciones intermedias. Lo cierto es que esta nueva
clereca propone un nuevo espejo de prncipes, centrado ahora de lleno en una
tradicin occidental. La obra comporta 50 captulos y est escrita como los consejos
que un padre da a su hijo. Evidentemente, la tradicin catoniana y la salomnica
han jugado aqu un papel importante en la conformacin de la forma expositiva,
pero tal vez tambin hayan sido conocidos los Enseignements del rey San Luis a sus
hijos. El tratado est escrito para su hijo, el futuro Fernando IV, entonces de siete
aos de edad. Pero no hay que buscar una estrecha vinculacin biogrca, como ha
querido ver la crtica en alguna ocasin: lugar comn de los espejos de prncipes
era el de dedicarlo al hijo del monarca, aunque el tratado sirviera de lectura al rey
o a la nobleza.
30
F. Gutirrez Baos, Las empresas artsticas.
31
M. Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Historia; J.M. Nieto Soria, Sancho IV.
32
Esta relacin fue planteada por H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, pp. 67-70.
33
Remito para todo esto a la monografa de H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV.
34
S.P. Molenaer (ed.), Li livres du gouvernement des rois. Sobre estas traducciones, vase ahora
la tesis indita de N.-L. Perret, Il nest seigneur.
35
Segn indica F. Lejard, Gilles de Rome, p. 430.
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Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, pese a su aparente sujecin a una orto-
doxia, es una obra eminentemente innovadora. Desecha la estructura de catlogo de
vicios y virtudes para buscar una nueva organizacin, ahora la concepcin aristotlica
trifuncional de la ciencia poltica, es decir, la divisin en tres partes de la disciplina:
tica, econmica y poltica. Es por eso que los primeros dieciocho captulos se dedi-
can a la tica o formacin moral del individuo, los captulos 19 a 21 al gobierno de la
casa o econmica, mientras que el resto se dedica a lo que en las nuevas teoras era
la poltica, la relacin con los sbditos y el gobierno del estado. Este sistema trifun-
cional es el mismo que presenta Egidio Romano, aunque no le haca les falta a los
intelectuales de Sancho IV leer esta obra para aprenderlo, pues era una concepcin
sucientemente ya difundida
36
.
Hay muchos elementos que acercan este tratado poltico al mbito de la pre-
dicacin. Por ejemplo, el uso de preceptos bblicos. El tratado presenta como nunca
su discurso basado en citas bblicas. No es de extraar, pues como bien ha indicado
Ullmann en varios de sus trabajos, la Biblia, en especial los proverbios y los Evange-
lios, ofrecieron el sostn ideolgico del discurso poltico en la Edad Media
37
. Por tanto,
siendo los Castigos un tratado en que el clero tiene tanta importancia, es obvio este
uso preeminente de citas y pasajes bblicos. Si en el prlogo se comenta el pasaje del
Gnesis sobre la cada es porque este relato sobre la transgresin de un orden impuesto
por Dios justicaba en la tratadstica poltica medieval la existencia de leyes. Si en el
captulo 10 se comenta el pasaje del tributo al Csar (Mateo 22, 15-22) es porque este
pasaje en la tratadstica medieval serva para reexionar sobre la divisin de poderes.
Junto a ellas, hallan lugar las citas de auctoritates: San Agustn, Casiodoro,
Boecio, San Cesario, es decir, lo que en el lenguaje universitario se consideraba los
antiqui, pero tambin los moderni, como Pedro Lombardo, Graciano y San Bernardo.
Todo esto inserta a este espejo de prncipes en la corriente del Policraticus de Juan
de Salisbury, de los tratados de Santo Toms y de Egidio Romano.
Podramos hasta decir que hay captulos escritos utilizando las tcnicas de
los sermones. Por ejemplo, el captulo IX, dedicado a hablar de la justicia. Se inicia
con una cita bblica a manera de thema del captulo: Dize el rey Salamon: Amad jus-
tiia vos que judgades la tierra tomada de Salomon 1:1 e inmediatamente aade otra
a manera de prothema: Derecho judgad a los jos de los omes (p. 120). Se desarrolla
as un largo captulo que utiliza de la enumeratio y ejemplos bblicos. Uno de ellos
es el famoso pasaje de las dos mujeres que se aparecen ante Salomn reclamando la
maternidad de un nio, o el juicio que dio Dios sobre Sodoma y Gomorra, el castigo
de David por tomar la mujer de Uras, el juicio de Judas por la traicin que hizo a
Cristo, el juicio de Dios sobre Nern por la muerte de San Pedro y San Pablo. El ca-
ptulo naliza con una frase a manera de clausio: Todas las cosas se gouierrnan e se
mantienen por justiia, e sin ella non se farie nada (p. 129). Ofrec aqu un ejemplo in
extremis, pero hay otros que no se acercan tanto a esta estructura.
Hay recursos propios de la exgesis bblica. Por ejemplo, en el comentario
de las sentencias. El captulo VIII sobre la Fe se inicia tambin con una sentencia
tomada esta vez de los Decretales: Creed rme mente e abierta mente que vno slo
es verdadero Dios, perdurable, grande e non mouedizo, rme, del qual puede omne
contar conplida mente (p. 115). Esto da pie para hacer una larga explicacin sobre la
Trinidad. El pasaje se completa con otras citas bblicas y con una auctoritas de los
moderni: el Papa Inocencio y hasta de Pedro Lombardo.
36
H.O. Bizzarri, La estructura de Castigos e documentos del rey don Sancho IV; idem,
El surgimiento de un pensamiento.
37
W. Ullmann, The Bible and Principes; idem, Principios de gobierno; idem, The Papacy.
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Los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV no dejan de lado la alegora bblica,
pero hay dos tcnicas que no quisiera pasar por alto. Una es la utilizacin del recurso
de la pltica
38
. Este recurso otorgaba al discurso la vivacidad de la lengua hablada.
Por ejemplo, en el captulo X cuando comenta el pecado original, retrata el momento
en que Dios se dirige a Adn y ste toma conciencia del pecado:
Oyo la boz de Dios que le llamo entre los arboles del parayso, e le dizie:
O eres Adam? Como quien dize: O eres o do estas tu que erraste? (...) E
dixo Adam entone: Sennor, oy la tu boz que me llamauas e houe grand
miedo e quisierame asconder si pudiera (p. 131).
El captulo 21 cuando habla de la virginidad aconseja no tener relaciones
con una juda, pues ellas son del linaje que crucic a Jess. Recuerda aquel momento
de una forma viva:
Menbrarte deue commo los judios dixieron a grandes bozes: Crui-
calde! Cruicalde! e la su sangre sea derramada e esparzida sobre nos
e sobre nuestros jos (p. 201).
El recurso acercaba el sermn al teatro, por eso era muy utilizado en la ho-
mila pblica. Los autores de los Castigos se sirven de l para romper la monotona
que impona a esta prosa escolastizante la sucesin de citas bblicas y patrsticas.
El segundo recurso que creo que el o los autores de los Castigos toman de
la predicacin es el de hacer frecuente alusin a escenas de la realidad cotidiana. As
tienen lugar muchas comparaciones que hacen ms concretos conceptos abstractos.
Una, por ejemplo, era frecuente entre los predicadores: la desnudez con que viven las
aves en contraposicin a los bienes que desvelan el sueo de los hombres. Ello da pie
a una escena costumbrista:
Mas el omne non acaese as, que quando se ha a echar a la noche des-
nuda los pannos e guardalos, e cuydalos guardar para si, e guardalos para
otri. E el aue desque vee la claridat del dia non se detiene para vestir nin
para calarse, mas sacudese del suenno que ha dormido e buela e va su
via. E el omne no faze asi, que en la mannana aura pereza de se leuantar
e de se acomendar a Dios. E demas desto auerse ha de vestir e de calar
(p. 328).
En esta misma direccin debe interpretarse el ejemplo protagonizado por
Juan Corvaln sobre la guerra entre Francia y Aragn ocurrida en 1285 y que el propio
protagonista cuenta a don Sancho (cap. 19). El ejemplo recuerda la tcnica del audivi
de los predicadores.
Todos estos recursos muestran cmo el discurso poltico se iba apropiando
del religioso
39
. El objetivo era claro: el nuevo entorno clerical de Sancho IV quera
crear una imagen del monarca que se opusiera a la que ofrecan los espejos de prn-
cipes del rey Alfonso X, la imagen del rex christianissimus.
Estos lazos se iban a profundizar en el futuro y los Castigos del rey don San-
cho IV jugaron tambin aqu un papel protagnico. La obra fue reelaborada dos veces
38
P. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, pp. 219-222; H.O. Bizzarri, La palabra del predi-
cador.
39
Remito para otros aspectos a H.O. Bizzarri, Castigos del rey don Sancho IV: una reinterpreta-
cin, pp. 47-70; Ch. Moreno, La insercin de los exempla.
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en el siglo XIV. Una de ellas, contenida en el manuscrito de la Biblioteca Nacional de
Madrid 6559, amplica el tratado con captulos de la glosa al Regimiento de Prncipes
de Egidio Romano, hecha por fray Juan Garca de Castrojeriz, ms otros elementos;
entre ellos una serie de captulos (caps. 83 a 88) tomados de un sermonario. El dis-
curso poltico ya estaba preparado para incorporar no slo el recurso de la prdica,
sino sermones en su totalidad
40
. La otra reelaboracin, contenida en el manuscrito de
la Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid 3995, reformula ms profundamente el texto: rees-
cribe las frases, parte errneamente los captulos, latiniza los nombres de personajes
bblicos, adiciona de forma asistemtica algunas citas en latn, especialmente bbli-
cas, y hasta una vez traduce al latn un refrn. Adems, uno de sus manuscritos est
iluminado con 22 ilustraciones, la mayora de ellas ilustrando escenas bblicas que
representan preceptos polticos
41
. Esta reformulacin del viejo texto no es extraa. La
adicin de citas latinas en el proceso de transmisin de los espejo de prncipes ya
se haba dado en otras obras, como el Libro de los doze sabios. Pero los Castigos se
acercan a un perodo humanista que no hace extraa esta latinizacin. Por otra parte,
es necesario pensar que la obra se difundi entre crculos religiosos conectados con la
realeza, como el monasterio de las Huelgas en Burgos
42
.
5. LA REAFIRMACIN DEL DISCURSO EN LA BAJA EDAD MEDIA
En los siglos XIV y XV sta ser una tendencia que se profundice
43
. El es-
pejo de prncipes ms importante de este perodo lo constituye la glosa y traduccin
que fray Juan de Castrojeriz hizo del De regimine principum de Egidio Romano. El
tratado es de trascendental importancia para la historia de las ideas polticas, pues no
slo ofrece la sntesis de ideas cristianas y aristotlicas, sino tambin la concepcin
trifuncional de la ciencia poltica aplicada ahora a un manual para el prncipe y para
toda la sociedad. Sin embargo, desde el punto de vista expositivo poco agreg a esta
corriente que comento, pues el tratado de Egidio y la glosa de Castrojeriz se vuelcan
ms hacia una prosa escolastizante, en la que el comentario de auctoritates, antiqui
y moderni, es la forma nica de razonamiento. Al comienzo del libro se explica que
Gil de Roma compuso este texto por mandado del rey Felipe de Francia a cuyo ruego
el compuso este libro de los dichos de los losofos e principalmente de Aristoteles
44
.
Y como la ciencia que va a ensear trata de aspectos morales sobre los cuales no hay
certeza se valdr de guras, es decir, comparaciones, y de ejemplos. Estas gu-
ras y ejemplos sern multiplicados por Garca de Castrojeriz en sus glosas. Es por
eso que este tratado retoma la forma expositiva del comentario de auctoritates, como
se haca en la escuela, pero no las tcnicas de una oratoria sermonstica. Lo nico que
de ella adiciona Castrojeriz es la extrema utilizacin de exempla.
Hay otros tratados del perodo que, sin embargo, s se valen de la retrica
sermonstica. Por ejemplo, fray Juan de Alarcn en su tratado Libro del regimiento
40
Sobre esta versin y sus amplicaciones vase la tesis de A.M. Marn Snchez, La versin
interpolada, pp. 65-173.
41
Ellas fueron estudiadas por H.O. Bizzarri, Del texto a la imagen.
42
Desconocer este proceso llev a M.A. Snchez Snchez a creer que los captulos de los Casti-
gos son verdaderos sermones en su trabajo Notas sobre los Castigos.
43
La imitacin de sermones se transform en los siglos XIV y XV en una prctica comn en
toda Europa, especialmente en Inglaterra y Francia, como han estudiado S.L. Gilman, The Parodic
Sermon y M. Jones, The Parodic Sermon.
44
J. Beneyto Prez, Glosa castellana, p. 5.
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de los seores dedicado a don lvaro de Luna
45
. El propsito de esta obra es ensear
cmo, a pesar de los peligros que para el alma trae el ejercicio del gobierno, el regidor
puede servir a Dios y, en consecuencia, conseguir el premio divino. Es la nica forma
de agradecer a Dios que ha decidido honrar al condestable colocndolo en tan alto
lugar de la sociedad:
E por cierto, yo e todo otro omne que la Santa Escriptura lee, o algo
della entiende, devemos tanto bien a Dios sentir, que tiene poder e puede
querer de vos e de otros semejantes que en esta vida ensalzo, ensalzarvos
en la otra e llevarvos a la gloria, para que por vosotros non quede, esfor-
zandovos de trabajar e deseandole servir e poniendolo en obra (p. 156).
El ejercicio del poder es, por tanto, un servicio a Dios. Las seis partes en que
se divide este tratado intentan describir el regimiento del reino como un arquetipo
divino. Los tres primeros libros de este tratado se ocupan de mostrar la relacin que
el poder tiene con Dios; la cuarta y la quinta explica los pecados que nacen del poder
y cmo Dios soporta a los que en ellos incurren; la sexta trata de los arrepentidos y
cmo ellos deben buscar a Dios. Fernando Rubio seal en este tratado la inuencia
de Egidio Romano, aunque, conesa, que el texto recuerda una lectura lejana del
escritor agustino
46
. Efectivamente, pocos elementos comunes podemos sealar con la
obra de Egidio o su traduccin castellana. Ms bien su estructura y estilo se colocan
en la lnea de los Castigos del rey don Sancho IV, aunque esto tampoco implique una
inuencia directa de una obra sobre la otra.
La retrica sermonstica ha dejado aqu una vez ms una honda huella no
slo en el uso de citas bblicas, de auctoritates y ejemplos sagrados, sino en el desa-
rrollo mismo del tema de los captulos. Dar como ejemplo el captulo 9 de su Libro I
en el que expone cmo los que bien han regido su reino y su cuerpo ganan el Paraso.
El captulo comienza con una cita de San Agustn: Segn dize Sant Agustin, el que
bien se ha en el regimiento de Dios aca le dio e bien govierna la gente que le enco-
mendo fazelo Dios digno de lo meter despues en el regno que le prometi (p. 169).
A esta primera cita que a modo de thema esboza La temtica del captulo, le sigue una
segunda cita bblica (Mateo 25, 21-23) que juega a manera de prothema: Alegrate,
buen siervo e el, sobre pocas cosas que te di fuiste el e leal, agora sobre muchas te
costituire; entra en el gozo de tu Seor (p. 169). La cita bblica le da apoyo doctrinal
para para sustentar la hiptesis de San Agustn: los eles a Dios estn a su lado. Una
segunda cita bblica, esta vez atribuida a San Pablo le hace volver sobre un tema t-
pico de los regimientos de prncipes, a saber, el duro ocio de gobernar al pueblo:
E por cierto, razon sera que escansen de sus trabajos, ca como dize Sant
Pablo, trabajo es regir conpaa e gente e servir a muchos, ca propiamente
cada uno que a otros rige e es seor, si bien lo faze, mas que ellos trabaja,
ca tiene de proveer a cada uno, de oirlo e soportarlo e contentarlo, e so-
portar a cada uno su vicio e tacha, e quasi en tantas partes se parte quantas
son aquellos de quien tiene cargo (p. 169).
A continuacin enumera los seis males que presenta el poder temporal y
de los cuales el regidor se debe cuidar. Al nalizar esta exposicin de males coloca
el ejemplo de Alejandro Magno y el hijo de un rey que no quera gobernar para tener
45
Vase el texto en F. Rubio, Prosistas, pp. 156-216.
46
Idem, De regimine principum, p. 654.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.08
tiempo para preparar su alma para la muerte. La historia es una de las tantas referidas
a Alejandro Magno en las que el hroe se encuentra con personajes sabios que des-
precian el mundo y sus riquezas, a las cuales fueron muy afectos los predicadores
47
.
Finalmente, hay una frase de cierre a manera de clausio que sintetiza el propsito del
captulo y que retorna al thema: De todos estos peligros e enojos es aquel regno quito,
el qual aquellos a quien Dios los regimientos tenporales encomienda, despues desta
vida, los mete e faze gloriosamente regnar por siempre (p. 170).
El tratado utiliza, pues, los mismos recursos retricos que los Castigos del
rey don Sancho IV, con la sola excepcin de la pltica que Juan de Alarcn excluye.
Las partes 4-6, dedicadas a la reexin sobre la relacin del hombre con los pecados y
a demostrar cmo Dios soporta por divina gracia los pecados del hombre estn cons-
tituidas por captulos que se pueden asimilar a sermones destinados a la lectura. Sin
embargo, si bien la impronta religiosa es fundamental, el catlogo de vicios y virtudes
no juega aqu ningn papel.
Es en el campo de la lrica donde se va a imitar ms elmente el estilo de los
sermones. Fernn Prez de Guzmn dirige al rey y a los nobles un Dezir, letradamen-
te fundado, para demostrar que nadie escapa a la muerte
48
. La retrica sermonstica
deja aqu su huella no tanto a nivel de la expresin como en la estructura del poema.
La primera copla introduce el thema del poema basndose en Gnesis 3: 19: el hombre
es formado del polvo y al polvo volver:
Tu, omne que estas leyendo
este mi simple dietado,
e non esas presumiendo
como vives muy honrado,
miembrate que eres formado
de muy vil composiion
e sin toda escusaion
e ella seras tornado (c. 1).
La copla 2 agrega otra cita a manera de prothema: segund curso mundano,
/ non has siempre de durar / nin puedes trashumanar / de los otros la tu mano (c. 2).
Luego siguen una serie de coplas que presentan un desle de personajes famosos de
la Biblia y la Antigedad. Cada copla ofrece grupos de personajes que estn relacio-
nados entre s para nalmente decir que vencedores y vencidos, ninguno de ellos ha
sobrevivido. Doy como ejemplo una copla:
Etor, el noble troyano
que fue tan rme guerrero,
e Archiles, el greiano,
venturoso cavallero,
Ulixes, varon tortero,
que zo tan cruel guerra,
ya son fechos polvo, tierra,
segund testo verdadero (c. 5).
Las cinco ltimas coplas funcionan a manera de clausio proponiendo huir
de la riqueza, inclinarse a amar a Dios y dar limosna.
47
El relato no lo encuentro ni en Valerio Mximo ni mencionado por G. Cary, The Medieval
Alexander, pp. 143-162, ni por M.R. Lida de Malkiel, La leyenda de Alejandro, pp. 182-197.
48
Cancionero de Juan Alfonso de Baena, n. 572.
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En 1475 o 1476 fray igo de Mendoza dedica un Sermn trobado al rey
Fernando el Catlico, poema en el que insta al monarca a tomar la lanza y acabar con
los rebeldes. Se trata de un poema laudatorio al nuevo monarca que une el reino de
Len, Castilla, Aragn y Sicilia. Por ello, puesto que ha alcanzado ms alto estado
que ningn otro monarca espaol anterior, se ve necesitado de una doctrina poltica:
Quanto mas alto se enpina
la cumbre de estado grande,
tanto mas y mas aina
es necesaria dotrina
con que rija y con que mande,
que si no mentio Platon
y verdad dixo Boecio,
sera prospera nacion
la que rige discrecion,
al contrario la quel necio;
lo mismo dixo Vejecio (c. 2)
49
.
El poema sigue a rajatabla la forma de un sermn. Parte de una sentencia
bblica: Jugum meum suave est (Mateo 11, 30), incluye una oracin, divide el thema
en partes y naliza con su clausio
50
. Como es comn en los sermones, el autor divide
su tema en tres partes. Se vale para ello de las tres metforas que le sugiere el thema.
En la primera (cc. 14-25) desarrolla la metfora del yugo que lleva el buey; por tanto,
insta al monarca a dominar el reino con mano fuerte:
Esforad, rey esforado;
tomad lana en la mano;
sujuzgad vuestro reinado,
pues teneis tan bien parado
lo divino y lo humano:
lo divino porque vos,
aunque puesto en tierna hedad,
sois un rey mucho de Dios;
lo humano porque las dos,
gran justicia y libertad,
fundada sobre verdad (c. 18).
La segunda parte del sermn (cc. 26-34) toma la metfora de la melena del
buey que hace ms suave el yugo que debe llevar. Por eso, propone al monarca que
procure la voluntad de los sojuzgados:
Teniendo Dios soberano
innito el poderio,
gobierna el linaje humano
con una tan blanda mano
que non fuera el albedrio;
pues si Dios omnipotente
pone el yugo sobre blando,
quanto mas de gente en gente
se debe muy mansamente
executar lo del mando,
las voluntades del ganado (c. 29).
49
Cito por fray igo de Mendoza, Cancionero, pp. 299-318.
50
Para un anlisis de las metforas contenidas en el poema en relacin al mundo animal, remito
al trabajo de A.I. Carrasco Manchado, La metfora animal.
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La ltima parte (cc. 35-50) habla de las coyundas con que se deben atar los
bueyes. En esta parte, Mendoza intensica el desarrollo de la batalla animalstica del
buey y su forma de sojuzgarlo. De esta forma, propone dominar a los rebeldes:
Si quereis bien gobernalles
poned freno al que es brioso
y espuelas al perezoso,
que sabed que los vasallos
se rigen como caballos (c. 49).
El poema posee una doble clausio. Una copla que denomina Fin del ser-
mn (c. 51) en la que Mendoza pide al monarca que piense en la gloria eterna y un
Utculo (cc. 52-54) en el que expresa su conanza en que el rey lograr la unidad
de Espaa.
Pero tanto este poema, como el Dezir de Fernn Prez de Guzmn, excluyen
de su contenido la temtica de vicios y virtudes. Su autor no quiere escribir verdade-
ramente un sermn, pero halla en esta forma una manera de autenticar ms fcilmente
un discurso partidista. Es curioso observar que cuanto ms los autores del siglo XV
imitan la forma del sermn, tanto ms descartan el esquema de vicios y virtudes.
6. CONCLUSIN
Como se puede ver de lo que he expuesto, los espejos de prncipes se han
valido de ms de una forma expositiva. De la misma manera que no hay un molde
general que determine la forma de un regimiento, tampoco hay una nica forma de
modo expositivo. Los primitivos espejos de prncipes, enraizados en una tradicin
oriental, se valieron por sobre todo de la tcnica de la acumulacin de sentencias y la
ilacin de pecados. Pero a partir de la reforma poltica llevada a cabo por Sancho IV
el molde occidental de estos tratados hizo que en ellos se aplicaran tcnicas expositi-
vas en algunos casos escolastizantes, especialmente aquellos que siguieron la huella
de Egidio Romano, y en otros la retrica sermonstica, como hicieron los Castigos
del rey don Sancho IV. Ella no se va a limitar a valerse de una serie de tcnicas, sino
tambin a copiar la forma y estructura de los sermones. Es evidente que la retrica de
este espejo de prncipes reeja una inltracin en el poder de las rdenes religiosas
que ahora aplicaban sus tcnicas de persuasin en un tratado destinado a educar al
prncipe y a la nobleza. Pero lo que era a nales del siglo XIII una consecuencia de
una situacin poltica, en el siglo XV se transform en moda literaria. Es por eso que
la estructura de los sermones y sus tcnicas van a ser imitadas en poemas que dirigen
mensajes al monarca. Pero estos poemas estarn vacos de su antiguo contenido: el
comentario de vicios y virtudes, para reducirse a poemas escritos ad hoc.
El discurso poltico de tono escolastizante fue buscando nuevas formas de
expresin y ello lo llev a cruzarse con el discurso religioso y a apropiarse de sus
formas argumentativas. Si bien en el aspecto dogmtico, los espejos presentan un
mensaje uniforme que pone de relieve ciertos elementos que se reorganizan segn el
momento histrico, en el aspecto discursivo muestran una constante bsqueda, sin
llegar nunca a tener una identidad propia. Es evidente que no hay un estilo nico para
los espejos de prncipes: ellos supieron evolucionar atendiendo a los cambios de la
poltica. Lo que intentado explicar aqu es una de sus tantas bsquedas: la que lo llev
a imitar la retrica sermonstica.
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 183-199
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doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
BETWEEN AN ORAL SERMON AND A WRITTEN COMMENTARY:
A CONSIDERATION OF RABBI JOSEPH BEN SHOSHANS POLEMIC
IN HIS AVOT COMMENTARY
1
ENTRE SERMN ORAL Y COMENTARIO ESCRITO: UNA REFLEXIN
SOBRE LA POLMICA DEL RABINO JOSEPH BEN SHOSHAN
EN SU COMENTARIO SOBRE EL AVOT
NAHEM ILAN
Lander Institute, Jerusalem
1
I wish to thank my friends Michael Glazer, Zeev Gries, Michael Shmidman and Ronny Wein-
stein who read an initial draft of this article and commented on it, thereby helping me improve it.
I thank also my daughter, Seraya Ilan-Birnboim, for her translation of the article, and Rabbi Yeho-
natan Chipman for his editing thereof. A brief version of this paper was presented at the International
Conference on Sephardic Jewry Between Edom and Kedar, honoring Prof. Yom Tov Assis, Hebrew
University of Jerusalem, February 27, 2012.
Abbreviations used: IMHM = Institute of Microlmed Hebrew Manuscripts.
Abstract: Rabbi Joseph ben Shoshan lived
in fourteenth-century Toledo. His Hebrew
commentary to tractate Avot has rarely
been studied, but there is solid evidence
for it stemming, at least in part, from oral
sermons. This paper identies the eviden-
ce, analyzes it, and focuses specically on
several of his polemics with the would-
be philosophers. This term refers to the
antinomian neo-Platonists, whose stance
threatened not only the leadership and
authority of the Jewish community, but
its very existence. The article employs a
multi-disciplinary interpretation of the
text linguistic, literary and ideological
situating it in its historical context.
Keywords: Hebrew commentary; Kabba-
lah; Maimonides; polemics; sermons; Jo-
seph Ben Shoshan.
Resumen: El rabino Yosef ben Shoshan
vivi en Toledo en el siglo XIV. Su co-
mentario en hebreo sobre el tratado Avot
apenas ha sido estudiado. Sin embargo,
existen evidencias slidas que apuntan a
su derivacin, al menos parcial, de sermo-
nes orales. Este artculo identica y anali-
za dichas evidencias, centrndose, sobre
todo, en su polmica con los llamados
lsofos. Este trmino alude a los neo-
platonistas antinomianos, cuya postura no
solo amenazaba el liderazgo y la autori-
dad de la comunidad juda, sino su propia
supervivencia. El presente trabajo se basa
en una lectura multidisciplinaria del texto
lingstica, literaria e ideolgica, inser-
tndolo en su contexto histrico.
Palabras clave: comentario hebreo; c-
bala; Maimnides; polmica; sermones;
Yosef ben Shoshan.
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans works. 3. Avot commentaries as a distinct
literary phenomenon. 4. Between preacher and commentator. 5. The oral element in Ben
Shoshans Avot commentary. 6. Identifying the philosophizers. 7. Conclusion. 8. Biblio-
graphy.
184 NAHEM ILAN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
1. INTRODUCTION
Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan (ca. 1310-ca. 1380) was a prominent scholar
from Toledo whose work has hardly been researched
2
. Michael Shmidman was the
only one to discuss him in his doctoral dissertation and in two subsequent articles
derived from it, in which he treated specic elements in Ben Shoshans Commentary
on Avot
3
. Shmidman mostly discussed the ideological aspects of Ben Shoshans
polemic against Maimonides and against the philosophizers (mitpalsem) of his time
4
.
But while this is indeed a typical characteristic of the commentary, there are many
other aspects that need to be discussed in order to fully appreciate it and properly
integrate it into the array of fourteenth and fteenth century Spanish commentaries
5
.
In his dissertation, Shmidman collected the few available extant remnants
concerning Ben Shoshans biography
6
. Part of the difculty in reconstructing his life
stems from the simple lack of information, but it is also difcult because another
gure bearing the same name, Don Joseph Ben Shoshan, lived in Toledo some 150
years prior to the one discussed in this article, overshadowing him
7
. It is noteworthy
that our Ben Shoshan was a Kabbalist and included some Kabbalistic comments in
his Avot commentary
8
.
The Avot commentary contains certain indications that, at least in part, it
was based upon oral sermons. This is particularly so regarding his polemic with the
philosophizers. If my hypothesis is correct, by this term he referred to a circle of neo-
Platonic and antinomian scholars who threatened not only the communitys leaders
and their authority, but the very existence of the community itself. This was a slippery
2
A. Hershman, Rabbi Yizhak Bar Sheshet, pp. 58-59, where he quoted Ribashs responsum 157,
p. 128, where he describes Don Joseph ibn Shoshan as a talmudist, philosopher, Kabbalist and a
great pietist, pp. 158-159.
3
M. Shmidman, Dissertation; idem, On Maimonides Conversion to Kabbalah; idem, Radical
Theology.
4
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 19-122. And see below regarding the identity of the philoso-
phizers.
5
For example: its sources and the way they are used; reection of his biography in the Commen-
tary; Ben Shoshans literary taste; the Commentarys rhetoric and its meaning; the literary structure.
6
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 11-18.
7
S. Finn, Knesset Israel, p. 510, distinguished well between the two, allocating an entry to each
in his book. This was later discussed by Schloessinger, Schoshan; Hacohen, Otzar Hagedolim,
pp. 309-310 (the former) and 310 (the latter). On the earlier Joseph Ben Shoshan, see also S.D. Luz-
zatto, Almanzi, Avnei Zikaron, p. 69; Brody, Poems and New Letters, pp. 8-9; S.T. Gaguine, Keter
Shem Tob, vols. I-II, p. 215; vol. III, p. 225, n. 25; J. Yahalom, N. Katsumata (eds.), Judah Alharizi,
Tahkemoni, p. 548, poem 56; p. 592, poem 168. The rst Joseph Ben Shoshan built a spectacular
synagogue in Toledos Jewish quarter which, after the 1391 pogroms, was converted to a church. It
is still standing today under the name of Santa Maria La Blanca. A literary reection of that event is
found in a lamentation published by C. Roth, A Hebrew Elegy, esp. p. 131, section 2; 142, 1. 38. As
great a scholar as the late Shmuel Verses (1915-2010) did not refer to Ben Shoshans commentary.
See Verses, Studies (doctoral dissertation). For decades, only the rst, introductory chapter was avai-
lable to readers. A copy of Verses dissertation is found in the National Library and in the Mt. Scopus
Library in Jerusalem. After his death, his nachlass was given to the National Library, including one
full version of the dissertation. There are many differences between the rst chapter and the full dis-
sertation. A comparative consideration reveals what Verses omitted from this chapter, which seems to
be a second, amended version, especially in light of to the pencil deletion marks on the dissertation.
However, the single chapter includes several clarications that are missing from the dissertation.
Substantial differences also exist in the table of contents of the dissertation (pp. 1-4) vs. that of the
single chapter (pp. 2-3).
8
For example, p. 3 (in his fathers name), p. 79.
BETWEEN AN ORAL SERMON AND A WRITTEN COMMENTARY 185
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
slope, as the antinomian approach was very appealing to anyone who wished to decry
observance of the commandments, on the one hand, and those who believed they had
achieved a notion of God through intellectual experience, on the other hand. When
certain members of the community, particularly some of the more educated ones,
openly ceased observing the commandments, this posed a threat to medieval Jewish
society, which was by denition a voluntary one. By behaving thus, they undermined
and practically ruined the authority of the rabbinic leadership.
This article is based upon an interdisciplinary reading linguistic, literal and
ideological setting the text in its historical context.
2. RABBI JOSEPH BEN SHOSHANS WORKS
Three decades ago, Kasher and Blecherowitz published Ben Shoshans
Avot commentary
9
basing their work upon a single manuscript
10
. However, that work
survived in three additional manuscripts, copied in Spain and in its cultural milieu
during the fteenth and sixteenth centuries, a fact implying that it was well known
in the area and was in demand even after the expulsion from Spain
11
. Moreover, a
summary of it was preserved in an additional manuscript
12
. This nding suggests how
well the commentary was received, so much so that whoever summarized it thought
it would be valuable to a less educated public than the original target audience; hence
he simplied and summarized it according to his taste and needs. To the best of my
knowledge, this summary was never been studied.
In the Avot commentary, Ben Shoshan mentions another of his works,
Shushan Edut
13
, a polemic against the Aristotelian approach to eternity a parte ante
14
.
This work remains to be discovered. There is also a commentary for Song of Songs
attributed to him
15
.
9
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Commentary.
10
London - British Library, Add. 26922, copied in Salonika in 1534; in the IMHM of the National
Library in Jerusalem, F 5453, below: S.
11
The manuscripts, in chronological order, are: (1) Paris Bibliotheque Nationale, Heb 455, copied
in Ocaa in 1488, IMHM mark F 5072 (below: A). (2) Paris Bibliotheque Nationale, Heb 769/17,
copied in Tunis in 1496 by a Spanish exile, IMHM mark F 24845 (below: T). (3) Moscow Russian
State Library Ms. G unzburg 943, IMHM mark F 48286, ca. fteenth to sixteenth centuries (below:
M). Only after a systematic review will it be possible to clearly determine the exact relations among
these, and whether or not they are close copies made from the same original manuscript, reecting
the literary taste of a specic group, or whether there are signicant differences indicating different
sources (perhaps a draft and a nal version?) or widespread dissemination thereof. These important
questions are beyond the scope of this article.
12
Oxford-Bodleian Library Ms. Mich. 265, IMHM mark F 18373, dated 16th century.
13
This phrase is a hapax legomenon, appearing only in Ps 60: 1. In the King James Version (1769)
the form is Shushaneduth. In KJV from 1611 it is given as Shushan-Eduth, as it is in Websters Bible
and in the Jewish Publication Society Bible.
14
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Commentary, p. 60.
15
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 14-15, suggests that the attribution is incorrect, stemming from
the initials KU. There is indeed a commentary to Song of Songs attributed to Joseph Ben Shoshan:
New York Jewish Theological Seminary Lutzki 1058, IMHM mark F 24260. According to the
catalogue entry there, this manuscript is dated to the 16
th
century in cursive Spanish script. It is writ-
ten in Hebrew and contains 12 leaves (1a-12b). One cannot determine which of the two Joseph Ben
Shoshans is the author or whether it is perhaps by a third person of the same name. I have found at
least two references that suggest an approach similar to that of our Joseph Ben Shoshan, the Avot
commentator: (a) on the words avert your eyes from me (Cant 6:5) he wrote that The great ones, who
186 NAHEM ILAN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
3. AVOT COMMENTARIES AS A DISTINCT LITERARY PHENOMENON
Commentaries to the Avot tractate and to the extended version, Pirkei
Avot, have been written since the thirteenth century, constituting a popular literary
genre. At times these served not only as commentary but also as polemic, as I have
shown elsewhere
16
. Due to its educational and hortatorical nature
17
, many of the Avot
commentaries were essentially popular ethical literature
18
. Indeed, Joseph Dan, who
has dealt extensively with medieval Jewish ethical literature, considers the Avot
commentaries as one of the most common expressions of this genre
19
. There is ample
evidence of weakness in and disrespect towards observance of the commandment
in fourteenth century Spain, as a result of the dissemination of simplied and
abbreviated versions of many of the major Jewish literary compositions of the twelfth
(i.e., Maimonides 1138-1204) and thirteenth centuries, in order to make them more
available and accessible to the Jewish masses
20
.
As I have shown in the past, Avot commentaries generally stemmed from oral
sermons that were later recorded in writing. This was a well-recognized phenomenon
in Spain from the fourteenth century onward. In some commentaries it is fairly easy
to identify their oral origin, mostly due to linguistic and stylistic indications
21
. In this
article I wish to examine a polemical commentary in order to reveal and identify its
oral origins. This nding is signicant for understanding the social processes in the
Jewish society of Toledo and its surroundings during the second half of the fourteenth
century.
4. BETWEEN THE PREACHER AND THE COMMENTATOR
As a general rule, every preacher-commentator operates on a continuum,
one pole being the text he is interpreting, the other being the time and place where
are compared with the eyes, are those secretly opposed (!) to Gods Torah, because they pretend to
be righteous but disobey Gods commandments, and they are the reason the exile continues (7b); (b)
On the words your eyes are pools in Heshbon (7:5) he writes, meaning, the great ones are like the
pool that swallows everything, in the same way as robbers and thieves. In Heshbon meaning they
make themselves seem good and important, Heshbon meaning importance (9b). I intend to research
this commentary in the near future. This manuscript merits a comparison with the Torat Hesed by
Rabbi Joseph Yabetz, which includes numerous quotes from Rabbi Joseph Shoshans Song of Songs
Commentary, so as to determine the authors identity.
16
N. Ilan, Canonization.
17
M. Lerner, Tractate Avot.
18
See N. Ilan, Genre (in progress).
19
J. Dan, Ethical Literature, col. 625, section (9). Dan did not characterize or analyze the Avot
commentaries. Zeev Gries discussed this enormous task in his article, Rabbi Yisrael of Koznitz. In
Appendix 1: To the History of Avot Tractate Commentaries (pp. 163-164), Gries offered several
important comments that assist in integrating Ben Shoshan correctly into the commentary conti-
nuum. On p. 163 he states that most commentators did not deal with the comparison of the various
versions or the determination of an authentic one. Ben Shoshan did so in ten different places
(pp. 9, 15, 20, 55, 68, 72, 74, 94, 128, 133), being manifestly critical. His erudite language and phra-
sing indicate that his work was directed at an educated audience.
20
C. Horowitz, Jewish Sermon, pp. 13, 16, 17; J.D. Galinsky, On Popular Halakhic Literature.
21
N. Ilan, Dissertation, esp. p. 52, n. 48; pp. 80-85; idem, Shabbat Kallah Sermon.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
he works as a preacher, as well as the nature of his community
22
. Between those
two poles there is an inevitable, irresolvable tension. We often nd aspects of both
commentary and preaching in the same work, and only the signicance of each
of them determines its nature. When the works nature is clear, although it may
occasionally deviate from it, it is only natural to ask what caused the author to depart
from his usual way. It would seem likely that most deviations are from commentary
to preaching and not vice versa. The reason for this is that the preacher has no real
interest in or intention of interpreting the sacred text before him; the text is merely
the platform upon which he constructs his theme, and he has no real commitment or
obligation to the literal meaning of the verse or text. The commentator, by contrast,
may in a moment of enthusiasm, distress, or other emotional reaction, leave aside
his exegetical task and allow his heart to be heard; elements in his immediate
environment or in his spiritual and intellectual world may lead him to act like a
preacher for a certain time. These deviations are often an expression of distress:
either that of the commentator-preacher, of his public/congregation, or both. In such
instances, the text that was originally being interpreted and explained has become a
means of establishing an independent argument, and is used as support, or even as a
mere literary ornament. The focus shifts from the text to a specic phenomenon or
event in the preachers and communitys lives. I believe this is the case with Rabbi
Joseph Ben Shoshans Avot Commentary.
The Avot commentaries are an example of a wider phenomenon the
development of the oral sermon, followed by the written sermon, in thirteenth and
fourteenth-century Spain
23
. Dan has shown that this literary and social phenomenon
began developing because of a tendency to turn inwards, relying on traditional Jewish
resources, unlike the trend within Muslim society, which borrowed from external
philosophical resources from the Hellenistic tradition. At this time educated elites
who shared an interest in these ideas formed themselves into various groups and
conducted internal debates and polemics
24
.
5. THE ORAL ELEMENT IN BEN SHOSHANS AVOT COMMENTARY
The recording of oral sermons in writing was an attempt to grant them
eternity, a declaration that they have a value beyond the specic occasion on which
they were initially delivered. No wonder, therefore, that the text undergoes some
major changes when transformed from an oral sermon to a written text
25
.
In two instances in Ben Shoshans Commentary he clearly stated that he
writes from memory, without having the source in front of him. His exact phrases
were: and I do not remember the phrasing
26
and if these are not the exact words, this
22
The phenomenon of wandering preachers developed later, especially in Eastern Europe see
M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, p. 47; idem, Attempts to Control the Pulpit, p. 100. In this context,
Gries criticism of Sapersteins book is important, as Saperstein did not attribute enough importance,
and hence did not discuss thoroughly, the phenomenon of the Sabbatian preachers and wandering
pietists; see Z. Gries, Between History and Literature, esp. pp. 117-119.
23
C. Horowitz, Jewish Sermon, pp. 22-35. On Kabbalistic elements in sermons, see ibidem,
p. 30, n. 57.
24
J. Dan, Introduction, pp. 232, 236-239; idem, Background, pp. 243, 260, 263-264; idem, Lite-
rature, pp. 35, 40.
25
M. Saperstein, Jewish Preaching, pp. 79-89. Important insights may be found in Z. Gries, Ho-
miletical Literature. Cf. M. Shmidman, Shem Tob, esp. p. 282, n. 34.
26
Ibidem, p. 130.
188 NAHEM ILAN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
surely is the main idea
27
. These phrases are typical oral expressions, which are at times
spontaneous or rushed. They are not suitable to written expression, which allows for
a second look and exact quotation.
In a different instance, Ben Shoshan deviates signicantly from his path of
commentary. When discussing the Mishnah, Everything is anticipated, and permission
(i.e., free will) is granted, and the world is judged with goodness, and all is judged by
the majority of (a persons) deeds (3.20)
28
, he engages in an open, profound polemic
with Maimonides, which continues for eighteen pages
29
. This polemic is dual-faceted:
Ben Shoshan is strongly criticizing Maimonides and some of his opinions (regarding
the subjects of creation, free choice, Divine providence, reward and punishment),
and at the same time explains that his deep disagreement stems from the misuse of
Maimonides opinions by the philosophizers of his own day. More than a century
separated between Maimonides death (1204) and Ben Shoshans birth (ca. 1310),
during which Maimonidescanonical status as a halakhic authority had become rmly
established. Even those who disagreed with him could not ignore him. Ben Shoshans
main argument is that even if Maimonides was a decent faithful man, the fourteenth-
century philosophizers who learned from his work corrupted it. Therefore
Maimonides bears at least some vicarious liability, to use current legal terms.
After briey explaining the expression by the deed
30
, Ben Shoshan
apologized for criticizing Maimonides. Due to the importance of this apology, I will
quote it in full and analyze it
31
.
(1) Said Rabbi Joseph ibn Shoshan: I said I will watch my ways from sinning
with my tongue (Ps 39:2) even to write in a book with ink, for who am I and what is my
life (1 Sam 18:18) to talk about a matter of which the master of spiritual assignment, a
river owing wisdom (Prov 18:4), R. Moses Ben Maimon, of blessed memory, spoke.
And even to thank and praise, and all the more so to argue the way I perceive matters,
how do I dare and jump to speak my words. And Heaven forbid that I argue, but I
would only fall at and say: Would that I could kiss the oor around his feet and say
to him, My father, this is Torah and I need to learn [from you]
32
. But since I have
not merited to do so, and I see that heresy is constantly spreading, and the Torah is
degraded in the eyes of cursed evil people who err in its commandments and who
deviate from its ways, going astray after Aristotle.
(2) I call to witness heaven and the earth
33
that once, on the eve of the
Sabbath, two students came to me, [who were] disciples of a noted and respected
person
34
. And they found me with the Pentateuch closed [in front of me], and asked
me what I had been doing, and I told them I had just nished studying the weekly
27
Ibidem, p. 153.
28
There are many versions to it, see S. Sharvit, Tractate Avoth p. 138, n. 15.
29
Ibidem, pp. 76-94.
30
Ibidem, pp. 79-80.
31
Ibidem, pp. 80-81. I have added punctuation to make the reading easier, and also divided the
text into numbered paragraphs to facilitate the subsequent discussion. The version is based on Paris
Bibliotheque Nationale Heb. 455 (A), which is 46 years earlier than the manuscript used by Kasher
and Blecherowitz and in my opinion is better. There is a clear link between manuscripts T and A.
32
According to the Babylonian Talmud, Berakhot 62a, Megilla 28a.
33
The expression is common in the Midrash and Talmud. See, for example, b. Yevamot 16a,
Arakhin 16b.
34
The Hebrew term is .KABW MJFOF. I do not know the meaning of this expression. To date it is
not mentioned in the Hebrew Academys historical dictionary. I thank my friend Dr. Uri Melammed
for bringing this to my attention.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.09
portion, and they stuttered to one another. I made an expression as if to ask why they
were stuttering, and they answered that they were surprised that a wise man such
as myself was engaged in doing so, and I chastised them as much as I could. And
their teacher was out of town at the time, and for his honor I kept my silence until he
returned. And when he returned I told him of that incident, and he imposed upon them
the ban if they would remain in town, and so they left. And this happened outside the
kingdom of Castile
35
.
(3) And when I went to Castile and I happened to be in a certain city, there
was a certain youth from a big city and he ridiculed the honor of the Torah, using harsh
words and rude gestures. And I told this to a certain person who could have chastised
him, but he did not do so
36
.
(4) And when I saw the extent to which the reins were loosened, and those
errants who loosened wished to draw support and help from certain matters and
reasons they found in the writings of the above-mentioned rabbi of blessed memory in
his commentaries, in them was fullled the saying: [When] a disciple is mistaken his
teacher is blamed
37
. Nevertheless, I would have held back my heart from thinking and
my tongue from speaking against the words of the Rabbi, of blessed memory, until I
remembered that my entire life I have heard them saying in Tulaitula (i.e. Toledo) that
they had seen a missive written by the Rabbi, of blessed memory, in which he said
as follows: Towards the end of my days a certain man came to me and said certain
things that made sense. And if this had not happened when I was elderly, I would have
changed many of the rationales given in my work. And everyone was talking about
that the things which made sense as referring to words of Kabbalah
38
. For in all the
writings of the Rabbi, of blessed memory, there is neither mention nor even a hint of
Kabbalah, but the Rabbi of blessed memory attempted with all his might to reconcile
between the principles of religion and philosophy. And wherever he did not nd a
compromise between them he wrote that the philosophers were mistaken. In any event,
this missive allows room to investigate certain distinctions in the arguments presented
by the rabbi, and those who wish to draw distinctions may argue that Perhaps these
criticisms that I make of the Rabbis works are among those things of which the Rabbi
wrote that he would have changed them.
35
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 69.
36
This phrase is common in the rabbinic lexicon; see, e.g. b. Sanhedrin 103a. This story may also
be found in M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 70.
37
This is not a common rabbinic phrase, and was rst remarked upon at the end of R. Margalioth,
Essay, p. 98, albeit there it says a wandering student associates it to his rabbi Rabbi Abrahams
work was originally written in Arabic and, as the original is not extant, we cannot know for sure
which Arabic word was translated here as wrong. In any case, there is a signicant difference
between EQFJ (wrong, mistaken) and EQFW (wandering, vagabond, vagrant). About this idiom see
Rashi at Num 31:21.
38
During the Middle Ages through to the thirteenth century, the word EMBt was the translation
of the Arabic word naql, and its only meaning was tradition. It was only from the fourteenth cen-
tury onward that it was used in its contemporary meaning of Jewish mysticism. Its occurrence here
is among the earliest in this meaning. See also in his commentary: and if the late Rabbi of blessed
memory opened his honorable eyes to Kabbalah, he would not have had the doubts he did (44, l.
3-4); And the Kabbalists have a highly respected reason, and it is mysterious, I may not explain it
(62, l. 5 from the bottom); And this is the Kabbalists opinion (75, l. 5); Kabbalists always talk
only about the created Glory, but they do not relate at all to the special substance (84, l. 9-10); Great
scholars of our people and spiritually loyal to God escaped from this notion and denied it completely,
and they are those tended towards philosophy (mehqar) and not toward Kabbalah, especially the
great Rabbi Maimonides of blessed memory (122, l. 16-18). Ben Shoshan used the word Kabbalah
in both senses, and he once even used it to refer to prophecy (136, l. 4).
190 NAHEM ILAN
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(5) And I am a worm son of a whale, a fox son of a lion, a mosquito son of
an eagle
39
, and in his day (i.e., that of my father) there was no Kabbalist to compare
to him. And even though my honored father passed away in my youth, nevertheless
[I heard] some ancient things that escaped his lips, of blessed memory. And after his
ascent I studied many of the tractates he wrote in his hand concerning Kabbalistic
matters, and there are many hints there concerning the intent of the Torah and the
prophets. Until nally I attained a certain measure [of understanding], sufcient to
sense those rationales that the Rabbi of blessed memory said he wanted to replace, as
aforementioned. And after this entire apology I swear by God to anyone who reads
this work that my meaning in what I write about the arguments of the late Rabbi of
blessed memory is for Heavens sake only, with no mixture of any other intention.
And being a fool of all men
40
, I do not exclude myself from what our sages said: judge
every man favorably (Avot 1.6), and add to this warning my oath here.
These ve paragraphs deserve a thorough review. The rst is phrased in
a manner common in other medieval works
41
, which repeats itself in other places
in the Commentary discussed here
42
. Ben Shoshan clearly and elaborately states his
inferiority to Maimonides, portraying himself as a student before his rabbi, who wishes
to clarify some of the latters arguments, as demonstrated in the fourth paragraph. This
submissive tone recurs in the fth paragraph as well. Some of the expressions are
conventional, yet I believe that their usage is not a pose but rather expresses his own
sense that the confrontation is not between equals. The nal sentence of this paragraph
is lacking in a predicate, beginning with the words But since I have not merited to
do so, from which that referred to is missing. I suggest reading this as reecting
an originally oral form of expression, in which there is sometimes a difference
between the psychological and grammatical predicate. A speaker often thinks faster
than he speaks, affecting the coherence of his sentences, so that he may decide in
mid-sentence to rephrase or to switch to another idea. Such is the case here. If my
assumption is correct, this sentence was written out of great excitement highly likely
given the context and was not properly edited. Despite its being in written form, this
sentence undoubtedly preserves its original oral nature. This occurs only rarely in Ben
Shoshans Commentary, and nding it here ts well with my thesis.
39
In Bar-Ilan Universitys Responsa CD (version 19, spring 2011) there are nine occurrences of
this phrase, all later than Ben Shoshan. The source is b. Bava Kamma 117a, where it says a lion that
you said became a fox.
40
Based on Proverbs 30, 2.
41
See, for example, Rabbi Israel Israeli of Toledos Avot commentary on Rabbi Zaddoks dictum,
and do not make them a crown to brag with (Avot 4.5). The quote is taken from manuscript Oxford-
Bodleian 2354 (Opp. Add. Qto. 126), 114b. The bold words were in Hebrew in the original Judeo
Arabic text. The translation is mine:
(!) " '

. ,
, (!) , , ,
. ,
I saw the head of commentators of blessed memory go into depth on this Mishnah, in a manner of
speaking that holds rebuke and reprimand to some of Israels greatest of previous and current gene-
rations. He carried on in this speech until hed gone too far. He brought tales from the Talmud that
suit his method, and whoever wants to review the commentary to this tractate will nd them. And
I am a fool who does not know, the smallest of fox, a worm and not a man. How dare I stand against
his [words] this way?! But I saw t to meddle in this approach to speak favorably on the rst. That is
why I will speak, and the honor of the Rabbi of blessed memory still stands.
42
Ibidem, pp. 36, 81, 84, 85, 86, 118, 134.
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The second paragraph begins with an oath, after which the author relates an
episode that happened to him personally. Its background is the Jewish law requiring
one to read the weekly Torah portion twice in Scripture (i.e., the Hebrew original)
and once in translation (i.e., Onkelos Aramaic Targum)
43
. The outcome of the story
teaches us at least four things: (a) an attitude of disrespect [or even contempt] towards
this law, which was meant to inculcate a minimal level of understanding [or, better,
knowledge] of the weekly portion among the general community, which could not
devote time during the week for a thorough study of the portion
44
, (b) that this disrespect
for the commandments was not limited to Castile where Ben Shoshan lived; he visited
other places in Spain, where he was also considered a scholar
45
. (c) The rabbi of these
two students took drastic measures against them, presumably because he identied
with Ben Shoshans criticism; (d) The threat of the ban reveals that rabbis limited
power as he could not deal directly with the stance expressed by those two students.
This episode neither adds nor diminishes to Ben Shoshans polemic with
Maimonides and the philosophizers. Rather, it is about sharing a personal experience,
indicative of Ben Shoshans general feeling of frustration and anger at attitudes of
43
The source is b. Berakhot 8a-b, where Rav Huna bar Yehuda said in the name of Rabbi Ami that
whoever completes his portions with the public, his days and years are prolonged; cf. Maimonides,
Mishneh Torah, Laws of Prayer 13.25. In the Zohar, Terumah, II:132b, the commandment received a
mystic meaning as a tool for the operation of the divine powers, see Gershom Scholem, Elements of
the Kabbalah, p. 124. A popular echo of the meaning attributed by the Kabbalists to this command-
ment may be found in R. Bahya Bar Ashers Torah Commentary, in discussing the verse, Ataroth,
Dibon, Jazer, Nimrah, Heshbon, Elealeh, Sebam, Nebo and Beon (Num 32:3).
44
Rabbi Yaacov Ben Abba Mari Anatoly, who lived in thirteenth-century Provence, and later in
his life in Naples, Italy, wrote harsh words regarding disrespecting this commandment. His book,
Malmad Hatalmidim (Lyck, Schnellpressenbruck von Rudolph Siebert, 1866) is a collection of
mostly ethical sermons. At the end of his introduction, he wrote: And counting the commandments
is that which is required, not writing or anything else, and this is the sum of goodness in Israel, when
God remembered His people. But when they returned to their misbehavior, God caused the wan-
dering in the exile until we became known among the Gentiles for [not knowing] the wisdom and
commandments that are in the Bible, since we do not learn what to answer the heretic as our Sages
exhorted us. And the heretics say that we eat the shell while they eat the fruit, namely, that they try
to investigate and understand the Bible according to their belief, and constantly preach in public,
until they uphold the lie as if it were truth for a long time, and we almost turned away from the truth
given to us by God. And this is because of our laziness in reading the Torah, reading it weakly like
young boys, without understanding or investigation, until [even] the rabbis among our people rely
upon reading the Bible portion twice and once in translation, as we were commanded by the Sages.
But it was not reading alone that was meant by this, but their intention was that one review the Torah
carefully every Shabbat and holiday, for these are days on which everyone is free to investigate and
understand and learn and teach, and that was the meaning of sanctifying these days. And this is not
what we do. But when we read the portion we swallow the words as if eating a bitter thing and it is
disrespectful that we do so. And we thereby recite in vain one of the blessings of the Torah that was
inserted into the order of prayer that testies to this, namely: May God make the words of Torah
delicious in our mouths. And it is known that one who eats a delicious dish always tastes it, and
does not just swallow it without feeling its avor, and this is what is said in the blessing, that we and
our offspring and our offsprings offspring shall all know Your name. But knowing Gods name is
impossible when we read in such a way. Alas, our blessing is in vain, and our prayer is vain, and the
sanctication of those days is wrong [as they do it] only to ll our bellies and desecrate our souls
(p. 9 [unnumbered]). Compare Abraham Shaloms words in Neve Shalom: reading alone, without
understanding, if a person does so all of his days he will not complete it, unlike what many of the
common people might think, that when they cry out loudly with the cantillation notes even though
they understand nothing, their reward is great. Cited in Breuer, Keep your Children from Higgayon,
p. 256. I thank Prof. Michael Shmidman for sharing this quote with me.
45
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, p. 117, n. 207; see also note 2 above.
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contempt towards religious piety within the community. Such a move is typical of the
oral sermon, in which there is a dimension of intimacy between the preacher and his
congregation, particularly when the former enjoys authority, standing and experience
with that congregation.
The third paragraph relates a more severe incident than does the previous
one. First, it refers to a space in which Ben Shoshan felt at home, as we may infer
from the tale, even though it did not occur in Toledo itself. Second, the cursing
person did not just use swear words, but added to them vulgar physical gestures.
Third, and worst, Ben Shoshan approached the authoritative gure within the
town and the latter avoided assuming the responsibility Ben Shoshan thought he
ought to.
This instance likewise does not contribute to Ben Shoshans principled
polemic with Maimonides and with the philosophizers. Rather, these two stories
reveal something of his emotional world and experiences, but it is evident from
the Commentary that his beliefs are based upon a very learned and well-reasoned
theoretical position. One may indeed argue that part of Ben Shoshans approach
stemmed, not from an intellectual analysis of the matters in question, but from
certain experiences that seem to have been extremely meaningful and inuential for
him. In either event, those two anecdotes are not part of an organized presentation
and reasoned analysis of differing approaches, but an expression of excitement and
distress. Such anecdotes are more appropriate in an oral sermon, which may often
begin with a personal story used by the preacher to teach the lesson he wishes to
infer therefrom.
The fourth paragraph continues the personal touch, incidentally conrming
the fact that Ben Shoshan lived in Toledo. He makes it very clear from his words that
he intends to confront Maimonides approaches, but also demonstrates his hesitation
at doing so. He then cites an oral tradition he knew from childhood in his town (my
entire life I have heard them saying in Tulaitula), according to which in his old age
Maimonides tended towards Kabbalah and thought that some of the rationales he
gave for the commandments ought to have been altered. According to that tradition,
the only reason he did not pursue that change was his advanced age. Ben Shoshan
seems to be aware of the problematic nature of this alleged report: neither he nor
anybody he knew had actually seen the missive in question. However, Ben Shoshan
nevertheless prefers to assume that, in arguing with Maimonides, he was addressing
those rationales that Maimonides himself had considered changing; hence he was
not objecting to Maimonides, but was rather promulgating the latters amended
approach. The tone is clearly one that is trying to be both clever and apologetic, one
which I believe is also characteristic of an intimate conversation between a preacher
and his audience.
In the fth paragraph Ben Shoshan again humbly presents himself as nothing
but a diminished version of his late father, who passed away when Ben Shoshan was
still young. He nevertheless enjoyed certain opportunities to learn some Kabbalah
from his father, whom he considered an authority in the eld (in his day there was no
Kabbalist comparable to him), particularly from those manuscripts of his which he
studied after his death
46
. Based upon what he heard and read, Ben Shoshan believed
he knew what things Maimonides would have changed! However, he still feared
someone might attribute to him improper motives, which is why he took an oath that
my meaning in what I write about the arguments of the Rabbi of blessed memory is for
Heavens sake only, with no mixture of any other intention.
46
In ve other places he repeats explanations he heard from his father: pp. 3, 18, 62, 101, 149.
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The internal structure of these ve paragraphs is also deserving of note.
The rst paragraph and the end of the fth paragraph exemplify a common rhetorical
feature in rabbinical writing, in terms of both language and content, in which the
preacher starts with a declaration of his modesty and submissiveness. The second and
third paragraphs are different, in that there Ben Shoshan shared certain disturbing
personal experiences with his audience. These two paragraphs stand out in terms of
both style and content from everything that precedes or follows them in the entire
Commentary
47
. They also differ from the two anecdotes included that divide the
Commentary and which serve a didactic function
48
. The fourth paragraph and the
beginning of the fth present the reader with the theoretical foundations upon which
Ben Shoshan bases his arguments against Maimonides, from which he was inspired
to maintain the polemic notwithstanding his own inferiority. The authenticity of the
rumor that in his old age Maimonides turned to Kabbalah is at best doubtful, as
I demonstrated above and as Shmidman has observed
49
; hence Ben Shoshan needed
to refer to a more substantial source, such as his father. However, these sources and
their authenticity cannot be dismissed, as Maimonides words at the beginning of the
Introduction to his Avot Commentary (The Eight Chapters) were a signicant part of
Ben Shoshans cultural heritage: Hear the truth from [he] who says it
50
that is, the
important thing is what is said, not who says it.
It would appear that the ve paragraphs discussed here, which are the rst of
eighteen pages of profound polemic with Maimonides, preserve echoes of the original
oral nature of the commentary, which was hitherto only known in its written version.
Ben Shoshan did not state that the Commentary had derived from oral sermons, but
I believe that a careful reading and attention to the irregularities of style and content
lead to the conclusion that these are remnants of oral sermons.
This nding ts well with the nature and essence of any sermon: it often refers
to contemporary problems that preoccupy the preacher and his audience. The danger
posed by the philosophizers was so great that it was only natural that it be of concern to
Toledan preachers of the fourteenth century all the more so in the case of a scholar and
community leader such as Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshan, whose inuence was felt throughout
Castile and beyond the kingdom. The Avot tractate served as an excellent starting point for
sermons and Ben Shoshans Commentary ts this tendency and reafrms it
51
.
In addition to all that has been said thus far, I wish to add another criterion
suggested by Joseph Dan. He believed that:
As the didactic element in a commentary lessens, it testies to a deeper
unity between the preacher and his audience, and a feeling of folk pop-
ular intimacy between them. As the aesthetic element lessens and the
didactic element intensies, it indicates an ideological gap between the
preacher and the audience, which carries a social meaning as well: the
preacher represents an ideology, usually an elite one, which aspires to
convince and inuence the masses
52
.
47
On the importance and meaning of a stylistic exception in a polemic context, see E. Reiner,
Overt Falsehood and Covert Truth.
48
Ibidem, pp. 17, 101. In both he states he heard them from his father.
49
See M. Shmidman, Conversion (n. 3 above).
50
Maimonides, Eight Chapters, p. 5, n. 9.
51
On Avot Tractate as the main foundation for sermons in fourteenth- and fteenth-century Spain,
see N. Ilan, Canonization, p. 68-70, where I refer to Ben Shoshans polemic with the philosophizers.
52
J. Dan, Notes.
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Like every generalization, this one also needs to be examined so as to
determine whether it is valid in every case. I believe that in the case of Ben Shoshan
it is justied. Based on this criterion it is obvious that Ben Shoshan addressed his
words in-house, preaching to the convinced, and that they were indeed spoken in an
intimate setting, as the didactic element is insignicant. It is a tough, challenging text,
written in a poetic language and hiding many surprises. These are all expressions of
the aesthetic element, as Dan explained
53
.
This trend is reconrmed by the ending of his commentary to a worthy
disagreement (5:18): He who seeks the repentance of the evildoers, may He be
blessed, will change their hearts and ours to believe in Him and His Torah and to
choose the path of faith
54
. Ben Shoshan clearly shares here his inability to deal with
the evil philosophizers. In his view, God alone is able to change their hearts. It is
impossible, though, for him to say this to his opponents. His limitations can only
be acknowledged among those who support him. Moreover, Ben Shoshan contrasted
the evildoers hearts to our hearts. Who is this collective we to whom Ben Shoshan
was addressing himself? I argue that it refers to his audience; indeed, I believe that
the context here not only allows for this option, but demands it, as I have explained.
Finally, the phrase the path of faith is taken from the biblical verse, I have chosen
the way of truth: thy judgments have I laid before me (Ps 119:30, KJV), which is
counterpoised to another verse from that same psalm: I hate vain thoughts: but thy
law do I love (v. 113), which Ben Shoshan read regarding the philosophizers
55
. This
reading was not unusual, since Rabbi Joshua Ibn Shueib used it in a similar manner:
and whoever has faith in his heart and his heart does not hold a grudge
will believe that God creates new things in the land as the times require.
And concerning this David said, I have chosen the way of truthmean-
ing, I forever chose to believe what is accepted by belief, and did not only
follow my eyes and mind. And why will we make riddles and fables to
take the words of Torah and the Sages outside of their meaning?
56
6. IDENTIFYING THE PHILOSOPHIZERS
Yitzhak Baer was the rst to write about the Averroistic aristocracy but did
not identify its members, and his discussion remains general
57
. Shmidman discusses
the philosophizers minimally, but does not identify them either
58
. He also argued that
Ben Shoshan was the only fourteenth-century opponent of philosophy to distinguish
between radical and moderate philosopher groups
59
. This statement needs to be
revised thanks to the research of Dov Schwartz, who revealed a group of intellectual
53
J. Dan, Status, p. 144.
54
55
Ibidem, pp. 2, 77.
56
Z. Mezger, Ibn Shueib, p. 132
57
Baer used the term Averroistic aristocracy in the Hebrew version of his book, p. 141. It is
missing from the corresponding place of the English version. See Y. Baer, History of the Jews in
Christian Spain, p. 236. See also in the English version pp. 240, 241, 263, 290, 360; vol. II, pp. 52,
137, 144.
58
M. Shmidman, Dissertation, pp. 68-73.
59
Ibidem, p. 71.
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Neoplatonists in Spain, after which the antinomian tendency became a real threat
60
.
Schwartz demonstrated that these intellectuals were inuenced by the philosophy of
Ibn Rushd (Averroes), interpreting the legal parts of the Torah allegorically; the result
was contempt towards the commandments
61
. The two anecdotes included by Ben
Shoshan in his Commentary demonstrate how severe this contempt was.
Schwartz also showed that:
The approach towards devotion or attachment [to God] on the part
of some of this groups members had radical implications for the validity
of religious law and its fulllment. Their basic axiom is impressive in its
simplicity and radical nature: the purpose of the Law is to bring about
constant devotion; from the point that a person achieves that end, there
is no need for him to observe the Law. Not all members of the group car-
ried this perception to this logical conclusion, but some of them clearly
hint at it
62
.
Ben Shoshan differed from members of this group, as they disagreed with
the Kabbalah while he embraced it
63
. He refers to the philosophizers in a score
of different places in his Commentary, and thoroughly portrays their methods and
approaches:
Those who count on their vain thoughts and rely on their wisdom and
believe whatever they want and mock those who believe in prophecy and
tradition
64
and who deviate from the way of the mind
65
.
The outcome was, of course, contempt towards the commandments:
And he who is not fearful of sin does not learn to do and does not study
for Heavens sake, so for him it will be enough to engage in dialectics and
to behave arrogantly towards his peers, and he will not take notice of the
principle of punctiliousness in observance
66
.
60
D. Schwartz, Fourteenth-Century Neoplatonic Circle. An important criticism of this was pu-
blished by Ben-Shalom. Schwartz mentions Ben Shoshan in one footnote only (p. 23, n. 22), proba-
bly because he based his research on signicant philosophical texts, and not on Avot commentaries,
which are by nature more popular. J. Dan, The Thousand Year Epic, pp. 27-28, mentioned the scho-
lastic linkage as a typical characteristic of the transition from Muslim culture to Christian cultural
inuences beginning in the thirteenth century. See also n. 22 above.
61
D. Schwartz, Circle, p. 18. Jewish Averroism started in Spain in the middle of the thirteenth
century; see Idel, Outlines, pp. 208-209. At pp. 211-212 he referred to the philosophizers from
a different perspective than that of Ben Shoshan. For more on the philosophizers, see J. Hacker,
Bibago, pp. 151-158.
62
D. Schwartz, Circle, p. 193. See also what he quoted from Rabbi Shmuel Ibn Carca on p. 195.
On the application of the ideal of intellectual devotion in the ascetic ethics, see Schwartz, Ethics and
Asceticism.
63
D. Schwartz, Circle, pp. 37, 41-45.
64
I believe Kabbalah here means tradition; see n. 38 above.
65
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Commentary, pp. 2-3.
66
Ibidem, p. 70. At the beginning of the paragraph analyzed above, Ben Shoshan criticized the
damned evil people who have disobeyed the commandments (p. 80). In a different context he
criticized the philosophizers of our people who seek excuses on the commandments (p. 153).
I discussed this in my paper, N. Ilan, Canonization, p. 70. I believe they were looking for excuses
not to observe the commandments, not because they believed the commandments themselves were
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He believed that their main fault was to overemphasize learning from books
rather than by listening to an authoritative, suitable teacher
67
. This naturally meant
that they were lacking a reliable tradition:
And this is the way of the philosophers who are wandering off the way of
the intellect, because he who wishes to climb the steps it will reveal the
nakedness of his mind and the nakedness of his deeds
68
, as happened to
the philosophers, and that happened because they have no one to count
on, and they have no known way, but they each choose their own way as
they wish
69
.
Ben Shoshan specically criticized those who did not study enough
70
yet
considered themselves serious, mature scholars.
7. CONCLUSION
In much of his research, Joseph Dan argues that the scholarly discussions of
thirteenth-century Spain were not limited to an intellectual, economic or governmental
elite, which were always of narrow compass. Rather, according to Dan, this was a
widespread phenomenon. An intellectual elite challenges not only its members, but
also those who wish to be afliated with it
71
. It is therefore a phenomenon that spreads
far beyond the scholarly or political elite, and was common in the synagogues. All of
this is reected in Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Avot commentary.
His work is an interesting and important one on a number of levels.
Shmidman discussed its theoretical importance over three decades ago. I have
demonstrated here that a careful use of philological and literary tools, while taking the
historical context into consideration, is useful in revealing that the original shape and
form of the polemic parts are characteristic of oral sermons. Thus, the Commentary
joins many other commentaries on Avot that likewise stem from oral sermons. This
nding is well understood, considering the special status enjoyed by the tractate Avot
since its inclusion in the Jewish Prayer Book
72
. More commentaries have been written
about Pirkei Avot than on any other Mishnaic text, second only to the weekly Torah
portion in the wealth of its secondary literature. The reason is obvious: these texts
were accessible, and thus familiar, to the entire congregation, thereby justifying the
effort to expound upon them, as they were read repeatedly in the synagogues. Ben
Shoshans Commentary is also helpful in attempting to follow in the footsteps of his
polemic with the philosophizers who posed a strategic threat to Jewish communities
unnecessary, but because they believed that they, the philosophizers, were beyond the need to
observe them.
67
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Commentary, p. 13. There is a pro-
found disagreement in Jewish culture in this regard. See J. Ahituv, By Books and Not Writers.
68
Inspired by Exodus 20:23.
69
M. Kasher, Y. Blecherowitz, Rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans Commentary, p. 32. Close to it: to
stay away from the ways of philosophizers who count on their opinions and rely on their wisdom
and deny, cf. J. Ahituv, By Books and not Writers.
70
71
Typical examples of this are the many works by ultra-Orthodox people that use numerous
footnotes. They include only citations, and it is obvious that they do so in order to give their work
an academic touch.
72
I discussed this at length in my article N. Ilan, Canonization.
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in fourteenth and fteenth-century Spain. Ben Shoshans Commentary is an early one,
which sheds light on the development of polemic and the limited ways to deal with
the antinomian threat.
8. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Ahituv, Joseph, By Books and not by Writers, in Ahituv, Joseph, On the Verge of
the Transformation, Jerusalem, Ministry of Education and Culture, 1995,
pp. 99-119 (Hebrew).
Anatoly, Rabbi Yaacov Ben Abba Mari, Malmad Hatalmidim, Lyck,
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THE SERMONS OF ALI IBN ABI TALIB:

AT THE CONFLUENCE OF THE CORE ISLAMIC TEACHINGS
OF THE QURAN AND THE ORAL, NATURE-BASED CULTURAL
ETHOS OF SEVENTH CENTURY ARABIA
1
LOS SERMONES DE ALI IBN ABI TALIB:
EN LA CONFLUENCIA ENTRE LAS ENSEANZAS ISLMICAS DEL CORN
Y LA TICA CULTURAL BASADA EN LAS TRADICIONES ORALES
SOBRE LA NATURALEZA DE LA ARABIA DEL SIGLO VII
TAHERA QUTBUDDIN
The University of Chicago
1
I would like to thank the Carnegie Corporation of New York for supporting my research on this
topic through a grant as Carnegie Scholar (2008-2009), and the Franke Institute for the Humanities
at the University of Chicago for support as a Franke Fellow (2006-2007). The views expressed here
are solely my responsibility.
I have transliterated all Arabic names and terms, except for the few used frequently in this paper:
Ali, Muhammad, Shia, Sunni, Quran, and Sharia.
Abstract: Sermons attributed to Ali ibn
Abi Talib (c. 600-661, rst Shia imam
and fourth Sunni caliph) promoted core
Quranic doctrine and ethics through an
aesthetic steeped in the oral, nature-based,
poetic culture of seventh-century Arabia.
Using traditional Arabian metaphors of
camels, watering holes, and pithy, rhyth-
mic, orality-grounded cadences, Ali
urged his audience to worship the One
God, follow the guidance of His prophet
Muhammad, shun worldliness, perform
good deeds, and prepare for the imminent
hereafter. Through a close reading of his
most celebrated discourses, this paper ex-
plores these teachings and their religious
and cultural underpinnings.
Keywords: Ali ibn Abi Talib; Islam;
Quran; Arabia; sermons; orality; nature-
imagery; hereafter; consciousness of God;
piety.
Resumen: Los sermones atribuidos a Ali
ibn Abi Talib (c. 600-661, primer imam
chi y cuarto califa sun) fomentaron las
doctrinas y la tica cornicas fundacio-
nales mediante una esttica oratoria, im-
buida de la cultura potica oral basada en
metforas de la naturaleza, caracterstica
de la Arabia del siglo VII. Ali utilizaba
metforas tradicionales de camellos y
abrevaderos, junto con expresiones rt-
micas y lacnicas llenas de cadencias de
la oralidad, para instar a los oyentes a
adorar al Dios nico, seguir la direccin
de su profeta Muhammad, rehuir las co-
sas mundanas, practicar las buenas obras
y prepararse para la inminente vida en el
ms all. A travs de un anlisis pormeno-
rizado de sus discursos ms clebres, este
artculo explora dichas enseanzas y sus
bases religiosas y culturales.
Palabras clave: Ali ibn Abi Talib; islam;
Corn; Arabia; sermones; oralidad; im-
genes de naturaleza; el ms all; temor a
Dios; piedad.
202 TAHERA QUTBUDDIN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.10
SUMMARY
1. Introduction. 2. Historical context of Alis sermons. 2.1. Cultural and topographical back-
ground of pre-Islamic Arabia. 2.2. Alis life and career in early Islamic Arabia and Iraq. 2.3.
Transmission and authenticity of Alis sermons. 3. Content and style of Alis sermons. 3.1.
Oral aesthetics. 3.2. Themes and genres. 4. Sermons: texts and analyses. 4.1. Sermon 1: Praise
of God. 4.2. Sermon 2: A camel caravan journeying to the hereafter. 4.3. Sermon 3: Death as a
predator. 4.4. Sermon 4: Censure of the world and terrors of the grave. 4.5. Sermon 5: Be you chil-
dren of the hereafter! A political and military context. 4.6. Sermon 6: Metaphors of horse-racing
and trade. 4.7. Sermon 7: What is piety?. 5. Concluding remarks and postscript. 6. Bibliography.
1. INTRODUCTION
Arguably the most famous orator in Islam, Ali ibn Abi Talib (c. 600-661)
was an exemplar par excellence of a distinctive blend of Islamic and Arabian discourse
2
.
The rst Shia imam and the fourth Sunni caliph, he preached Quranic doctrine and
ethics through an aesthetic steeped in the oral, nature-based, poetic culture of seventh-
century Arabia. Using pithy, rhythmic cadences, and traditional metaphors of camel
caravans and waterholes, he urged his audience to worship the One God, follow the
guidance of His prophet Muhammad, shun worldliness, perform good deeds, and get
ready for the imminent afterlife. This paper explores Alis most celebrated sermons
to highlight his key teachings and their religious and cultural underpinnings.
2. HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF ALIS SERMONS
2.1. Cultural and topographical background of pre-Islamic Arabia
On the eve of Islam, the million square miles of the Arabian Peninsulas arid
wilderness were dotted with shrine-based towns watered by permanent wells, such
as the Prophet Muhammads birthtown Mecca, and settlements around oases, such
as the destination of his migration, Medina. Flanked by the Persian and Byzantine
empires, the inhabitants of the Peninsula led camel caravans through its parched
wastes to trade in those lands. Their society was tribal, where security was maintained
by alliances and mutual threat of blood revenge. It was chiey nomadic, with most
tribes migrating with the seasons from one watering place to the next. Although a few
Jewish and Christian tribes lived in parts of the Peninsula, most of the inhabitants of
the region worshipped nature deities or ancestral idols.
The Arabians assiduously cultivated the art of the spoken word the
eloquently, metaphorically, rhythmically, appositely spoken word. They were avid
connoissers of poetry, viewing their odes (qasida) as the pinnacle of high culture
3
.
2
On the signicance, typology, terminology, sources, structure, and style of early Arabic oratory,
see T. Qutbuddin, Khutba: The Evolution. There are several Arabic monographs on the early oration,
including Darwish, al-Khataba fi sadr al-islam; al-Hawi, Fann al-khataba; al-Nuss, al-Khataba al-
arabiyya fi asriha l-dhahabi; and Ramadan, Tarikh al-khataba wa-ashhar khutab al-rasul wa-l-
sahaba (fuller list in ibidem, p. 78, n. 8). In Western languages, Dhne, Reden der Araber, discusses
the political speeches of the Arabs. Accolades to Alis eloquence have been compiled by al-Khatib
in Masadir, vol. I, pp. 43-47, 87-99.
3
Much secondary literature has been produced on the pre-Islamic ode. See, for example,
S. Stetkevych, The Mute Immortals Speak; A. Jones, Early Arabic Poetry; and M. Sells, Six Classic
Arabian Odes.
THE SERMONS OF ALI IBN ABI TALIB 203
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These odes consistently referenced natural elements vital to their existence: water
imagery, including word pictures of rain and waterholes, abounded, as did allusions
to the camel, and descriptions grounded in warfare and hunting. The chief mode of
formal communication used by the political, juridical, and spiritual leadership was the
oration, rousing warriors to battle, legislating on civic and criminal matters, and for
orators of pious counsel warning of the transience of human life. The orators used
the same imagery as the poets (in fact, some orators were also poets), except that they
harnessed it to different topics and distinct purposes. The early Islamic sermons would
be produced against the backdrop of this society.
2.2. Alis life and career in early Islamic Arabia and Iraq
Ali was the cousin, ward, and son-in-law of the Prophet Muhammad, married
to the Prophets daughter Fatima, and father of the Prophets only grandsons Hasan
and Husayn. Shia Muslims believe him to be Muhammads designated successor, in
both his spiritual and temporal roles, and thus the rst Imam (divinely appointed
leader) of the Muslim community after the Prophet. Sunni Muslims revere him as the
last of the Rightly Guided Caliphs, the rst four successors to the Prophets position
as head of the community
4
.
Ali was born in Mecca, and was about ten years old when, in around 610,
Muhammad began calling to Islam. He is said to have been the rst male to accept
the Prophets summons, and in 622, he followed Muhammad to Medina, having
discharged the Prophets trusts in Mecca. Well known for his piety, service to Islam,
and valor in the early battles, he was also revered for his deep personal loyalty to the
Prophet, and his unbending sense of justice and probity. By the time Muhammad died
in 632, almost the whole of the Arabian Peninsula was Muslim, and the rst three
caliphs after him conquered large parts of the Levant, Egypt, Iraq, Persia, and Central
Asia.
Ali became caliph in 656. Almost immediately, three successive groups
of rebels from within the Muslim community challenged his authority. Ali,
supported by the people of Kufa and Medina, personally fought them in three
major battles: (1) The Battle of the Camel in 656 outside the Iraqi camptown of
Basra against the Prophets widow Aisha, the Prophets Companions Talha and
al-Zubayr, and the Basrans (the battle is named after the camel Aisha rode onto
the eld); (2) the Battle of Siffin in 657 in northwest Syria against the governor
of Damascus, Muawiya, and the Syrians; and (3) the Battle of Nahrawan in 658
near Kufa against a group of defectors from his own forces called the Kharijites.
Soon afterwards in 661, Ali was assassinated by a Kharijite while praying in the
mosque in Kufa.
Ali delivered a few orations at the time of his investiture in Medina, many
orations on the battleelds of Iraq and Syria, and the majority in his new capital, Kufa.
The trials he faced through his youth, and the tribulations he encountered during his
caliphate, profoundly affected the themes and modes of his preaching.
4
See Alis literary biography and further references in T. Qutbuddin, Ali ibn Abi Talib. An im-
portant primary source is al-Tabari, The History of al-Tabari: vol. XVI: The Community Divided, and
vol. XVII: The First Civil War. The Shia view is supported and documented by W. Madelung, The
Succession to Muhammad, the Sunni view by A. Afsaruddin, Excellence and Precedence.
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2.3. Transmission and authenticity of Alis sermons
Ali lived in a primarily oral society. Writing was known in his time,

but
its use was spare and intermittent, and it was not until paper-making techniques
were introduced into the Arabian Peninsula in the mid-eighth century that it became
widespread.

In this regard, the Quran is a special case, because it was arguably
committed to writing sooner
5
. But all other verbal materials from the period, including
poetry, prophetic hadith, historical reports, and sermons, were for the most part
transmitted for a century or more by word of mouth.
The lengthy period of oral transmission left room for fabrication, incorrect
transcription, and erroneous communication, so the authenticity of the sermons
attributed to Ali in our corpus is uncertain, the reservation applying to full sermons,
as well as to lines and words within them
6
. Nevertheless, the existence of the early
oratorical genre is afrmed by an indigenous system of continuous oral transmission.
Mary Carruthers has shown that many oral societies had prodigious memories that
they relied on to transmit lengthy pieces of their artistic verbal production
7
. Gregor
Schoeler has demonstrated that the early Muslims increasingly engaged in scholarly
note-taking alongside oral transmission
8
. The legitimacy of the genre is further
corroborated by strong representation of oratorical materials within the earliest
written sources, and by the fact that a few extant eighth century papyri preserve some
orations
9
. It is conceivable, then, that the texts recorded in the sources are remnants
albeit imperfect ones of the early oratorical tradition.
Ali was an important gure in the early Islamic community, and he
preached often and in different contexts to large public audiences. The Muslims had
good reason and ample opportunity to remember and pass on his teachings. Several
hundred sermons are credited to him in historical and literary sources, including the
works of al-Minqari (d. 827), al-Jahiz (d. 869), Ibn Qutayba (d. 889), al-Baladhuri
(d. 892), Ibn Abd Rabbih (d. 940), al-Tabari (d. 923), al-Qadi al-Numan (d. 974),
and al-Zamakhshari (d. 1144), and in dedicated medieval anthologies of his words
such as al-Sharif al-Radis (d. 1015) Nahj al-balagha (The Path of Eloquence), and
al-Qadi al-Qudais (d. 1062) Dustur maalim al-hikam (A Treasury of Virtues)
10
. The
sermons in my selection are drawn from early sources, comprising various genres of
works, and transmitted through multiple independent chains of narrators. In terms of
their themes, imagery, and even some key utterances, they are likely to be the gist of
Alis teachings
11
.
5
See J. Burton, The Collection of the Quran.
6
Some texts are attributed in the sources to more than one person.
7
See M. Carruthers, The Book of Memory.
8
See G. Schoeler, The Genesis of Literature, and idem, The Oral and the Written.
9
Cf. 8th century Arabic papyri edited by N. Abbott, in Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, vol. III,
pp. 43-78. See also remarks on the early recording of Alis sermons by A.Z. al-Khatib, Masadir,
vol. I, pp. 51-52.
10
Versions of texts cited in more than one source usually contain variants arising from the nature
of oral transmission.
11
For more on the transmission of Alis sermons and compilations of his words, see T. Qutbu-
ddin, Introduction in the edition of Q. al-Qudais Dustur.
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3. CONTENT AND STYLE OF ALIS SERMONS
3.1. Oral aesthetics
Walter Ong has demonstrated that in an oral culture, all thought and verbal
expression is essentially mnemonic
12
. He argues that to retain carefully articulated
thought, you have to do your thinking in rhythmic patterns shaped for ready, oral
recurrence. Among the characteristics of orality, Ong includes pithy sentences,
repetition, additive rather than subordinative phrases, aggregative rather than analytic
expositions, an agonistic tone, testimonial citation, and closeness to the human
lifeworld. To this list, we can add emphatic verbiage, rhetorical questions, and
dignied yet simple language. Features of orality are observable in Biblical psalms
and sermons, Greek and Balkan epics, and Zulu panegyrics
13
, and they are clearly
discernible in the Arabic orations attributed to Ali
14
.
In addition to their mnemonic grounding, orality-based stylistic implements
form an intrinsic component of Alis persuasive tool-box. The purpose of sermonizing
is to make an audience believe in the validity of a course of action, a mode of behavior,
a way of thought, or a type of doctrine. Together with rational argumentation, Ali
attempted to stir the hearts and minds of the early Muslims through artistic techniques
of tacit persuasion
15
.
3.2. Themes and genres
Alis preaching focused on four major themes:

(1) A call to the worship of
God and testaments to Muhammads messengerhood; (2) repeated reminders of the
transience of human life; (3) scathing censure of this world with a view to reducing
worldly aspirations; and (4) urgent exhortations to lead a pious life and prepare for
the hereafter.
These themes were presented through manifold subthemes, including: praise
of God (tahmid), afrmations of his oneness (tawhid), and appeals to Him for guidance
and forgiveness; injunctions to God-conscious piety (taqwa, henceforth translated
either as consciousness of God, or piety), obedience (taa), and pious deeds (amal);
laudations of Muhammad as a model to be followed; directives to take guidance
from the Quran; warnings of the approach of death, conveyed through metaphors of
predatory beast and camel-driver, and the remaining days of ones life portrayed as
the last few drops of water in an emptied vessel; reminders about generations past and
the terrors of the grave; images of the progression of human life in this world as a
horse-race and as a journey by camel-caravan; injunctions to prepare provisions (zad);
comparisons of deeds to trade, in a commercial, prot-and-loss frame; allusions to this
12
W. Ong, Orality and Literacy, pp. 34-57. Ongs work has been criticised as too starkly binary,
for its presentation of an inexorable linear progression of humanity from aural to visual, and for its ar-
gument that critical thinking is contingent upon writing. Notwithstanding these valid critiques, I nd
his characteristerization of orally based thought to be valuable and pertinent to the discussion here.
13
The oral productions of these communities have been studied by several scholars including
Ruth Finnegan, Susan Niditch, Michael OConnor, Milman Parry, Albert Lord, John Foley, and Eric
Havelock.
14
Although we know that Ali was literate he was one of the scribes of the Prophet who wrote
down verses of the Quran as they were revealed his employment of orthographic notation would
have been limited within the practice of the society he lived in.
15
For an analysis of tacitly persuasive techniques, see R. Lanham, Analysing Prose.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.10
world as a beautiful, unfaithful temptress; and a starkly dichotomous presentation of the
base, unstable world, and the sublime, permanent hereafter. These themes, subthemes,
and metaphors are present in different combinations in Alis sermons. The selection of
images in any single sermon is often ad hoc, with one image frequently giving way to
another apparently unconnected one; what ties them together is their single purpose of
promoting the hereafter-focused message of the sermon.
The interpenetration of themes also manifests on a broader level, with much
mixing and merging of oratorical genres, all denoted by the Arabic term khutba:
Pious sermons were colored by a historical context, political speeches and battle
orations were permeated by pious counsel, and the ritual Islamic sermons for Friday
and Eid prayer combined injunctions to godliness with administrative and military
instructions. Alis khutbas are thus sermons, political speeches and battle orations
rolled into one, addressing both material and spiritual issues, yet always underpinned
by pious counsel. His teachings are universal, yet they are also grounded in the
literary, societal, and topographical context of Arabia, and in the religious, political,
and historical environment of early Islam.
4. SERMONS: TEXTS AND ANALYSES
In the following pages, I translate and analyze the full texts of seven sermons
attributed to Ali are translated and analyzed, each section focusing on different
themes and distinct metaphors.
4.1. Sermon 1: Praise of God
16
A sermon Ali preached in a Friday service upon rst arriving in Kufa after
the Battle of the Camel is held together by its typical articulation of the orators and
audiences relationship to God. It is permeated by various references to the Deity:
praise of God; the Islamic testimonial to His oneness; injunctions to be conscious
of Him, fear His punishment, and be sincere in performing good deeds for Him; and
entreaties to Him for salvation in the hereafter.
The sermon begins with a typical formula of praise
17
:
God be praised! I praise Him, implore His aid, and beseech His guid-
ance. I seek protection in Him from error. Whomsoever God guides, no
one can lead astray, and whomsoever He leads astray, no one can guide
aright
18
. I bear witness that there is no god but God, One, He has no part-
ner. I bear witness that Muhammad is His servant and messenger, whom
He selected for His work, and privileged with prophecy. He is the most
noble among Gods creatures, and the most beloved of them to Him. He
conveyed his Lords message, sincerely counseled his community, and
responsibly discharged his duties.
The rst sentence echoes the opening line of the Quran God be praised!
(al-hamdu li-llah). The phrase would gradually come into regular use in the opening
lines of most Muslim prayers, contracts, letters, books, speeches, and sermons. This
16
N. al-Minqari, Waqat Siffin, p. 10; also in A.H. al-Dinawari, al-Akhbar, pp. 219-220; and Ibn
Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. III, pp. 103-104.
17
On the opening praise formula and its use in Islamic verbal productions as a locus of relation-
ships, see A. Qutbuddin, Tahmid: A Literary Genre; idem, A Literary Analysis of Tahmid.
18
Modied quote from Quran, al-Rad 13:23, al-Zumar 39:23 and 26, al-Ghar 40:33.
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line is followed by four verbal clauses imploring God for guidance and aid. Next is
a modied quotation from the Quran, Whomsoever God guides, no one can lead
astray, and whomsoever He leads astray, no one can guide aright. This is followed by
a declaration of Gods oneness using the Islamic testimonial of faith There is no god
but God, with a familiar two-part Quranic tag One
19
, He has no partner
20
.
In other sermons attributed to Ali, the doctrine of Gods oneness is eshed
out in logical, theological detail, the Creator presented as a being above description,
beyond imagination, from whom all attributes are to be negated
21
. Yet elsewhere,
praise of God is contextualized to the historical situation, such his words I praise God
in every circumstance in the opening lines of a sermon delivered just before the Battle
of the Camel
22
.

In our sermon here, the praise formula is presented in its standard,
generic form, a form recorded also in the opening lines of sermons attributed to the
Prophet Muhammad and several of his Companions
23
. This formula is still recited
verbatim at the beginning of many sermons across the Islamic world
24
.
The testimonial of faith follows with a formal declaration of Muhammads
messengerhood, Muhammad is His servant and messenger, and a few spontaneous
lines exalting him. In light of their close personal relationship, and Alis commitment
to the Islamic message, it is to be expected that the Prophet would gure prominently in
Alis discourse. In addition to the standard afrmation of Muhammads messengerhood
in the opening lines of this and other sermons, Ali often urged his audience to follow
his example in order to lead a godly life
25
; he also referenced other prophets, including
Moses, Jesus, David, and Solomon, as paradigms for good
26
. Here Muhammads role
of guide is presented implicitly through his messengerhood for the Divine Guide.
The sermon continues with another emblematic opening feature, enjoining
the audience to piety:
I counsel you to piety: piety is the best counsel any of Gods servants
ever gave to another: it brings you closest to Gods pleasure, and leads
to the best outcome in the hereafter. You have been commanded to piety,
and created to be good and obey Him. Beware of what God has warned
you of, for He has warned you of a severe punishment. Fear God from
your heart.
19
Quran, al-Araf 7:70, al-Ghar 40:12.
20
Quran, al-Anam 6:163.
21
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 1, pp. 34-36, sermon 90, pp. 188-208, sermon 82, pp. 160-76; see also
al-Wasiti, Uyun al-mawaiz; al-Zamakhshari, Rabi al-abrar; I.S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf al-uqul; and Q.
al-Qudai, Dustur.
22
Safwat, Jamhara; after Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I, pp. 309-311. Cf. other contextual praise
openings of Alis sermons in al-Radi, Nahj, sermons #100, 111, 176, 188, pp. 222, 358-359, and 388.
23
The opening praise formula is cited almost verbatim in three sermons attributed to Muhammad,
in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 148 (after al-Tabari, Tarikh); Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 155 (after Ibn
Hisham, al-Sira; al-Jahiz, al-Bayan; al-Tabari, Tarikh; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd; al-Baqillani, Ijaz;
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh); Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 152 (after al-Baqillani,
Ijaz). See the formula also in sermons by Abu Bakr, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 184 (after Ibn
Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd); Uthman, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 275 (after al-Tabari, Tarikh; and
Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil ); Ashath ibn Qays, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 358 (after Ibn Abi l-Hadid,
Sharh); and Yazid ibn Muawiya, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 189 (after Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd).
24
This opening is used, for example, in contemporary Friday sermons in India (cf. M. Thanvi,
Khutubat al-ahkam, p. 219) and Turkey (cf. Turkish Diyanet ministry, Hutbe Dualari).
25
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 104, p. 228; #156, p. 317; #196, p. 425; and passim.
26
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 158, pp. 318-323.
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Piety is a fundamental injunction in the Quran, occurring no less than 116
times
27
, and it is a common directive in the Prophets sermons
28
and in all forms of
Islamic preaching. In fact, the Arabic verbal noun taqwa, along with its imperative
form, is among the most frequently occurring lexemes of this type of sermon. The
stock phrase used here I counsel you to piety (usikum bi-taqwa l-lah) is a regular
exhortation. Occurring at the top of this sermons body right after the formulaic
opening, the directive frames the entire piece, and underpins all its other pious themes.
Orators commonly expounded a rationale for piety. Not only did they
instruct their audience to practice it, they told them why they should do so, their
reasons including gratitude for Gods bounties, protection from the vicissitudes of this
world, and salvation in the afterlife. Here, Ali tells his audience that piety brings you
closest to Gods pleasure, and leads to the best outcome in the hereafter.
The directive to piety is conjoined with a charge to obey God, another
common theme in the Quran (occurring 33 times)
29
, and a frequent command
in prophetic hadith and early Muslim preaching. Moreover, the linkage here and
elsewhere in Alis sermons echoes the Qurans recurrent association of the two
concepts
30
.
The orators injunctions to obey God (and to be pious) are simultaneously
general and particular, for their subtext is a charge to perform acts of obedience,
namely, to observe the strictures of the Sharia, or Gods Law. Conversely, disobedience
to God is often mentioned in the sense of sinning, or going against the regulations
of the Sharia. The connection is made explicit through juxtaposition as the sermon
continues, the directions to piety and obedience followed immediately by instructions
to perform virtuous deeds and to fear Gods punishment:
Perform virtuous deeds without desiring praise: Whosoever performs
deeds for one other than Him God hands him over to that other. Whoso-
ever performs deeds sincerely for God He will ensure for him a good-
ly reward. Fear Gods punishment, for He has not created you with-
out purpose, and has not left you, in any of your affairs, loose without
direction
31
. He has labelled your traces, knows your deeds, and decreed
your lifespans.
These commands are given weight with a modied quotation from the
Quran, saying He has not created you without purpose. The theme of purposeful
creation is common for Ali, and it is reported that he rarely ascended the pulpit without
saying these words at the beginning of every sermon
32
. The line is in conversation
with the pre-Islamic negation of an afterlife, also signaled in the Quran in verses
27
Quran, al-Baqara 2:197, 237, al-Maida 5:8, al-Araf 7:26, Muhammad 47:17, and passim.
28
Eg., Safwat vol. I, p. 148 (after al-Tabari, Tarikh), idem, p. 156 (after Ibn Hisham, al-Sira
al-nabawiyya).
29
Quran, Al Imran 3:32, 132, al-Nisa 4:59, Taha 20:90, and passim.
30
Quran, al-Anfal 8:1, al-Zukhruf 43: 63, al-Shuara 26:126 and passim.
31
Quran, al-Muminun 23:115, al-Qiyama 75:36.
32
al-Zamakhshari, Rabi vol. I, p. 39: O people! Be conscious of God. Man has not been created
without purpose, such that he waste his time in this world. He has not been left loose, such that he
fool around. The world that he nds so beautiful is no substitute for the hereafter that he nds ugly.
The complacent man who obtains the highest honors of this world is not equal to one who attains
the lowliest share of the hereafter. Also cited in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 63, pp. 134-135; and Ibn
Hamdun, al-Tadhkira, vol. I, p. 88.
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such as this one: They say, once weve died and become dust, are we to return?
33
Life
in this world is not jest and play, cautions Ali; it is serious business and there will be
an accounting. Indeed, God has labelled your traces, knows your deeds, and decreed
your lifespans.
Transitioning from this line which hinted at imminent death, the next section
warns explicitly of the certain end of this world:
Do not be deceived by this world, for she is a great deceiver of her peo-
ple: one who is deceived by her is truly deluded. All things in her will
perish. The hereafter is life, if only they realized it
34
.
Characterizing the world as a deceiver, Ali declares all things in her will
perish. With its use of the word perish (fana), the assertion has clear Quranic
resonance
35
.
The body of the sermon ends here with a verbatim quotation from the
Quran declaring the hereafter to be the abode of life. Citation of a verse or two from
the Quran is a common though not requisite feature of the sermons attributed to
the rst century of Islam. It would become more frequent, even de rigueur, in later
sermons
36
. In early orations, Quran citations often came at, or towards the very end,
of the sermon as in this one casting a retroactive seal of divine authority upon the
orators teachings.
The sermon concludes with a prayer to God:
May God grant me the stations of the martyrs, the companionship of
the prophets, and the life of the blissful. Truly, we are all for Him, and
because of Him.
Like the themes and vocabulary items in the earlier sections of the sermon,
these concepts and terms too are rmly grounded in the text of the Quran
37
.
Because of the nature of oral transmission, most oratorical texts in our
sources are fragmentary. Often the formulaic beginning and ending are missing;
sometimes other parts are omitted as well. At times we are told of the elision; often we
are not
38
. This sermon is the only full piece in our selection. With a distinct beginning
comprised of formulaic praise of God and invocations for the Prophet Muhammad,
a body with Alis typical sermonizing themes (including censure of the world, an
urging to prepare for the hereafter, be conscious of God, and perform good deeds),
and a distinct ending comprised of prayer, the text exemplies the standard structure
of the early Islamic sermon.
33
Quran, al-Muminun 23:82, and passim.
34
Quran, al-Ankabut 29:64.
35
Quran, al-Rahman 55:26.
36
Ibn al-Attar summarized in his handbook Adab al-khatib the rules for the contents of a Friday
or Eid sermon, and included among them mandatory citation of Quranic verses, with specic verses
to be cited (pp. 127-129).
37
Quran, al-Nisa 4:69 (prophets and martyrs in paradise), al-Baqara 2:156 (all of us are for
God).
38
Conversely, some texts that are presented in the sources as one sermon might actually be pieces
from several distinct sermons stitched together by the redactor.
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4.2. Sermon 2:

A camel caravan journeying to the hereafter
39
In another of his earliest sermons as caliph, Ali used the image of a traveler
to convey the passage and purpose of life. Combining some of the major topics of his
counsel within the complex rubric of one of his favorite metaphors, he presented the
progression of human life in this world in terms of the perilous wilderness navigated
by the traveler to arrive at water
40
. The guide is Gods Book which demarcates good
and evil. The path is constituted by the mandatory religious duties of Islam (and more
broadly, performance of pious deeds and maintaining the law). Sins are the burden that
slows you down. Repentance lightens this load. The progression of human life in this
world is as a camel caravan. The driver of the caravan is death. And the destination
is heaven.
In the opening lines of this sermon we see both general religious teachings
(Gods guidance, good and evil) and specically Islamic motifs (Quran, Islamic
praxis, and the Garden):
God revealed a book to guide you, in which He distinguished between good
and evil. So be good and shun evil. Undertake mandatory religious duties
assiduously for God, and He will ensure your admission into His Garden.
Packaged in an Arabian travel image, these lines contain layers of explicit
and implicit referencing. There is an overt mention of a guide God revealed a book to
guide you. Another version of the sermon also contains an unambiguous mention of
a path, Take the path of goodness, and you will be rightly guided. Shun the course of
evil, and you will full your purpose
41
. In our version, a path is implied through the
motif of the guide and through the sermons other path-relevant images. Also evoked
subtly, in the reference to the mandatory duties of Islam (al-faraid), is the word
Sharia, originally meaning a wellworn path to a watering hole, the watering-hole,
the travellers destination, being the Garden of Paradise.
The images of a path and a guide have clear resonance in the oft-cited
verse in the prayer-like rst sura of the Quran, Guide us to the Straight Path
42
.
The Qur,an itself was deeply infused with the oral, nature-based avors of Arabian
society, and Alis imbibing of the cultural vocabulary is as much, if not more, from
the Quranic exposition, as it is from the poetic tradition directly.
The next section moves into a different theme, namely, directions for
maintaining a law-abiding society:
God has made certain things inviolable; they are not unknown to you.
He has given highest priority to the sanctity of Muslim (life and prop-
erty) over all other sacrosanct things. He has bound all Muslims rmly
together with ropes of sincerity and the declaration of Gods oneness. A
Muslim is one from whose tongue and hand all Muslims are safe, except
when there is just cause. It is unlawful to harm a Muslim except when
there is just cause.
39
al-Tabari, Tarikh, vol. IV, p. 436; A Community Divided, pp. 15-16; the sermon, with minor
variants, is also reported in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 165, pp. 341-42 (some of the lines in the piece
are also reported in ibid., sermon 21, p. 79); Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil, vol. III, p. 85; Ibn Kathir, al-
Bidaya, vol. VII, p. 227; A. al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-Asha, vol. I, p. 258.
40
See also the traveler image in S. al-Radi, Nahj sermon 98, p. 220; sermon 86, p. 179.
41
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 165, pp. 341-342.
42
Quran, al-Fatiha 1:5.
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This theme is also underpinned, albeit lightly, by the travel image, with the
path to heaven being embodied in the Divine Guides directives. Ali asserts that the
law is Gods domain, and that it has been clearly explained (presumably through the
Quran and Muhammads practice or sunna incidentally, another word meaning path).
The subsequent declaration, He has given highest priority to the sanctity of Muslim
(life and property) over all other sacrosanct things, echoes Islams challenge against
the state of affairs in pre-Islamic Arabia, where security was maintained by mutual
threat of blood vengeance and collective liability
43
. Where, if one member of a tribe
was killed by a member of another tribe, any members of the victims tribe could, in
retaliation, kill any member of the assailants tribe. Muhammad prohibited this system,
and instituted laws maintaining the sanctity of innocent life and property. Punishment
in Islam was not to be random, but rather, it was to be meted out only with just cause
and regulated by Gods law. Muhammad, in what is termed his Farewell Sermon on
Mount Arafat, cancelled all cases of blood retaliation outstanding from pre-Islamic
times
44
. And Quranic verses laid down rules for paying blood money, sentencing a
murderer, determining the cause of death, and eye-witness testimony
45
. Alis sermon
explains the etymology of the word Muslim on this basis: that a Muslim is one from
whose harm other Muslims are safe (salima, which has the same consonant root as
Muslim: s-l-m). This line is ascribed in some sources to the Prophet
46
; perhaps Ali is
quoting Muhammad here.
The earlier musings on the personal quest for salvation and piety are
combined here with injunctions about societal welfare maintained according to Gods
laws. Furthermore, a theological substratum is applied to the legal prescription: It
is their sincere belief and their declaration of the monotheistic creed of Islam that
rmly binds (note the tent reference) the Muslims together as a community.
The succeeding section opens with a warning of impending death:
Hasten to acknowledge the affair that is common to all, yet personal to
each one of you: death. People have gone before you, and the Hour drives
you from behind. Lighten your burden of sin so you can catch up. Those
who have gone before await the arrival of those who are yet to come.
The theme of human mortality was prominent in early Arabic orations of
pious counsel. Rooted in the desert dwellers deep consciousness of cosmic cycles,
sermons attributed to pre-Islamic Arabians focused on nature imagery and death.
A famous oration ascribed to the Christian bishop Quss b. Saida (d. c. 600) is an
apposite example (and one of the few oratorical remnants accredited to pre-Islamic
times), with Quss declaring, He who lives dies. He who dies is lost forever. Everything
that could happen will happen. Firm signs; rain and plants; () stars that come and
go; seas that do not dry out; a sky-roof elevated; an earth-bed laid out
47
. The advent
of Islam brought a radical shift. In the theistic vision of Muhammad and the Quran,
43
See discussion of pre-Islamic blood-vengeance and relevant anecdotes and poetry in S. Stetke-
vych, The Mute Immortals Speak, pp. 55-83.
44
Ibn Hisham, al-Sira, vol. IV, p. 448.
45
Quran, al-Nisa 4:92-93.
46
Cited in a large number of hadith works including Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, vol. II, p. 1163. See
also in Cleary, The Wisdom of the Prophet, p. 38; after al-Bukhari, Sahih; and al-Nawawi, Riyad
al-salihin.
47
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan, 1:308-9. See also the death-themed oration of Mamun al-Harithi in Safwat
1:39 #455, after al-Qali, al-Amali.
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the earlier themes and images were directed into a piety-based mode of preaching,
and warnings of the coming end were used as a spur to urge the audience to prepare
for the eternal hereafter. Pre-Islamic reminders of the relentless approach of death
proliferate in Alis sermons, but he channels them into an Islamic consciousness of
life after death.
In this sermon, Ali weaves the death theme into the framing travel imagery,
through a personication of death as a caravan driver steering his herd to the afterlife.
The camel was an intrinsic part of the desert dwellers existence. Domesticated
around 1000 BCE, this animal became a cornerstone of existence in the Arabian
Peninsula. Being able to go without food or water for days or even weeks, and having
a sturdy set of extremities, stretched out footpads that would not sink into the sand,
it was a beast of burden ideally adapted to traverse the arid wastes of the Peninsula.
It was an important means of transport, perhaps the only one, for the horse, although
useful in battle, was not really suitable for long desert journeys. Sometime between
500 and 100 BCE the northern Arabs developed a new saddle, better balanced for
wielding a lance, and providing support for bigger loads. The camel breeders began
to control the caravan trade, and the camel almost completely replaced the wheel.
From then on, camel caravans regularly cut across the arid wastes of the Peninsula
to trade in neighboring lands
48
. Being a vital component of Arabian life, the caravan
was an image that would resonate with Alis audience. A picture with which men
and women, young and old, were intimately familiar, it formed a potent physical
representation for abstract ideas. Ali took advantage of that resonance to convey to
his audience the importance of staying on the path of truth and following the guidance
of the Quran; and in this section, acknowledging the presence of death in their midst
a very personal presence as a camel driver relentlessly pushing forward his beasts,
letting none get away.
The audience was also aware of the sluggish progress made by a heavily
loaded pack of camels versus the swiftness of one which travelled light. Accordingly,
Ali instructed his audience to lessen their burden, so that they could catch up with
those who had gone before. For the earlier travelers had already reached the alighting
station of the hereafter and were in anxious anticipation of the latecomers arrival.
Ali charged them to repent of their errant ways, to shed the heavy load of their sins,
to become better people, so they could attain paradise, and in it, the companionship of
the pious folk who had preceded them there.
In addition to resonating with the Arabian lifestyle, the camel and caravan
imagery also had tremendous cultural signicance. The rst of a pre-Islamic Arabic
odes typical three part structure, the love prelude, began with the poet weeping over
the lost beloved who had journeyed away from him, as in the celebrated ode by Imru
al-Qays (d.c. 540): It is as though I on the day they loaded their camels near the
tribes acacia trees were peeling bitter colocynth-onions
49
. The middle section of the
ode was customarily focused on the poets own voyage, often made on a camel, as
in the ode by another famous poet, Labid (d.c. 661), who describes his desert travels
on a journey-worn mare, worn to a remnant, with sunken loins, and a sunken hump
50
.
Usually the camel in the poems was a literal gure; sometimes it stood in guratively
for the poet himself. In Alis sermons of pious counsel, the literary theme of the
camel caravan was directed into the metaphorical mold of a different kind of journey,
a spiritual passage.
48
See R. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel.
49
al-Zawzani, Sharh al-Muallaqat, p. 12.
50
Labid, Muallaqa, in M. Sells, Desert Tracings, p. 37.
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The last part of the sermon comes back full circle, to once again direct the
audience to virtue:
Be conscious of God in your dealings with His servants and His lands,
for you are responsible for your deeds, even those pertaining to the earth
and to cattle. Obey God, do not disobey Him. If you see good, grasp it. If
you see evil, shun it. Remember the time when you were few in number
and vulnerable in the land
51
.
The section opens with a familiar injunction, Be conscious of God in your
dealings with His servants and His lands. Consciousness of God is presented in many
sermons (as in Sermon 3) as the best of provisions for the journey to the hereafter
52
,
based on the Quranic verse: Gather provisions and know that the best of provisions
is Consciousness of God
53
. In this sermon, the connection is not made directly, but the
audience one well-versed in the Quranic text, and frequently exposed to oratorical
expounding on taqwa as provisions would comprehend the reference.
A link that is made explicitly here is the connection between individual piety
and community-oriented living. It builds on the earlier theme of society and law, and
emphasizes accountability for ones deeds, and for ones dealings with others, with all
Gods creation, not just people. The sermon continues with the familiar association
between Consciousness of God, obedience, doing good deeds and rejecting evil. It
closes with a verse from the Quran that reminds the audience that their prosperity
and security is a gift from God.
4.3. Sermon 3:

Death as a predator
54
Ali frequently used striking images of predator and prey to present some of
his main themes, as in the following sermon:
Get your supplies together May God have mercy on you! for the call
has come to depart. Minimize your inclination toward the world, and see
that you leave it with good provisions from your present life. Ahead of
you is a tough ascent, and stations that are fearsome and alien, through
which you must pass and at which you must alight.
You should know that deaths gaze is zooming in on you. It is as though
you are already warding off its unsheathed claws, and that already its
horric affairs and feared calamities are upon you. So cut off all links to
this world and prepare provisions of piety.
In keeping with the characteristics of oral-period verbal production, Ali
described the abstract idea of death using graphic images rooted in the human lifeworld
51
Quran, al-Anfal 8:26. The verse continues: and were afraid that people would wipe you out,
whereupon He gave you refuge, strengthened you with His aid, and provided you with goodly sus-
tenance. Will you not be grateful? Alis citation of part of the verse would evoke the remainder of
the verse for the audience.
52
See for example a speech by Umar II, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 209; after Ibn Abd
Rabbih, al-Iqd.
53
Quran, al-Baqara 2:192.
54
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 202, pp. 435-36; also reported with some variants in al-Tawhidi, al-
Basair, vol. II, p. 63; al-Abi, Nathr al-durar, vol. I, p. 23; Q. al-Qudai, Dustur, no. 4. 6.
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of this culture. Death is portrayed in this sermon as a ferocious animal, such as a lion
making ready to sink his claws into its prey, or an eagle, its talons unsheathed, fast
homing in. In Sermon 2, we saw Alis portrayal of death as a camel-driver. Elsewhere
he embodied it as the destroyer of pleasures (hadim al-ladhdhat) and reecting the
desert dwellers acute awareness of the value of pure water the turbidier of desires
(mukaddir al-shahawat)
55
. In this sermon, he personies death as a predator closing
in for the kill. The abstract concept of death is given a physical form that would
resonate with the audience, a form that simultaneously implies deaths immutable
power and the immediacy of its arrival. Nature images provided some of the most
effective tools for the orator in his address to dwellers of the desert. Ali, to be sure,
had grown up in Mecca and Medina, which were among the few scattered settlements
in the Arabian Peninsula at the time, and the four years of his caliphate were spent
in the new Iraqi camptown of Kufa. But these settlements were simpler and closer
to nature than the sumptuous urban centers of later Islamic civilization, and life here
was a far cry from ninth-century Baghdad, tenth-century Cairo, or eleventh-century
Cordoba; lions thrived in Arabia and Iraq during Alis time
56
. Moreover, the image of
death as a predator was also a typical motif in the poetic tradition that Ali inherited.
It was particularly common in the genre of elegy, which usually prefaced praise of the
deceased with gnomic pronouncements on death. A good example is a line by Abu
Dhuayb al-Hudhali (d. c. 649) in a poem mourning the death of his ve young sons:
When death sinks its claws into you, no amulets will avail
57
.
The pre-Islamic image of death as predator is married in this sermon to
the Islamic advocacy of preparing for the hereafter. In Sermon 2, the allusion to
provisions was implied by its urging to piety within the context of a travel metaphor.
Here, predicated on warnings about the fearsome stages of death, an explicit directive
is given, not once, but three times: Get your supplies together () see that you leave
[the world] with good provisions from your present life () prepare provisions of
piety. So what constitutes provisions for the hereafter? As the last line explains, they
are to be gathered by eschewing materialism and practising piety.
4.4. Sermon 4: Censure of the world and terrors of the grave
58

A common theme in Alis discourses is condemnation of the world, as a
way to caution against worldliness
59
. Another is ubisunt questions, (Latin: Where are
55
S. al-Radi, Nahj, testament #227, p. 474; see also sermon 98, p. 220.
56
The ninth-century Abbasid writer al-Jahiz writes in his Kitab al-Hayawan that lions prolife-
rated even in his time on the banks of the Euphrates, especially in the environs of Kufa and Mosul.
News reports indicate that lions were sighted in Iraq as late as 1914. (cf. Khalaf-von Jaffa, The Asiatic
or Persian Lion).
57
A.Dh. al-Hudhali, Diwan, p. 147. For an analysis of early Arabic borrowing metaphor, see
Heinrichs, Hand of the Northwind. The poetic genre of elegy and the sermon of pious counsel have
other features in common as well, including musings on death, and laments on the ckleness of this
world.
58
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 223 p. 470; also in al-Dinawari, al-Mujalasa, vol. I, p. 364; al-Ghazali,
Ihya, vol. III, pp. 212-213; Ibn Asakir, Tarikh, vol. XLII, p. 500; Ibn al-Jawzi, Sifat al-sifwa, vol.
I, p. 322; al-Nuwayri, Nihaya, vol. V, pp. 249-250; al-Suyuti, Jami, hadith #8609, vol. XVI, p. 444;
al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, Kanz, vol. XVI, p. 84.
59
Censure of the world is present in many sermons by other early orators as well. See for example
sermons by Umar II, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, pp. 205-206 (after Ibn al-Jawzi, Sirat Umar ibn
Abd al-Aziz); Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 200 (after Ibn Abd Rab-
bih, al-Iqd; Ibn Qutayba, Uyun, and al-Jahiz, al-Bayan); al-Hasan al-Basri in Safwat, Jamhara, vol.
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they?) underscoring for listeners their impending end, and urging them to ponder the
fate of past generations. This sermon combines both themes.
The sermon begins with a harsh description of the deciencies and dangers
of this world:
It is an abode encircled by trials and known for deceit. Its conditions do
not remain stable, and those who alight in it are not safe from its chang-
ing conditions and shifting times. Life in it is base and security not to be
found. Its people are targets whom it shoots at with its arrows, and kills
with its death.
The opening statement contains four key motifs: The world is a place of
tribulation, where humans are continually beset by trials; its conditions constantly
change, thus it is inherently unstable; life in it is vile and sordid; and it is a temporary
abode, inevitably ending in death
60
.
Ali frequently presents the worlds forbidding aspects metaphorically.
In this sermon, he personies the world as an archer whose arrows target humans,
striking them down at every stage, and inevitably killing them off, one by one. In other
sermons, he describes it as a green and lush garden, appealing to the senses, yet in
reality a ghoulish, carnivorous eater of humans
61
, and as a cadaver, over which people
are ghting like dogs over a smelly carcass
62
.
Often, Ali personies the world as a beautiful but deceitful temptress. He
warns of its dangers using the vocabulary of sensual love. In one sermon, he advises
his audience to reject the world in full censure, for she has rejected all who loved
her with passion
63
. Elsewhere, he addresses the world directly, I have divorced you
thrice!
64
In this sermon, we see nothing obviously gendered, but given Alis frequent
explicit descriptions, we can read woman-metaphor beneath his lines It is an abode
() known for deceit. This reading is also supported by the poetic and grammatical
conventions of Alis time. In pre-Islamic and early Islamic custom, the odes beloved
was typically portrayed as disloyal, and this characterization is extended to the
oratorical image of the grammatically feminine world.
After the opening admonition regarding the wickedness of the world, the
sermon segues into a warning of imminent death, with a reminder of past generations
who are no more:
Servants of God! You should know that you, along with the world that
you are in, are treading the path of those who went before. They were
longer lived than you, more ourishing of abode than you, and had lon-
II, p. 489 (after al-Jahiz, al-Bayan); and Qatari ibn al-Fujaa in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 454 (after
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan; al-Qalqashandi, Subh al-Asha; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd; Ibn Qutayba, Uyun).
60
Two additional motifs, not mentioned in this sermon, are an integral part of Alis censure of the
world more widely: The world is tainted never fully clean and wholesome, some bad always mixed
in with any good; and it is of little worth: in one sermon, he says, Let this world be smaller in your
eyes than shreds from the pods of a spiny acacia tree, or wool uff falling from a pair of shears. (S.
al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 32, p. 101).
61
S. al-Radi Nahj, sermon 110, p. 243.
62
Ibidem, sermon 149, p. 303.
63
Ibidem, Nahj, sermon 32, p. 101. See also sermon 98, p. 220.
64
Ibidem, Nahj, saying 77, p. 641. According to Islamic law, a man and woman may divorce and
remarry each other up to three times. After the third divorce, they may not marry each other ever
again. For details, see A. Layish, Talak.
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ger lasting monuments than you. Their voices have become silent, their
breath stilled, their bodies decomposed, their abodes abandoned, and
their traces gone. They have exchanged fortied palaces and cushioned
seats for propped up stones, for prepared graves, whose courtyard is
built upon ruination and shored up with dirt, whose dwelling is near,
yet whose resident is far, far away. They live with the people of a locale
who take no comfort from one another, people who have no labor yet
are completely preoccupied, people who do not nd solace in a home-
land nor visit as neighbors, even though they live in close proximity
and their residences are next to each other. But how would they visit?
Decay has crushed them with its chest, and rocks and earth have eaten
them up!
In many sermons by Ali and other early Islamic orators
65
, long strings
of ubisunt questions aggressively ask audience members where powerful Arabian
tribes like Ad, Thamud, and Tubba have gone, the Pharoahs, the Amalekites, even
the prophet-king Solomon, directing them to take a lesson from the past. The ubisunt
instructs them to take heed from rulers who exchanged jeweled thrones for hard
earth, and from the example of their own fathers and mothers whose bodies now
decompose in the soil. The aforementioned pre-Islamic orator Quss is reported to
have declaimed to his fellow tribesmen, O people of Iyad! Where are Thamud and
Ad? Where are your fathers and grandfathers?
66
There are also poetic referents for
the theme. The pre-Islamic poet al-Aswad ibn Yafur al-Nahshali (d. c. 600) laments
What can I hope for, when the tribe of Muharriq has departed from their homes, as
have Iyad? () the winds have blown dust over the site of their abodes () They
used to live there in luxury () Indeed, all pleasures will one day turn to decay
67
.
Other famous pre-Islamic poets such as al-Asha (d. before 629), Tarafa (d. c. 550),
Labid, and Zuhayr (d. 609), stress the inevitability of death, and they mention the
end of the selfsame Ad, Thamud, and Tubba
68
. The Quran declares that it was
God who destroyed these peoples, and He did so because of their disbelief, in verses
such as the following: Ad and Thamud did not believe that the great calamity would
come. As for Thamud, they were destroyed by an earthquake. And as for Ad, they
were destroyed by a erce and raging wind () Do you see any from among them
now?
69
Later ascetic poetry would pick up this theme, a prime example being the
Abbasid poet Abu l-Atahiya, who would write lines such as Give birth for death,
and build for destruction. For whom do we build, when were going unto dust, just as
we were created from it?
70
In this sermon, Ali changes the mode of the ubisunt from
questions to declarations. Outlining a stark contrast between the earthly pomp of
those peoples with their current somber state and emphasizing their utter loneliness,
he warns the audience to take heed.
65
Cf. other ubisunt segments in Alis sermons: S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 223, pp. 470-471; ser-
mon 180, pp. 363-370. Ubisunt sermons by other early orators include: Abu Bakr in Safwat, Ja-
mhara, vol. I, p. 182 (after al-Tabari, Tarikh); Abu l-Darda, in Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd, vol. III, p.
109, and al-Jahiz, Bayan, vol. III, p. 136; Uthman in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 270 (after a-Tabari,
Tarikh); and al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, in Safwat, Jamhara, vol. II, p. 299 (after Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd),
Umar II (Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd, vol. IV, p. 84).
66
al-Jahiz, al-Bayan, 1:308-309.
67
al-Aswad ibn Yafur, Daliyya, text from Mufaddal al-Dabbi, Mufaddaliyyat, vol. I, pp. 445-446.
68
Cf. M.C. Lyons, Identication and Identity, pp. 2-3.
69
Quran, al-Haqqa 69:4-8; see also Ibrahim 14:9-17, al-Hajj 22:42-45, and passim.
70
Abu l-Atahiya, Diwan, p. 46.
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Frequently, this kind of reminder in early Islamic sermons is conjoined with
macabre descriptions of the terrors of the grave. The orator answers his own questions
by a detailed account of the rapid and gross putrefaction of the human corpora, replete
with horric images: Maggots tearing into their skins, storms obliterating their traces,
rosy hues becoming pale
71
. Here, Ali personies decay as a beast that has crushed the
dead with its chest, and he embodies rocks as a monster that has eaten them up. This
graphic depiction is commensurate both with the close-to-nature lifestyle of its people
and the oral milieu of Alis time.
He ends the sermon by personalizing the lesson, connecting the people in
front of him to those who have passed away:
Beware! It is as though you have come to what they came to, as though that
same bed has claimed you, and that same resting place has enveloped you.
How will it be with you, when all affairs end, and all graves are emptied?
Each soul will be tried for what it did in past times. They will be returned
to their true master, and will not nd there the lies they had spun
72
.
As they died, so shall you. The terrors they faced, you shall face too. The
Quranic verse cited at the end about the return unto God and the coming judgment
implicitly enjoins: Repent of your sins before it is too late.
But why such strong, and what some might characterize as pessimistic,
language? I would argue that the language is not pessimistic but realistic. The
following report may be cited in explanation
73
:
Ali was following a bier in a funeral procession when he heard a man
laugh. He said:
We behave as if death is written for people other than us, duties are in-
cumbent upon people other than us, and those we see die are travelers
soon to return. We carry their bodies to the grave and consume their
wealth. Then we forget every counselor, and shrug off every calamity.
This quotation brings us to the heart of the matter, indicating Alis purpose
in dwelling so often and so lengthily in his sermons on death: It behooves us as
intelligent beings to prepare for what comes after; to think long term, really long term.
Human nature is such that we prefer not to ponder unpleasant things. We see death all
around us yet refuse to grapple with the reality of our own imminent end. The early
Islamic sermons with their horric images of bodies decaying in the soil and souls
being punished for evil deeds attempt to shake up the complacent masses who are
lulled by their base and mundane routines into a dangerous oblivion of the inevitable
end; to frighten them into taking heed while there is yet time.
Many of Alis death-themed sermons are set in the context of his battles. In
one ubisunt passage, he mentions his companions who were killed at Siffin, including
the ercely loyal Ammar ibn Yasir. That sermon is in part eulogy to him: All humans
die, even the mightiest of them, but the pious such as Ammar attain the everlasting
delights of heaven
74
.
71
See Q. al-Qudai, Dustur, 2.14, 3.1.
72
Quran, Yunus 10:30.
73
S. al-Radi, Nahj, saying #123, p. 653. This text is ascribed in some sources to the Prophet; see
for example, A.T. al-Makki, Qut al-qulub, vol. I, p. 139.
74
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 180, p. 369.
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Thus the point of the censure is not to blame the world itself, but to warn
against worldliness. In one often-cited sermon, Ali turns the censure around
75
:
O you who reproach the world, yet are deceived by her deception, and
tricked by her falsehoods! Do you choose to be deceived by the world then
censure her? () When did she lure you or deceive you? Was it by the
destruction of your fathers through decay? Or by the lying down of your
mothers under the earth? (...) Indeed, the world is an abode of truth for the
one who is true to her, an abode of well-being for the one who understands
what she means, an abode of wealth for the one who takes provisions from
her, an abode of counsel for the one who takes counsel from her. She is the
mosque for Gods loved ones, the prayer place for Gods angels, the place
of descent for Gods revelation, the place of trade for Gods saints in her
they earn Gods mercy, and through her they prot and enter Paradise.
Ali reminds the listener that the world is neither good nor bad in and of
itself, but that both the good and bad of this world are with reference to its people. The
world presents both possibilities; you choose your own path in it and are responsible
for your deeds. The apparent contradiction in Alis characterization of the world one
harshly negative, one highly positive is resolved by examining the purpose of the
characterizations. In both, the goal is to motivate the audience to prepare for the hereafter.
4.5. Sermon 5: Be you children of the hereafter! A political and military
context
76
A sermon Ali delivered immediately after his entrance into Kufa
following the Battle of the Camel presents pious counsel in a historical frame. It
combines references to military and administrative issues, with assertions about his
righteousness, and advice about prioritizing the hereafter by not holding back from
ghting for truth.
After the formulaic praise section (that the narrator mentions but does not
cite), the body of the sermon begins with direct reference to the recent events leading
up to the battle:
People of Kufa! You have Gods favor through Islam as long as you
do not deviate and change things. I called you to the Truth and you an-
swered, but then you began to deviate from the accepted practice and
changed things. Lo! Gods favor for you is manifest in legal rulings and
distribution of state stipends. You should be a model for those who an-
swer and enter the path you have entered into.
Alluding to the communitys recent pledge of allegiance to his caliphate, he
says, I called you to the Truth and you answered. Then he talks about their changing
things, likely an intimation of the reneging on the pledge by the leaders of the Camel
75
I.S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf al-uqul, pp. 186-188 and al-Radi, Nahj, saying #132, p. 655-657; also ci-
ted in al-Yaqubi, Tarikh, al-Masudis Muruj, al-Safadi, al-Wafi bi al-Wafayat, Ibn Manzur, Mukhta-
sar Tarikh Dimashq, Ibn Hamdun, al-Tadhkira, Ibn Abi al-Isba, Tahrir al-tahbir fi sinaat al-shir
wa al-nathr, Ibn Masum, Anwar al-rabi fi anwa al-badi, and Ahmad al-Hashimi, Jawahir al-adab.
76
N. al-Minqari, Waqat Siffin, pp. 3-4; also cited in S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 43, p. 116; Ibn
Qutayba,Uyun, vol. II, p. 381; al-Masudi, Muruj, vol. II, p. 414; and Ibn al-Jawzi, al-Tabsira, vol.
I, p. 156. A similar oration is attributed to Ubada ibn al-Samit (Safwat, Jamhara, vol. I, p. 261, after
al-Baladhuri, Futuh al-Sham).
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group, the people of Basra, some of the Kufans who took their side, and the Iraqis or
Medinese who sat on the sidelines without coming to his aid.
Following on from chastising those who changed things Ali warns them
in the next section against wordliness, and urges them to be mindful of the hereafter.
The most fearful thing I fear for you is twofold: following desires and
prolonged yearning: As for following desire, it stops you from the Truth.
As for prolonged yearning, it makes you forget the hereafter. Lo! This
world is journeying in retreat and the hereafter is journeying forward.
Each of the two has children. Be you children of the hereafter! Today is
action and no reckoning; tomorrow is the reckoning and no action.
Cautioning the audience against closing their eyes to the inexorably
approaching end, he castigates them for following their base desires, and having
prolonged hopesextensive worldly ambitions based on the complacent belief that
they would live forever (the converse is an urging to short hopes mentioned in
other sermons). The journey metaphor is used yet again, with the world portrayed as
a caravan that is going away, and the hereafter as another that is arriving at your door.
Another version of this sermon adds a second gurative layer, Lo! This
world has turned away in speed, and nothing remains of it except a residue, like the
residue in a vessel which a pourer has emptied
77
. Water images would be particularly
resonant in this arid landscape, and they abound in pre-Islamic poetry and oratory
as well as in the Quran; more often there, it manifests in metaphors of rain and
waterholes. In the above line, a totally commonplace water-based illustration culled
from everyday life portrays the idea of life having almost run out.
Kinship imagery is also applied, with the audience urged to be children of
the hereafter (another version of the text also adds the inverse, do not be children of
this world, and it continues with a personication of the world and the hereafter as
mothers, for each son will be returned to his mother on the Day of Resurrection).
Elsewhere in his sermons, Ali declares that the world is but a passing place the
hereafter is your home, and it is for the afterlife that you have been created.
The sermon concludes with Ali praising God for granting him victory over
his enemies:
Praise be to God, who aided his friend and thwarted his enemy, who gave
victory to the truthful and righteous and disgraced those who broke and
cancelled the pledge. [Kufans!] Cleave to piety, and obey the one who
obeys God from among the family of your Prophet. They are worthier
of your obedience in all things that they obey God in, than those who
make false claims and challenge us, those who appropriate the honor
that is ours, reject our commands, wrest from us our right, and drive us
away from it. They have tasted the evil consequences of their misdeeds,
and they will soon meet with utter disillusion
78
. Lo! Several men from
among you sat back from coming to my aid; I serve them warning. Dis-
associate from them and chastise them harshly until they repent, so that
Gods army
79
may be known.
77
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 43, p. 116; this version only records the universally themed section of
pious counsel, and not the concretely historical sections preceding and following it.
78
Quran Maryam 19:59.
79
Quran al-Maida 5:56.
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Here, Ali emphasizes his legitimacy as part of the family of the Prophet
and urges his audience to obey him, connecting this obedience with obedience to God.
He warns them not to be taken in by false claimants, and ends with a return to berating
those among the Kufans who had refused to come to his aid.
4.6. Sermon 6: Metaphors of horse-racing and trade
80

This is one of Alis most widely cited sermons, striking for metaphorical
underpinnings of horse-racing and trade, and its presentation of this world and the
hereafter as diametrical opposites. Using orality-based techniques of rhythm and
antithetical parallelism, it highlights the sordidness of this world, and the sublimity of
the heavenly abode.
The opening lines of the sermon set up a dichotomy between this world and
the next:
The world has turned back and proclaimed its departure. The hereafter
has come forward and announced its arrival.
The dichotomy frames the sermon and permeates its lines: The world will
soon be as though it never was, and the hereafter will shortly be all that matters. By
the proximate positioning of the two statements, the purpose behind the condemnation
of this world is claried: to energize the audience to think beyond the end of this life,
and to prepare for the inevitable hereafter. Alis frequent comparisons of the impure,
unstable, and transient world with the pure, stable and eternal hereafter (as in Sermon
4), are present here in an implicit substrate, reinforcing the contrast.
The sermon continues with a horse-racing metaphor:
Today is the day of training and tomorrow is the race. Lo! These are your
days of hope; coming right behind them is death. Whosoever performs
good deeds during his days of hope, before the arrival of his death, will
prot from his deeds and be unharmed by his hopes. Whosoever falls
short during his days of hope, before the arrival of his death, will lose his
deeds and be harmed by his hopes. Lo! Perform good deeds from love
as you perform them from fear. Lo! I have not seen the like of paradise,
he who desires it sleeping; nor the like of hellre, he who runs from
it sleeping. Lo! Whomsoever right does not benet, wrong will harm.
Whomsoever guidance does not put on the straight path, error will drag
to destruction.
Like camels, horses in Alis time were an integral part of the fabric of
Arabian society. The pre-Islamic Arabians and the early Muslims keenly valued their
steeds, which they used mainly for raiding and warfare. Horses were also a prominent
theme in Arabic poetry, where their speed was vaunted, as in the famous horse-
description passage of the aforementioned master poet Imru al-Qays, like a boulder,
80
al-Jahiz, Bayan, vol. II, pp. 52-53; also in Ibn al-Mubarak, Kitab al-Zuhd, vol. I, p. 86; Ibn
Abi Shayba, Musannaf, vol. VII, p. 100; Ibn Hanbal, Fadail al-sahaba, vol. I, p. 530; Ibn Qutayba,
Uyun, vol. II, p. 256; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, Qisar al-amal, vol. I, p. 26 and vol. I, p. 50; al-Thaqafi,
Gharat, vol. I, p. 633; Ibn Abi Asim, al-Zuhd, vol. 1, p. 130; al-Yaqubi, Tarikh, vol. II, pp. 208-9;
I. S. al-Harrani, Tuhaf, p. 113; Ibn Abd Rabbih, al-Iqd, vol. IV, p. 65; al-Masudi, Muruj, vol. II,
p. 414; al-Baqillani, Ijaz, vol. I, p. 146; S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 28, pp. 93-94; Ibn Hamdun, al-
Tadhkira, vol. I, p. 63; Khwarizmi, Manaqib, p. 262.
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hurled down by the ood from above
81
. However, the pre-Islamic poetic tradition does
not appear to have connected the theme of horses to competing in lifes racetrack.
Like his co-opting of the camel-caravan metaphor to t his journey-of-life theme, Ali
drew on the image of the charger to serve the cause of pious counsel.
The image of a race track is common in Alis sermons. A metaphor for
the arena of life, the chargers stand in for humans who compete either in doing good
deeds or evil ones (another version adds a further statement, The prize is paradise,
or the end is hellre
82
). Racing towards a nish line has clear resonance with the
Quranic verse: Race toward your Lords forgiveness and a paradise whose breadth
is as the breadth of the sky and the earth
83
. A few sentences later, Ali personies
error as a runaway horse dragging a fallen rider, whose foot is stuck in the stirrup,
to his end, Whomsoever guidance does not put on the straight path, error will drag
to destruction
84
.
Servicing the same theme of piety, Ali employs the metaphor of trade, of
buying and selling, prot and loss. One who performs good deeds will prot from
his deeds on Judgment Day, the prize being paradise. One who falls short in leading
a pious life will lose his deeds, and the punishment will be hellre. This allusion
references the Quran, which presents the term loss alongside the term deeds in
four different verses, for example, in the sura of the Cave: Say: Shall we inform you
of those who are the worst losers in terms of deeds?
85

The sermon ends with ideas we have encountered before, reminders about
the looming journey to the afterlife, injunctions to gather provisions for it, and
warnings against worldly hopes:
Lo! You have been commanded to depart and guided toward provisions.
Truly, the most fearful thing I fear for you is twofold: following your
desires and prolonging your yearnings.
Another version adds the following end-line
86
: Take in the world, from the
world, provisions with which you can nourish yourselves tomorrow.
We see in this sermon (and in Alis sermons generally) an abundance
of audience engagement features: direct address, emphatic structures, rhetorical
questions, and prescriptive phrases. Together, these elements create a dense web
pulling in the audience towards participation in the speech act and thus the persuasive
goal of the orator. Moreover, the sermons simple elegance is apparent in its apposite
positioning of words, careful selection of pronouns, and tting juxtapositions.
Stemming from its oral nature and function of persuasion, the intense rhythm of the
classical Arabic oration is one of its hallmark characteristics. Framed in antithetical
parallelism, and enriched by rhyme and repetition of key terms, this sermon displays
the key mnemonic characteristics of orally based expression. Its parallelism brings a
strong acoustic resonance into a semantic frame of antithesis. Moreover, the stylistic
81
al-Zawzani, Sharh al-Muallaqat, p. 44.
82
83
Quran, al-Hadid 57:21.
84
Elsewhere in his sermons, Ali compares sins to recalcitrant steeds mounted by sinners, their
reins loose, galloping with their riders into hellre; and he likens piety, in a parallel antithesis, to a
docile steed, mounted by the God-conscious, reins rmly in their hands, delivering them to paradise
(S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 16, p. 68).
85
Quran, al-Kahf 18:103; see also al-Maida 5:5&53 and al-Zumar 39:65.
86
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features of the sermon are harnessed to the goal of convincing the audience to prepare
for the hereafter. Concurrently with the logically persuasive content of the sermon,
Alis tacitly persuasive aesthetics skillfully delineate a contrast between this world
and the next, today and tomorrow, good and evil, guidance and error, leaving the
audience starkly reminded of the transience of this world, and the necessity for each
individual to utilize his or her time in it to the fullest, in order to ensure salvation in
the ensuing eternity.
4.7. Sermon 7: What is piety?
87
There is nary a sermon by Ali that is devoid of injunctions to reject worldliness
and be pious. But what does piety entail exactly? In this sermon, Ali describes in detail
the high moral characteristics, the conviction in belief, the hereafter-focused aspirations,
and the entirely godly way of life, of those who truly deserve the epithet.
The world is journeying in retreat and the hereafter is journeying for-
ward. Each of the two has children: Be you children of the hereafter. Be
you not children of this world.
The pious are those who take the earth as a sleeping place, dust as bed-
ding, and water as perfume.
Whosoever longs for the garden of paradise will refrain from indulg-
ing base desires. Whosoever fears the res of hell will retreat from that
which is forbidden. Whosoever rejects worldliness will make light of
calamities.
There are those who worship God as though they see the people of para-
dise enjoying eternal life in paradise, and the people of the re being
tortured in the re.
After proclaiming in the opening lines the imminence of the hereafter
and the importance of preparing for it
88
, the sermon gets into specics of piety. The
pious the word used here is zahidin (verbal noun zuhd), literally, those who reject
worldliness are described as living simple lives. Explaining their motivation to be
good, Ali says the world has no value in their eyes, they fear the res of hell
89
.
The sermon continues with particulars of the virtuous character of the truly
pious chastity, simplicity, kindness, and patience as well as their conviction in the
coming reality of the hereafter, and their rapt communion with God; all traits enjoined
time and again in the Quran:
87
Ibn Qutayba, Uyun, vol. II, pp. 380-381; also in al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 191, pp. 413-418, ser-
mon 86, pp. 179-183; Ibn Abi l-Dunya, al-Tawadu, vol. I, p. 52; Abi Nuaym, Hilyat al-awliya, vol.
I, p. 79, vol. VI, pp. 52-53, and vol. VI2, p. 306; Ibn Asakir, Tarikh, vol. IV2, p. 493; al-Qurtubi,
al-Jami, vol. I, p. 230; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidaya, vol. VII, p. 6.
88
We have encountered these lines almost verbatim in Sermon 5; it is possible that Ali used
similar phrases in different sermons, or perhaps they are variant reports of the same sermon.
89
Advocating zuhd elsewhere, Ali explains that it is comprised of shortness of hopes in wordly
things, gratitude for Gods bounties, and restraint when tempted by sinful acts; even if you cannot
achieve all of this entirely, he says, at the very least stay away from the forbidden things, presu-
mably from acts considered major sins, such as murder, stealing, alcohol, and adultery (S. al-Radi,
Nahj, sermon 80, p. 158).
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Their malice is never feared. Their hearts are sorrowful, their persons
chaster, and their needs few.They patiently endure these few days here,
awaiting the long comfort of the hereafter.
In the night, they stand before God in prayer, tears pouring down their
cheeks, imploring God: O Lord! O Lord! In the daytime, they are kind,
wise, good, and pious.
The nal section likens them to arrowshafts:
Arrow shafts. One who sees them thinks them ailing, but they do not ail.
He says, They are crazy!, but they are crazed only by something im-
mensely grave.
Used for hunting, in battle, and for the traditional maysir gambling game in
pre-Islamic times, arrow shafts were made from slender sticks of wood. Unlike the
oratorical image of the archer which was used to convey deadly intent, the picture of
arrow shafts in sermons and poetry signied extreme hunger and resultant emaciation.
The famous Ode in L attributed to the pre-Islamic brigand-poet Shanfara (d.c. 550)
likened the gaunt wolves of the wilderness (themselves a metaphor for himself and his
bandit companions) to arrow shafts. Another association that could be at work here is
the disdain of worldliness said to be espoused by Shanfaras ode. The second Sunni
caliph Umar is reported to have said Teach your children Shanfaras ode in L, for it
teaches good character
90
. In Alis sermon, arrow shafts are a metaphor for the pious,
their bodies thin, presumably from long fasting (a sister act of worship to the lengthy
prayers mentioned earlier in this sermon), and from a denunciation of base desire, a
shortness of material aspitations.
Several lines of this sermon are part of a much longer sermon attributed
to Ali in the Nahj al-balagha characterized as The Hammam Sermon, which, the
compilers subheading informs us, contains a description of the pious
91
. It begins with
a general statement. The pious in this world are people of good moral character. Then
it provides a list of their traits: They speak the truth, dress simply, and walk
humbly. They possess strength in religion, maturity with gentleness, belief with
conviction, passion for knowledge, and moderation in wealth. They are kind to their
fellow humans, for they forgive those who have oppressed them, give to those who
have refused them, and are compassionate to those who shun them. They are dignied
in times of calamity, patient in times of misfortune, and grateful to God in times of
ease. These, again, are characteristics praised frequently in the Quran.
5. CONCLUDING REMARKS AND POSTSCRIPT
Alis sermons are a stellar example of the nascent Islamic oratorical tradition,
showcasing the blending of the Arabian cultural ethos into the core teachings of the
Quran. The nature-grounded imagery of the pre-Islamic poetic tradition that constitutes
90
al-Tughrai, Lamiyyat al-ajam, cited in Abu Naji, al-Shanfara, p. 119; the line is attributed to
Muhammad in some late sources, eg., al-Nahwi, Sharh Lamiyyat al-arab.
91
S. al-Radi, Nahj, sermon 191, pp. 413-418. He reports that a devout man named Hammam came
to Ali and said Describe to me the God conscious, such that I actually see them. Ali demurred,
saying at rst only Be conscious of God, Hammam and perform good deeds, for God is with those
who are conscious of Him and perform good deeds (Quran al-Nahl 16:128). When Hammam in-
sisted, Ali delivered a long sermon detailing the virtues of the pious.
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the metaphorical base of Alis sermons (and of the Quran itself) was harnessed to
the spiritual purposes of the Islamic sermon. Pre-Islamic orators of pious counsel had
reminded their audiences of the imminence of death. With the coming of Islam, we
see a mixing of the old and the new. Alis sermons remained entrenched in the earlier
death-focused tradition, but they added a clearly Islamic dimension to this theme by
presenting the transience of life on earth as the impetus to reject worldliness and prepare
for the hereafter. Seamlessly combining the images, vocabulary, and contexts unique to
his cultural, religious, and topographical terrain, with the spiritual and social teachings
of the Quran, Ali produced a distinctive Arabian-Islamic mode of preaching.
The blend of interlinked themes and images prominent in Alis preaching
continued through the medieval period. Over the centuries, intellectuals and laymen
studied his words, and orators and litterateurs emulated his style and motifs. Muslim
preachers and scholars often drew on his Arabian nature metaphors, and sometimes
even used his exact language. An early example is the eighth century scribe Abd
al-Hamid al-Katib. Even though he was chancery ofcial for the fervently anti-Alid
Umayyads, when this father of Arabic prose was asked: What enabled you to master
the science of eloquence, what formed your training in it? he replied, Memorizing
the words of Ali
92
. The famed tenth century Syrian preacher Ibn Nubata al-Fariqi had
learned by heart the entire contents of the Nahj al-balagha compilation, and Alis
teachings on piety permeated his sermons
93
. Most of the eight hundred sermons of
the eleventh century Cairene Fatimid scholar al-Muayyad al-Shirazi opened with
warnings of imminent death and injunctions to prioritize the next world, and they
explicitly referenced Alis exhortations
94
.
The relevance of Alis sermons continues in modern times. In the
nineteenth century, the Egyptian Sunni reformist Muhammad Abduh urged all
students of eloquence and ethics to study Alis discourses
95
. In the twentieth century,
the Fatimid-Tayyibi Indian religious leader and scholar Tahir Sayf al-Din composed
counsel poems in the Gujarati language with identical censures of the world and
injunctions to perform good deeds, attributing these teachings to Ali
96
. In the twenty-
rst century, the Nahj al-balagha is a required component in the Twelver-Shiite
seminary curriculum. Not only their highest-ranked clergy Khamenei and Sistani,
but all their preachers in Iran, Iraq, Lebanon and elsewhere, have studied it and
memorized sections, and they quote it in their own writings and sermons. And like the
few examples named above, many, many Muslim preachers of diverse afliations,
in distant parts of the Islamic world, and at different times echoed and continue
to echo Alis mode of persuasion, with urgently personalized reminders of human
mortality, couched in Arabian metaphors, framing injunctions to be conscious of God
and prepare for the imminent hereafter.
92
al-Jahshiyari, K. al-Wuzara, p. 82. Elsewhere Abd al- Hamids reply is reported as: I
memorized seventy sermons of Ali, and they owed and owed (Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I,
p. 44). For Abd al- Hamids epistles, see Abd al- Hamid, Abd al-Hamid ibn Yahya al-Katib wa-ma
tabaqqa min rasailih.
93
Ibn Taghribirdi, al-Nujum, vol. IV, p. 150, in the year 374 A.H. (985 C.E.) in his obituary notice
for Ibn Nubata; Ibn Abi l-Hadid, Sharh, vol. I, p. 24. For Ibn Nubatas sermons, see Ibn Nubata,
Sharh Khutab. Note that Ibn Nubata was a contemporary of the Nahjs compiler al-Radi, and perhaps
his teacher as well.
94
See al-Muayyad, al-Majalis, vol. I: majlis 13, p. 53, majlis 84, p. 411-412, majlis 11, pp. 43-
44; vol. II: majlis 1, p. 3; majlis 2, pp. 10-11.
95
Abduh, Introduction to his commentary on al-Radi, Nahj, pp. 22-23.
96
Sayf al-Din, Nasihat: Allah taala no hamd tu karje and Biradar tu nasihat sun.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.10
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 229-251
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
JUSTO DE URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092):
ESTUDIO DE SU TRADICIN MANUSCRITA, EDICIN CRTICA
Y TRADUCCIN
1
JUSTUS OF URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092):
STUDY OF HIS MANUSCRIPT TRADITION, CRITICAL EDITION
AND TRANSLATION
JOSE CARLOS MARTN
Universidad de Salamanca
SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLN
Universitat de Barcelona
1 Este artculo se inscribe en las lneas de investigacin de los proyectos FFI2009-09134,
SA261A11-1 y FFI2008-00948/FILO, as como del Grupo de Investigacin ATAEMHIS y del Gru-
po de Investigacin consolidado Glossarium Mediae Latinitatis Cataloniae, reconocido y nanciado
por la Generalitat de Catalua (2009SRG705).
Abreviaturas utilizadas: BHL = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina; CC CM = Corpus Christiano-
rum Continuatio Mediaevalis; CC SL = Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; CPL = E. Dekkers, A.
Gaar, Clavis Patrum Latinorum; CSEL = Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum; ICERV
= J. Vives, Inscripciones cristianas de la Espaa romana y visigoda; PL = J.P. Migne, Patrologia
Latina; PLS = A. Hamman, M.-L. Guillaumin, Patrologiae Latinae Supplementum.
Resumen: Este artculo contiene la prime-
ra edicin crtica del Sermo de s. Vincen-
tio (CPL 1092) de Justo de Urgel (s. VI).
Esta edicin ha sido elaborada a partir del
estudio de todos los manuscritos conser-
vados: Lrida, Archivo Capitular, Roda
35 y Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua
729-V y 729-VII. Se incluye asimismo
una traduccin del texto.
Palabras Clave: Hispania; visigodos; ho-
miltica; hagiografa; Jaume Pasqual.
Abstract: This paper offers the rst cri-
tical edition of Sermo de s. Vincentio
(CPL 1092) of Justus of Urgel (VIth
Century). This edition is based on the
study of all surviving manuscripts: L-
rida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 and
Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua 729-
V and 729-VII. Spanish translation is
added.
Keywords: Spain; Visigoths; homiletics;
hagiography; Jaume Pasqual.
SUMARIO
1. Justo de Urgel y el Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092). 2. La tradicin manuscrita. 3. Edi-
cin crtica. 4. Traduccin. 5. Apndice. 6. Bibliografa citada.
230 JOS CARLOS MARTN; SALVADOR IRANZO ABELLN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
1. JUSTO DE URGEL Y EL SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092)
Apenas se tienen noticias de la vida del obispo Justo de Urgel. Su ascensin
al episcopado de esta ciudad puede situarse entre los aos 517 y 531, mientras que su
muerte tuvo lugar con posterioridad al ao 546
2
.
Un poco ms de cincuenta aos despus del fallecimiento de este ilustre
prelado, Isidoro de Sevilla le dedic una de las entradas de su De uiris illustribus
(CPL 1206)
3
. En ella (cap. 21), el hispalense atribuye a este escritor una nica obra, un
comentario al Cantar de los Cantares, conocido hoy como Explicatio mystica in Can-
tica canticorum (CPL 1091) y transmitido en compaa de dos cartas, una al obispo
Sergio de Tarragona y otra a un dicono de nombre Justo
4
.
Sin embargo, la tradicin manuscrita ha conservado un segundo opsculo
bajo el nombre de este mismo autor: un sermn en honor del mrtir hispano Vicente
de Zaragoza
5
, vctima de las persecuciones del emperador Diocleciano (284-305).
Esta obrita acostumbra a citarse como Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092) y ha plantea-
do algunos problemas de paternidad
6
.
En efecto, Linage Conde ha propuesto como autor ms probable de esta
homila al hermano de Justo, el obispo Justiniano de Valencia, citado tambin por
Isidoro de Sevilla en su De uiris illustribus (cap. 20) como autor de un Liber respon-
sionum ad quemdam Rusticium de interrogatis quaestionibus de carcter catequtico-
doctrinal
7
. En contra de la atribucin de este escrito a Justo de Urgel seala Linage
Conde que en la Explicatio mystica in Cantica canticorum aqul se sirve de la versin
jeronimiana de las Sagradas Escrituras, mientras que en el sermn las citas bblicas
proceden de una Vetus Latina
8
. Asimismo, segn este estudioso, algunas expresiones
del texto, como gerimus, noster in ofcio y la referencia a la gubernatione de
la ciudad de Valencia, lugar de martirio del santo, llevan a pensar en el obispo de
esta ciudad como autor del sermn. A ello se sumara el hecho de que en el epitao
conservado de Justiniano de Valencia (ICERV 279) se conserva la noticia de que ste
honr las festividades de la iglesia predicando al pueblo, que escribi un gran nmero
de obras de utilidad para las generaciones venideras y sinti una especial veneracin
por san Vicente, lo que aade otro argumento en favor de atribuir al obispo valenciano
el sermn que nos ocupa
9
. De acuerdo con esto, la atribucin de esta obra a Justo de
2
Sobre este autor y su produccin escrita pueden consultarse los trabajos de J. Vilella, Los con-
cilios, pp. 22-27; y S. Iranzo Abelln, Justo de Urgel, en M.A. Andrs Sanz, et al., La Hispania,
pp. 60-63.
3
Edicin de C. Codoer, El De uiris illustribus, p. 145.
4
Edicin y estudio de estos textos en R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto dUrgell.
5
Vincentius diac. Caesaraugustanus m. Valentiae (BHL 8627-8655d).
6
Sobre esta homila, vase, adems del artculo de Iranzo Abelln citado en la n. 2: Z. Garca
Villada, Un sermn; B. de Gaifer, Sermons latins, esp. pp. 278-280; C. Garca Rodrguez, El culto,
pp. 273-274 y p. 277; F.J. Tovar Paz, Tractatus, p. 197; U. Domnguez del Val, Historia, pp. 331-332
y 349-350; V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 159-163.
7
A. Linage Conde, Tras las huellas, pp. 207-212. Favorable a la tesis de este estudioso se muestra
R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto dUrgell, pp. XI-XIII.
8
Seala, no obstante, la invalidez de este argumento R.E. Guglielmetti, Giusto dUrgell, p. XIII, n.
22 y pp. XVI-XVII, quien advierte sobre el uso en el comentario de Justo de Urgel tanto de la versin
jeronimiana de la Biblia como de la Vetus Latina.
9
Edicin y estudio de la inscripcin en J. Gmez Pallars, Posie pigraphique, pp. 143-148;
idem, Poesia epigrca, pp. 172-176. Los versos que aqu interesan son los v. 4-6 ornabit festa dic-
tis predicans in populis. / Virgines instituens monacosque guuernans, / scripsit plura posteris profu-
tura y los vv. 10-12: Hic Vincentium gloriosum martirem Christi / sat pio quem coluit moderamine
JUSTO DE URGEL, SERMO DE S. VINCENTIO (CPL 1092) 231
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Urgel por la tradicin manuscrita conocida se explicara fcilmente por la semejanza
entre los nombres de los dos hermanos: Justo y Justiniano.
Creemos, no obstante, que los argumentos aducidos contra la atribucin de
este sermn a Justo de Urgel son de carcter interpretativo y, en consecuencia, sub-
jetivo, y se enfrentan al hecho objetivo e incontrovertible de que los tres manuscritos
conocidos del sermn, dos de ellos perdidos, pero de los que existen copias, atribuyen
este opsculo al obispo de Urgel
10
. Por ello, y sin rechazar la posibilidad de que algn
da se descubran nuevos elementos que obliguen a cambiar la paternidad de esta ho-
mila, lo ms prudente es seguir rerindose a ella bajo el nombre de Justo de Urgel.
2. LA TRADICIN MANUSCRITA
La nica edicin existente se debe al erudito espaol J. Villanueva y data
de 1821
11
. La noticia que ste da de los manuscritos utilizados en la edicin es la
siguiente
12
:
Sermo Sancti Iusti Urgellensis episcopi in natale Sancti Vincentii mar-
tyris. Ex cod. lection. eccl. Rotens. MS. sec. XI. ineun.: tum ex binis
breviar. eccl. Cardon. sec. XII. MSS.
Una descripcin ms pormenorizada de estos ejemplares se lee al comienzo
del volumen de su Viage literario que incluye la edicin del texto, dice as
13
:
uiuens, / hunc deuotus moriens reliquid eredem. Estos ltimos versos se reeren tanto al mrtir
como a un monasterio consagrado a l, probablemente el que ms tarde habra de llamarse San Vi-
cente de la Roqueta, donde Justiniano habra sido abad, vase C. Garca Rodrguez, El culto, p. 261;
J. Corell, F. Grau, Lepita, en especial. pp. 15-16; J. Gmez Pallars, Lepita, p. 68 (quien sigue la
tesis de Corell y Grau). Otro estudio en V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 133-136.
10
Tambin M.C. Daz y Daz, Escritores, pp. 80-81, sigue creyendo que la atribucin del sermn
a Justo de Urgel es la ms probable.
11
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. X, pp. 219-221 (= PLS 4,237-238). Vase asimismo
R. Chabs, Episcopologio valentino, pp. 140-141, n. 20, donde se reproduce el texto de Villanueva.
Esta reproduccin se caracteriza, sin embargo, por diversas erratas y algunas correcciones a n de ob-
tener un latn ms cercano a los usos clsicos, como acceperad > acceperat o ipsis deseruientes
quibus consumi poterat elementis > ipsis deseruientibus quibus consumi poterat elementis (co-
rreccin, no obstante, que ya propone Villanueva en su edicin) y quodamodo > quodammodo.
12
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. X, p. 216.
13
Ibidem, pp. 12-13. Del leccionario de Roda se ocupa adems este mismo estudioso en su Via-
ge literario, vol. XV, pp. 173-175. Adems, a los dos breviarios de Cardona se reere asimismo
J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. XII, p. 93. Pero resulta desconcertante que un poco antes, en ese
mismo vol. XII, en las pp. 92-93, se reera a un leccionario del s. XIII que dice haber encontrado en
la biblioteca de Jaume Pasqual en Bellpuig de las Avellanas junto con los dos breviarios de Cardona:
leccionario fol. ms. saec. XIII, falto en muchas partes; pero por fortuna conserva el sermn de san
Vicente mrtir predicado por san Justo, obispo de Urgel, con el epgrafe entero. Este cdice, que fue
de la parroquia de Fors, dicesi de Tarragona, es ya el tercero en que he hallado esta obrita indita,
de que habl en los correos anteriores. Este cdice parece perdido, vase I.M. Puig Ferret, M.A.
Giner Molina, Index codicolgic, p. 44, n. 138 (referencia a la noticia del vol. XII de Villanueva), y
la seccin Concordana dels cdex conservats actualment (a cargo de J. Alturo Perucho, M.A. Giner
Molina), p. 157, n. 138, donde este ejemplar no es identicado con ningn manuscrito conocido. A.
Velasco Gonzlez, Jaume Pasqual, p. 91, n. 172, apunta la posibilidad de que este volumen llegase
a manos de Pasqual a travs de Ramn Rovira, rector de Fors, con quien aqul mantuvo correspon-
dencia.
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Mas yo puedo presentar a los eruditos otra obrilla de este doctor, indita
hasta ahora que yo sepa, y es un sermn predicado por l en la solemni-
dad de S. Vicente M.; el cual he hallado en dos cdices de estos archivos.
El primero es un breviario de la iglesia de Cardona, que hoy est en el
monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, adonde se lo llev y deposit el
P. D. Jaime Pascual, individuo de aquel monasterio. Est escrito a prin-
cipios del siglo XIII o a nes del anterior. Hllase en l el ocio propio de
S. Vicente M. tal cual lo tiene hoy mi orden de Predicadores; sino que las
seis primeras lecciones tienen este ttulo: Passio sancti Vincentii archi-
diaconi, et martyris Christi, edita a dompno Prudentio: Princ. Quoniam
nobilem beati Vincentii triumphum &c. La leccin VII es del evangelio,
la VIII y IX son del sermn sobredicho, con este ttulo: Sermo sancti Iusti
Urgellen. episcopi. Grande fue el gozo que tuve con este hallazgo y con
el de algunos fragmentos del mismo escrito que hall en algunas hojas
sueltas de otro breviario, donde igualmente se atribuye al mismo padre...,
cuyo lenguage en nada desdeca del que usaron los PP. de nuestra iglesia
goda. En este estado llegu a la iglesia de Roda en Aragn, donde entre
otras cosas preciosas de que hablar algn da dndolo Dios, conservan
un cdice santoral o leccionario fol. vit. MS. en carcter gtico cursivo,
lo ms tarde a principios del siglo XI, que solo contiene sermones en las
estas de nuestra Seora, actas de los mrtires primitivos, y de solos
tres confesores, es a saber, S. Bricio, S. Martn y S. Nicols. En este
libro pues, entre varios sermones para la esta de S. Vicente, titular de
la iglesia, se halla entero y mucho ms completo que en aquel breviario
el sobredicho sermn con este epgrafe: Sermo sancti Iusti, Urgellensis
episcopi, in natale sancti Vincentii martyris.
As pues, el principal testimonio que sirvi de base a la edicin de Villa-
nueva fue un santoral o leccionario de la iglesia de Roda de Isbena (Huesca) eje-
cutado en el s. XI. Adems de este leccionario, durante su viaje Villanueva encontr
dos breviarios que transmitan algunos pasajes del sermn de Justo de Urgel, uno de
ellos mutilado y del que no se conservaban ms que algunos folios sueltos. Como se
ha visto, en los prolegmenos de su edicin, Villanueva aade que los dos breviarios
procedan de Cardona y los fecha en el s. XII. Estos dos breviarios de la iglesia de Car-
dona, conservados en esos momentos en el monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas,
transmitan un ocio dedicado a san Vicente en el que se haban copiado en las leccio-
nes VIII y IX algunos pasajes del sermn de Justo de Urgel. Uno de estos breviarios,
al menos, recoga este ocio bajo el ttulo, segn Villanueva, de Sermo sancti Iusti
Vrgellen. Episcopi.
El cdice de Roda de Isbena, el nico conocido que transmita el texto
completo del sermn de san Vicente, se crey perdido durante largo tiempo. As, por
ejemplo, Daz y Daz, cuando elabor su famoso Index, no pudo identicarlo
14
. Esto
explica, sin duda, que durante los dos siglos que han pasado desde el descubrimiento
de Villanueva el sermn no se haya editado de nuevo. Sin embargo, este ejemplar
existe todava, es el actual Lrida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 (olim 18), un lecciona-
rio para el ciclo santoral fechado, en efecto, a nales del s. XI, que transmite el sermn
de Justo de Urgel en el f. 37ra-vb
15
.
14
M.C. Daz y Daz, Index, p. 5, n. 10: ed. ex lectionario eccl. Rodensis s. XI et duobus breviariis
ex Cardona quorum unus mutilus erat, alter in Bellpuig de les Avellanes adservabatur. codd. hos re-
cognoscere non valui. Tambin lo crea perdido A. Linage Conde, Tras las huellas, p. 209.
15
La identicacin se encuentra en I.M. Puig Ferret, M.A. Giner Molina, Index codicolgic,
p. 164, n. 512 (se debe a J. Alturo Perucho y M.A. Giner Molina). Sobre este manuscrito, vase J.-R.
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Este cdice recoge un amplio expediente dedicado a san Vicente mrtir en
los ff. 30r-41r, cuyos contenidos describimos a continuacin:
- ff. 30rb-34rb, Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8627-33, en concreto BHL 8628-
8631): Passio beatissim Vincentii leuite et martyris qui passus est in Valentia ciuitate
sub Daciano preside die XI k. februarii
16
;
- f. 34rb-va, Aimoin de Saint-Germain ( post 896), De translatione s. Vin-
centii martyris (BHL 8644-45), lib. 2,1-11: De miraculis sancti Vincentii martyris.
Quedam mulier iam diu occulis prececa cum adducta uenisset statim se ante sancti
reliquias Vincentii humo prosternit ac magnis disque precibus per beati martyris
preclara suffragia lumen sibi donari poposcit... his lacrimarum uocibus superna, que
non dormitat, ad miserendum (corr. en miserandum) excitata clementia continuo obti-
nendum magni agoniste precibus de parentis posse uidendi puelle restituit
17
;
- ff. 34vb-35va, Agustn de Hipona, Sermo 276 In festo martyris Vincentii,
III (CPL 284): Sermo beati Augustini episcopi de passione sancti Vincentii martyris.
In passione que nobis hodie recitata est, fratres karissimi, euidenter ostenditur iudex
ferox, tortor cruentus, martyr inuictus... sed in his et huiusmodi omnibus nichil est
aliud nisi preciosa semper in conspectu domini mors sanctorum eius, cui est honor et
imperium cum patre et spiritu sancto in secula seculorum. Amen;
- ff. 35va-37ra, Ps. Leandro de Sevilla, Sermo in natali s. Vincentii (CPL
1185) (= Ps. Agustn de Hipona, Sermones de sanctis, Sermo 188 In festo S. Vin-
centii [PL 39,2095-98]): Cunctorum licet dilectissimi gloriosas martyrum passiones
quos distincta regionibus loca meruerunt una des faciat omnibus indiscreto honore
uenerabiles... sciens quod de contemptu presentis uite gloria surgit beatitudinis eter-
ne, prestante domino nostro Ihu Xpo qui uiuit et regnat deus in secula seculorum.
Amen.
18
;
- f. 37ra-vb, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092);
- ff. 37vb-39rb, en un tipo de letra ms pequea y que parece de otra mano,
pero contempornea de la precedentte, otra versin de la Passio s. Vincentii (BHL
8627-33, en concreto BHL 8628-30), de la que slo se ha copiado el comienzo: Pas-
sio beati Vincentii leuite et mris Xpi, qui passus est in Valentia ciuitate sub Daciano
preside, XI kalendas febroarii. <P>robabile satis est ad gloriam Vincenti martyris
quod descriptis passionis ipsius gestis titulum inuidit inimicus. Vnde reddimus (corr. en
creddimus) de plena relationem gestorum que litterarum apicibus annotari iudex non
inmerito noluit quia uictum se erubescebat audiri. Naturalis siquidem prouidentia est
male errantium auferre de medio testimonum probitatis. Sed quoniam nobilem mar-
tyris triumphum noticie delium tradere disponimus, dignum est ut et generis ipsius
nobilitas breuiter intimetur. Extitit enim patre Euticio progenitus, qui fuit Aggressi
nobilissimi consulis lius. Mater uero eius Enola ex Osca urbe noscitur procreata...
Nam quos iubes deos conteri, idola sunt lignea et lapidea. Tu illorum testis tuque
Barriga Planas, El Manuscrit 18; J. Janini, Manuscritos litrgicos, pp. 149-150, n. 563; S. Zapke,
Sistemas, pp. 197 y 219; y M. Bernad, Leccionario, pp. 322-323.
16
Ed. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 186-226, quien no incluye, sin embargo, el presente ejemplar
entre los testimonios utilizados; vase ibidem, pp. 151-182, en esp. pp. 184-185 para la lista de los
ejemplares consultados con vistas a la edicin del texto. El manuscrito de Lrida transmite el pasaje
del cap. 25 ln. 257-261 que Saxer considera dudoso por faltar en los mejores manuscritos (vase
ibidem, p. 224).
17
Edicin. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 317-353 (estudio en las pp. 257-292).
18
Sobre esta obra, citada con frecuencia como el sermn Cunctorum, vase B. de Gaifer, Ser-
mons latins, pp. 280-286.
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mortuorum as mortuus pontifex. Ego quoque uni et uiuo sacrico deo, qui est bene-
dictus in secula
19
;
- f. 39v, dos lneas aadidas por una mano bastante ms tarda, Juan Beleth
( ca. 1182), Summa de ecclesiasticis ofciis, cap. 163 De festo beati martini. <D>e
beato Martino sciendum est quod dicitur par apostolis non pro suscitacione mortuo-
rum ut quidam pictant, cum idem alii martires fecerunt
20
;
- ff. 40r-41r
21
, Haimn de Auxerre, Homiliare seu Homiliae ad plebem in
euangelia de tempore et sanctis (ed. PL 118,11A-816B), hom. 4 De sancto Lauren-
tio martyre (PL 118,763B-765C): Hortaturos dominus discipulos ad martirium suae
passionis exemplum promisit...
22
.
En cuanto a los breviarios de la iglesia de Cardona conservados a comien-
zos del s. XIX en el monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas que transmitan diversos
pasajes del sermn de san Vicente de Justo de Urgel en las lecciones VIII y IX de un
ocio dedicado a este mrtir, stos siguen desaparecidos y quizs se hayan perdido
para siempre
23
. No obstante, en los once volmenes manuscritos del s. XVIII conocidos
como Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Monumenta, compilados por Jaume Pasqual y
custodiados en la actualidad en Barcelona, en la Biblioteca de Catalua, bajo la sig-
natura 729, se han conservado tres detalladas descripciones de lo que parecen ser dos
breviarios diferentes de Cardona que contenan el citado ocio de san Vicente
24
. Se
trata, en concreto, de los volmenes 729-V, ff. 22r-27r (esp. ff. 22v-23v) y ff. 34r-37v
(esp. ff. 34r-35v), y 729-VII, ff. 141r-161v (esp. ff. 144v-147r)
25
. Las tres noticias
19
Ed. de V. Saxer, Saint Vincent, pp. 300-315 (sin que el editor utilice el presente testimonio). El
texto del cdice de Lrida llega hasta el cap. 11 de esta edicin.
20
Ed. de H. Douteil, Iohannis Beleth.
21
Esta identicacin se basa en la descripcin de J.-R. Barriga Planas, El Manuscrit 18, p. 19,
porque no hemos llegado a ver esta parte del manuscrito.
22
Sobre este autor, vase R.E. Guglielmetti, Haimo Autissiodorensis mon., en esp. pp. 221-226
(sobre la presente obra, sin que se recoja el ms. de Lrida en el elenco de los cdices conservados); y
M.-H. Jullien (ed.), Clavis, pp. 266-360 (pp. 350-355 para la presente obra).
23
Fueron numerosas las vicisitudes que sufri la biblioteca de Bellpuig desde la disolucin de
la abada en el ao 1835. A la destruccin y prdida de parte de los fondos, se sum tambin su
dispersin. A este respecto, vase P. Freedman, F. Sabat, Jaume Caresmar, especialmente pp. 28-
33. Queremos dejar constacia aqu de nuestro agradecimiento a Robert Porta, director del archivo
del monasterio de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, y a Maite Pedrol, directora del Archivo Comarcal de
la Noguera (Balaguer, Lrida), pues nos informaron cumplidamente de que no existe rastro de los
breviarios en estos centros. Por desgracia, el libro de A. Velasco Gonzlez, Jaume Pasqual, no arroja
ms luz al respecto.
24
La pista que nos llev nalmente a la identicacin de estos manuscritos est en A. Linage
Conde, Tras las huellas, p. 207, n. 14: Es conocida la dispersin de los manuscritos de Bellpuig, y
sobre todo de las copias para all sacadas en el XVIII por los PP. Caresmar, Mart y Pasqual. Pero de
ste quedan muchas en la Biblioteca Central de Catalua, Ms. 729 (10 vol.), con ms de una trans-
cripcin de nuestro sermo, segn nos dice Anscari Mund.
25
Sobre estos once volmenes de Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua, 729-I a 729-XI, vase el
artculo sin nombre de autor Els manuscrits; y, sobre todo, X. Mir, Sacrae Cataloniae, un estudio in-
dito que contiene la mejor descripcin existente de los Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Monumenta,
disponible nicamente en la Sala de Reserva de la Biblioteca de Catalua y que descubrimos gracias
a la amabilidad de Anna Gudayol Torell, Jefe de la Seccin de Manuscritos de esa misma biblioteca,
a quien deseamos expresar aqu nuestro agradecimiento por la asistencia prestada durante nuestro
trabajo en la Biblioteca de Catalua; Inventari de manuscrits (pginas encuadernadas bajo este ttulo,
pero no se trata de una verdadera publicacin, es un manual de consulta de la Sala de Reserva de la
BC), pp. 279-280. Carece de inters la noticia recogida en la Gua de la Biblioteca Central, p. 83.
Desgraciadamente algunos de los volmenes que constituan los Sacrae antiquitatis Cataloniae Mo-
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reproducen los pasajes del sermn de san Vicente recogidos en el ocio consagrado
a este santo.
La primera de estas noticias, 729-V, ff. 22r-27r, es una carta de J. Pasqual al
cabildo de la iglesia de Urgel fechada en 1796
26
. Pasqual ingres en 1759 en el monas-
terio de Santa Mara de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, de cannigos regulares Premonstra-
tenses y dependiente del obispado de Urgel. All fue un asiduo colaborador de Jaume
Caresmar ( 1791), abad en dos perodos de Bellpuig de las Avellanas (1754-1757 y
1766-1769) y su maestro, en su labor de recuperar y conservar el patrimonio cultural
de Catalua. Fue abad de ese mismo cenobio de 1789 a 1792. Muri en 1804
27
. En
esta carta, adems de dar noticia del breviario perdido de Cardona, Pasqual copia
ntegramente en los ff. 24v-25r el texto del sermn de san Vicente de Justo de Urgel
conservado en el leccionario de Roda citado ms arriba.
Reproducimos a continuacin esta noticia, ff. 22v-23v:
/22v/ Sin embargo, el ao pasado de 83 hall yo en Cardona dos peque-
os trozos de un Sermon de San Justo, colocados en el rezo Ecclesiastico,
que manifestaban con evidencia haver conocido los antiguos otras obras
de nuestro Santo, y el aprecio que hacian de ellas. Este fue el principio de
mi descubrimiento, que me lleno de satisfaccion entonces, llegando ella a
su cumulo quando algunos aos despues, tuve la fortuna de hallar entero
el mismo Sermon en el archivo de la Santa Iglesia de Roda. El asunto
es de la mayor importancia, por lo que pide de suyo ser tratado con in-
dividualidad, escrupulosidad y detencion: y asi cono no le sera a V.S.
molesta la relacion exacta que voy a hacer del modo, y circunstancias que
ocurrieron en los dos lances insinuados.
Hallandome yo de proposito examinando los tres archivos de la antigua
Villa de Cardona, logr descubrir en el de los R. R. clerigos de la Parro-
quial Iglesia de S. Miguel dos antiguos Breviarios en pergamino, ambos
muy abultados, sin principio, ni n, y sin cubierta, de cosa de palmo de
alto, y poco mas de medio de ancho, que sin duda havian servido anti-
guamente al uso de aquella Iglesia. Uno de los dos (con todas las seas de
mas antiguo, pues parece escrito en el siglo XIII lo mas tarde) despues de
10 hojas, que contienen los psalmos, Rezo ferial, Letania de los Santos,
y el Kalendario (en el qual gran parte de los dias del anyo est sin San-
tos) se lee este titulo de letra colorada; no gotica, sino monacal, pero del
mismo tamanyo de la demas del libro==
In nomine Iesu-Christi. Incipit Breuiarium secundum ordinem Beati Ru-
phi compilatum quomodo unusquisque ad sacros promotus per totum an-
num tam diebus ferialibus quam festivis suum ofcium debeat celebrare.
Despues de 170 hojas en que se trata del rezo en las solemnidades de
los misterios, (no est el de Corpus Christi) Dominicas etc. sigue este
titulo igualmente de letra colorada: Festivitatum. In primis S. Stephani
protomar. etc.
numenta parecen haberse perdido si se tiene en cuenta la noticia de F. Martorell Trabal, Manuscrits,
que en las pp. 210-211 hace referencia a un volumen que no hemos podido localizar. De acuerdo con
P. Freedman, F. Sabat, Jaume Caresmar, p. 22, se habran perdido tres de estos volmenes, quedan-
do as reducidos de catorce a once.
26
Esta carta ha sido editada por P. Pujol Tubau, El serm.
27
Vase E. Corredera, La escuela, pp. 81-98; J. Mercader Riba, Historiadors, pp. 6-35; P. Freed-
man, F. Sabat, Jaume Caresmar (con bibliografa). Sobre J. Pasqual pueden consultarse asimismo
E. Corredera, Pascual, Jaime; E. Zaragoza Pascual, Pasqual i Coromines, Jaume; A. Velasco Gon-
zlez, Jaume Pasqual.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
Siguen luego los rezos del Apostol S. Juan, Inocentes, S. Thomas
Obispo, y martir, las Octavas, y los de los santos del mes de Enero, en
que se gastan 18 hojas, hasta llegar al dia de S. Vicente Martir, en que
todo el ocio es proprio, Invitatorio, Himnos, antifonas etc. (La Iglesia
Monasterial, hoy colegiata insigne secular, /23r/ matriz entonces de todas
las de Cardona, estaba, y es aun dedicada a S. Vicente) Las 6 liciones del
primero, y segundo Nocturno son todas sacadas de las actas del martirio
de S. Vicente; esto es de las publicadas por el P. M. Florez en el Tom.
8 de su Espaa Sagrada, con este titulo en la primera, de letra colorada:
Passio S. Vincentii Archid. et mart. X edita a Dompno Prudencio quae
celebratur XI. Kal. Februarii.
La VII Licion es Homilia de S. Geronimo Presbitero sobre el Evange-
lio = Amen amen dico vobis, nisi granum frumenti etc. = Granum fru-
menti se ipsum Dominus dicebat morticandum indelitate Judaeorum
etc. La Licion VIII (sin que se note ella) como en las demas, tiene este
titulo: Sermo S. Justi Vrgellen. Episcopi
y luego mediatamente:
Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe victorias, Fra-
tres karissimi nunquam silere, at tamen in die assumptionis ejus oportet
ubique predicare. Qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab omnibus christia-
nis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus, est tamen
nobis quadam vernula et gentili pietate cojunctus, eo quod sit noster ex
genere, noster ex de, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster in ofcio.
R. Gloriosus Dei amicus Vicentius inter tormentorum supplicia stetit im-
perterritus ac demum triumfali morte insignis etc.
Lectio VIIII. Hunc conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc gerimus in meritis.
Hunc urbs nostra protulit Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro totius orbis guber-
natione suscepit. O gloriosa mors quae ad tantam dirigit vitam. O vita
vivicans propter quam haec contemnitur vita. Hostendis Domine quem
admodum apud te vivant, in quibus ita vivis ut mori nec mortui possint.
Quos ita gloricas, ut etiam defuncti per te vivicare mortuos possint.
R. O quam gloriosum virum beatissimum Levitam etc. W. etc.
Imediatamente despues de este Responsorio proprio del martirio de S.
Vicente, como los demas, sigue = De letra colorada = (despues de Te
Deum) In laudibus A.
Es imponderable el consuelo que tuve con este inesperado hallazgo. Ime-
diatamente pas a comunicarlo con algunos amigos instruidos, para que
acompaandome en la satisfaccion me ayudasen a consultar los autores
antiguos, los de Bibliothecas, o en n las memorias ecclesiasticas que
nos quedan, por si pudiesemos hallar rastro de algun sermon de S. Justo
obispo de Urgel, siendo indubitable, en fuerza del Breviario de Cardona,
que nuestros mayores de la media edad conocieron, y tuvieron el de S.
Vicente Martir por obra genuina de nuestro Santo Pontice Justo, una vez
que no tuvieron reparo en darle lugar, baxo el respetable nombre del Santo
en el Breviario de una orden tan extendida y famosa como la de los Cano-
nigos Regulares de S. Rufo, /23v/ que en nuestra provincia tenia muchas,
y muy principales Iglesias, como la de S. Vicente de Cardona, S. Adrin
de Besos (en que profess y fue Prelado S. Olaguer Obispo de Barce-
lona, y Arzobispo de Tarragona), S. Maria de Besal, S. Maria de Terraza,
S. Miguel de Escornalbou, S. Rufo de Lerida etc., y a mas, las Iglesias
Cathedrales de Vique, Tortosa, y la Metropolitana de Tarragona, para las
quales, y demas de aquella orden, se form el Breviario. Hicieronse con
actividad las diligencias en varios archivos, pero todas en vano, a pesar de
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
las fundadas esperanzas que nos prometia lo reducido de las dos liciones,
que obligaba a mirarlas como pequeas ramas, cortadas de arbol entero,
a mayor, quiero decir, de los Leccionarios de Choro, en que se daban con
toda extension, segun la practica constante de las Iglesias en los tiempos
antiguos, manifestada en el nombre mismo de Breviario.
En la misma carta, un poco ms adelante, Pasqual vuelve a facilitar la fecha
en la que localiz los dos pequeos trozos del sermn de Justo de Urgel e incluso in-
dica el ao en que descubri el texto completo en el cdice de Roda (1789):
/f. 24r/ Entre estas, y otras dicultades, que resultaban de los dos frag-
mentos de aquel Sermon, uctu desde el anyo de 83 hasta el de 89, en
que haviendome nombrado el Cabildo de la Sta Iglesia de Roda Comis-
ionado, juntam
te
. con el Dr. Dn. Fran
co
. Periz, Doctoral de la misma, para
tratar amigablemente con el Cabildo de Lerida sobre los derechos de con-
cathedralidad que pretendia poner en claro la de Roda, tuve proporcion
para examinar, mas de espacio, que otras dos veces, el precioso archivo
(aunque en extremo desarreglado) de esta Sta Iglesia, en los 5 meses que
dur la comisin.
Las otras dos descripciones de un breviario de Cardona tambin del s. XIII
con este mismo ocio de san Vicente son sendas cartas sin nombre de remitente ni
de destinatario y carentes asimismo de datacin, copiadas en los Sacrae antiquitatis
Cataloniae Monumenta, 729-V, ff. 34r-37v y 729-VII, ff. 141r-161v. En la primera
de ellas, el autor dice ser un con-cannigo de Jaume Caresmar, ms. 729-V, f. 36v
28
:
Coneso Illmo. S
or
. que nunca tom por mi asunto la Biblioteca Catalana,
por saber que lo era de un con-canonigo mo, el D
or
. D. Jayme Caresmar,
y as aunque he visto y manejado innidad de codices cuya observacion
podia ser util a aquella idea, he pasado comunmente de corrida por ellos,
aunque a menudo daba con nombres de autores desconocidos por m,
contentandome con notarlos senzillamente.
Por otro lado, el hecho de que se mencione a Miguel Llisterri al comienzo
de la carta, permite fechar sta con anterioridad a la muerte de este erudito, acaecida
el 5 de mayo de 1789
29
, ms. 729-V, f. 34r:
Dueo y muy Sr. mio: al paso que devo estar sumamente agradecido al
Amigo Fr. Miguel Llisterri por haver sido causa que V. S. I. se dignase
honrarme con su carta, me es muy sensible no poder llenar las esperanzas
que hizo concebir a V. S. I. aquel Religioso, asegurando tener yo notados
varios escritos y autores de espaoles de que no hace mencion D. Nicolas
Antonio en su Bibliot. Hisp. Vetus. Olvidaria sin duda aquel mi amigo de
lo que le escrivi cosa de tres aos hace; esto es: que se me havia traspape-
lado u perdido un quaderno que tenia recogido de observaciones sobre la
Bibliot. de D. Nicols Antonio junto con otro de memorias que me hava
prestado el referido Fr. Llisterri, a no ser que pensase haver yo recobrado
mi quaderno de la misma manera que el suyo.
Adems, dada la estrecha relacin de M. Llisterri con Rafael Lasala y Loce-
la, obispo de Solsona (1773-1792) y antes de eso obispo auxiliar de Valencia (1767-
1770) y gobernador eclesistico de esa misma dicesis (1770-1772), hombre de letras
28
Esta primera carta est copiada, segn parece, de forma incompleta.
29
Vase J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. IX, pp. 40-41.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
y amante de la Antigedad, podra hacer suponer que fue l el destinatario de esta
misiva
30
.
Sea como fuere, este cannigo regular de Bellpuig de las Avellanas, autor
de la carta conservada en el ms. 729-V, ff. 34r-37v, es, sin duda, asimismo el autor de
la segunda carta citada, redactada en esta ocasin en cataln (ms. 729-VII, ff. 141r-
161v). As lo prueba, a nuestro juicio, la estrecha semejanza existente entre las dos
descripciones ofrecidas del breviario de Cardona, que coinciden con frecuencia lite-
ralmente en sus expresiones. Veamos algunos ejemplos:
30
Sobre la relacin entre M. Llisterri y R. Lasala, vase J. Villanueva, Viage literario, vol. IX,
p. 40. Sobre R. Lasala, vase adems A. Manrique, Lasala y Locela, Rafael; V. Len Navarro, Rafael
Lasala; y E. Bartrina, Lasala i Locela, Rafael.
a)
ms. 729-V, f. 34r: En un rincn del
archivo de la Iglesia Parroquial de San
Miguel de la Villa de Cardona, o de la
Comunidad de Presbiteros de ella ha-
ll un Breviario sin cubiertas y medio
carcomido que segun todas las seas
fue peculiar del Monasterio de Cano-
nigos Regulares de S. Vicente, ahora
Colegiata secular de la misma villa de
Cardona.
ms. 729-VII, f. 144v: Despues de
las noticias que acabo de donarli del
insigne Martirologi Serratexense no
li desagradaran a V. M. las que li vull
comunicar tambe tretas del Breviari de
Cardona, o es de aquell llibre ranci y
mal carat que trob en un rac del Ar-
xiu de la Rev. Comunitat de Preveres
de la Iglesia Parrochial de S. Miguel
de la dita Vila.
b)
ms. 729-V, f. 34v: Como el glorioso
martir S. Vicente era y es en el dia el
Patrono y Titular de la Iglesia Monas-
terial, rezaban de el con octava y of-
cio proprio
de manera que
Asi las antifonas
como las liciones eran proprias del
Santo. El Invitatorio era: Laudemus
Christum Regem martirum qui Beatum
Levitam Vincentium sui nominis con-
fessorem hodie suscepit in gloria felici-
ter triumfantem. Venite adoremus etc.
Siguen las tres antifonas proprias del
primer Nocturno y luego: Passio sancti
Vincentii Archidiaconi edita a dompno
Prudentio, que celebratur .XI. Kal. Fe-
bruarii.
ms. 729-VII, f. 146r: En lo die de eix
glorios sant (que celebraba la Iglesia
de Cardona ab octava) son proprias
totas las antifonas y llions. Comen
aixis: Invitatorium. Laudemus Chris-
tum Regem martirum qui beatum Le-
vitam Vincentium sui nominis confe-
sorem hodie suscepit in gloria feliciter
triumfantem. Venite. Despues de las
tres antifonas proprias del 1. Nocturno
diu: Passio sancti Vincentii Archidia-
coni et martiris Christi edita a dompno
Prudentio que celebratur XI kals. Fe-
bruarii.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
A la semejanza de la descripcin se aade el hecho de que las versiones de
los pasajes del sermn de san Vicente reproducidas en estas dos cartas son idnticas y
contienen variantes propias que distinguen este cdice del mencionado por J. Pasqual
en la carta que dirigi al cabildo de la iglesia de Urgel. stas se encuentran en la lec-
cin VIIII. Reproducimos a continuacin el texto de esta leccin en las versiones de
J. Pasqual (ms. 729-V, ff. 22r-27r) y del annimo autor de estas cartas (ms. 729-VII,
ff. 141r-161v):
c)
ms. 729-V, f. 35r: Lec. II. A quo et
sanctitate insignis Diachonii artem
suscepit etc. Lec III. Igitur cum apud
Cesaraugustanam Civitatem etc. Si-
guen las antifonas propias del segundo
Nocturno y luego: Lec. IIII. Ecce iam
in sublime agor et ipsos principes tuos
etc. Lec. V. Cum tam crudeliter sevit
Christi servum etc. Lec. VI. Sanctus
Vincentius denuo subridens ait etc.
Despues se continuan las antifonas
proprias del tercer Nocturno, conclui-
das las quales, sin titulo alguno dice: In
illo tempore dixit Iesus Discipulis suis,
secundum
sic
Ioannem, amen amen dico
vobis, nisi granum frumenti cadens in
terram mortuum fuerit ipsum solum
manet etc. Omilia B. Iheronimi Pbri.
granum frumenti etc.
ms. 729-VII, f. 146v: Lec. II - A quo
et sanctitate insignis diachonii autem
ar-
tem
suscepit etc. Lec. III - Igitur cum
apud Cesaraugustanam Ciuitatem etc.
Lec. IIII - Ecce iam in sublime agor et
ipsos principes tuos etc. Lec. V - Cum
tam crudeliter sevit. Christi servum etc.
Lec. VI. Sanctus Vincentius denuo su-
bridens ait etc. Despues se segueixen
las antifonas proprias del tercer Noc-
turno y luego sens titol diu: In illo tem-
pore dixit Iesus Discipulis suis (secun-
dum Ioannem) Amen amen dico vobis,
nisi granum frumenti cadens in terram
mortuum fuerit, ipsum solum manet
etc. Omilia B. Iheronimi Pbri. granum
frumenti etc.
729-V, f. 23r: Lectio VIIII. Hunc
conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc geri-
mus in meritis. Hunc urbs nostra protu-
lit. Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro totius
orbis gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa
mors quae ad tantam dirigit vitam. O
vita vivicans propter quam haec con-
temnitur vita. Hostendis Domine quem
admodum apud te vivant, in quibus ita
vivis ut mori nec mortui possint. Quos
ita gloricas, ut etiam defuncti per te
vivicare mortuos possint.
729-VII, f. 146v: Lec. VIIII. Hunc
conspiscimus in vestimentis, hunc
gerimus in meritis. Hunc urbs nostra
protulit. Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro
totius orbis gubernatione suscepit. O
gloriosa mors que ad tantam dirigit vi-
tam. O vita vivicans propter quam hec
contempnitur vita. Hostendisti, Domi-
ne, quemadmodum apud te vivant in
quibus ita vivis ut mori nec in ortum
possint. Quos ita gloricas ut etiam de-
functi per te vivicare in ortum possint.
Rs.
Este segundo breviario de la iglesia de San Miguel de Cardona estaba sin
cubiertas y medio carcomido (ms. 729-V, f. 34r) y podra ser el cdice al que perte-
necan las hojas sueltas halladas por Villanueva varias aos despus en Bellpuig de
las Avellanas.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
La descripcin completa que ofrece el autor de la carta del ms. 729-V, ff.
34r-35v (= ms. 729-VII, ff. 144v-146v), es la siguiente:
/34r/ Illmo. Seor.
Dueo y muy Sr. mio: al paso que devo estar sumamente agradecido al
Amigo Fr. Miguel Llisterri por haver sido causa que V. S. I. se dignase
honrarme con su carta, me es muy sensible no poder llenar las esperanzas
que hizo concebir a V. S. I. aquel Religioso, asegurando tener yo notados
varios escritos y autores de espaoles de que no hace mencion D. Nicolas
Antonio en su Bibliot. Hisp. Vetus. Olvidaria sin duda aquel mi amigo de
lo que le escrivi cosa de tres aos hace; esto es: que se me havia traspape-
lado u perdido un quaderno que tenia recogido de observaciones sobre la
Bibliot. de D. Nicols Antonio junto con otro de memorias que me havia
prestado el referido Fr. Llisterri, a no ser que pensase haver yo recobrado
mi quaderno, de la misma manera que el suyo. Pero no sucedi asi I. S.;
mis notas no han comparecido, por mas que las he buscado, y con esto
tengo la pena de no poder servir a V. S. I. enviandole mi quaderno, como
lo huviera executado sin dilacion.
Es verdad que desde entonces comuniqu al dicho mi amigo el descu-
brimiento que hice en Cardona de una obra de nuestro S. Justo obispo de
Urgel, absolutamente desconocida, no solo de D. Nicols Antonio, pero
de quantos han tratado de nuestros Padres espaoles que yo sepa, pero
aunque no es despreciable la noticia, no da ella bastante fundamento a
la proposicin de mi Amigo. Sin embargo, as porque creo no disgustar
ella a V. S. I., como porque puedo comunicarla con individualidad y ex-
actitud, voy a comunicarla aqu.
En un rincn del archivo de la Iglesia Parroquial de San Miguel de la
Villa de Cardona, o de la Comunidad de Presbiteros de ella hall un Bre-
viario sin cubiertas y medio carcomido que segun todas las seas fue
peculiar del Monasterio de Canonigos Regulares de S. Vicente, ahora
Colegiata secular de la misma villa de Cardona, de la que era miembro
la de San Miguel, y con eso usarian del mismo Breviario los ministros
de esta. Los Canonigos de Cardona eran de la Congregacion /34v/ de S.
Rufo, y por eso, despues de el Calendario se lee as: In nomine I. Christi.
Incipit Breviarium secundum ordinem S. Ruphi compilatum, quomodo
unusquisque ad sacros promotus per totum annum tam diebus ferialibus
quam festivis suum ofcium debeat celebrare. Hice juicio por la letra y
otras circunstancias haverse escrito aquel Breviario en el siglo XIII por
lo menos, en el cuerpo de l no se halla mencin de la Fiesta del Corpus
Christi, antes en el lugar a que corresponda, o despues de la Fiesta de la
S
ma
. Trinidad, se pone esta rubrica: In tota ista ebdomada cotidie cantatur
et legitur totum de Trinitate, y luego siguen las Dominicas
post Pent
despues
de Pentecostes, el rezo propio del Corpus se halla despues de los Co-
munes y de letra diferente, sea evidente de
lo que arguye
haverse escrito antes
de la extension de la solemnidad del S
mo
. S.
Como el glorioso martir S. Vicente era y es en el dia el Patrono y Titular
de la Iglesia Monasterial, rezaban de el con octava y ofcio proprio
de manera
que
Asi las antifonas como las liciones eran proprias del Santo. El Invi-
tatorio era: Laudemus Christum regem martirum qui Beatum Levitam
Vincentium sui nominis confessorem hodie suscepit in gloria feliciter
triumfantem. Venite adoremus etc.
Siguen las tres antifonas proprias del primer Nocturno y luego: Pas-
sio sancti Vincentii Archidiaconi edita a dompno Prudentio, que cele-
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
bratur .XI. Kal. Februarii. Qum
sic
nobilem B. Vincentii triumphum
noticie delium tradere disposuimus, dignum est ut generis ipsius
nobilitatem inmitemus
sic
. Extitit enim patre Euticio progenitus, qui
fuit Agressi nobilissimi consulis lius. Mater vero eius Enola ex Osca
urbe noscitur procreata. Hic a pueritia studiis literarum traditus, su-
perna providente clementia, que sibi eum previdebat vas eleccionis
futurum, gemina scientia sub Valerio Cesaraguste
sic
antistite efcacis-
sime claruit. Rs. /35r/
Lec. II. A quo et sanctitate insignis Diachonii artem suscepit etc.
Lec III. Igitur cum apud Cesaraugustanam Civitatem etc. Siguen las
antifonas propias del segundo Nocturno y luego: Lec. IIII. Ecce iam
in sublime agor et ipsos principes tuos etc. Lec. V. Cum tam crudeliter
sevit Christi servum etc. Lec. VI. Sanctus Vincentius denuo subridens
ait etc.
Despues se continuan las antifonas proprias del tercer Nocturno, con-
cluidas las quales, sin titulo alguno dice: In illo tempore dixit Iesus Dis-
cipulis suis, secundum
sic
Ioannem, amen amen dico vobis, nisi granum
frumenti cadens in terram mortuum fuerit ipsum solum manet etc. Omilia
B. Iheronimi Pbri. granum frumenti etc.
Imediatamente: Lec. VIII. Sermo sancti Iusti Vrgellensis episcopi (letra
colorada). Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe victo-
rias, fratres karissimi, nunquam silere at tamen in die assumptionis eius
oportet ubique predicare, qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab omnibus
Christianis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus
est tamen nobis quadam vernula et gentili pietate coniunctus eo quod sit
noster ex genere, noster ex de, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster
in ofcio. Rs.
Lec. VIIII. Hunc conspicimus in vestimentis, hunc gerimus in meri-
tis. Hunc urbs nostra protulit. Hunc celestis Ierusalem pro totius orbis
gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa mors que ad tantam dirigit vitam. O
vita vivicans, propter quam hec contempnitur vita. Hostendisti Domine
quemadmodum apud te vivant in quibus ita vivis ut mori nec in ortum
possint quos ita gloricas ut etiam defuncti per te vivicare in ortum
possint. Rs.
Estas dos ultimas liciones
del rezo de S. Vicente
o esos dos pasages del sermon
del S
to
. martir trabajado por S. Justo obispo de Urgel, nos aseguran que
en el tiempo de la formacion del Breviario Cardonense no era sola la
obra sobre los Cantares la conocida por de S. Justo obispo de Urgel
x

(en el margen se aade:
x
como en nuestros dias). V. S. I. sabr dar a la
noticia aquella estimacion que se merece, y atinar la fuerza de aquella
expresion sobre la patria de S. Vicente en boca de S. Justo: Hunc urbs
nostra protulit; /35v/ y no menos la de: eo quod sit noster ex genere, esto,
sin hablar del autor de las actas, o pasion del S
to
. martir: edita a Dompno
Prudencio. Si esas preciosidades merecen la atencion de V. S. I. podre yo
regocijarme nuevamente del hallazgo.
A juzgar por el contenido de ambas cartas annimas, su autor (un con-can-
nigo de J. Caresmar) bien pudo ser el propio Jaume Pasqual.
Por ltimo, para concluir con las noticias referentes a los breviarios, al
margen de los textos citados del manuscrito 729, la Biblioteca de Catalua con-
serva con la signatura Ms. 9253/3 una carta original del propio Pasqual escrita el
26 de agosto de 1786 desde el monasterio de las Avellanas. En ella el erudito de
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Bellpuig menciona explcitamente que tiene en su poder el Breviario de la Iglesia
de San Miguel de Cardona
31
:
/2r/ Luego que puga comodam
t
. penso posarme a extractar lo Breviari
que tinch de la Iglesia de St Miquel de Cardona, y l missal antich que
tinch de V.M.; de que penso traurer no pocas noticias curiosas. A son
temps ja li participar las resultas, ajundant Deu. It. Vale.
3. EDICIN CRTICA
Estudiada la tradicin manuscrita del Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092) de
Justo de Urgel, proponemos a continuacin una nueva edicin de esta obra, para la
que se tendrn en cuenta todos los ejemplares indicados en este trabajo, si bien la base
de sta ser el cdice de Roda del s. XI
32
:
C = Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua, 729-V, f. 35 (= 729-VII, f. 146v), s.
XVIII (copia de un breviario de Cardona de los ss. XII-XIII descrito por un con-canni-
go de J. Caresmar, probablemente el propio J. Pasqual)
P = Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua, 729-V, f. 23r, s. XVIII (copia de un
breviario de Cardona de los ss. XII-XIII descrito por J. Pasqual)
R = Lrida, Archivo Capitular, Roda 35 (olim 18), f. 37ra-vb, s. XI (leccio-
nario de Roda base de la edicin de J. Villanueva)
31
La reciente obra de A. Velasco Gonzlez, Jaume Pasqual, p. 53, n. 65, informa de que en
abril del 2009 la Lliberia Antiquria Delstres de Barcelona puso a la venta esta carta de Pasqual.
No obstante, no seala que la misiva fue adquirida por la Biblioteca de Catalua, donde se conserva
actualmente con la signatura 9253/3. Hemos podido localizarla gracias a una indicacin del propio
Alberto Velasco Gonzlez y a la ayuda de Anna Gudayol. El documento no solo menciona el Bre-
viario de San Miguel y un misal, sino tambin el Martirologio de Serrateix y la carta de poblacin
de Cardona. Dado que se trata de un texto indito, hemos credo oportuno ofrecer una transcripcin
al nal de este trabajo.
32
Transcribimos todas las e del manuscrito R por e.
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5
10
15
20
Sermo sancti Iusti Vrgellensis episcopi in natale sancti Vincentii
Gloriosissimi Vincentii martiris disseminatas toto orbe uictorias, fratres
karissimi, ad profectum ecclesie nunquam silere, attamen in die assumptionis eius
oportet, adiuuante domino, uberius predicare. Qui licet precipuus Christi amicus ab
omnibus christianis cum reliquis martiribus pro sancta sit confessione colendus, est
tamen nobis uernula quadam et gentili pietate coniunctus, eo quod sit noster ex
genere, noster ex de, noster in stola, noster in gloria, noster in ofcio, noster in
tumulo, noster in patrocinio. Hunc conspicimus in uestimentis, hunc gerimus in
meritis. Hunc urbs nostra protulit, hunc celestis Iherusalem non solum pro huius
urbis, sed etiam pro totius orbis gubernatione suscepit. O gloriosa mors, que ad
tantam dirigit uitam! O uita uiuicans, propter quam hec contempnitur uita!
Ostendisti, domine, quemadmodum apud te uiuant in quibus ita uiuis ut mori nec
mortui possint, quosque ita gloricas ut etiam defuncti per te uiuicare mortuos
possint. Ecce quomodo triumphant qui te confesso mortem exceperunt ut te
inuocato mortem expellant, nec tantum hanc, quae ex pena illata est, mortem
corporum, quantum illam, quae ex peccato uenit, animarum. Nichil impossibile tuis
per te, quibus summum posse est. Tu es qui eos et inuictos effecisti ut uincerent et
uictores suscepisti ut tecum in perpetuum regnent.
Videte, fratres, et ammiramini sanctissimi martiris mirabile initium et
gloriosissimum nem. Cum suo duce processit in prelio nec expectato duce prior
arma iecit in aduersarios. Sciebat enim scriptum: Regnum celorum uim patitur et uiolenti
diripiunt illum. Acceperad etiam in corde suo illum spiritualem ignem, de quo
dominus dixit: Ignem ueni mittere in terram et quid uolo nisi ut ardeat? Non difsus de
9 celestis Iherusalem: cf. Hebr. 12,22 13-14 per possint: cfr Ioh. 5,21; Rom. 4,17
21-22 regnum illum
1
: Matth. 11,12 23 ignem ardeat: Luc. 12,49
6-8 noster patrocinio: cf. Prud. perist. 4,97-104 11 uita uiuicans: Aug. c. Maximin.
2,23,7 lin. 301-2 || propter uita
2
: Aug. nat. et grat. 70,84 15-16 mortem
1
animarum: Aug.
pecc. mer. 1,2,2
Traditio textus: C (usque ad lin. 14 possint) P (usque ad lin. 14 possint) R
1 urgellensis C P Villanueva, urgell [] tantum legitur in R || in uincentii om. C P 2
uincentii: uincenti P || disseminatas: dissemitas R
1
3 ad ecclesie om. C P 4 adiuuante
domino om. C P || uberius: ubique C P 5 sit om. R
1
6 uernula quadam: quadam uernula C
P 7-8 noster
5
patrocinio om. C P 9 iherusalem: ierusalem C P 9-10 non etiam om. C
P 11 contempnitur: contemnitur P 12 ostendisti: hostendisti C, ostendis P 13 mortui: in
ortum C || quosque: quos C P || mortuos: in ortum C 22 illum
1
: illud Villanueva || acceperad:
acceper R
1

ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
25
30
35
40
45
uictoria, festinauit ad pugnam. Ferebat enim arma non carnalia, sed potentia deo.
Habebat enim gladium spiritus, quod est uerbum dei. Loricam spei et galeam salutis
assumpserat. Gestabat etiam scutum dei, in quo posset omnia nequissima diaboli tela
extinguere. Talibus munitus armis processit ad prelium et nouo genere uicit, quia nouo
ordine dimicauit. Et cum soleat in certamine grauiter quisque percussus uirtute
minui, hic plagis suis magis magisque confortatus est. Et quotienscumque percussus,
totiens contra aduersarium uehementior est effectus, donec eum suis uulneribus
sauciaret suaque morte prosterneret. O felix anima, que tantis corporis sui
cruciatibus uinci non potuit, quae ad suum conditorem corpore occiso extimplo
uictor perrexit!
Sed nec in ipso corpore, quantum uolebat, preualere permissus est inimicus.
Proiecit quidem illud feris et uolatilibus deuorandum, sed ipsis, quibus membra
carpenda proiecta sunt, ab ipsis obsequia iniuncta, deleta non sunt. Inmutata est
natura ferox in bestiis rationis ignaris. Que utinam mutaretur in hominibus pessimis!
Lupus reexa ceruice ieiunus regreditur, coruus siccis faucibus perseuerat et adhuc
diabolus comenta crudelitatis excogitat. Mergi mandat in uctibus, quem in terris
superare non ualuit. Sed numquid qui omnia creauit, ubique adesse non potuit?
Ecce mergitur, nec demergitur. Precipitatur in equore et ipsis deseruientes, quibus
consumi poterat, elementis tumulatur in littore.
Quis non resuscitandum credat in gloria, qui tanta protegitur gloria? Quis non
gloriosum auertat spiritum, cuius tam gloriose defensari conspicit corpus
exanimatum? Que omnia in profectibus suis precessisse leta nunc credat et
ueneretur ecclesia. Renascatur quodamodo in eius meritis quae eum genuit
spiritualibus sacramentis et eius prociat precibus, pro cuius est perornata uirtutibus,
per Ihesum Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.
24 arma deo: II Cor. 10,4 25 gladium dei ... galeam salutis: Eph. 6,17 || loricam
salutis: I Thess. 5,8 26-27 scutum extinguere: Eph. 6,16 40 qui creauit: cfr Eccli. 18,1;
Eph. 3,9; Hebr. 3,4
31-32 tantis potuit: Aug. cur. mort. 8,10 35 proiecit deuorandum: Pass. s. Vincent.
(BHL 8627-33) 21 35-38 sed perseuerat: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8627-33) 22 38 reexa
ceruice: cfr Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 22 39-40 mergi ualuit: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL
8628-31) 23 lin. 220 + 225 41 ecce demergitur: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 24 lin.
240-1 + 25 lin. 246-7 41-42 precipitatur littore: Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) 25 43-45
quis
1
exanimatum: Aug. serm. 276,3
Traditio textus: R
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4. TRADUCCIN
33
Sermn de san Justo, obispo de Urgel, para la festividad de san Vicente.
En benecio de la iglesia no deben silenciarse nunca, queridsimos her-
manos, las victorias del gloriossimo mrtir Vicente, conocidas en todo el orbe, no
obstante, con la ayuda del Seor, deben predicarse en mayor medida en el da de su
muerte. Aunque este amigo especial de Cristo ha de ser venerado por todos los cristia-
nos en compaa de los restantes mrtires por la santa confesin de su fe, no obstante,
est unido a nosotros por una especie de amor que nace de un mismo origen y linaje,
pues es nuestro por su progenie, es nuestro por su fe, es nuestro en su estola, es nues-
tro en su gloria, es nuestro en su ministerio, es nuestro en su sepulcro, es nuestro en
su patrocinio
34
. Lo recordamos en sus ropajes, lo celebramos en sus mritos. Nuestra
ciudad lo produjo
35
y la Jerusaln celeste lo acogi no slo para que rigiese esta ciu-
dad, sino todo el orbe. Oh muerte gloriosa que conduce a tan alta vida! Oh vida vi-
vicadora por la que se desprecia esta vida! Has mostrado, Seor, de qu modo viven
junto a ti aquellos en quienes vives de tal modo que ni siquiera muertos pueden morir
y a quienes gloricas de tal modo que, incluso habiendo fallecido, pueden gracias a ti
dar vida a los muertos. He ah que aquellos que, por confesarte, padecieron la muerte
triunfan de tal modo que, tras invocarte, alejan de s la muerte, y no slo la muerte de
los cuerpos, que es debida a la pena sufrida, sino tambin la de las almas, que procede
del pecado. Nada es imposible por tu mediacin a los tuyos, que disfrutan del mayor
poder. T eres quien hiciste que resultasen invictos para que venciesen y quien los
acogiste como vencedores para que reinasen contigo por siempre.
Ved, hermanos, y admirad el extraordinario inicio y el gloriossimo n de
este santsimo mrtir. Se present en el combate en compaa de su general y arroj
el primero sus armas sobre los adversarios, sin aguardar las rdenes de su general.
Saba, en efecto, que est escrito: El reino de los cielos sufre violencia y los violentos
lo arrasan. Haba acogido adems en su corazn ese fuego espiritual del que dijo el
Seor: He venido a traer el fuego sobre la tierra, as que qu otra cosa puedo querer,
sino que sta arda? Sin desconar de la victoria, se apresur a la lucha. Llevaba, en
efecto, armas no carnales, sino poderosas en Dios. Tena, en efecto, la espada espiri-
tual, que es la palabra de Dios. Se haba puesto la coraza de la esperanza y el casco
de la salvacin. Sujetaba tambin el escudo de la fe, con el que poda apagar todos los
abominables dardos del diablo. Protegido por tales armas avanz a combatir y venci
de un modo nuevo, pues luch de una forma nueva. Y aunque todo el que es golpeado
gravemente en la batalla acostumbra a ver disminuido su valor, ste adquiri ms y
ms bro por sus heridas. Y cuantas veces fue golpeado, otras tantas veces mostr un
mayor ardor contra el adversario hasta abatirlo con sus propias heridas y doblegarlo
con su propia muerte. Oh alma dichosa, que no pudo ser vencida por las contusiones
tan graves de su cuerpo, que, tras la muerte de su cuerpo, de inmediato se dirigi ven-
cedora en busca de su creador!
33
Existe una traduccin catalana, obra de J. Fbregas en A. Pladevall, et al., Escrits, pp. 211-213.
34
Probablemente todas estas expresiones no hacen ms que desarrollar la expresin precedente
est tamen nobis uernula quadam et gentili pietate coniunctus, recogida de nuevo al comienzo de
estas repeticiones retricas: noster ex genere. Segn esta interpretacin, el adjetivo noster no se
referira, en consecuencia, a ninguna ciudad en concreto, sino al origen hispnico del santo, y opone
el culto que le debe la iglesia de Hispania frente al de la iglesia universal, al que se alude al comienzo
del sermn. Esta interpretacin solventa fcilmente los problemas planteados por estas lneas a los
estudiosos.
35
Esto es: lo convirti en mrtir.
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Pero ni siquiera se permiti al enemigo llevar a cabo sobre el cuerpo de
aqul todo lo que deseaba. En efecto, lo arroj a las eras y las aves para ser devorado,
pero aquellos a quienes se arrojaron sus miembros para que los destrozasen, mostrn-
doles sus respetos, no los mancillaron
36
. En las bestias carentes de razn se mud su
naturaleza feroz. Ojal pudiese cambiarse sta en los hombres malvados! Un lobo
se retira en ayunas tras volver su cuello, un cuervo se mantiene all a su lado, pese a
tener seca la garganta, y el diablo trama ya nuevas crueldades. Manda que sea sumer-
gido en las aguas aquel a quien no pudo derrotar en tierra. Pero acaso aquel que cre
todo lo que existe no pudo estar en todas partes? He ah que es arrojado al agua, pero
no permanece sumergido. Es arrojado al mar y, ponindose a su servicio los propios
elementos por los que poda ser destruido
37
, es enterrado en la costa.
Quin no ha de creer que debe resucitar con gloria quien es protegido por
una gloria tan grande? Quin no ha de advertir que est destinado a la gloria el esp-
ritu de aquel cuyo cuerpo exnime ve que es defendido tan gloriosamente? Que todo
esto ocurri en el pasado en su benecio ha de creerlo y venerarlo ahora dichosa la
iglesia. Que renazca, por as decirlo, por sus mritos aquella que lo engendr con los
sacramentos del Espritu y que se benecie por las splicas de aquel de cuyas virtudes
se ve adornada
38
, por nuestro seor Jesucristo, amn.
5. APNDICE
Carta original de Jaume Pasqual al rector de Bergs escrita el 26 de agosto
de 1786.
Localizacin: Barcelona, Biblioteca de Catalua, Ms. 9253/3
/1r/
Avellanas 26 de Agost de 86.
Amich y Dueo: Fins ara no havia perdut las esperanas de tornar al
Mon(asti)r de Serrateix, en termes que no pocas vegadas havia pensat
respondrer a sa ultima desde alli, sols eran las ganas, y las diligencias que
practicaba per posarme en estar de poder fer eixa nova empreza y aixis
veurer lo cap del l del precios martirologi que cada die me enamora mes
en los pochs extractos que men port; pero la malaltia sobrevinguda a est
nostre Sr. Abat, mes de un mes ha, de tercianas de tan mala casta, ques
resisteixen a la quina, y a qualsevol altre remey, quel tenen actualment en
un estat deplorable, me desbaratan tota altra idea que no sia componible
ab lo estarme al seu costat. Se aadeix a aix lo aconsellarli los metges la
muda de ayres, que practicar luego ques trobia un poch anims; y com
vol que jo lacompaia, etc. Me es sensible aqueix accident, per qualsevol
36
Frase quizs no muy conseguida en latn. Entendemos que la forma ipsis (ln. 35) funciona
como un dativo agente del verbo deleta non sunt (ln. 36), cuyo sujeto es el sustantivo membra
(ln. 35) de la oracin de relativo precedente. Por otro lado, la construccin de ablativo agente ab
ipsis (ln. 36) la ponemos en relacin con el participio de perfecto iniuncta (ln. 36), que puede en-
tenderse como un acusativo absoluto. Otra interpretacin en A. Pladevall, et al., Escrits, p. 212: Va
llanar el cos perqu fos devorat per les feres i ocellots; per aquells mateixos als quals foren llanats
els membres perqu els prenguessin no van destrossar els dons offerts (en cursiva la traduccin de
la expresin latina obsequia iniuncta).
37
Llama la atencin ciertamente el uso de la forma deseruientes, probablemente un acusativo
plural, en la construccin de ablativo absoluto ipsis deseruientes (...) elementis (ln. 41-42).
38
No se reere el autor aqu a ninguna iglesia en particular, sino a la iglesia universal.
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part quel miria: per no te remey: Deu ho disposa; facias la sua voluntat
s(antissi)ma. Si mon nou passeig se hagus vericat, no hauria jo deixat
de donar una vista a Bergs y tal vegada per la proxima Festa major, que li
desitjo felicissima y plena de consols. Prou hi pensaba. Paciencia.
G(raci)as al S(e)or sem han desvanescut las funebres especies de la
Hermita, que de tal manera, que rara vegada me molestan. La carta de
V.M. ajuda molt a aix, com jam prometia, pero principalm(en)t lo haver
escapat de un perill /1v/ que miraba com a imminent, capa de llanar a
terra totas mas ideas literarias, y l curs de mas ocupacions genials, ha
acabat de posarme en tranquilitat; vericantse novam(en)t en mi, quel
S(eo)r, si mortica, vivica tambe. Ajudiam V.M. a donarli g(raci)as, y
a encomanar a ell a est Sr Abat, puig si una vegada ell queda restablert,
penso poder empendrer, de bo de bo, mas consabudas tareas. Deus di-
rigat. En quant a mi, me trobo robustissim, y sens que hi pugan res las
tercianas, que tant molestan a tants de estos paissos.
V.M. pensa quel Sr. Zrate desistir de sas dos empresas contra lo Capi-
tol, al veurer los animos y constancia de sos Individuos: Jo penso que
V.M. sengaa, ja perque latere dolet, que diu V.M., y ja perque de la una
sola pretensi lin han de resultar 750 u annuals de beneci, segons li
digu lo Arrend(ado)r de Calaf. Aix es molta cosa. Ell es tiesso y Vizca-
hi. Lo temps ho dir. Jo conech als Gascons (digu un sabi cardenal poch
despues de la elecci de Clement V) ell ha elegit ha Avi tardar a veurer
la Ciutat de Roma, y aix fou. Los Gascons son especie de Vizcahins etc.
Ha! sil coneguessen com jo! Importa molt quels Canonges facian un cos,
y ferm. No dich mes, perque no penss V.M. quem mou la passionota.
Suposo que V.M. tindria alguns bons ratos ab F. Miquel. Com si aquell
Sr. Illm hagus esperat la mia ausencia per passar a Cardona. Sem feu
sensible la noticia, ho confesso. Y de uni que? Res men diu Fr. Miquel.
Deu sab lo que conv. V.M. estiga cert que nom olvidar ja may de sos
favors y bon affecte, ni tampoch del que dech als Srs Cardonins. Mania
sens reserva a son Amich de cor.
Jaume Pasqual
A(mi)ch Sr. R(ect)or de Bergs.
/2r/
Si V.M. pogus lograr de Mn Sarrig quem fes una copia puntual del
Instrument de poblaci de Cardona, que ell compongu sobre de una tela,
a mas instancias, li estimaria molt, puig mereix publicarse sicut jacet.
Jo penso que ell a ratets ho podria fer, de esta manera, copiantlo de la
mateixa manera que est, no sols cada lletra, pero ns donant mostra
dels llochs gastats, y que no poden llegirse, deixant ns aquells rastres de
lletras ques veuhen en alguns passatges. Creguia que seria una gran obra,
y ab que acabariam de evidenciar al publich quant malam(en)t publicaren
eixa pessa singular y apreciabilissima los monjos mauros. Jo cono que
V.M. ho procurar per lo lustre quen pot resultar a Cardona.
Luego que puga comodam(en)t penso posarme a extractar lo Breviari
que tinch de la Iglesia de St Miquel de Cardona, y l missal antich que
tinch de V.M.; de que penso traurer no pocas noticias curiosas. A son
temps ja li participar las resultas, ajundant Deu. It(erum) Vale.
Otra mano ha aadido con una letra de mayor tamao y con tinta ms
oscura en el f. 1r:
N 24: Breviari de St. Miquel: no es retornat. (Anotacin que quiz se
hizo en el lugar de destino).
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.11
FUENTES ANTIGUAS CITADAS:
Aug. c. Maximin. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., Contra Maximinum haereticum
Arianorum ep. (CPL 700), Hombert, P.M. (ed.), Sancti Aurelii Augustini,
pp. 489-692.
Aug. cur. mort. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De cura pro mortuis gerenda (CPL
307), Zycha, J. (ed.), Santi Aureli Augustini, pp. 621-659.
Aug. nat. et grat. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De natura et gratia (CPL 344), Urba,
C.F.; Zycha, J. (ed.), Sancti Aureli Augustini, pp. 231-299.
Aug. pecc. mer. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., De peccatorum meritis et remissione
et de baptismo paruulorum (CPL 342), Urba, C.F.; Zycha, J. (ed.), Sancti
Aureli Augustini, pp. 1-151.
Aug. serm. = Augustinus Hipponensis ep., Sermones (CPL 284), Sermo 276, PL 38,
cols. 1255-1257.
Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8627-33) = Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8627-8633), Fbrega
Grau, . (ed.), Pasionario hispnico, vol. II, pp. 187-196.
Pass. s. Vincent. (BHL 8628-31) = Passio s. Vincentii (BHL 8628-31), Saxer, V. (ed.),
Saint Vincent, pp. 186-226.
Prud. perist. = Prudentius, Liber peristefanon (CPL 1443), Cunningham, M.P. (ed.),
Aurelii Prudentii, pp. 251-389.
BIBLIOGRAFA GENERAL:
Andrs Sanz, Mara Adelaida; Codoer, Carmen; Iranzo Abelln, Salvador; Martn,
Jos Carlos; Paniagua Aguilar, David, La Hispania visigtica y mozrabe.
Dos pocas en su literatura, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca - Uni-
versidad de Extremadura, 2010.
Barriga Planas, Josep-Rom, El Manuscrit 18 de lArxiu de la Catedral de Lleida:
leccionari per a loci, del segle XI, provinent de Roda, Miscellnia litr-
gica Catalana 1 (1978), pp. 11-41.
Bartrina, Enric, Lasala i Locela, Rafael, en Corts Blay, Ramon; Galts Pujol, Joan;
Manent Segimon, Albert (dirs.), Diccionari dhistria eclesistica de Ca-
talunya, Barcelona, Generalitat de Catalunya - Editorial Claret, 1998-2001,
vol. II, p. 464.
Bernad, Mrius, Leccionario, Homiliario del ocio, en Zapke, Susana (ed.), Hispa-
nia Vetus. Manuscritos litrgicomusicales de los orgenes visigticos a la
transicin francorromana (siglos IX-XII), Bilbao, Fundacin BBVA, 2007,
pp. 322-323.
Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis, Bruxelles, Socit des
Bollandistes, 1898-1899 (reimpr. en 1 vol., 1992); Fros, Henryk, Bibliothe-
ca Hagiographica Latina Antiquae et Mediae Aetatis. Nouum Supplemen-
tum, Bruselas, Socit des Bollandistes, 1986.
Chabs, Roque, Episcopologio valentino, Investigaciones histricas sobre el cris-
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 253-271
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
TRES NOTES SOBRE LARS PREDICANDI POPULO
DE FRANCESC EIXIMENIS (AUTORIA, DATACI I CONTINGUT)
1
THREE NOTES ON THE ARS PREDICANDI POPULO
OF FRANCESC EIXIMENIS (AUTHORSHIP, DATE AND CONTENT)
XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
Universitat de Girona
1
Aquest treball forma part del projecte de recerca FFI2011-27844-C0302, nanat pel Ministeri
de Cincia i dInnovaci. Agraeixo a Marco Pedretti (UdG) latenta lectura de les primeres versions
daquest article i les observacions que mha fet arribar.
Resum: Tot i que lArs predicandi popu-
lo noms s atribuda a Eiximenis en un
dels tres manuscrits que lhan transms,
no hi ha cap dubte que s obra seva. En
sn una prova fefaent, en primer lloc, les
remissions internes que es fan a aquesta
obra des de les planes del Ter i del Dotz
del Cresti, i, en segon lloc, la presncia
dun volum de sermons autgraf que co-
menava amb lArs en linventari de la bi-
blioteca dEiximenis fet poc desprs de la
seva mort. Cal situar la redacci de lArs
i de la collecci de sermons que encapa-
lava abans de linici de lenciclopdia del
Cresti (1379) a causa de la complexi-
tat que comportava la redacci duna
collecci de tres o ns i tot quatre volums
de sermons. Per una srie de raons codico-
lgiques i formals cal excloure de lArs el
captol De consiliis circa predicacionem,
que en realitat no s obra dEiximenis.
Paraules clau: Francesc Eiximenis; Ars
predicandi populo; de consiliis circa pre-
dicacionem; sermons; art de la memria.
Abstract: In spite of the fact that the Ars
predicandi populo is attributed to Eiximenis
in only one of the three extant manuscripts,
there is no doubt that it is one of his works.
First of all, the internal references to this
treatise in the pages of Ter and Dotz del
Cresti are an irrefutable testimony and,
secondly, the presence of an autograph
volume of sermons which begins with the
Ars in the inventory of the Eiximenis library
made shortly after his death. The writing
of the Ars and the collection of sermons
which introduces it must be dated prior to
the beginning of the Cresti encyclopedia
(1379) because of the complexity that
entailed the writing of a collection of three
perhaps four volumes of sermons. Due to a
series of formal and codicological reasons
it must be concluded that the chapter
entitled De consiliis circa predicacionem
cannot be attributed to Eiximenis and thus
be excluded from the Ars.
Keywords: Francesc Eiximenis; Ars
predicandi populo; de consiliis circa
predicacionem; sermons; art of memory.
SUMARI
1. Francesc Eiximenis, autor de lArs predicandi populo. 2. Sobre la dataci de lArs predi-
candi populo. 3. Uns consells circa predicacionem que no sn dEiximenis. 4. Conclusi. 5.
Bibliograa citada.
254 XAVIER RENEDO PUIG
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
Francesc Eiximenis no va ser noms un dels autors ms prolcs i ms llegits
de les lletres catalanes medievals: va ser tamb un predicador de prestigi i un teric
de la predicaci. Per desgrcia de moment encara no hem pogut localitzar, llevat dun
fragment descobert per J. Perarnau, cap dels diversos volums de sermons que va deixar
escrits, per per sort sha pogut rescatar de loblit lArs predicandi populo, la seva con-
tribuci a la teoria de la predicaci
2
. Devem al pare Mart de Barcelona, entre moltes
altres coses, en primer lloc el redescobriment de lArs predicandi, una obra ns aleshores
desconeguda de tothom, almenys en el mn dels especialistes en Eiximenis i en literatura
catalana medieval i, per tant, no recollida, ni tan sols de passada, en els primers grans
repertoris dobres dEmili Grahit i de Jaume Mass i Torrents
3
. El pare Mart va descobrir
una cpia de lobra en un manuscrit del segle XV, custodiat a la biblioteca Jagellnica de
Cracvia, i en va donar la primera notcia en un article publicat lany 1925
4
. En segon lloc
li devem tamb la publicaci, onze anys ms tard, duna edici crtica de lArs predican-
di, basada en el manuscrit polons, per tenint tamb en compte, grcies als treballs de
Harry Caplan, les llions de dos nous manuscrits: un de la Biblioteca Vaticana i un altre
de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Budapest. El manuscrit de Cracvia s, per, lnic
a atribuir lobra a la m dEiximenis en una rbrica introductria:
Incipit Ars predicandi populo edita a reuerendo magistro Francisco Echi-
menis, ordinis minorum, conuentus Gerunde, prouincie Barchinone
5
.
Ni en el manuscrit de Budapest ni en el de la Biblioteca Vaticana, en canvi,
el nom dEiximenis no apareix enlloc. En el primer lArs predicandi comena amb les
paraules segents: Modus predicandi sequitur. Iesus Christus tocius ecclesie pastor
6
,
mentre que en el segon text comena aix:
Jhesus christus totius nature humane pastor et pater superdulcissime, ut
in mundo nomen tuum sic claricatum, manifestum, predicatum, cog-
nitum et dilectum, Jncipit opus quoddam in quo agitur de ne Christi
doctrine et predicationis, juxta processum causarum
7
.
Malgrat que, com acabem de veure, noms en un dels tres manuscrits conser-
vats es dna el nom de F. Eiximenis com a autor de lobra, el pare Mart no va tenir cap
dubte a donar per segura latribuci. Per fer-ho es va basar, per una banda, en les nombro-
ses similituds destil i de factura amb la resta dobres llatines dEiximenis i, per laltra, en
una remissi a lArs predicandi populo en un captol del Ter del Cresti que analitzarem
ms endavant. Lobjectiu del present article s, en primer lloc, aprofundir en les observa-
cions del pare Mart oferint algunes raons ms en suport de la seva proposta datribuci
per esvair del tot els dubtes que encara hi pugui haver; en segon lloc, presentar una nova
hiptesi de dataci de lobra i, en tercer lloc, intentar demostrar que la secci De consiliis
circa predicacionem no s obra dEiximenis, sin un afegit dun copista
8
.
2
J. Perarnau, Un fragment del Liber sermonum.
3
E. Grahit, Memorias sobre la vida y obras; J. Mass i Torrents, Les obres de Fra Francesc
Eximeni.
4
M. de Barcelona, Nous manuscrits de fra Francesc Eiximenis.
5
Idem, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 304.
6
J. de Puig et al., Catleg dels manuscrits de les obres de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 641.
7
Ibidem.
8
No vaig poder ocupar-me, com hagus volgut, daquestes qestions en el prleg de la traducci
al catal de lArt de predicaci al poble, perqu no encaixava amb lorientaci de la collecci on la
traducci es va publicar.
TRES NOTES SOBRE L'ARS PREDICANDI POPULO 255
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
1. FRANCESC EIXIMENIS, AUTOR DE LARS PREDICANDI POPULO
A ms de latribuci explcita de lArs a Eiximenis que es troba en el ma-
nuscrit de la Universitat Jagellnica de Cracvia, tamb conrmen de forma implcita
lautoria dEiximenis els diversos punts de contacte que lArs predicandi mant amb
el Ter i el Dotz del Cresti. El pare Mart de Barcelona ja va posar en relleu en
aquest sentit la referncia que es fa en el captol 689 del Ter al tractat de la memria
articial incls dins lArs predicandi
9
. La remissi es troba en una secci del Tractat
de suprbia en qu Eiximenis, desprs dhaver criticat lorgull dels bns naturals
del cors, com ara la sanitat, la fortalesa, la bellesa, leloqncia o lafabilitat, critica
tamb lorgull dels bns naturals de lnima, com ara la subtilesa, lastcia o ns i
tot la bona memria a remembrar lo passat. A propsit daquesta qesti Eiximenis
aprota lavinentesa que li ofereix aquest context per fer una defensa encesa de la uti-
litat de la memria, presentada des de la perspectiva tica i moral tan prpia de lEdat
Mitjana, com han mostrat els bells treballs de Frances Yates i M. Carruthers
10
, com el
libre de lenteniment, car aqu lig lo nostre enteniment moltes coses a ell protoses ax
com en un bell libre. Tot seguit Eiximenis constata la dicultat que representa moltes
coses remembrar promptament i critica els qui, tenint una gran memria, sen vanten
de manera superba i desmesurada. Com que no tothom, per, pot tenir una memria
daquesta mena, Eiximenis remet a la petita art de la memria articial que havia in-
serit a lArt de predicaci per reparar la fragilitat de la memria humana.
Ensenyns Tulli que la memria natural confortssem et ajudssem per
art especial que en suma he posada en lo comenament del primer libre
dominical dels sermons, e a per tal que aquells qui han a precar sens
gran difcultat poguessen remembrar les coses que han a dir, e ax matex
per ajudar-ne als altres hmens del mn qui comunament sn nafrats en
la memria
11
.
Lenlla entre aquestes lnies del Ter del Cresti i lArs predicandi populo no
pot ser ms clar, donat que en les descripcions dels volums dels sermons dEiximenis en
linventari de la seva biblioteca que es va fer labril del 1409, pocs dies desprs de la seva
mort, lincipit del primer volum dels Sermons evengelicals el primer libre dominical
dels sermons, com lanomena Eiximenis en el Ter s: Jhesus Christus tocius humane
nature pastor, s a dir les primeres lnies de lArs predicandi populo, que feia de prleg i
alhora de guia de lectura i ds de tota la collecci de sermons
12
. Com molt b va veure
el pare Mart de Barcelona, lenlla amb lArs predicandi que es fa en aquest captol del
Ter del Cresti posa de manifest que totes dues obres vnen de la mateixa m
13
.
A les planes del Dotz del Cresti, la gran enciclopdia poltica dEiximenis,
hi ha una altra remissi, en aquest cas implcita, a la seva art de predicaci. En el captol
807, titulat qui gura vera amistat en semblana duna ymatge, es presenta una imatge
9
M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, p. 220.
10
M. Carruthers, The Book of Memory i F. Yates, The Art of Memory.
11
Manuscrit 91 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona, f. 298r.
12
Lautor de linventari de la biblioteca dEiximenis va descriure el volum en aquests termes:
Item un altre libre ab cubertes de fust vermelles platonades ab camisa de aluda blanqua apellat
Sermons evengelicals e comena Jhesus Christus tocius humane nature pastor, e feneix en lo segon
corondell de la primera plana Sed maxime post, e feneix en lo penultim corondell de la derera carta
propter ingratitudinem etc. E aquests sermons es de la obra del patriarcha (J. Monfrin, La Biblio-
thque de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 251-252).
13
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
de la memria de lamistat procedent de les Moralitates del dominic angls Robert Hol-
cot, per construda segons els principis exposats en suma per Eiximenis en la secci de
lArt de predicaci dedicada a la memria articial
14
.
Rabanus, De naturis rerum, s posa aytal imatge a amistat, o s un jove
vestit de vert qui havia lo cor ubert e nafrat, qui tenia en son libell escrit
ax: Vida e mort, luny e prop, en estiu e hivern
15
.
Eiximenis, com fa sovint en la seva vasta obra, oculta sota la remissi al De
naturis rerum de Rabanus, s a dir Raban Maur, lorigen duna imatge que en realitat
ve de Robert Holcot, un dominic que va viure a la primera meitat del segle XIV. Un
cop descrita la imatge, Eiximenis nanalitza de forma minuciosa els seus cinc elements
essencials: el color verd de les robes; el cor ubert e nafrat i els tres sintagmes escrits en
el llibre. En aquesta imatge de la memria es resumeix el contingut dun petit tractat
sobre lamistat que sestn al llarg dels captols 800-807 del Dotz. De la mateixa ma-
nera, amb una imatge com aquesta es podria sintetitzar de forma memorable, seguint
els consells donats a lArs predicandi, el contingut de tot un serm. Un altre detall que
posa de nou en evidncia que Eiximenis, de la mateixa manera que s lautor del Dotz,
s tamb autor de lArs predicandi.
Les correspondncies, per, entre lArs predicandi i la gran enciclopdia del
Cresti no sacaben aqu, donat que hi ha, com a mnim, un passatge del Ter que sem-
bla el revers gaireb exacte dunes lnies de lart de predicaci dEiximenis. Es tracta
dun passatge en qu es recomana als predicadors no menysprear mai els sermons de
ning, per ms ignorant o incapacitat per a la predicaci que sembli.
Nullum delem sermonem contempnas propter ignoranciam predicantis,
per asinam enim Deus arguit Balaam prophetam, et in uolatilibus apis est
paruissima que tamen ceteris uolatilibus dat dulciora
16
.
En el captol 963 del Ter del Cresti, incls dins del Tractat del senys, hi ha
un passatge molt similar, per en aquesta ocasi enfocat no pas des del punt de vista
dels predicadors, com a lArt, sin des del punt de vista dels oients laics, els lectors
ideals del Ter. En aquest lloc sinicia una srie de quatre captols dedicats a analitzar
a quina mena de persones el bon cristi ha descoltar amb especial atenci
17
. El primer
lloc de la llista locupa, per descomptat, el predicador. Eiximenis, com a frare men-
dicant que era, dna tanta importncia a la paraula del predicador que sost que els
dels se lhan descoltar ns i tot en el cas que sigui de vida poc exemplar, o que no
sigui un orador massa competent un lligamosques, per dir-ho amb les seves mateixes
paraules. Segons Eiximenis, ns i tot en aquests casos cal escoltar amb atenci el
serm per respecte a la providncia i a la paraula divina, per posar a prova la virtut de
la humilitat i tamb perqu spiritus ubi vult spirat, donat que ns i tot de la boca del
predicador ms humil poden sortir les millors paraules.
14
Mhe ocupat amb deteniment daquest captol i de les seves relacions amb lArs predicandi
populo en larticle Una imatge de la memria.
15
F. Eiximenis, Dotz llibre del Cresti, eds. C. Wittlin et al., p. 300.
16
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 317. No menyspres cap serm
cristi a causa de la ignorncia del seu autor, perqu Du va contradir el profeta Balaam a travs dun
ase i, tot i que labella s un dels ssers alats ms minsculs, elabora un producte dolcssim i sense
pari. F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 28.
17
Es pot llegir un llarg extracte daquests quatre captols en lantologia de textos pedaggics
dEiximenis que vam preparar David Guixeras i un servidor sota el ttol Llibres, mestres i sermons.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
La IIII proposici s que jams no deu hom menysprear lo serm per ig-
norncia ne per mala vida daquell qui preca, car sovn veem que Deus
dna major grcia a aquells qui sn ignorants e hmens simples que no
fa als majors, e sovn per bocha dmens peccadors fa Deus grans mara-
veylles. Eximpli havem daquell propheta Balaam per lo qual Deus fu
dir molt alta prophecia del Salvador, ax com appar Numeri XXIIII. E no
ss maravella si per los peccadors ell nos instruex a tot b qui, segons
que havem Job XII, ell nos informa per les bsties, e per los aucells e per
los peys. E per tal Salam, volent lom informar, Proverbiorum VI, remet
lom peres a la formiga. E per experincia veem que en a nos informa
natura que les pus nobles coses que ha fa exir de les pus vils, ax com
laur, de la terra; el bon gra, dels fems; e la perla, de la calcuylla, qui s
lo pus dolent peix de la mar; e la mel, de la abella e la seda, dels petits
verms. Tot ax fa Deus sovn de mala pensa exir molta santa paraula e
informativa a nosaltres
18
.
La idea s la mateixa que es defensa en el passatge de lArs abans esmentat
i, a ms, es presenta duna forma molt semblant amb referncies a Balaam, a la mel
i les abelles. Lnica diferncia s que en el Ter el passatge es dilata amb la cita de
Proverbis i lallusi a la seda o a les perles en parallel a la de la mel, mentre que
lArs s un tractat ms tcnic i va ms al gra, per duna manera o duna altra tots dos
textos diuen el mateix, tot i que des de perspectives diferents, amb un aparat de smils
i cites bbliques gaireb idntic. I tots dos diuen el mateix no pas perqu hi hagi una
font comuna, sin perqu tenen el mateix autor.

2. SOBRE LA DATACI DE LARS PREDICANDI POPULO
Devem tamb al pare Mart de Barcelona lnica proposta que sha fet mai
de dataci de lArs dEiximenis i dels volums de sermons que encapalava. A partir
de la citaci de lArs que, com ja hem vist, es troba a les planes del Ter del Cresti,
el benemrit pare caputx va arribar a la conclusi que lobra oratria devia sser
redactada, en sa major part, abans de 1384
19
. Crec que, vuitanta i tants anys desprs
que aquesta hiptesi es formuls, estem en condicions de xar amb una mica ms de
precisi la data de composici de lArs predicandi populo.
Com que el Ter del Cresti s, com acabem de veure, un punt de refern-
cia important per a la dataci de lArs predicandi populo, cal establir, en primer lloc,
tant la data de la seva composici com la del seu acabament. Com sol passar, lnica
referncia que podem donar per gaireb segura s la de la nalitzaci de lobra. El
Ter del Cresti es va acabar de copiar, com molt b suposaven J. Mass i Torrents,
el pare A. Ivars i el pare Mart, a Valncia l1 de desembre del 1384
20
. Aix no vol
pas dir, per, com tamb suposava el pare Mart, que la totalitat dels captols del Ter
sescrivs al llarg de lany 1384
21
. Em costa molt de creure i, de fet, costa molt a
seques que una obra de lextensi colossal del Ter es pogus enllestir en tan sols un
any. Com a mnim una part considerable dels 1.060 captols del Ter es devia escriure
18
Cito segons la meva edici de treball del Ter del Cresti.
19
20
J. Mass i Torrents, Les obres de Fra Francesc Eximeni, p. 60; A. Ivars, El escritor Fr. Fran-
cisco Eximnez, p. 101 (reedici dun llarg article publicat per entregues a la revista Archivo Ibero
Americano entre els anys 1920 i 1926); M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 201-202.
21
Ibidem.
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abans. Alguns captols daquesta obra ho demostren de manera implcita perqu hi ha
indicis que permeten de suposar que van ser escrits quan Eiximenis encara residia al
convent francisc de Barcelona, don va sortir per installar-se a Valncia a principis
del 1382. En efecte, al costat de diversos captols en qu la presncia dels sintagmes
aquest regne o aquest regne nostre s un signe evident de la seva redacci en terres
valencianes, nhi ha daltres que semblen escrits lluny del regne de Valncia. Aquest
s el cas, per exemple, del fams captol CCCLXXII, titulat Com catalans mengen
pus graciosament e ab millor manera que altres nacions, i dedicat a presentar els
resultats duna quaestio debatuda alhora, segons la frtil imaginaci dEiximenis,
en diverses universitats europees sobre quin era lestil de menjar ms religis, ms
honest, ms sa i ns i tot ms econmic pensant comun viure de la gent, e pensada
la manera de llurs convits, e pensades despeses comunes ab les extraordinries que
a vegades sesdevenen per ventura
22
. La conclusi duns debats acurats i exhaustius,
exposats de forma minuciosa en tretze raons, s que la naci catalana era eximpli de
totes les altres gents cristianes en menjar honest e en temprat beure, e sens tot dubte
aquesta s la veritat
23
. Podria citar ms exemples similars, extrets del Tractat de Gola
i daltres seccions de lobra, per em sembla que amb aquest nhi ha prou per posar
en relleu que hi ha captols del Ter del Cresti que sn una concessi als sentiments
de comunitat duns lectors ideals que semblen ms els habitants de Barcelona o de la
seva Girona natal que no pas els de la Valncia on va devia escriure la major part, per
no pas la totalitat, dels seus captols
24
.
El Ter, per tant, es devia escriure entre els primers anys de la novena dca-
da del segle XIV i el 1384, per no pas lany 1384 duna sola tirada. No podem saber
amb precisi en quina data es devia escriure el captol 689 daquesta obra, on hi ha la
referncia a lart especial de les regles de la memria articial que ja hem comentat.
Tant es podia haver escrit el 1384 com el 1382, el 1381 o ns i tot un xic abans. Es
tracta duns anys en qu Eiximenis estava immers en la redacci de la gran enciclo-
pdia del Cresti. Grcies, sobretot, als treballs del pare Mart de Barcelona i del pare
Andrs Ivars sabem que els 376 captols del Primer del Cresti es devien escriure a
Barcelona entre els anys 1379-1381, mentre que els 239 captols del Segon es devien
comenar a Barcelona i acabar a Valncia entre els anys 1381-1382
25
. El 1383, mentre
Eiximenis ja estava immers en la redacci de la major part del Ter del Cresti, es va
publicar el Regiment de la Cosa Pblica, que consta de 39 captols. A nals de lany
segent es va acabar, com ja hem vist, lobra ms llarga que Eiximenis va arribar a
escriure: els 1.060 captols del Ter del Cresti. Ras i curt, entre els anys 1379 i 1384
Eiximenis va escriure i va publicar quatre obres que tenen en conjunt 1.714 captols.
No crec que mentre Eiximenis estava capcat en la redacci daquestes qua-
tre obres tingus gaire temps per escriure, a ms a ms, lArs predicandi i la collecci
de sermons que lacompanyaven, una obra tamb prou ambiciosa i dunes dimensions
considerables. Que es tracta duna obra preparada amb molta cura ho posa en relleu
el fet que Eiximenis no noms copis lArs i els sermons amb la seva prpia m, sin
que ns i tot es preocups de la seva mise en page en relaci, com a mnim, amb els
22
F. Eiximenis, Lo Cresti, ed. A. Hauf, p. 147.
23
Ibidem, p. 148.
24
Per ms detalls, i ms exemples, sobre aquesta qesti vegeu X. Renedo, Notes sobre la dataci
del Primer.
25
M. de Barcelona, Fra Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 198-200; A. Ivars, El escritor Fr. Francisco
Eximnez, p. 94. El pare Mart de Barcelona, per, va situar la redacci del Segon del Cresti entre els
anys 1382-1383. Per a una revisi de totes aquestes qestions cf. X. Renedo, Notes sobre la dataci
del Primer.
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signes mnemotcnics que hi havia inserits. No es tracta, doncs, de sermons recollits a
travs de reportationes, sin de sermons escrits de cap a cap per Eiximenis, basant-se,
potser, en les seves notes de treball. Era, a ms, una collecci duna extensi conside-
rable, formada com a mnim per tres volums i potser ns i tot per quatre. Un daquests
volums, el que encapalava lArs predicandi, est recollit en linventari pstum de la
biblioteca dEiximenis (1409)
26
. Es tracta del primer libre dominical dels sermons de
qu parla Eiximenis en el captol 689 del Ter del Cresti. Tenim documentat, a ms,
el segon volum dels sermons dominicals al costat del primer volum en el document
de lliurament al convent francisc de Girona de vint-i-cinc volums de la biblioteca
dEiximenis procedents del convent francisc de Valncia:
Secundum volumen est Prima pars Sermonum Evangeliorum et incipit in
eius prima pagina Jesus Cristus.
Tertium autem volumen est Secunda pars Sermonum dictorum Evange-
liorum et incipit in eius prima pagina Jesum queritis
27
.
Tamb formava part de la collecci de sermons que encapalava lArs pre-
dicandi un volum de sermons de sanctis o, per dir-ho amb les mateixes paraules dEi-
ximenis, un sermonari sanctoral. Es parla, per una banda, daquest volum al nal de
la Vita Christi:
Membrem que daquesta matria de la celestial beneuyrana parl larga-
ment a la del Libre de les dones, e en I serm que u de tots sancts,
qui s en lo Sermonari sanctoral
28
.
I, per altra banda, tamb sen parla en la prpia Ars predicandi per recordar
als lectors que en el sermonari sanctoral de la collecci podien trobar models de ser-
mons dedicats a un sant escrits segons els principis defensats per Eiximenis:
Sed aliter est predicandum cum predicatur de dominica et aliter cum
predicatur de sancto. Cum enim de dominica agitur, referenda est historia
evangelii et aliqui superaddendum modis inferius designandis. Si autem
de aliquo sancto predicetur, tunc vita sancti est dicenda, saltem principa-
lia eius cum aliquo apparatu, modis inferius in sermonibus annotatis
29
.
Com a mnim hi havia, a ms, un quart volum de sermons dEiximenis, un
volum dedicat al comentari de les epstoles dominicals, que est documentat tant en
linventari pstum de lany 1409 com en el document que dna fe del lliurament, sis
anys ms tard, al convent francisc de Girona de vint-i-cinc llibres procedents de la
biblioteca dEiximenis.
26
Vegeu-ne la descripci a la nota onzena.
27
J. Monfrin, La Bibliothque de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 276.
28
Citat per C. Wittlin, Referncies internes en les obres de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 35.
29
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 315. s molt diferent predicar
un diumenge que no pas predicar en la festa dun sant determinat. Quan es predica un diumenge sha
dexplicar la histria de lEvangeli amb algunes observacions suplementries que es poden obtenir
grcies als procediments de dilataci que explicarem ms endavant. Si es predica el dia de la festa
dun sant, aleshores sha dexplicar la seva vida, o almenys el fets ms importants ben estructurats, tal
com es pot veure clarament en els sermons que tanquen el tractat, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci,
ed. X. Renedo, p. 23.
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Inventari del 1409:
un altre libre ab cubertes vermelles platonat e altre cuberta aluda blanqua
apellat Sermonari dominical de lavent epstola, e comena Hora est
iam nos de sompno usque ad vicesimam quartam dominicam surgere, e
feneix en lo segon corondell de la primera plana Ad Dei servirtutem sta e
feneix en lo penltim de la derera carta in tempore inutili
30
.
Rebut del 1415:
Quorum voluminum primum est de sermonibus epistolarum et incipit in
prima pagina in nigro Hora est iam
31
.
No estic en condicions dassegurar que aquest quart volum forms tamb part
de la collecci de sermons que tenia lArs predicandi com a punt de referncia teric.
s molt probable que fos aix, per no he trobat cap referncia interna en el si de la
prpia art de predicaci dEiximenis que permeti demostrar-ho. El recull de sermons
que encapalava lArs predicandi estava format, per tant, com a mnim per tres volums
i, com a mxim, per quatre. Era, per tant, una obra de dimensions considerables i fora
ambiciosa, que aspirava a convertir-se en un llibre digne destar en tota bona biblioteca
mendicant, en una summa on els aspirants a esdevenir bons predicadors poguessin tro-
bar models de composici de nous sermons o de reciclatge dels ja escrits per Eiximenis.
Dit duna altra manera, em sembla que el que Eiximenis va escriure va
ser un equivalent, a nals del segle XIV, de la Summa sermonum dominicalium de
epistolis totius annis, tamb coneguda com a Summa Guidonis o Summa guiotina,
que gaireb cent anys abans havia escrit el dominic normand Guy dEvreux. Aques-
ta summa estava formada, com va posar en relleu Pierre Michaud-Quantin, per una
collecci de sermons acompanyada duns ndexs alfabtics de distincions per tal de
facilitar-ne al mxim la consulta, ls i el reciclatge per part dels seus usuaris, ms que
no pas mers lectors
32
. Es tracta, com ha posat en relleu Letizia Pellegrini a propsit
dobres similars, de raccolte di sermoni che deniremmo prt--porter
33
. De fet el
mateix Eiximenis recomana en la seva Ars predicandi laccs rpid a obres daquesta
mena per poder estar sempre a punt dimprovisar un serm
34
.
La summa dEiximenis com a mnim tamb devia contenir, a ms dels ser-
mons de tempore i de sanctis, un index alphabeticus dictionum, s a dir un ndex de
distincions bbliques, com el de la Summa guiotina. Potser tamb contenia una mena
dndex temtic a lestil del que Eiximenis havia planejat pel gran projecte del Cresti:
Per millor direcci encara a dar a tots aquells qui ac estudiaran, e per tal
que totes les matries que volran ac veure trpien prestament vull tenir
aquest estil, o s que cascun daquests libres sia partit per captols, e els
captols per parafs, e que en cascun paraf notable que toca diversa matria
respon una lletra llatina de labecedari, a la qual faa relaci sa prpria
rbrica posada en la taula que s en lo comenament de cascun llibre
35
.
30
J. Monfrin, La Bibliothque de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 251.
31
Ibidem, p. 276.
32
P. Michaud-Quantin, Guy dvreux O.P. technicien du sermonnaire.
33
L. Pellegrini, I predicatori e i loro manoscritti, p. 126.
34
Opus sermonum semper teneas et habeas tecum familiarem et ductilem, ut sis promcior omni
tempore ad predicandum (M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 16). Tin-
gues sempre a labast un llibre de sermons que coneguis b, de manera que en qualsevol moment
estiguis preparat per predicar un serm (F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 26).
35
F. Eiximenis, Lo Cresti, ed. A. Hauf, p. 40.
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Aquest ndex temtic al nal no es va arribar a fer. La magnitud del projecte,
i la feinada que li devia suposar, ho van impedir, com reconeix el mateix Eiximenis al
nal del prembul del Dotz, lltima obra que es va escriure del projecte del Cresti,
en recomanar al Duc de Gandia, el mecenes de lobra, que:
Sic faa fer una altra taula que de punt en punt contena e declar tot o
que cascun captol posa largament, car yo, senyor, no le y puch fer de
present, tant estic las e hujat
36
.
El recull de sermons dEiximenis, tot i ser una obra ambiciosa, no era,
per, una summa de les dimensions del Cresti, de manera que la confecci duna
taula temtica devia ser, a ms dutilssima, ms fcil de preparar. El recull contenia,
a ms, un altre element precis: tota una srie de lnies i marques mnemotcniques
dissenyades i dibuixades per ell mateix per, per una banda, fer fcils de memoritzar
els sermons compilats i, per laltra, donar als lectors de lobra exemples prctics
ds de les regles de la memria articial que sacabaven de presentar en lart de
predicaci. En aquest sentit, la summa dEiximenis oferia al lector, a ms duna
ars predicandi, una srie de sermons no noms prt--porter, sin tamb prt--
remmorer.
La preparaci duna collecci de sermons encapalada per una art de pre-
dicaci i acompanyada de taules de distincions i temtiques per facilitar-ne ls,
i, a ms, de signes i de marques mnemotcniques per poder recordar els sermons,
demanava temps. La redacci de la Summa Guidonis va suposar, segons P. Michaud-
Quantin, tres anys de feina, els que van del 1290 al 1293
37
. No crec que Eiximenis
ans gaire ms rpid que Guy dEvreux per preparar la seva summa i, per descomptat,
no crec que pogus combinar la redacci daquest treball amb linici de la redacci del
Cresti, tot i que segur que hi devia haver molts de punts en com entre el contingut
dels sermons i el del Primer, el Segon, el Ter i el Dotz. Ras i curt, em sembla que
lArs predicandi i els sermons dEiximenis es devien escriure abans de comenar el
projecte del Cresti.
De fet hi ha unes lnies de lArs predicandi que permeten de suposar que
tant lart com els sermons que la completaven es devien escriure abans del 20 de se-
tembre del 1378, el dia en qu es va escollir a Fondi, en el regne de Npols, Climent
VII com a papa duna part de lEsglsia i va comenar el que coneixem com a Cisma
dOccident. Es tracta dun fragment de la secci dedicada a la memria articial,
de qu tant sha parlat al llarg daquest article, i, ms en concret, del primer punt de
lapartat on es presenten nou mtodes per recordar sries ordenades de fets. En aquest
passatge Eiximenis recomana agafar com a punt de referncia per reforar la fragilitat
de la memria humana imatges familiars on es puguin xar els elements essencials
del discurs a recordar. Com que els lectors ideals de lArs sn predicadors, Eiximenis
posa com a exemples dimatges de la memria objectes i llocs propis de lunivers
mental dun predicador: mapes dEuropa i de lunivers, grans esglsies, llibres o el
cos hum. El primer tem de la srie est dedicat a presentar el prot que es pot treure,
com a imatge de la memria, dun mapa on senllacen, a travs de diverses ciutats,
els dos principals centres de pelegrinatge de lEuropa medieval: Roma i sant Jaume
de Compostella.
36
F. Eiximenis, Dotz llibre del Cresti. Primera part, ed. X. Renedo et al., p. L, vol. I-I.
37
P. Michaud-Quantin, Guy dvreux O.P., p. 214.
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Et cogitabo quinto ordinem dare ciuitatibus in suis sitibus ut sunt iste:
Roma, Florencia, Ianua, Avinio, Barchinona, Cesar Augusta, Toletum
et Sanctus Iacobus sub una linea recta. Ponatur, igitur, quod habeam
memorari octo materias, uidelicet loqui de clericis, de peccunia, de
mercatoribus, de ponte magno, de burgensibus, de oleo, de militibus
et de apostolis. Ponam igitur primo Rome materiam de clericis, Roma
enim est ciuitas clericale et caput spirituale eorum et generale tocius
mundi. Secundo in Florencia ponam peccuniam illam per imagina-
cionem, de qua debeo loqui, quia Florencia est locus famosus peccu-
niarum. Tercio ponam Ianue materiam mercatorum, quia ibi habitant
multi mercatores. Quarto, ponam in Avenione materiam magni pontis,
quia de facto ibi est pons famosior qui sit in christianitate. Quinto po-
nam Barchinone burgenses, quia ibi habent burgenses magna hospicia,
et magna munia ut recte uideantur magni. Sexto, ponam Cessarauguste
oleum, quia ibi t multum. Septimo ponam Toleti materiam militum,
quia ibi habitant multi milites. Octauo et ultimo ponam in Sancto Ia-
cobo materiam apostolorum, quia est locus ut ex corpore et ex nomine
sancti Iacobi qui ducit nos in memoriam apostolorum. Et tunc in thema
currente recte per istam lineam imaginariam recordabitur de materiis
ibi positis, nedum recordando eas recte incipiendo a Roma, imo e con-
trario incipiendo a Sancto Iacobo et prosequendo usque ad Romam
ordine retrogrado
38
.
Kimberley Rivers, autora dun excellent treball sobre el tractat de la mem-
ria articial incls dins lArs predicandi, ha vist en lallusi al pont de sant Beneset
una referncia gaireb subliminal al papa que residia a Aviny a travs dun joc de
paraules entre pont (pons) i pontifex
39
. No ho acabo de veure clar, per, sigui com
sigui, em sembla fora de dubte que un joc de paraules com aquest t ms sentit abans
del Cisma dOccident que no pas en ple conicte. I, sobretot, em sembla que ni tan
sols com a imatge de la memria s concebible un cam que uneixi Roma i Santiago a
travs dAviny desprs de lesclat dun Cisma que va generar una crisi tan profunda
en el si de lEsglsia. Com ha assenyalat Gian Luca Potest:
38
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 327. I en cinqu lloc es pot
donar a aquesta srie de ciutats lordre segent: Roma, Florncia, Gnova, Aviny, Barcelona, Sa-
ragossa, Toledo i Santiago de Compostella, totes elles unides per una lnia recta. Posem per cas que
calgus parlar de vuit matries diferents i que, per tant, calgus recordar que sha de parlar de cler-
gues, de diners, de mercaders, dun gran pont, de burgesos, doli, de soldats i dapstols. En primer
lloc, es podria posar a Roma la imatge que records lapartat del discurs dedicat als clergues, ja que
Roma s una ciutat plena de clergues pel fet de ser la seva capital espiritual i la capital de tot el mn.
En segon lloc, la imatge que ens records que cal parlar de diners es podria collocar a Florncia, ja
que s fama que es tracta duna ciutat molt i molt rica. Gnova seria la ciutat on es podria installar la
part del discurs dedicada als mercaders, ja que ns plena. En quart lloc, la matria relacionada amb
un gran pont es podria situar a Aviny, ja que all hi ha el pont ms fams del mn cristi. En cinqu
lloc caldria situar a Barcelona la imatge relacionada amb els burgesos, ja que els burgesos hi han
construt grans edicis i grans muralles perqu puguin ser considerats poderosos. En sis lloc, loli
es podria situar a Saragossa, perqu all sen fa molt. En set lloc a Toledo es podria posar la imatge
que evoqus els cavallers, perqu nhi viuen molts. I, nalment, a Santiago caldria destinar-hi la part
dedicada als apstols, ja que, pel seu mateix nom i pel fet que shi conserva el cos del sant, permet
devocar amb gran facilitat la memria dels apstols. I, per tant, recorrent en lnia recta aquest itine-
rari imaginari es poden recordar totes les matries que hi han estat collocades, tant si les recordem
comenant per Roma com si ho fem a linrevs i anem de Santiago de Compostella ns a Roma,
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, pp. 45-46.
39
K. Rivers, Memory and Medieval Preaching, p. 276.
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Per la prima volta si scontravano non due papi con due curie, ma due
intere organizzazioni ecclesiastiche, ciascuna delle quali scomunicava
laltra come eretica
40
.
Tant se val si creiem, com s el meu cas, que Eiximenis va ser, almenys de
bon comenament, urbanista i com a tal va escriure, en defensa del papa de Roma, el
De triplici statu mundi, com si creiem que va ser ja des del primer moment clemen-
tista i, per tant, partidari de lobedincia avinyonesa, perqu tant des dun bndol com
des de laltre els ponts entre Roma i Aviny shavien trencat per sempre ms aprs la
present tribulaci ecclesisticha, com anomena Eiximenis el Cisma dOccident en el
captol 215 del Primer del Cresti. Dit duna altra manera, em sembla que, si Eixime-
nis hagus escrit lArs predicandi en ple Cisma, o b hagus triat un itinerari diferent,
o b limpacte dun esdeveniment daquesta magnitud shi hagus fet notar i shi
hagus posat ms en relleu cap a quina banda es decantava Eiximenis. Per aquesta ra
i, sobretot, per la dicultat que devia representar la redacci simultnia de dues obres
de la magnitud del Cresti i de la collecci de sermons que lArs encapalava, crec
que el ms lgic s situar la redacci tant del tractat com dels sermons abans del 20
de setembre del 1378.
3. UNS CONSELLS CIRCA PREDICACIONEM QUE NO SN DEIXIMENIS
Ledici de lArs predicandi preparada pel pare Mart de Barcelona es tanca
amb un captol titulat De consiliis circa predicacionem que crec que en realitat no s
obra dEiximenis i que, per tant, no shi hauria dincloure. De fet aix s el que vaig
fer en la meva traducci de lany 2009, per no vaig poder justicar la meva decisi
per no allargar massa el prleg. Ho faig ara aprotant lavinentesa que em brinda el
present monogrc dedicat a la predicaci.
Hi ha tres raons una de material, la segona, formal i la tercera, de carcter
codicolgic que em sembla que donen suport a aquesta proposta. La ra material s
que gaireb tot el contingut daquest captol s una mera repetici didees que ja sha-
vien desenvolupat en les seccions anteriors. Com que les repeticions sn molt clares
em limitar a editar en parallel els passatges amb els punts en com, sense afegir-hi
gaires comentaris per no cansar el lector. Un dels consells repetits s un autntic lloc
com de les arts de predicaci: la necessitat que la vida del predicador sigui modlica
per evitar de caure en lescndol. En els De consiliis circa predicacionem aquesta
norma es formula en els termes segents:
A1) Quintum consilium, quod tenetur predicator fulcire suam predicacio-
nem ut bene uiuat et non destruat suo infelici uiuere illud quod predicat
aliis, quia tunc, secundum Apostolum, se suo ore condempnat et efcitur
reprobus apud Deum, et apud homines audientes contemptibilis. Cui dicit
Apostolus: Medice primo cura te ipsum. Secundo tenetur fulcire suam
predicacionem bonis exemplis et sic cauere ab omni scandalo, ne predi-
cacio contempnatur
41
.
40
G.L. Potest, Storia del cristianesimo, p. 273.
41
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. El cinqu consell s que el
predicador ha de donar suport als seus sermons vivint de forma honesta, perqu amb el seu mal viure
no llevi el crdit a all que predica als altres, perqu aleshores, segons lapstol, es guanya la pena
eterna amb les seves paraules i es condemna davant de Du i dels homes. A aquest lapstol li diu:
Metge, curat primer a tu mateix. En segon lloc, el predicador ha denaltir les seves paraules amb
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Al principi de lArt de predicaci Eiximenis ja havia dit el mateix, per amb
molta ms contundncia i indignaci en la seva crtica als predicadors poc exemplars,
com es pot veure en la referncia a la maledicci de Francesc dAsss contra els frares
del seu orde que fossin daquesta mena.
A2) Vident tamen seculares multos predicatores sic scandalosos, sic male
edicantes eos in uerbis et factis, quod mirum est, et specialiter gracia
Dei in hoc mirabiliter operatur, quia seculares non lapidant eos tanquam
capitaliter puniendos. Isti sunt a Deo maledicti; et hiis specialiter male-
diccionem eternam imprecatus est sanctus Franciscus si sint de suo statu,
tanquam illi qui pondus Christi doctrine quantum in se est reddunt con-
temptibile toto mundo (). Hiis dicit Apostolus: Medice, cura te ipsum
42
.
Un altre consell que es troba en tots dos textos, i en molts daltres tractats
sobre la predicaci, s la recomanaci que el predicador tingui cura de la seva imatge
i eviti tant com sigui possible el contacte amb el seu auditori.
B1) Tercium consilius huius est hoc: Prout predicacio sit reverencior
populo Dei, caueat predicator ab omni malo exemplo, et ne sit multum
familiaris eis quibus predicat quia nimia familiaritas parit contemptum
43
.
Eiximenis ja havia formulat aquest mateix principi com a mnim dues vega-
des en el cos de la seva art, i en tots dos casos tamb havia coronat les seves paraules
amb la cita, o una allusi directa, al divulgadssim proverbi medieval: Omnia famili-
aritas parit (o gignit) contemptum.
B2) Requiritur eciam principaliter quod talis sit caritativus () et ex-
emplare gestibus, uestibus, uerbis et operibus sanctis et consiliis sanis.
Et propter hoc expedit quod talis nulli sit multum familiaris, quia omnis
familiaritas parit contemptum, secundum quod experiencia docet
44
.
B3) Predicator enim diuinus debet apparere quasi homo alterius seculi,
qui tam facto quam uerbo omnes nitatur trahere ad salutem; propter quod
expedit ne predicator immediate ante sermonem aut post sermonem lo-
quatur cum aliquibus qui audituri sunt sermonem, sed moram interponam
bons exemples i ha dallunyar-se de qualsevol possibilitat descndol per evitar que els seus sermons
siguin menyspreats (traducci meva).
42
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 307-308. El poble, tanmateix,
es veu obligat a sentir molts predicadors escandalosos, tan poc exemplars en les seves paraules i els
seus fets que s sorprenent que les masses no els apedreguin com si els estiguessin sotmetent a la
pena de mort. Si aix no passa s, sens dubte, en virtut de la grcia de Du, que aqu actua miracu-
losament. Aquests predicadors no nicament sn malets per Du, sin que sant Francesc tamb va
demanar en especial la pena eterna contra els predicadors daquesta mena que fossin del seu orde,
perqu fan menyspreable als ulls del mn la dignitat de la doctrina de Crist () A aquests lApstol
els va dir: Metge, curat a tu mateix, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 10.
43
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. El tercer consell s el
segent: per tal que el serm sigui rebut amb ms reverncia pel poble de Du, el predicador ha
devitar de donar mal exemple i no ha de tenir gaire contacte amb el seu auditori, perqu lexcs de
familiaritat genera menyspreu (traducci meva).
44
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 307. Tamb conv que el pre-
dicador sigui caritatiu () i que sigui exemplar en els seus gestos, vestits, paraules, i en les seves
bones obres i els seus bons consells. I per aix s molt convenient que no tingui massa familiaritat
amb ning, ja que, segons que lexperincia ensenya, massa familiaritat engendra menyspreu,
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 9.
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magnam et notabilem, ut uerba sua non audiantur uix nisi in predicatorio.
Contempnuntur enim uerba sacri eloquii prolata per os multum familiare
propter causas supradictas
45
.
Desprs dhaver-ho repetit dues vegades la primera parlant del predicador
com a causa ecient de la predicaci, i la segona, del seu fervor com un dels elements
essencials de la causa formal de la predicaci em sembla que no calia tornar-hi a
insistir per tercer cop. El mateix es pot dir dun altre tema tamb molt tractat en les
arts de predicaci: la convenincia de controlar tant els gestos com el llenguatge al
llarg de tot el serm. Lannim autor del De consiliis circa predicacionem va desen-
volupar aquest tema de la forma segent:
C1) Quartum consilium, quod predicator habeat in predicando gestus
compositos, discretos, prudentes et non leues et quod caueat ab omni
uerbo indiscreto, ne hac occasione predicacio contempnatur
46
.
Hi ha dos passatges de lArt de predicaci en qu aquestes idees no noms
ja shavien formulat, sin que shavien desenvolupat de forma molt detallada, sobre-
tot, en el segon, que es tanca, de manera molt franciscana, amb una remissi a la Regla
butllada (9,4).
C2) Quarto debet predicator Christi loqui deuote, ut uideatur homo spiri-
tualis in uerbis et gestibus, et non secularis; et proferre uerba non inania
nec risu digna, sed gracia Spiritus Sancti plena
47
.
C3) Verba que habes predicare sint casta et non turpia, uera et non falsa uel
uana, non temeraria, nec personam in singulari notancia, nec simulata, nec
duplicia, nec pro toto mundo adulatoria, nec ad desperacionem inducencia
48
.
El consell de pregar Du abans i desprs del serm per demanar, al principi,
la seva protecci al llarg de la prdica i, al nal, per donar-li les grcies i demanar-li
que protegeixi els dels que han escoltat el serm, es repeteix tant en en lart dEixi-
menis com en els annims consells circa predicacionem, on es presenta en la formu-
laci segent.
45
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, pp. 312-313. El predicador de la
paraula de Du sha de comportar com un home gaireb dun altre mn, que tant amb les paraules com
amb els fets sesfora a conduir tothom cap a la salvaci. Per aix s molt convenient que, tant abans
com immediatament desprs del serm, no parli amb ning dels qui han vingut a escoltar-lo i que, per
tant, deixi passar una bona estona per tal que les seves paraules amb prou feines puguin ser sentides
si no s en el serm. Per les raons abans esmentades les paraules dels sermons pronunciades per una
boca massa familiar solen ser menyspreades, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
46
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. El quart consell s que en
el serm els gestos del predicador han de ser moderats, discrets, prudents i meditats. El predicador, a
ms, ha de procurar devitar les paraules poc discretes per evitar que per aquesta ra les seves parau-
les siguin menyspreades, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
47
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 312. En quart lloc, el predi-
cador de Crist ha de predicar devotament per mostrar-se no pas com un home mund, sin com un
home espiritual en els gestos i en les paraules, capa de pronunciar sermons ni intils ni dignes de fer
riure, sin plens de la grcia de lEsperit Sant, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, p. 19.
48
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 316. s molt convenient que
les paraules que facis servir siguin castes i no deshonestes; veritables, no pas falses ni vanes; dis-
cretes, sense que mai no arribin a atacar ning en concret; ni simulades ni falses; ni adulatries
amb tothom ni capaces de provocar desesperaci ni de fer nixer el desig dactuar perversament,
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D1) Quarto oracione; unde predicator antequam predicet debet in speciali
orare, ut Deus eum preseruet ab omni errore et eum faciat loqui ad glori-
am suam, et ad meritum ipsius uiri predicantis et ad utilitatem populi sui.
Post predicacionem debet pro eisdem orare et facere gracias omnipotenti
Deo qui direxit eum in predicando et ad ofcium illud uocauit
49
.
Eiximenis diu ben b el mateix a lArs predicandi populo, per hi afegeix el
detall que, abans de comenar el serm, la pregria tamb es pot dirigir a la Mare de
Du, a lngel de la guarda o a un sant o una santa per qui es tingui especial devoci
50
.
I, en relaci amb la pregria nal, hi afegeix dos detalls ms: tamb sha de demanar
a Du que el serm faci fruit en els oients, i que allunyi el predicador densuperbir-se
en el seu xit.
D2) Antequam predices ora humiliter ad Patrem ut per Uerbum Incarnatum
dignetur tuum preseruare sermonem ab omni errore, et eum faciat ad suam
gloriam cadere in terram bonam ut det sibi fructum gratum. Potes eciam
recurrere ad beatam Virginem condenter, et ad sanctum angelum custodem
et ad aliquem sanctum uel sanctam tibi specialem (). Semper post sermo-
nem non te iungas aliis statim, sed ad orandum uadas, gracias agendo Deo,
qui fecit tibi graciam exequendi opus tante excellencie. Roges ut ad sui hon-
orem transeat et fructicet auditoribus, et omnis uanagloria a te abscedat
51
.
Aquest passatge forma part del captol segon de lArs, dedicat a la pre-
sentaci del predicador com a causa ecient del serm i, per tant, a denir les ca-
racterstiques i el comportament ideals del bon orador cristi. Ms endavant, en
un apartat del tercer captol, dedicat a la causa formal de la predicaci, Eiximenis,
mentre socupa de lorde que ha de presidir la construcci dels sermons, presenta
una interessant variant de la defensa de la convenincia de pregar Du abans de
comenar a predicar.
D3) Septima regula, que magis est necessaria et antiquorum consilium
est ista: Quod uolens habere materiam prompte in omni facultate, homo
49
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 340. En quart lloc amb
loraci: per aquesta ra el predicador, abans del serm, ha de pregar sobretot perqu Du el preservi
de qualsevol error, i el faci parlar a glria seva, en beneci del propi predicador i a la utilitat del
poble. Desprs del serm el predicador ha de pregar pel seu auditori i donar grcies a Du, que el va
cridar i el va encaminar a loci de la predicaci (traducci meva).
50
Eiximenis repeteix la mateixa idea en el captol 678 del Ter del Cresti, dins del Tractat de
suprbia: E per tal que lhom fos pus segur cant havia molt a parlar, deya que tostemps se devia a Du
comanar, e senyar e suplicar al ll de Du quel guards de peccar e li fas fer fruyt a Ell plasent de la
sua lengua en aquell acte de qu havia a parlar. Antigament, cant alscuns havien a precar, invocaven
primerament lo Salvador et, aprs Jhesucrist, invocaven ab oraci reverent ajuda dels grans precadors
passats, ax com foren los sants apstols, specialment sent Pau, e sent Anthoni de Pdua, frare menor, o
qualque altre notable sant e fams en precaci, e trobaven per experincia gran ajuda de Nostre Senyor
en lur precaci (ms. 91 de la Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona, f. 297r).
51
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 316. Abans de predicar prega
al Pare que mitjanant el seu Verb Encarnat es digni protegir el teu serm de tot error i que el faci
caure en una terra bona perqu doni bons fruits. Tamb pots recrrer devotament a la Mare de Du,
al sant ngel custodi o a algun sant o santa que estimis especialment (). Desprs del serm mai no
tajuntis immediatament amb la multitud, perqu en primer lloc has danar a resar i a donar grcies a
Du per haver-te concedit la grcia dhaver pogut dur a terme una feina tan excellent. Prega tamb a
Du que el serm que li has dedicat arribi a lauditori i doni bons fruits i que aparti de tu qualsevol
ombra de vanitat, F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, pp. 25-26.
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debet recurrere primo ad oracionem, que, secundum Augustinum, reuelat
dubia melius quam studium
52
.
La variant s molt interessant perqu es troba en un apartat dedicat a ense-
nyar mtodes per generar idees per desenvolupar o, per fer servir el verb que solien
utilitzar els terics de la predicaci a ledat mitjana, dilatar el discurs. Dit duna altra
manera, som en lapartat dedicat a la inventio. I la primera manera, segons Eiximenis,
de trobar la inspiraci per predicar era, com es recomanava en el De doctrina christi-
ana (IV, 15 i 30) dAgust dHipona, i tamb a la tradici franciscana, la illuminaci
divina
53
. Eiximenis, per tant, aconsella als predicadors la prctica de loraci des de
dues perspectives ben diferents: una en qu es deneix el perl del predicador ideal,
que ha de ser devot, humil i prudent, i una altra relacionada amb la inventio. No calia
que, a ms, torns a repetir aquest consell al nal de la seva Art de predicaci.
En defensa de la pertinena de la secci De consiliis circa predicacionem a
lart de predicaci dEiximenis es podria dir que cont un resum nal dels consells do-
nats al llarg del tractat. No em sembla, per, que sigui un argument de pes, donat que,
com a hipottic resum, no segueix, hi tan sols hi fa referncia, lestructura general de
lArs, basada en les quatre causes aristotliques. A ms, es tractaria dun resum molt in-
complet, perqu noms recull alguns consells, nafegeix de nous i soblida de recollir-hi
novetats tan importants com la secci dedicada a la memria articial. Em sembla, per
tant, que s ms lgic pensar que aquesta secci s un afegit que no encaixa en lestruc-
tura de lArs predicandi populo i que, per tant, no sha datribuir a la m dEiximenis.
A ms de les repeticions, hi ha tamb una ra formal que avala lexclusi de la
secci titulada De consiliis circa predicacionem. De fet Eiximenis va marcar duna mane-
ra molt clara les parts, i els lmits, de lArs predicandi, que est dividida en dues seccions:
un prleg i tres captols. El prleg acaba assenyalant de forma ben explcita el pas a la
segona part de lArs: Post prohemium, incipit tractatus huius artis, s a dir acabat el pro-
emi, comena el tractat
54
. I, un cop acabada lart, s a dir un cop explicats en tres captols
els sistemes destructuraci, dilataci i memoritzaci del serm, a ms del perl ideal del
bon predicador, es xa duna manera que no pot ser ms difana, el nal de lArs predican-
di populo, i el pas a una nova part del tractat: la collecci de sermons, que, de fet, continua
formant part de lobra com a causa material de la predicaci
55
. Eiximenis marca amb molta
precisi la frontera entre lart i els sermons: Et sic premissis transeo ad tractatum
56
.
52
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 324. La setena regla, que s
prcticament indispensable i, a ms, s un bon consell dels mestres antics s aquesta: si es volen ob-
tenir de seguida i amb la mxima abundncia totes les peces per construir un serm, el predicador ha
de recrrer, en primer lloc, a loraci, que, segons sant Agust, resol els dubtes millor que lestudi,
53
En els sermons del francisc Bernard de Siena es pot llegir una idea molt semblant: E anco
dichiarando meglio le buone opare che si fanno per lo nostro dire, o per lo nostro operare, come da
noi non vengono ma pure da Dio: Non enim vos estis qui loquimini, sed spiritus Patris vestri qui
loquitur in vobis. E questo detto pi per noi predicatori, che per altre persone, quando noi predichia-
mo il Vangelio con verit. Voi non sete voi che favellate, ma lo spirito di Dio che favella in voi,
Bernardino da Siena, Prediche volgari, ed. Delcorno, p. 485.
54
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 304.
55
Segons lArs predicandi dEiximenis la causa nal de la predicaci s, en primer lloc, la glria de
Du, i desprs la salvaci del poble i del propi predicador; la causa ecient s el predicador; la causa for-
mal, el conjunt de regles retriques i mnemotcniques per dilatar, ordenar i recordar el serm, i la causa
material sn els propis sermons, i, en el cas de lart eiximenisiana, els sermons recollits pel menoret
giron (sobre aquesta qesti cf. F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, ed. X. Renedo, pp. XXVII-XXVIII).
56
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 39.
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I, explicades totes aquestes qestions, comeno el tractat. Les qestions
que sacaben dexplicar sn, sobretot, les regles que han de regir, per una banda, la
conducta i lactuaci del predicador i, per laltra, la construcci i la memoritzaci
del serm. Tot seguit, en lordre xat per Eiximenis, ja no hi havia lloc per encabir-
hi un enlall de consells que en bona mesura sn un mer resum dalguns dels punts
ja tractats. El que venia a continuaci noms podia ser el tractat sensu stricto, s a
dir una collecci de sermons compostos i escrits segons les pautes que sacabaven
dexposar.
Hi ha, per ltim, una ra codicolgica en contra de latribuci a Eiximenis
del captol De consiliis circa predicacionem. Aquesta secci noms apareix en el ma-
nuscrit de la Biblioteca Vaticana (Ottob. lat. 396), que, com es pot veure en lacurads-
sima descripci que acaba de publicar-ne Jaume de Puig, s un manuscrit miscellani
i factici, de procedncia catalano-mallorquina, escrit per diverses mans entre nals
del segle XIV i la primera meitat del segle XVI
57
. La majoria de les obres que cont
tenen a veure amb lunivers de la predicaci: a ms dun serm annim en catal
dedicat a la Mare de Du, hi ha quatre o cinc si hi afegim el minitractat que de fet
sn els De consiliis circa predicacionem arts de predicaci: lannima Ars brevis ad
faciendum sermones secundum formam sillogisticam, lArs predicandi dEiximenis,
lArs abbreviata predicationis de Ramon Llull, i lannim Compendiosus tractatus de
arte predicandi. Al principi del volum hi ha el Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae
Scripturae del carmelit empordans Felip de Ribot, que de fet tamb es pot interpre-
tar com una obra relacionada amb la predicaci, donat que subministra regles per a la
interpretaci dels quatre sentits de les Escriptures
58
. Noms hi ha un text que trenqui
la tendncia general de tot el volum: el De ente simpliciter et absoluto, un tractat te-
olgic sobre la noci de formalitat aplicada a Du. Com que es tracta duna obra de
Ramon Llull, es devia afegir al volum perqu ja hi havia una altra obra lulliana: lArs
abbreviata predicationis.
Les cpies de lArs predicandi eiximenisiana i de lArs abbreviata lul-
liana sn totes dues de la mateixa m, de lletra, segons J. de Puig, humanstica
tardana amb inuncies de la gtica cursiva i de la bastarda
59
. El copista que va
copiar aquestes dues obres no es devia adonar, potser perqu ja shavia coms
aquest mateix error en el seu antgraf, que els De consiliis circa predicacionem en
realitat no formaven part de lArs dEiximenis i va copiar tots dos textos com si
formessin una unitat. Aquest deu ser, em sembla, lorigen de lerror que ha arribat
ns als nostres dies. No he pogut descobrir, per, lorigen daquests consells.
Lnic detall que he pogut aclarir respecte a la identitat del seu autor s que crec
que no devia ser ni francisc ni membre de cap orde mendicant. Si ho hagus estat
em sembla que no hauria inserit en el segon dels consells daquesta secci, dedicat
a demostrar que els joves no han de dedicar-se al ministeri de la predicaci abans
dhaver fet trenta anys, lobservaci que per predicar sha de ser, com a mnim,
sacerdot o diaca.
Secundum consilium, quod nullus iuuenis predicet eo quod sic ex-
ponitur predicacio scandalo et diuisioni, attendens quod Christus ad
hoc suo exemplo nos instruxit, qui plenus semper sapiencia et gra-
cia potuit altissime predicare; tamen ad exemplum nostrum noluit
hoc facere donec tricesimum annum impleuit. Super xli
a
distinccione
57
J. de Puig et al., Catleg dels manuscrits, pp. 638-45.
58
J. de Puig, El Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae Scripturae.
59
J. de Puig et al., Catleg dels manuscrits, p. 642.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
habemus quod nullus predicare presumat nisi sacerdos uel diaco-
nus
60
.
Em sembla que daquest passatge es desprn que lautor dels De consiliis
circa predicacionem no devia ser ni Eiximenis, ni un frare mendicant, sin un membre
del clergat secular.
4. CONCLUSI
Ras i curt, crec que no hi ha raons per dubtar de latribuci de lArs predi-
candi a Eiximenis. Ho avalen tant les remissions implcites o explcites al tractat de la
memria articial de lArs que es fan des del Ter o el Dotz, com la presncia dun
volum de sermons autgrafs dEiximenis que comenava amb lArs en diversos do-
cuments relacionats amb els llibres de la seva biblioteca poc desprs de la seva mort.
Tamb em sembla que lArs predicandi i els volums de sermons que lacompanyaven
devien ser escrits abans de lestiu del 1378 i que, per tant, els sermons i lart de pre-
dicaci sn una de les primeres obres dEiximenis, escrites abans de linici del gran
projecte del Cresti. Costa dimaginar que Eiximenis pogus compaginar la redacci
simultnia de dues obres tan ambicioses com Lo Cresti i una collecci de tres o
quatre volums de sermons encapalats per lArs. Tamb crec que el captol titulat De
consiliis circa predicacionem, noms transms pel manuscrit de la Biblioteca Vatica-
na, no s de la m dEiximenis i que, per tant, no shauria deditar com a part de lArs
predicandi populo.
5. BIBLIOGRAFIA CITADA
Barcelona, Mart de (O.M. Cap), Nous manuscrits de fra Francesc Eiximenis, Estu-
dis Franciscans XL (1925), pp. 449-452.
Barcelona, Mart de (O.M. Cap), Fra Francesc Eiximenis, O.M. (1340?-1409?). La
seva vida. Els seus escrits. La seva personalitat literria, en Badia, Lola;
Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Collegi Universitari
de Girona - Diputaci de Girona, 1991, pp. 185-239 (reimpressi dun tre-
ball publicat a Estudis Franciscans XL (1928), pp. 437-500).
Barcelona, Mart de (O.M. Cap), LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, Estudis
Universitaris Catalans 21 (1936), pp. 3-40 (=Homenatge a Antoni Rubi
i Lluch. Miscellnia destudis literaris, histrics i lingstics. Volum III,
Barcelona, 1936).
Bernardino da Siena, Prediche volgari sul Campo di Siena 1427, Carlo Delcorno
(ed.), Mil, Rusconi, 1989.
Carruthers, Mary, The Book of Memory in Medieval Culture, Cambridge, Cambridge
60
M. de Barcelona, LArs praedicandi de Francesc Eiximenis, p. 339. El segon consell s que
cap jove no prediqui per no exposar els seus sermons al risc de lescndol i de les divisions. Cal tenir
en compte que Crist ens va instruir en aquesta direcci amb el seu exemple, perqu, sempre ple de
saviesa i de grcia, podria haver predicat paraules altssimes, per no va voler dedicar-shi per donar-
nos exemple ns haver fet els trenta anys. A la distinci quaranta-una sens recorda que ning no es
pot dedicar a la predicaci si no s, com a mnim, sacerdot o diaca (traducci meva).
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.12
Eiximenis, Francesc, Llibres, mestres i sermons. Antologia de textos, David Guixe-
ras, Xavier Renedo (eds.), Barcelona, Barcino, 2005 (Biblioteca Barcino,
2).
Eiximenis, Francesc, Lo Cresti (selecci), Albert Hauf (ed.), Barcelona, Edicions 62
- La Caixa, 1983 (Millors obres de la literatura catalana, 98).
Eiximenis, Francesc, Dotz llibre del Cresti, Curt Wittlin, Arseni Pacheco, Jill Webs-
ter, Josep Maria Pujol, Josena Fguls, Bernat Joan, Andreu Sol, Teresa
Romaguera, Xavier Renedo (eds.), vol. II-I, Girona, Collegi Universitari
de Girona - Diputaci de Girona, 1987.
Eiximenis, Francesc, Dotz llibre del Cresti, Xavier Renedo (ed.); Sadurn Mart (co-
ord.), vol. I-I, Girona, Universitat de Girona - Diputaci de Girona, 2005.
Eiximenis, Francesc, Art de predicaci al poble, Xavier Renedo (ed.), Vic, Eumo
Editorial, 2009 (Textos Pedaggics, 47).
Grahit, Emili, Memorias sobre la vida y obras del escriptor geron Francesch Eixi-
menes, en Badia, Lola; Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Gi-
rona, Collegi Universitari de Girona - Diputaci de Girona, 1991, pp. 1-40
(reimpressi dun treball publicat a La Renaxensa 3 (1873), pp. 185-188,
195-199, 202-212, 234-236, 256-260 i 266-269).
Ivars, Andrs, O.F.M., El escritor Fr. Francisco Eximnez en Valencia (1383-1408).
Recopilacin de los escritos publicados por el padre Andrs Ivars en la
revista Archivo Ibero Americano sobre Francesc Eiximenis y su obra escri-
ta en Valencia, edici de Pedro Santonja, Benissa, Ajuntament de Benissa,
1989.
Mass i Torrents, Jaume, Les obres de Fra Francesc Eximeni (1340?-1409?). Essaig
duna bibliograa, en Badia, Lola; Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Biblio-
graphica, Girona, Collegi Universitari de Girona - Diputaci de Girona,
1991, pp. 185-239 (reimpressi dun treball publicat a Anuari de lInstitut
dEstudis Catalans 3 (1909-1910), pp. 588-692).
Michaud-Quantin, Pierre, Guy dvreux O.P. technicien du sermonnaire mdival,
Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum 20 (1950), pp. 213-233.
Monfrin, Jacques, La Bibliothque de Francesc Eiximenis (1409), en Badia, Lola;
Renedo, Xavier (eds.), Studia Bibliographica, Girona, Collegi Univer-
sitari de Girona - Diputaci de Girona, 1991, pp. 241-287 (reimpressi
dun treball publicat a la Bibliothque dHumanisme et Renaissance 29
(1967), pp. 447-498 i 287-306).
Pellegrini, Letizia, I predicatori e i loro manoscritti, en La predicazione dei frati dalla
met del 200 alla ne del 300. Atti del XXII Convegno internazionale.
Assissi, 13-15 ottobre 1994, Spoleto, Centro di Studi sullalto medioevo,
1995, pp. 113-139.
Perarnau, Josep, Un fragment del Liber sermonum de Francesc Eiximenis, Arxiu de
Textos Catalans Antics 10 (1991), pp. 284-292.
Potest, Gian Luca; Vian, Giovanni, Storia del cristianesimo, Bolonya, Il Mulino,
2010.
Puig, Jaume de, El Tractatus de quatuor sensibus Sacrae Scripturae de Felip Ri-
bot, O.S.C. Edici i estudi, Arxiu de Textos Catalans Antics 16 (1997),
pp. 229-389.
Puig, Jaume de; Perarnau, Josep; Avenoza, Gemma; Soriano, Lourdes; Clausell, Car-
me; Gispert-Sach, Pilar; Guixeras, David; Izquierdo, Eva; Mart, Sadurn;
Renedo, Xavier; Rojas, Raquel, Catleg dels manuscrits de les obres de
Francesc Eiximenis, OFM, conservats en biblioteques pbliques. Volum I:
Descripci dels manuscrits, Barcelona, Institut dEstudis Catalans - Facul-
tat de Teologia de Catalunya, 2012.
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Renedo, Xavier, Una imatge de la memria entre les Moralitates de Robert Holcot i
el Dotz de Francesc Eiximenis, Annals de lInstitut dEstudis Gironins
31 (1990-1991), pp. 53-61 (=Actes de les Jornades dhomenatge a Dolors
Condom).
Renedo, Xavier, Notes sobre la dataci del Primer, el Segon i el Ter del Cresti,
en Estudis de Llengua i Literatura Catalanes, Barcelona, Publicacions de
lAbadia de Montserrat, en premsa (=Homenatge a Albert G. Hauf).
Rivers, Kimberley, Memory and Medieval Preaching: Mnemonic Advice in the Ars
praedicandi of Francesc Eiximenis (ca. 1327-1409), Viator 30 (1999),
pp. 253-284.
Wittlin, Curt, Referncies internes en les obres de Francesc Eiximenis: indicis de
quins llibres, sobres quins temes tenia plantejat escriure, Narpan. Espai de
literatura i cultura medieval http://www.narpan.net/bibliotecadigital/arti-
cles/cat_view/85-wittlin-curt.html [consulta: 03/05/2012].
Yates, Frances, The Art of Memory, Londres, Routledge, 1966.
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 273-300
ISSN 0066-5061
doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
LA CETRERA EN LOS EJEMPLOS, SMILES Y METFORAS
DE SAN VICENTE FERRER
1
FALCONRY IN THE EXAMPLES, SIMILES AND METAPHORS
OF SAINT VINCENT FERRER
CARMEL FERRAGUD
Universidad Miguel Hernndez, Elche
RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEN
Educacin Permanente de Adultos, Requena
1
Este artculo se enmarca en el proyecto de investigacin nanciado por el Ministerio de Ciencia
e Innovacin Corpus digital de la ciencia medieval en la Corona de Aragn y su contexto latino y
romnico: obras vernculas, Arnau de Vilanova y Vicent Ferrer (FFI2011-29117-C02, 2012-2014);
y en el grupo de investigacin consolidado por la Generalitat de Catalunya 2009 SGR 1452 La
Corona catalanoaragonesa, lIslam i el mn mediterrani. Tambin forma parte de la investigacin en
curso, sobre la medicina de las aves de presa durante la Baja Edad Media a travs de los tratados de
cetrera castellanos, que dar lugar a la tesis doctoral de Ricardo Olmos.
Resumen: Vicente Ferrer utiliz en sus ser-
mones numerosos y variados recursos para
poder hacer inteligible su mensaje a su nu-
trido auditorio. Uno de estos recursos fueron
las actividades venatorias y, especialmente,
la modalidad de caza con aves de presa.
Por un lado, esta actividad le proporcion
elementos adecuados para construir las ana-
logas que facilitaran la comprensin de la
palabra de Dios. Sin embargo, por otro lado,
parece que otras razones podran explicar
esta preferencia del predicador, ms rela-
cionadas con su propia experiencia y con la
realidad de la sociedad a la que se diriga.
Y es que, adems de las fuentes textuales,
a menudo el padre Vicente recurri a sus
vivencias y, ms an, a aquellos aspectos
de la vida cotidiana de su auditorio. A partir
de las referencias que encontramos en los
sermones de san Vicente podemos deducir
que el predicador deba conocer de primera
mano los diferentes aspectos relacionados
con la cetrera, por lo que no deba resultarle
difcil recurrir a algo familiar para construir
las analogas que permitiran a su audito-
rio comprender los conceptos teolgicos y
conseguir la transformacin de sus vidas,
de acuerdo con la moral que el predicador
pretenda implantar.
Abstract: Vincent Ferrer used in his ser-
mons many and varied resources to make
your message intelligible to its many lis-
teners. One such resource was hunting ac-
tivities and especially the form of hunting
with birds. On the one hand, this activi-
ty was provided appropriate elements to
construct analogies that facilitate the un-
derstanding of the word of God. However,
on the other hand, it seems that perhaps
other reasons may explain this preference
of the speaker, more related to their own
experience and the reality of the society
to which he was going. And, in addition
to the textual sources, father Vincent often
drew on his own experience and, indeed,
to those aspects of the daily lives of his
audience. From the references we nd in
the sermons of saint Vincent we can de-
duce that the preacher should know rst
hand the various aspects of falconry, so it
should not be hard to use something fa-
miliar to construct analogies that enable
their audience understand the complex
theological concepts and achieve the
transformation of their lives, according
to the moral that the preacher sought to
implement.
274 CARMEL FERRAGUD; RICARDO M. OLMOS DE LEN
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
SUMARIO
1. Introduccin. 2. Las fuentes en la construccin de los sermones vicentinos. 3. La cetrera
en la sociedad bajomedieval. 3.1. Una actividad muy presente en toda la sociedad. 3.2. La
cetrera y la iglesia. 3.3. La simbologa asociada al ave de caza y al cazador. 4. La cetrera en
los sermones vicentinos. 5. Conclusiones. 6. Bibliografa citada.
1. INTRODUCCIN
La gura del dominico valenciano Vicente Ferrer resulta sorprendente por
la gran cantidad de trabajos que se han dedicado a su estudio. Su propia personalidad
y la gran inuencia social y poltica que tuvo sobre gobernantes de ciudades, papas
y monarcas, adems de su controvertido papel en torno a acontecimientos cruciales
de la historia de la Corona de Aragn y de Europa Occidental, han hecho verter ros
de tinta
2
.
Si su biografa y todo lo que aconteci en torno a su culto y devocin a
partir de su muerte y posterior santicacin resultan extraordinariamente sugerentes
3
,
la profundidad de su obra y de los sermones que nos han llegado reportados, o bien
los sermonarios esquematizados en los que se inspiraban, hoy prcticamente editados
en su conjunto, constituyen una fuente inagotable para estudios multidisciplinares
(literatura, lologa, historia).
Continuamente aparecen nuevos enfoques, perspectivas y aportaciones,
que ponen en evidencia la extremada riqueza de este material
4
. Es en esta lnea de
aportacin, de relectura de la obra vicentina, que debe ubicarse el presente trabajo.
Concretamente, pretendemos aportar un anlisis adicional de la gura del insigne
predicador y, especialmente, de la forma en que us uno de los elementos simblicos
ms signicativos de la sociedad medieval de los que se vali para construir sus ser-
mones: la cetrera
5
.
En realidad, la profundidad y la riqueza de sus sermones son tan extraordi-
narias que a menudo requieren un anlisis sistemtico utilizndolos como piezas par-
ticulares. Sin embargo, nuestra aproximacin ha sido mucho ms extensiva, y despus
2
Un resumen de los debates suscitados en torno a la gura de Vicente Ferrer y sus inuencias
sobre la sociedad bajomedieval en A. Toldr, Sant Vicent Ferrer, pp. 157-173.
3
Las biografas sobre el santo y los escritos sobre su inuencia posterior son numerosas. Cita-
remos aqu algunos de los estudios ms recientes: F.M. Alarcn Menargues, Sobre la vida de Vicent
Ferrer, pp. 253-255; A. Velasco, De Valncia a Vannes, pp. 395-427; A. Esponera, San Vicente Fe-
rrer; idem, El ocio de predicar, pp. 21-48.
4
Resultan fundamentales los trabajos de Josep Perarnau en el volumen del Arxiu de Textos
Catalans Antics (ATCA) dedicado a Estudis i inventari de sermons de Sant Vicent Ferrer, donde se
identican el conjunto de sermones y sermonarios relacionados con el predicador valenciano y los
tipos de estudio a que han dado lugar.
5
Por simplicidad, hemos decidido emplear este trmino (y sus derivados) pese a que la expresin
ms habitual en la Edad Media era la de caza con aves o, simplemente, caza. El trmino cetrera,
con sus variantes y derivados, aunque conocido y empleado en la Edad Media, extiende su uso en
la Edad Moderna y es el empleado en la actualidad para referirse a esta modalidad cinegtica. Sobre
ste y otros trminos relacionados, vase J.M. Fradejas, Notas lxicas, pp. 149-158.
Palabras clave: cetrera; sermones; predi-
cacin; exempla; Vicente Ferrer.
Keywords: falconry; sermons; preaching;
exempla; Vincent Ferrer.
LA CETRERA EN LOS EJEMPLOS, SMILES Y METFORAS 275
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
de un vaciado de todos los sermones reportados y los sermonarios publicados, hemos
podido obtener una rica informacin relativa a la caza con aves que puede resultar
til en un doble sentido. Por un lado, como elemento demostrativo de un tipo muy
particular de fuentes y recursos utilizados en la predicacin y, por otro, como muestra
de la importancia social de este tipo de caza, reejada en el uso que el predicador hizo
de ello
6
.
2. LAS FUENTES EN LA CONSTRUCCIN DE LOS SERMONES VICENTINOS
Son abundantes los trabajos que se han ocupado de estudiar la estructura y
el particular contenido de los sermones de los predicadores durante la Edad Media,
y en particular de los del dominico Vicente Ferrer, as como los recursos retricos y
oratorios que emplearon
7
. Sin embargo, la riqueza extraordinaria de las fuentes em-
pleadas por un predicador como el dominico valenciano, los recursos diversos a la
hora de elaborar sus numerosos sermones son tantos, que an quedan aspectos poco
conocidos o que han recibido una atencin muy parcial.
Construir un sermn era una tarea laboriosa a la cual el predicador sola
dedicar la tranquilidad de la noche. Solo o con algn colaborador buscaba entre sus
fuentes para confeccionar aquella homila que ms le interesaba para el da y el au-
ditorio que tendra delante
8
. Durante el siglo XIV haban proliferado los manuales
de ayuda o Ars Praedicandi, necesarios para hacer frente a las nuevas demandas del
pblico al que se enfrentaban los frailes mendicantes, tan dados al ocio de la predi-
cacin. La tarea que les era encomendada era notable. Autnticos alfabetizadores de
la fe y de las costumbres, tuvieron una inuencia extraordinaria. Su labor fue cada
vez ms exigente y debieron realizar un gran esfuerzo intelectual para construir sus
homilas, de las que el sermn era una parte esencial
9
.
De entre todas las partes del sermn, sin duda, congurar la dilatatio o
ampliacin, una vez trazada la temtica y el esquema general, requera de una pericia
intelectual que se debati entre el conocimiento y uso de textos muy diversos, que se
fueron acumulando con el tiempo desde los inicios de la predicacin altomedieval, y
la aportacin personal y singular de cada individuo, en funcin de sus experiencias
y gustos, con el n de acercarse de la mejor forma posible a su auditorio. Se trataba
de incorporar constantemente nuevos elementos que despertaran la atencin y que
conmovieran
10
.
Los predicadores medievales disponan de un amplio arsenal de materiales
con el n de amplicar su sermn, tal y como les indicaban los manuales del Ars
Praedicandi. En el caso de Vicente Ferrer, stos iban desde textos con carcter estric-
tamente religioso, tales como la Biblia, y especialmente el Nuevo Testamento, o los
6
Con todo, somos conscientes de los riesgos advertidos de usar los ejemplos como elemento
extrado del sermn que les da sentido, en el tono expresado en C. Delcorno, Bernardino narratore,
p. 127. Sin embargo, nosotros los contextualizaremos dentro de la temtica y el ejemplo para el que
fueron creados, y no como piezas literarias por s mismas.
7
Para una contextualizacin del sermn vicentino en el marco general de la predicacin bajome-
dieval europea, vase T. Martnez, Alguns aspectes, pp. 109-133; idem, Aproximaci als sermons,
pp. 51-77; M. Sanchis Guarner, Estudi preliminar, pp. 7-35; P.M. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y lite-
ratura, pp. 83-99. Las peculiaridades de su oratoria en J. Fuster, Notes per a un estudi, pp. 87-185.
8
J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent, p. XXVI.
9
F. Eiximenis, Art de predicaci, pp. XXV-LXI.
10
T. Martnez, Aproximaci als sermons, pp. 76-77.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
escritos patrsticos (san Dionisio, san Jernimo), pasando por textos loscos (Aris-
tteles, Platn, Boecio, Vegecio), teolgicos (La Summa Theologiae de santo Toms
de Aquino, las Etimologiae de san Isidoro), jurdicos debemos tener en cuenta su
origen familiar y enciclopdicos muy conocidos, como el De animalibus de Alberto
Magno, bestiarios, lapidarios, herbarios y otros. Y es que Ferrer fue un estudioso apa-
sionado, amante de los libros y de las bibliotecas, que abominaba la ignorancia, sobre
todo de los profesionales (mdicos, juristas, notarios), y que aplic estrictamente a
su obra los principios del escolasticismo en el que se haba formado
11
. Sin embargo,
estos textos, que bien conoca, no fueron citados explcitamente casi nunca. sta fue
una caracterstica propia de los predicadores del siglo XV frente a los de los siglos an-
teriores, que s prerieron citar permanentemente y con cierta exactitud las fuentes de
donde haban bebido sus sermones
12
.

Pero, adems, en ambos casos, los predicadores
huyeron casi siempre de la cita textual, y lo que es ms comn, como veremos ms
adelante, buscaron sus ejemplos en historias contemporneas, episodios conocidos,
costumbres y supersticiones cercanas a su auditorio, es decir, buscaron popularizar
sus contenidos
13
.
El riqusimo y apabullante repertorio de ejemplos (exempla), smiles (simi-
litudines), metforas e imgenes utilizadas en los sermones, que se confunden a veces
unos con otros, se construyeron a partir del conocimiento profundo de estos mate-
riales y de su reelaboracin
14
. Y eso que podemos considerar que no necesariamente
todo este material y recursos literarios del predicador fueran recogidos siempre y con
integridad, y que tal vez esto qued a criterio del reportador
15
. De hecho, el predica-
dor no necesitaba acudir directamente a las fuentes ya que, sobre todo desde el siglo
XIII, diversos autores se haban dedicado a compilar y reunir autnticas colecciones
de exempla. Los repertorios fueron creciendo y hacindose cada vez ms tiles y sen-
cillos en su manejo. El predicador podra as escoger rpida y ecazmente el material
11
M. Beuchot, Pensamiento losco, pp. 33-35. De l se dijo que no ces en su estudio ni si-
quiera durante sus viajes de predicacin: S. Fuster, Proceso de canonizacin, pp. 31, 152. De hecho,
lleg a crear un rgimen de sanidad para el predicador, en el que se aconsejaba sobre los hbitos
adecuados para poder estudiar. Vase la traduccin castellana del tratado en A. Robles, Tratado de la
vida espiritual, en Obras y escritos, pp. 312-323. Aqu se ofrece una lista de ediciones y traducciones,
as como un breve estudio sobre la composicin, contenidos e inuencias utilizadas por Ferrer en la
elaboracin del tratado.
12
J. Ziegler, Medicine and religion, pp. 208-211. El caso de Ferrer, en F. Carb, Notes sobre les
estratgies, pp. 139-152. Con Vicente Ferrer, por ejemplo, comparte esta caracterstica otro insigne
predicador como fue Bernardino de Siena. C. Delcorno, Exemplum e letteratura, pp. 129-130.
13
Con todo, debemos matizar la armacin que siempre se ha mantenido en torno al contenido
popular de los sermones vicentinos, ya que la erudicin y la complejidad se encuentran tambin
presentes en sus sermones. Hay que tener en cuenta que sus auditorios fueron bien distintos y el pre-
dicador se acopl siempre a ellos. T. Martnez, Aproximaci als sermons, pp. 125-126.
14
Aunque aquello que dena el exemplum era su carcter moral y ejemplarizante para el cris-
tiano, as como su estructura narrativa corta, detrs de esta palabra se escondieron diversos recursos
literarios, sin que necesariamente siguieran un esquema narrativo. El propio Tubach recogi en su
famoso catlogo smiles y referencias diversas que tenan tambin una funcin ejemplar. F. Tubach,
Index exemplorum, p. 520. A veces smil, cuento, caso, milagro o historia se utilizaron con
la misma nalidad y funcionaron como sinnimos. F. Kemmler, Exempla in context, pp. 61-62. En el
caso de Vicente Ferrer, exemple, miracle, semblana, rah y gura constituyen trminos
que utiliz para designar lo que entendemos por ejemplo. Los smiles (semblana), muy habi-
tuales en el sermonario del predicador valenciano, se convertiran en un medio ideal para explicar
los misterios de la religin, y muchas veces seran de mayor uso que los propios ejemplos (tres por
sermn frente a dos ejemplos). V. Almazan, Lexemplum, pp. 300-304.
15
F. Morenzoni, Exempla et predication, pp. 272-273.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
indicado para el tema sobre el que quisiera hablar a sus feligreses. En tiempos de
Vicente Ferrer ya haba disponibles un amplio elenco de estas colecciones
16
.
En realidad, en el siglo XIII se produjo un cambio en las fuentes empleadas
por los predicadores: la Glossa ordinaria, las obras de los padres de la iglesia y la
Biblia moralizada, aunque no cesaran de usarse, dejaron paso a textos profanos, entre
los que destacan las enciclopedias y bestiarios medievales
17
. El mundo natural y, espe-
cialmente, las propiedades de los animales se convirtieron en recurso inagotable a la
hora de construir las analogas que facilitaran la comprensin del mensaje teolgico.
Las criaturas de la naturaleza fueron un sujeto apto para abrir los espritus ms rudos,
ya que cuando el discurso revelado por las sagradas escrituras no conmova a un au-
ditorio se poda llamar la atencin con el uso de elementos diferentes y novedosos. Y
as, los comentarios acerca de las alegoras con animales, plantas y otros elementos de
la naturaleza no fueron sino una invitacin al predicador para abordar temas inusita-
dos y conseguir muchas sugerencias para la amplicacin de sus sermones
18
.
Tambin el padre Vicente Ferrer recurri a estas fuentes, como muestra un
sermn castellano:
una vegada un can furt a un carniero una piea de carne e fuesse con
ella e ovo de passar un rro. E al passar del rro, la carne que llevava en la
boca zo sonbra, e l pens que fuese otra piea de carne, e solt la que
llevava por tomar aqulla; e ass perdi la carne que levava
19
.
Si comparamos este pasaje con el Bestiari cataln observaremos que se re-
coge una informacin sobre la naturaleza de los perros y su signicado que nos de-
muestra que sin duda fue sta la fuente a la que recurri nuestro predicador:
que com ell passa per algun pont e porta formatge o pa o carn en la bocha,
o altra cosa, e veu la ombra daquell formatge en layga e li sembla major
que aquella que porta en la bocha, lexa caer aquella que t en la bocha e
gitas en layga, e pert lo formatge que tenia
20
.
En una de las pocas ocasiones en que el padre Vicente cit su fuente expl-
citamente, concretamente en uno de sus sermones predicados en Castilla, se reri al
libro de Bartolom de Glanville o Bartolom el Ingls (Bartolomeus Anglicus). Se
trata de una historia natural que estuvo bien presente en el mbito catalanoaragons
ya en los inicios del siglo XV, como lo demuestra el inters puesto por el rey Martn
el Humano en 1404 y 1405. As, el 17 de agosto de 1404 pidi al baile general de Ara-
16
Basta tener en cuenta los 5.400 exempla que fueron recogidos por Frederic Tubach a partir
de 37 colecciones, para tener una idea de la importancia y magnitud de este gnero. F. Tubach,
Index Exemplorum. Sobre los exempla y su uso en los sermones vase C. Bremond, J. Le Goff,
J.C. Schmitt, Lexemplum, pp. 147-164; J. Berlioz, Le rcit efcace, pp. 113-146. Ejemplos del uso
de hroes en los exempla, en W.J. Aerts, M. Grosman, Exemplum et similitudo. Para el caso espaol
vase F. Bravo, Arte de ensear, pp. 303-327. Son tambin tiles las introducciones a ediciones como
las de V. de la Torre, J. Lozano (eds.), Gesta Romanorum, pp. 24-38; F. Kemmler, Exempla in context,
pp. 60-90; M. Ambrosio Snchez, Un sermonario castellano. Para el caso concreto de Ferrer, vase
V. Almazan, Lexemplum, pp. 288-297.
17
G. Parussa, La nature merveilleuse des animaux, p. 144; V. de la Torre, J. Lozano (eds.),
Gesta Romanorum, pp. 38-39.
18
B. Van den Abeele, Lallgorie animale, p. 131.
19
P.M. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, p. 400.
20
Bestiaris, vol. II, p. 33.
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gn que le enviase, entre otras cosas, un libro que contena este texto. El rey deseaba
ansiosamente recibir el manuscrito desde tiempo atrs, aunque no haba tenido for-
tuna para acceder a l. Por eso, el 28 de agosto del siguiente ao volvi a reclamar el
volumen al merino de Zaragoza, diciendo que, en este caso, se deba pagar un precio
e quel haviesse del prehicador
21
. Desgraciadamente, no sabemos a qu individuo se
refera, pero el hecho nos indica el inters que haban puesto en l los profesionales
de la predicacin.
Concretamente, el libro 18 de Bartolom el Ingls versaba sobre los ani-
males, y fue ste el que sirvi de inspiracin a nuestro dominico para hablar de
un tipo de vboras llamadas tigris, adecuadas para hacer medicinas. Las particu-
laridades etolgicas de esta vbora, puramente fantsticas, fueron desveladas en el
sermn
22
.
En otras ocasiones, podemos adivinar la procedencia de sus fuentes. Este
sera el caso del De animalibus de Alberto Magno. En el captulo De cane, el autor se
reri a la capacidad que tenan los perros de sanarse a s mismos gracias a las propie-
dades curativas de su saliva
23
. Siguiendo con este smil, en diversas ocasiones Ferrer
compar a los predicadores con los perros. En primer lugar, porque con sus ladridos,
o predicaciones, advierten a las personas y ahuyentan a los diablos, como los perros
hacen lo propio con los lobos respecto del ganado. En segundo lugar, porque as como
los perros curan las heridas lamiendo con lengua medicinal, de la misma forma los
predicadores tienen una lengua medicinal y, lamiendo al que predican, le curan las
heridas extirpndoles los vicios
24
.
Con todo, debemos advertir que Vicente Ferrer manej a su antojo y conve-
niencia los materiales de los que dispona, de tal forma que su posicin frente a ellos
se convierte en ambigua y contradictoria. Este sera el caso ante la cultura clsica
profana y la contempornea
25
. As, nuestro predicador se mostr contrario al estudio
de la losofa como saber profano y autnomo. Para ste, las artes liberales y la -
losofa natural no tenan valor si no era como medio de interpretacin de la Biblia,
donde reside la nica ciencia que el creyente debe poseer para salvarse. Toda aquella
losofa que l consider como servidora de la teologa fue apropiada y apro-
vechada siempre que pudo servir a sus nes, que eran, ms que explicar teologa,
conseguir la reforma de las costumbres morales del pueblo cristiano
26
. Ferrer utilizar,
por ejemplo, el esquema de las siete artes liberales que se encuentran presentes en
la excelencia de la doctrina de Cristo como imagen, pero advirti que sobre nada de
aquello, que conoca perfectamente, predic el hijo de Dios, pues lo nico importante
es qu debemos hacer para alcanzar el paraso
27
. Igualmente, la presencia de los cuatro
elementos aristotlicos y las alusiones al lsofo sern permanentes.
21
Ambos documentos fueron publicados en A. Rubi i Lluch, Documents per lhistria, 493
y 497.
22
La antigua tradicin de los encantadores de serpientes que hacan sonar sus instrumentos para
controlar a los reptiles aparece en el bestiario cataln. En ste se nombra la aprs, una serpiente que
se tapa una oreja con la cola y que pega la otra al suelo para no escuchar el instrumento del encanta-
dor. Ahora bien, en el bestiario el sonido no lo produca el demonio sino el predicador, que pretenda
hacer llegar la voz de Dios al cristiano que hace odos sordos. Bestiaris, vol. I, pp. 81-82.
23
Curare autem vulnera sua et aliena dicuntur lingua et si lingua tangere non possunt, pedem
saliva infectum locum laesum tangunt et sanant. J. Loncke, La Practica canum, pp. 15 y 98.
24
Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 123.
25
T. Martnez, Aproximaci als sermons, p. 29; V. Martines, Sant Jordi, p. 102.
26
J.E. Rubio, Salvar Aristtil?, pp. 189-191; A. Esponer, El ocio de predicar, pp. 87-104.
27
Vicent Ferrer, Sermonario de Perugia, p. 425; idem, Sermons, vol. V, p. 213.
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Sin duda, una de las cuestiones que merece todava una especial atencin
en los sermones vicentinos es el uso de los conocimientos cientcos. Debemos ar-
mar que las referencias a la ciencia y a las artes liberales son muy abundantes en los
sermones y adems relativas a numerosos campos del conocimiento
28
. Y, cmo no,
nuestro predicador demostr tener gran inters por la astronoma y la astrologa, como
ciencias que eran capaces de describir la estructura del universo, con el sol, la luna
y los diferentes planetas y cielos conocidos, y la bveda celeste ja con las estrellas.
Pero que tambin eran capaces de dar explicacin a determinados fenmenos clima-
tolgicos (lluvias, granizadas) o a las epidemias
29
.
Con todo, merece un lugar muy destacado en los sermones vicentinos la
medicina
30
. El padre Vicente Ferrer utiliz con frecuencia algunos de los problemas a
los que la humanidad se haba enfrentado, derivados de su propia naturaleza. De este
modo, la enfermedad, el dolor, la muerte, la prdida de la salud, su mantenimiento y
su recuperacin a travs de los distintos remedios y los practicantes con los que cont
aquella sociedad, ya fueran los aceptados por l cmo vlidos (medicina galenista, cu-
randeros, fsicos, barberos) como aquellos sospechosos de pertenecer al diablo y al
pecado (frmulas supersticiosas, oraciones, ensalmos), hicieron acto de presencia
en sus sermones. El dominico utiliz aquel contexto para diluirlo en sus predicaciones
y acercarse mejor a los sentimientos y el entendimiento de sus oyentes
31
.
Efectivamente, en el tema de la medicina, como en tantos otros, el pre-
dicador se debati entre la materia doctrinal y la experiencia cotidiana del oyente.
Pero el hecho de que muchas de estas realidades intelectuales estuvieran muy ale-
jadas de la mayor parte del auditorio, hizo que Ferrer se decantara por diferentes
recursos retricos que evocaban situaciones que partan de la experiencia concreta
de sus oyentes y que describan costumbres, maneras de hacer o de hablar que alu-
dan a la vida cotidiana, tal y como haban advertido las artes de predicacin y se
puede comprobar en otros predicadores
32
. Ferrer apelaba a una parte del universo
familiar de sus oyentes, muchas veces con una gran carga visual. As, por ejemplo,
utiliz en ocasiones las referencias a las pinturas y a las vidrieras que, como es
bien conocido, conguraron programas iconogrcos que pretendieron iluminar
28
La geometra, en Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 615. Tambin la m-
sica se hace presente cuando compara los gritos proferidos por los martirizados con los sonidos de
diferentes tipos de instrumentos musicales. Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. IV, pp. 204-205. En cierta
ocasin compar los tubos de un rgano con las distintas formas de predicar segn a quien se dirige el
sermn. Vicente Ferrer, Coleccin de Sermones de Cuaresma y otros segn el Manuscrito de Ayora,
pp. 442-443.
29
En un sermn predicado en la Cuaresma de Valencia, justific desde una perspectiva
cientfica o natural y otra teologal el por qu se haba ordenado tradicionalmente por la iglesia
el hacer determinadas rogativas y procesiones con letanas. V. Ferrer, Sermons, vol. VI, p. 108.
Sin embargo, el conocimiento de todo ello era limitado para el hombre, y era as que emerga
triunfadora la fe para dar explicacin de todo ello. J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vi-
cent, pp. 7-8.
30
C. Ferragud, La difusin de los conocimientos, pp. 461-466. Tambin algn autor ha interpre-
tado la realidad de la sociedad medieval trazada por Ferrer en sus sermones, en la clave de cuerpo
enfermo. J.A. Ysern-Lagarda, Sant Vicent Ferrer, p. 85. Un primer acercamiento, si bien muy bsico
y estrecho, a la realidad mdica en los sermones vicentinos en J. Chabs, Las costumbres y la medici-
na, pp. 617-620. Actualmente, uno de nosotros (Ferragud) trabaja en una monografa sobre la ciencia
y la medicina en los sermones vicentinos.
31
Vicente Ferrer era heredero de una larga tradicin, iniciada en el siglo XII, en la que los predica-
dores utilizaron como recurso la medicina, que tan bien se ajustaba como smil y ejemplo al mensaje
que se quera transmitir. J. Ziegler, Medicine and religion, pp. 176-213.
32
F. Eximenis, Art de predicaci, pp. 35-36; F. Morenzoni, Exempla et prdication, pp. 271-272.
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visualmente al pueblo cristiano sobre los contenidos de su fe, analfabeto como era
en su mayora
33
.
Ferrer demostr tener amplios conocimientos sobre numerosos mbitos y
aspectos de la sociedad de su poca, desde la corte real y su organizacin, el ejrcito,
la guerra y los mtodos empleados en el combate, hasta los ambientes urbanos ms
populares y en ocasiones ms srdidos, como el hostal y la taberna, y lo relativo al
mundo rural
34
. La experiencia mundana de Ferrer se dej sentir con gran intensidad
en sus sermones, y la aplic intensivamente para sintonizar y llegar con la mayor
facilidad a sus fervientes admiradores. Cualquier detalle pareca til para que la hbil
y gil mente del predicador lo convirtiera en ejemplo para transmitir la complejidad
de su mensaje y transformar las actitudes de aquella gente. Tan profunda resulta su
radiografa de los escenarios y los personajes del medioevo, que ello ha permitido un
acercamiento a numerosas realidades de aquella sociedad
35
.
En este sentido, la cetrera sera utilizada en sus sermones en numerosas oca-
siones. Aquella prctica tan comn y difundida en la Baja Edad Media, constituye otra
clara muestra del recurso de nuestro predicador a su propia experiencia y a la realidad
cotidiana de la sociedad en la que vivi. Sin embargo, antes de analizar en detalle el uso
que hace san Vicente de la cetrera en sus sermones, resulta necesario conocer algunos
detalles de esta tcnica de caza y de su presencia en la sociedad bajomedieval.
3. LA CETRERA EN LA SOCIEDAD BAJOMEDIEVAL
La cetrera, modalidad de caza en la que el hombre se vale de aves de
presa adiestradas para capturar otros animales, se encontraba ya plenamente es-
tablecida en los territorios de la Europa Occidental en la Baja Edad Media
36
. La
captura de halcones, azores y gavilanes, su adiestramiento y cuidados, estaban lejos
de ser tareas sencillas, y requeran una precisa formacin. Incluso la propia accin
de la caza requera experiencia para ser concluida con xito. La necesidad de ad-
quirir los conocimientos especcos de esta arte e ienia de la caa de las aves
37

debi contar entre los motivos de la aparicin y gran difusin de tratados de cetrera
en la Baja Edad Media, en los que se recogan y exponan los diferentes aspectos
relacionados con el arte, desde la alimentacin y los cuidados mdicos de las aves
(primeros tratados, en latn) hasta la eleccin de las mismas, su adiestramiento y
la caza propiamente dicha (tratados tardos, en lenguas vernculas)
38
. Adems del
33
Un ejemplo extraordinario del papel moralizante del arte son las vidrieras de la catedral de
Chartres. J.W. Williams, Bread, Wine and Money, especialmente en los captulos 3, 4 y 5. Sobre la
valoracin que da Vicente Ferrer a la pintura, vase A. Toldr, Sant Vicent contra el pintor, pp. 37-56.
34
Sobre la guerra y el ejrcito en J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent Ferrer, p. 142. Una
descripcin de los miembros de la casa real comparados con las distintas categoras del pueblo de
Dios en M. Llop, San Vicente Ferrer, pp. 68-69.
35
Vase un estudio de los distintos colectivos que integraban la sociedad, as como aspectos pro-
fesionales, laborales y econmicos en M. Llop, San Vicente Ferrer. Para la prostitucin, la violencia
y el orden social, vase R. Narbona, Pueblo, poder y sexo, pp. 79-121.
36
Su difusin por Europa se produjo en la Alta Edad Media, de mano de los pueblos germnicos
por el norte y de mano de los rabes por el sur. Vase J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 17-20;
idem, La cetrera en el mundo iberoamericano, pp. 35-38.
37
Expresin empleada por el canciller Pero Lpez de Ayala, en M. Delgado, Edicin crtica del
Libro de la caza de las aves, p. 63.
38
As justica el canciller Pero Lpez de Ayala la redaccin de su obra, en pleno siglo XIV:
E quando yo comen a afanar con el nebl, mucho me pluguiera aver fallado un pequeo escripto
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recurso a los libros, el aprendizaje con otros cazadores o maestros debi ser la for-
ma ms habitual de adquirir los conocimientos necesarios y quiz la nica antes del
inicio de la importante produccin de los tratados de cetrera, que tuvo lugar en el
siglo XII, aunque, sin duda, el intercambio de experiencias entre cazadores debi
siempre contribuir a la difusin de los conocimientos y a la evolucin del arte de la
caza con aves.
El adiestramiento de estas aves giraba en torno a una idea fundamental: el
control preciso del hambre del ave. Una gran sensibilidad, experiencia y pericia eran
necesarias para dosicar, en calidad y cantidad, el alimento que se proporcionaba al
ave y lograr el estado ptimo para su manejo y para la caza
39
. Por ello, para tener aves
de cetrera y cazar con ellas, no bastaba con superar un proceso de aprendizaje, sino
que se requeran unas cualidades personales muy particulares y una cierta habilidad
natural, adems de una inclinacin a la caza, como pusieron de maniesto los autores
de los antiguos tratados de cetrera
40
.
Para adiestrar estas aves y cazar con ellas eran necesarios, adems, una serie
de tiles especcos y unas instalaciones adecuadas. Guantes, caperuzas, cascabeles,
pihuelas, lonjas, seuelos, eran algunos de los instrumentos empleados por los hal-
coneros medievales para manejar las aves de caza
41
. Esta actividad tan especializa-
da produjo un riqusimo vocabulario tcnico, indispensable para poder expresar con
precisin todos los conceptos que exiga el arte, desde las caractersticas de las aves
empleadas hasta los tiles necesarios para manejarlas, los sntomas de sus enferme-
dades o las tcnicas de caza
42
. Tambin debe destacarse la importancia de la prctica
mdica que siempre estuvo estrechamente asociada al manejo de halcones, azores y
gavilanes. Y es que mantener estas aves en cautividad exigi recurrir de forma conti-
nua a la medicina para conservar su salud y para curarlas de las enfermedades, heridas
y fracturas que con frecuencia sufran
43
.
tal como este, por do me podiera regir e governar e guardar de fazer algunos yerros en la caa que
ze e con que da muchos falcones, e yo era sin culpa ca non saba ms e quando me aconpaava
con falconeros que saban el arte parava mientes e por ventura en un mes aprenda un captulo de lo
que vea, en M. Delgado, Edicin crtica del Libro de la caza de las aves, p. 150. Sobre las obras
de caza en la Edad Media y su evolucin, vase B. Van den Abeele, La littrature cyngtique.
pp. 31 y ss.
39
Tanto los tratados de cetrera como las enciclopedias, en sus apartados correspondientes a
las aves de presa, advierten sobre este aspecto del gobierno de las aves. Por ejemplo, en un tratado
cataln se explica: Per qus mester que tot caador se avise e que, tantost, mijant lo mes de febrer,
abaxets vostre ocell e quen cacets ben tenprat e quel tingats ben pijat, pus fort que no soleu, e quel
faats caar ab fam. E, si labaxau, serets-ne senyor e senyorejarets-vos a ell, si no desconxer-vos
ha, per qu tot caador se deu avisar es deu entricar de tenir lo seu aucell gras en lo temps que u ha
mester ho en cominal carn o magre, segons lo temps, en M. Garcia, C. Arronis, H. Cmara (eds.),
Libre de animals de caar, ff. 20r-20v.
40
Vase, por ejemplo, el apartado De falconario qualis debet esse, de la obra de Federico II,
donde se dan, incluso, indicaciones sobre las cualidades morales del halconero. A.L. Trombetti (ed.),
De Arte venandi cum avibus, pp. 346 y ss.
41
Sobre los tiles e instalaciones vase, por ejemplo, J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 66-89.
42
Para la lengua castellana hay un estudio en M. lvarez-Buylla, El vocabulario de la cetrera.
43
Prueba de ello es que todos los tratados de cetrera medievales dedican una parte importante,
cuando no toda la obra, a las enfermedades de las aves y a los remedios para curarlas. Sobre el
contenido de las obras castellanas, vase J.M. Fradejas, Literatura cetrera de la Edad Media y el
Renacimiento espaol, pp. 7-10. Para las obras latinas, B. Van den Abeele, La fauconnerie au Moyen
Age, pp. 11-12.
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3.1. Una actividad muy presente en toda la sociedad
Las aves de presa y su empleo en la caza han tenido diferentes funciones
a lo largo del tiempo y en los diferentes territorios en los que se ha desarrollado esta
relacin entre hombres y rapaces. Aparte de los evidentes objetivos utilitarios de cual-
quier modalidad de caza, que son obtener carne y pieles o eliminar animales nocivos,
la cetrera jug en la sociedad medieval un importante papel en la formacin de los
jvenes de la aristocracia, adems de constituir una importante actividad de recreo y,
en cualquier caso, un signo de distincin y de poder
44
.
Es indicativo de la importancia que tuvo esta actividad en la Edad Media,
tanto en los reinos peninsulares como en el resto de Europa Occidental, las numerosas
huellas que ha dejado en la literatura medieval y en otras formas de manifestacin
artstica, adems de los propios tratados de caza que ya hemos mencionado
45
. Ms
an, las numerosas referencias a las aves de caza que salpican los documentos de la
poca no hacen sino conrmar la presencia de la cetrera en mltiples mbitos de la
sociedad medieval.
Una idea bastante extendida es que, en la sociedad medieval occidental, la
posesin de aves y su empleo para la caza estaba limitada a la nobleza. Azores, gavi-
lanes y halcones de diferentes tipos
46
eran capturados, comprados o recibidos como
obsequio por reyes y nobles, que llegaron a poseer un nmero elevadsimo de dichas
aves. Para custodiarlas, las casas reales y seoriales contaban con varios halconeros,
normalmente bajo el mando de un halconero mayor, y stos eran los responsables
de guarnecer a las aves de los utensilios necesarios para su manejo, de alimentarlas,
adiestrarlas, mantenerlas sanas y curarlas de sus enfermedades
47
.
Prueba de la importancia que la nobleza daba a estas aves y a la caza con
ellas es el gran dispendio que hacan para adquirir y mantener dichas aves o los uten-
silios propios del arte que, a menudo, estaban elaborados con materiales preciosos.
Tanto las aves como los tiles empleados en su manejo constituan un obsequio muy
especial y, frecuentemente, una manera de sellar acuerdos
48
. Algunos monarcas lle-
garon a recibir un sobrenombre por su acin a la caza, como Juan I de Aragn, a
quien se le conoci como Joan lo Caador y, en algunos casos, la acin lleg a tales
extremos que fue calicada de vicio
49
.
Sin embargo, un signicativo nmero de referencias dispersas sugieren que
la cetrera no estaba tan limitada a los grupos sociales ms elevados y que esta forma de
caza, de ostentacin y de poder, pudo convivir con otra prctica mucho ms modesta.
Ahora bien, el principal problema para el estudio de la caza con aves por parte de gente
44
Pero Lpez de Ayala compuso su tratado para exeriio de los omes por los tirar de oio e
pensamiento e puedan aver entre los sus enojos e cuidados algund plazer e recreamiento sin pecado.
M. Delgado, Edicin crtica del Libro de la caza de las aves, pp. 59-60. Sobre las funciones de la
cetrera y la caza, vase J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, pp. 24-25; R.S. Oggins, The kings and
their hawks, pp. 109-112.
45
Algunas muestras de arte medieval inspirado en la caza con aves pueden verse en Ch.A. de
Chamerlat, La fauconnerie et lart, pp. 82-103.
46
Intentamos evitar el empleo del trmino especie que contaminara, con el signicado del
concepto de la taxonoma moderna, la clasicacin medieval de las aves.
47
Por ejemplo, en las Ordinacions de Pedro el Ceremonioso se estipulaba que la casa real debera
contar con un halconero mayor, seis halconeros y dos cazadores o guardas de perros, cada uno de los
cuales tena unas funciones asignadas. Vase F.M. Gimeno, D. Gozalbo, J. Trenchs (eds.), Ordina-
cions de la Casa i Cort de Pere el Cerimonis, pp. 82-85.
48
I. Beceiro, La caza y la alta nobleza bajomedieval, pp. 77 y ss.
49
J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, p. 25.
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de condicin ms humilde reside en que muchas facetas de la vida cotidiana de los
integrantes de los niveles inferiores de la sociedad medieval apenas han dejado huella
en las fuentes habituales
50
. A esto se debe que no se haya insistido sobre este punto.
Menciones explcitas a la prctica de la cetrera por parte de personas de
diferente condicin las encontramos ya en algunos tratados de caza. Juan Manuel
explica que las menos aves que el grant seor deve traer para fazer caa conplida
deven seer dieziocho, ya que si non lo fazen, caaran com[o] otro omne, mas non
como pertenese caar al grant seor
51
. Y es que nobles y seores fueron un modelo a
imitar por la sociedad. De este modo, si en un principio la posesin y la caza con aves
ya fue, en s misma, un signo de distincin social, al ir extendindose esta prctica en
la sociedad en el intento de imitar a los grupos superiores, stos debieron trasladar el
signo de distincin al nmero de aves posedas y a su diversidad, rareza y valor o al
resto de elementos que rodeaban a las aves (utensilios decorados, etc.) y las partidas
de caza
52
. Algunas aves posean caractersticas que las hacan accesibles a muchas
ms personas. Este sera el caso de los borns, que tenan un valor econmico muy
inferior al de otros halcones ms apreciados (nebls, bahars, gerifaltes) y que eran
mucho menos delicados y costosos de mantener, por lo que estaran al alcance de
gente de condicin ms modesta
53
. En algunos territorios de la Corona de Aragn, en
concreto en las islas Baleares, se ha podido documentar la posesin de halcones y la
prctica de la cetrera por parte de personas de un nivel social menos elevado y resulta
llamativo que en algn documento de la poca se describa a los campesinos montando
a caballo y portando halcones
54
. Precisamente aqu se ha documentado la existencia
de afaitadors de falcons, que adiestraran por encargo las aves de diferentes cazadores
que, quiz por su condicin ms modesta, no podran mantener a su servicio varios
halconeros para atender gran nmero de aves
55
.
El hecho de que muchos aspectos relacionados con la cetrera y con las aves
de caza fueran regulados tambin apoya la idea de una mayor difusin social de esta
actividad. El precio de las aves de caza, as como las condiciones y los tiempos en
que stas podan capturarse, el precio de los utensilios propios del arte, los periodos
de veda y las zonas en que se poda cazar con aves eran habitualmente objeto de
regulacin, bien en Fueros, en legislacin de Cortes o en ordenanzas municipales. A
menudo, la caza con aves estaba sometida a menores restricciones en el tiempo y el
espacio que otras modalidades cinegticas. Resulta especialmente llamativo que en
50
La prctica de la cetrera por parte de personas no pertenecientes a la nobleza ya ha sido apun-
tada en varias ocasiones, como en R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks, pp. 113-126 o en B. Van
den Abeele, La fauconnerie au Moyen Age, pp. 165-171.
51
J.M. Fradejas (ed.), Don Juan Manuel y el Libro de la caza, p. 191.
52
R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks, p. 117.
53
Beltrn de la Cueva, en las glosas para el tratado de cetrera de Juan de Sahagn escribi: Estos
burnis es buen linaje de falcones, porque son poco costosos para los dalgos que no pueden cazar con
otras aves, y aun aydales la costa de la carne. J. de Sahagn, Libro de cetrera, p. 22. Prueba de
que eran aves menos apreciadas es que, en El libro de la caza, De los borns non quiso don Johan
fablar mucho porque se non paga mucho de la su caa nin de las sus maneras. J.M. Fradejas (ed.),
Don Juan Manuel y El libro de la caza, p. 144.
54
J. Bover, R. Rosell, Alguns aspectes de la falconeria rab, p. 72.
55
La gura del adiestrador de halcones es poco conocida. La informacin de las referencias para
las Baleares se encuentra en J. Bover, R. Rossell, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 119-121. Breves
referencias en documentos medievales, como que el hostalero de Valencia, Domingo Conill, tena en-
tre sus bienes dos guants ab quatre cascavells e dos capells de falqu, dan indicio de que personas
de condicin ms sencilla y, desde luego no pertenecientes a la nobleza, podan poseer aves y cazar
con ellas. Archivo del Reino de Valencia, Justicia Civil, n. 394, mano 3, f. 12 (3-4-1378).
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
algn caso se llegara a legislar para asegurar la venta de carne para alimento de las
aves durante todo el ao, evitando las limitaciones que los diferentes credos (cristiano,
judo y musulmn) imponan a la venta de carne para consumo humano. En algunos
casos, la caza con aves, adems de otras artes, se prohibi completamente debido a los
daos ocasionados por los cazadores en sus salidas de caza
56
.
Resulta claro, pues, que la caza con aves en la Edad Media debi ser prac-
ticada por gente perteneciente a grupos sociales diferentes, si bien de una forma y
con unos objetivos diversos, teniendo siempre presente que debieron darse grandes
diferencias a lo largo del tiempo y en los diferentes territorios de la Europa Occiden-
tal. No sera exagerado armar que prcticamente toda la sociedad medieval estaba
familiarizada con la cetrera, ya que se haca presente en muchos momentos de la
vida cotidiana. Los cazadores portaban constantemente sus halcones sobre el puo,
no slo cuando iban de caza, llegando a ir a la iglesia con sus aves, y era habitual que
se anunciara pblicamente la prdida de estas preciadas rapaces ofreciendo recom-
pensas a quien las encontrara
57
. Tambin, para alimentarlas, especialmente a las de
los grandes seores que las llevaban en sus desplazamientos, los halconeros deban
ir comprando palomas y gallinas all por donde pasaban. Adems, un gran nmero
personas y de gentes del lugar deban ser reclutadas para participar como auxiliares
en las partidas de caza de los seores. Para los campesinos que trabajaban en sus
campos deba ser habitual encontrarse con los cazadores en sus salidas de caza y, a
menudo, las aves de los cazadores capturaban, por accidente, las gallinas o las ocas
de las aldeas y caseros
58
. Finalmente, mucha gente sencilla participaba en la bsque-
da y vigilancia de nidos para tomar los pollos, aparte de los rederos profesionales
dedicados a la captura de aves
59
.
Miembros de algunos ocios artesanales estaban implicados indirectamente
en el trato con las aves. ste era el caso de los boticarios y especieros, que preparaban
y despachaban medicinas para los halcones y otras aves de caza, los carniceros, que
proporcionaban carne para las mismas, y los carpinteros, que construan y arreglaban
las alcndaras. Pero las tripulaciones de las naves y, especialmente los comerciantes,
tambin debieron familiarizarse con estas rapaces y con el vocabulario de la cetrera
para poder realizar sus transacciones, ya que transportaban grandes cantidades de
halcones de unas tierras a otras
60
.
56
M.A. Ladero Quesada, La caza en la legislacin municipal castellana, pp. 209-213; J.M. Fra-
dejas Rueda, Pasado y presente, pp. 22-24.
57
Sobre prdida de halcones, vase J. Bover, R. Rossell, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 128-
132.
58
Aunque referido a otra modalidades de caza, hay documentos que prueban la participacin de
gran nmero de campesinos del lugar en partidas de caza reales (M.A. Ladero, La casa real en la
Baja Edad Media, p. 337) por lo que es posible suponer que tambin sucediera con la caza con aves.
En algunos tratados de cetrera se advierte del problema que supone que las aves se acostumbren a
ir a las aldeas a por las aves de corral, por ejemplo, en J.M. Fradejas (ed.), Libro de acetrera y mon-
tera, vol. I, p. 154, o en M. Garcia, C. Arronis, H. Cmara (eds.), Libre de animals de caar, f. 8v.
59
Sobre las personas encargadas de buscar y capturar los halcones en las Baleares, vase J. Bover,
R. Rossell, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 80-82. En mbito castellano, pueden encontrarse refe-
rencias en F. de Ziga, Libro de cetrera, ff. 3r, 9r y 11r.
60
En J. Bover, R. Rossell, La cetrera en las islas Baleares, pp. 13-15, se encuentra la informa-
cin relacionada con el transporte martimo de halcones en las Baleares. Por otra parte, es signi-
cativo que en algunos vocabularios temticos plurilinges que circularon por Europa desde nales
del siglo XV, cuyo objetivo era servir de ayuda a comerciantes y viajeros, se incluyeran apartados
dedicados a la cetrera, con un gran nmero de trminos especcos. Un estudio sobre el vocabulario
cetrero en uno de estos diccionarios, aunque ms tardo, puede verse en S. Fornasiero, Struzzeria
falconeria, pp. 115-128.
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En denitiva, parece difcil imaginar algn rincn de la sociedad que fuera
ajeno a esta actividad. Y, efectivamente, un elemento tan comn no poda pasar en
absoluto desapercibido a los hombres de iglesia, especialmente a los moralizadores
profesionales del sermn.
3.2. La cetrera y la iglesia
La nobleza eclesistica participaba de la misma acin a esta modalidad
de caza que la nobleza laica. Muchos clrigos no solo practicaban la caza con aves,
sino que se contaban entre los mayores expertos, especialmente los obispos, llegando
algunos miembros del clero secular y regular a componer tratados sobre la materia
61
.
Algunos obispos, al igual que algunos grandes seores, llegaron a tener una desmedi-
da acin por la caza con aves, como Gonzalo de Miguel, obispo de Segovia, a quien
su acin le llev a someter a clrigos y pueblos de su dicesis a vejaciones y tributos
desmesurados
62
.
Sin embargo, desde la propia iglesia hubo importantes crticas a la caza
con aves. En un intento de evitar que aquellos clrigos que procedan de las las de
la nobleza y formaban parte de la elite social tomaran por norma la ostentacin de
riqueza y las formas del comportamiento noble y burgus, los concilios y los snodos
prohibieron en reiteradas ocasiones los excesos en la indumentaria, la comida y la
bebida o las aciones poco adecuadas. Este sera el caso de la caza con aves. Ya el
concilio de Agde del ao 506 prohibi la posesin de perros y aves de caza a los cl-
rigos bajo amenaza de excomunin, lo cual es prueba de lo arraigada que deba estar
por entonces esta modalidad cinegtica en algunos territorios de la Europa Occidental.
Poco efecto debieron surtir estas amenazas para que fuera necesario repetir las prohi-
biciones en concilios posteriores. Se reconoca entonces que una prctica cara como
la caza era incompatible con la humildad que deba ser propia de un prelado
63
. Ahora
bien, merece recordarse que las prescripciones conciliares o sinodales iban referidas
siempre a la caza con perros y con aves. El franciscano gerundense Francesc Eixime-
nis nos da la pista de por qu se deba prohibir a los clrigos estas modalidades: ne
cans ni aucels retendrs en la casa, car s gran crrec e poc prot
64
. Efectivamente,
mantener estos animales era caro y el nico provecho era el de disfrutar en el tiempo
de ocio de una acin que para muchos hombres de iglesia, salidos de las las nobilia-
rias, deba constituir una actividad irrenunciable que habran aprendido y practicado
en sus casas durante su juventud. La ostentacin que hacan en Valencia estos clrigos
que llevaban su ave en el puo alardeando de ello, hizo que en el snodo valenciano de
1298 se les prohibiera tal accin, pero no la caza. Con ello se daba a entender que lo
que realmente buscaban era que todo el mundo supiera de su condicin especial, de su
61
A nales del siglo XIV, el canciller Pero Lpez de Ayala dedic su Libro de la caza de las aves
a Gonzalo de Mena, obispo de Burgos, reconocindole como su maestro. Juan I de Aragn tuvo que
recurrir al obispo de Valencia, como experto en el arte, para que determinara qu tipo de halcn era
un ave que haba recibido y que l mismo, tambin experto, haba sido incapaz de identicar. Matas
Mercader, arcediano de la catedral de Valencia escribi a nales de siglo XV su Pratica de citreria
breve para el rey Fernando (Pratica de citreria breve, Matas Mercader, Biblioteca Nacional, Ms.
Res/179).
62
J.M. Fradejas, Pasado y presente, p. 24. Para informacin detallada sobre la relacin
entre la cetrera y la iglesia, en mbito ingls, vase R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks,
pp. 120-126.
63
T. Szab, Die Kritik der Jagd, pp. 177-189. Tambin en G. Oppitz-Trotman, Birds, beasts and
Becket, pp. 78-88, especialmente p. 83.
64
R.J. Puchades, Als ulls de Du, als ulls dels homes, p. 178.
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origen noble y su capacidad de cazar con aves caras
65
. Sin embargo, no parece que se
tomaran medidas coercitivas para limitar estas actividades cinegticas ni la posesin
de aves por parte de los clrigos. De hecho, los mismos obispos no pudieron resistirse
a continuar cuidando sus propias aves, y tenemos ejemplos que lo corroboran
66
. Re-
sulta de gran inters, adems, el constatar que tanto el obispo de Valencia como el de
Barcelona, y tambin el paborde de Tarragona, disponan de sus propios agres en las
islas Baleares, de donde reclamaban anualmente los pollos a sus respectivos procu-
radores
67
. Estas noticias nos indican que las autoridades eclesisticas, como ocurriera
en otros temas, hicieron caso omiso de las advertencias que ellas mismas se haban
dado con anterioridad.
Ms all del inters de los clrigos por poseer aves y cazar con ellas, po-
demos constatar la atencin que los religiosos interesados por la losofa natural de-
dicaron a la cetrera, como una expresin ms de la naturaleza a la que la ciencia
puede aproximarse. As, el dominico Alberto Magno, en el apartado correspondiente
al halcn de su obra De animalibus, se extendi introduciendo en dicho apartado un
completo tratado de cetrera. Del mismo modo, el franciscano Juan Gil de Zamora, en
la entrada De accipitre de su Historia naturalis, se detuvo en tratar la caza con el azor,
su adiestramiento y la cura de sus enfermedades
68
.
3.3. La simbologa asociada al ave de caza y al cazador
Esta actitud tan contradictoria en el seno de la iglesia hacia la caza con
aves, con muchos practicantes entre sus las, junto a reiteradas condenas y penas
de excomunin, encuentra un reejo en la simbologa asociada a las aves de cetrera
y a la prctica de esta modalidad de caza en la Baja Edad Media. El anlisis de la
iconografa en la que aparece un halcn sobre el puo de su dueo reeja claramente
esta ambivalencia simblica. Son numerosos los contextos en los que dicha imagen
aparece asociada a las ideas de nobleza, paz y concordia, amor, primavera o juventud,
todas ellas de carcter positivo. Frente a estas imgenes, muchas otras aparecen repre-
sentando aspectos negativos y censurables de la naturaleza humana, especialmente las
vanidades mundanas y algunos vicios concretos, como el orgullo, la soberbia, el odio
o la envidia. El hecho de no aparecer el ave de caza en la Biblia ni en el Physiologus,
base de la simbologa animal cristiana, ha sido propuesto como explicacin de esta
polivalencia o falta de especicidad simblica
69
.
65
Para el caso valenciano, tambin con la alusin a una prohibicin sinodal, vase ibidem,
pp. 177-178.
66
As, el obispo de Valencia hizo donacin de un gerifalte al rey Juan I. Tambin, el 5 de mayo de
1375, se dio permiso al obispo de Barcelona para que possit abstrahere a regno Maioricarum decem
falconos muntarinos quos habuit de parrochia Andragii de agriis qui ibi sunt, y en diciembre de
1394 el obispo de Mallorca perdi un falc mudat senyat de foch ab los gits de senyal de mossn lo
Bisbe de Mallorques, lo que demuestra el celo con el que se conservaban estos animales. J. Bover,
R. Rossell, La falconeria a les Balears, pp. 89, 206 y 209.
67
Los agres eran los nidos o lugares de nidicacin de los halcones, de donde anualmente se
tomaban los pollos. Tambin una institucin eclesistica de la relevancia de la orden de San Juan
de Jerusaln posea sus agres en Mallorca. Vase J. Bover, R. Rossell, La falconeria a les Balears,
pp. 75-78.
68
H. Stadler (ed.), A. Magnus, De animalibus libri XXVI, vol. II, pp. 1453-1493; A. Domnguez,
L. Garca (eds.), J. Aegidii, Historia naturalis, vol. I, pp. 180-227.
69
B. Van den Abeele, Le faucon sur la main, pp. 95 y ss.; R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks,
pp. 135-138. Esta ambigedad potencial del ave o del cazador fue aprovechada en la literatura reli-
giosa de la poca y, por ejemplo, result especialmente atractiva para los bigrafos y recopiladores
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Algunos telogos representaron al mal clrigo con un halcn en el puo,
recordando que la halconera era una acin de gente ociosa y vanidosa, e incluso
se la asoci con la lujuria. Sin embargo, en otras ocasiones, el monje, hombre santo,
es comparado, en su actitud contemplativa, al halcn que descansa en la alcndara.
Tambin la vida monstica fue comparada con el vuelo alto y remoto del halcn. En
denitiva, al halcn le fue dado tambin un signicado mstico
70
. Con un sentido
prximo, al esfuerzo necesario para adiestrar un ave de presa se le ha hecho corres-
ponder con la lucha interior por la autosuperacin, basndose en las exigentes cuali-
dades personales que se requieren para poder adiestrar adecuadamente un halcn
71
.
Otra interpretacin mstica del ave estara asociada a la conversin. La izquierda
representa lo temporal, la derecha lo eterno. En este contexto, el vuelo del halcn,
que parte de la mano izquierda del cazador y vuela hacia la derecha a por su presa,
simboliza la persecucin de lo eterno, la gracia del Espritu Santo. Por ello, un hal-
cn asociado a un santo representa, a menudo, un origen noble o una vida mundana
antes de la conversin
72
.
Sin embargo, el testimonio ms interesante, en este sentido, nos lo pro-
porciona el dcimo captulo de la entrada De accipitre de la enciclopedia del fraile
franciscano Juan Gil de Zamora, Historia naturalis. En l se expresa con todo detalle,
por qu est justicada la comparacin de san Francisco, creador de la orden, con el
azor
73
. La muda natural del azor, que lo renueva, es comparada con la transformacin
de san Francisco en un serafn. Tambin el azor quita la comida a sus hijos para obli-
garles a abandonar el nido, del mismo modo que san Francisco fue severo con sus
hermanos al establecer una orden estricta. Al igual que el azor cura los ojos de sus
hijos con su propia hiel
74
, el padre fue una medicina para sus hermanos a travs de su
santa profesin. El azor ataca a las presas, igual que san Francisco converta a otros
hombres con la predicacin. Y, del mismo modo que el azor gusta de la carne fresca y
ensangrentada, el fundador de la orden meditaba frecuentemente sobre la pasin del
Seor
75
. En este testimonio, cada una de las cuatro direcciones en las que extiende las
alas el azor hacia arriba, hacia abajo, hacia la derecha y hacia la izquierda recibe
una interpretacin, a saber, desear la recompensa de los bienaventurados, no olvidar
los suplicios de los condenados, imitar la rectitud de la vida de los santos y evitar las
consecuencias de los pecados, respectivamente
76
.
El inters de este testimonio es doble. Por una parte, como veremos, la obra
de Juan Gil de Zamora podra haber sido una fuente, directa o indirecta, de Vicente
Ferrer. Por otra parte, la actitud que se vislumbra en el fraile valenciano hacia las
aves de caza, ciertamente ambigua, podra estar inuida, en su vertiente positiva, por
de los milagros de Thomas Becket, apasionado cazador en su juventud. G. Oppitz-Trotman, Birds,
beasts and Becket, p. 78.
70
G. Oppitz-Trotman, Birds, beasts and Becket, pp. 81-82.
71
Estas cualidades necesarias para el adiestramiento fueron puestas de maniesto en varios trata-
dos de cetrera, como el de Adelardo de Bath. Vase ibidem, p. 80. Tambin Federico II menciona las
cualidades personales que debe poseer el halconero. Vase nota 40.
72
R.S. Oggins, The kings and their hawks, pp. 81-82 y 133.
73
Accipitri beatus Francisco merito comparatur. A. Domnguez, L. Garca (eds.), Historia na-
turalis, p. 216.
74
La hiel del azor y de otras aves de presa fue considerada en la Edad Media un ecaz remedio
para algunas enfermedades de los ojos. Vase, por ejemplo, J. Cull, B. Dutton (eds.), Un manual
bsico de medicina medieval, p. 139.
75
A. Domnguez, L. Garca (eds.), Historia naturalis, p. 218.
76
Ibidem, p. 220.
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la obra del franciscano. Y es que, curiosamente, alguien como fray Vicente Ferrer,
tan contrario a las vanidades mundanas, critic en diversas ocasiones la posesin de
caballos ataviados con arreos preciosistas y el coste de su mantenimiento, pero nunca
critic la posesin de halcones
77
. Parece que nuestro predicador tambin conserv
cierto inters hacia estas preciosas aves aunque, seguramente, no llegara a ser un ca-
zador como otros hombres de la iglesia.
4. LA CETRERA EN LOS SERMONES VICENTINOS
Al revisar detenidamente los sermones y sermonarios de Vicente Ferrer en
busca de referencias a la caza, lo primero que llama la atencin es la presencia casi
exclusiva de la cetrera y de las aves empleadas en esta tcnica venatoria. De hecho,
otras modalidades cinegticas estn mucho menos representadas en sus sermones,
tanto aquellas que podan gozar de gran prestigio social, por estar reservadas a nobles
y grandes seores (montera), como aquellas otras de rango inferior, pero ms acce-
sibles a una mayor parte de la sociedad bajomedieval (perros, trampas). Quiz esta
modalidad de caza ofreca, por s misma, elementos ms adecuados para construir
las analogas que facilitaran la comprensin del mensaje que pretenda transmitir el
predicador. Sin embargo, nos parece que tal vez otras razones podran explicar esta
preferencia de Ferrer, ms relacionadas con su propia experiencia y con la realidad de
la sociedad a la que se dirige.
Las referencias a las aves y a la cetrera que encontramos en los sermones
de Vicente Ferrer nos llevan a pensar que el predicador deba conocer de primera
mano los diferentes aspectos relacionados con la cetrera (las aves, su adiestramiento,
la caza, etc.), por lo que no deba resultarle difcil recurrir a algo por l conocido para
hacer ms comprensible a su auditorio los oscuros y complejos conceptos teolgicos.
Este hecho puede justicar, en parte, el uso de este motivo en sus sermones. Sin em-
bargo, parece razonable pensar que si fray Vicente explicaba los contenidos teolgicos
o sus ejemplos morales, con ejemplos procedentes del campo de la cetrera, es porque
entenda que stos ltimos seran fcilmente comprensibles para sus oyentes, lo que
apoyara la descripcin anteriormente hecha de una sociedad muy familiarizada con
las aves de caza.
En los sermones de Vicente Ferrer, halcones y gavilanes, adems de los
cazadores y las presas, son protagonistas en un signicativo nmero de ejemplos o
de smiles. Al igual que en otros casos, tambin aqu el predicador acudi a fuen-
tes escritas, especialmente cuando lo que se aprovechaba era alguna propiedad del
animal, recurso ampliamente empleado por los predicadores medievales. En uno de
sus sermones se reri a la transformacin que provoca la muda del azor: accipi-
ter expandens alas suas ad austrum renovatur
78
. Pese a la brevedad del texto, no es
difcil encontrar este pasaje en las diferentes enciclopedias medievales, como en la
77
Se trata de un comentario a 1 Cor 12, 10: Per spiritum datur operacio virtutum (J. Perarnau,
Aportaci, 649, p. 713), en la cual se predica sobre las virtudes morales. Concretamente, en este
caso, sobre la tercera: la templanza corporal. Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. III, p. 60. En un comentario
a Lucas 8, 5 (Exiit qui seminat, seminare semen suum), se reere al predicador y a quines se diri-
gen sus palabras. ste debe predicar contra la avaricia y la usura, y prevenir de pensamientos vanos,
como es el caso del mantenimiento del caballo. Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. V, p. 86 (J. Perarnau,
Aportaci, 314, p. 591).
78
El tema pertenece a Eph 4, 23: Renovamini spiritu mentis vestre (J. Perarnau, Aportaci,
743, pp. 748-749). Vicent Ferrer, Sermonario de Perugia, p. 433. En el sermn, Ferrer pone ejemplos
de diversos animales que se renuevan de formas diversas (guila, ciervo, serpiente).
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de Juan Gil de Zamora: Per sapienciam tuam, Deus, plumescit accipiter expandens
alas suas ad Austrum
79
. En otro sermn, para explicar las virtudes del ayuno recurri
a la ligereza de carnes de las aves de caza, que les permite elevarse en el cielo: Ad
oculum enim videmus, quod aves que habent multas carnes et modicas plumas, non
possunt multum volare, et econtra, que habent multas plumas et modicas carnes, vo-
lant multum et alcius
80
. Tambin en este caso podemos encontrar una relacin con el
texto del franciscano: Struccioni autem est immane corpus et rare penne. E contrario
autem herodio et accipitri, qui et aves reliquias trascendunt velocitate
81
. Estos usos
del motivo estaran en consonancia con la signicacin mstica atribuida a las aves
de caza vista anteriormente y asignan al ave un valor positivo. Y, aunque no coincide
exactamente con la interpretacin mstica del vuelo del halcn de la izquierda hacia
la derecha, quiz pudiera rastrearse alguna reminiscencia o inuencia de dicho signi-
cado en otro sermn:
sicut falco cum una ala, vel sinistra, vel dextera, non potest volare, licet
se svolatige, ita qui habet unam solam alam, vel dexteram, scilicet veram
credenciam ut mali christiani, vel sinistram, ut sarraceni bonam vitam
gerentes, non poterunt volare ad gloriam
82
.
Sin embargo, a medida que san Vicente deja de recurrir a las propieda-
des de las aves y se aproxima al motivo de la caza o a la relacin entre las aves y
el cazador, el predicador se aleja de las fuentes escritas. As, en uno de sus sermones
castellanos se dibuja una detallada escena de caza:
el periglo en que estn nuestras nimas quando deven salyr de la carne.
Buena gente, el periglo en que est la nima del omne o de la mugier en
aquel estado es as como si estodiesse una perdiz metida en una mata e
estodiessen ms de ient falcones en el ayre aguardando la perdiz; e esto-
diessen otros ient podencos perdigueros que andodiesen enderredor de
la mata aguardando la perdiz quando saliesse para tomarla; e estodiessen
fasta XX omnes con palos para la fazer salir. E cata que la perdiz non
puede quedar en la mata, ca le es forado de salyr aunque non quiera.
O, captiva de perdiz, si avra algn rremedio para escapar? Non ay sinon
uno; e ste es que estoviesse un omne erca de la mata e ella saliesse e
el omne la tomasse e la librasse de los perros e de los falcones e de los
omnes e despus la soltasse
83
.
En este fragmento, Ferrer comparaba el alma cuando abandona el cuerpo la
mata que le sirve de refugio con la perdiz acechada por los perros y los halcones, que
son los demonios que aguardan para tomarla, mientras es hurgada y batida por los dolores.
79
A. Domnguez, L. Garca (eds.), Historia naturalis, vol. I, p. 216. El pasaje, que procede de la
Biblia (Job 39, 26), fue incorporado a las propiedades del azor (accipiter) en varias enciclopedias,
como la de Toms de Cantimpr o la de Bartolom el Ingls.
80
Comentario a Mateo 4, 11: Ecce angeli accesserunt [AA: accesserunt angeli], et ministraban
ei (J. Perarnau, Aportaci 201, p. 553). Vicente Ferrer, Coleccin de Sermones de Cuaresma y
otros segn el Manuscrito de Ayora, p. 50.
81
A. Domnguez, L. Garca (eds.), Historia naturalis, vol. I, p. 184; se compara el avestruz con
el halcn gerifalte y el azor.
82
Mateo 28, 18: Data es mihi potestas in caelo et in terra (J. Perarnau, Aportaci, 142, p. 534).
Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 158.
83
Lucas 19, 41: Videns (Ihesus) civitatem evit super illam (J. Perarnau, Aportaci, 880,
p. 793). P.M. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, p. 472.
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Solamente los ngeles podrn salvar el alma de todos estos peligros. Y fue en el momento
en que el alma abandon a Jesucristo cuando ste llor de compasin por quinta vez.
Lo importante de este pasaje es que todos los elementos relacionados con la
cetrera corresponden exactamente a lo que, segn nuestros conocimientos actuales de
la cinegtica medieval, deba ser el desarrollo de una partida de caza. Efectivamente, en
la tcnica conocida como altanera, el halcn (o los halcones, ya que podan emplearse
varios simultneamente) espera a gran altura en el cielo sobrevolando el lugar donde se
oculta una presa, que deber ser forzada por perros y hombres con palos a abandonar su
refugio, momento en el que el halcn se abatir sobre ella asestndole un golpe mortal.
En caso de que la presa se resistiera a abandonar el refugio, sera atrapada por los perros.
Ni en las obras que sabemos conocidas por nuestro predicador, ni en los tra-
tados de caza se encuentra una descripcin que podamos considerar una fuente directa
para este sermn. Tan solo en la obra de Pedro Berchorio, benedictino del siglo XIV,
encontramos un pasaje en el que se hace referencia a la amenaza de las aves de presa:
Ista est enim cautela columbae, quia inter accipitres praedantes in aere
et paredantes in terra discernit. Unde si videt accipitrem qui praedatur in
aere sursum, statim ad terram descendit, et loca bassa et humilia quaerit,
et a rapina accipitris sic evadit, sicut dicit super cantica. Sic vere homo
qui videt quod accipiter .i. diabolus non cessat sursum in aere .i. in statu
dignitatum et ofciorum per diversa tentamenta peccatorum rapere
84
.
Aunque ambos pasajes coinciden en la representacin de la amenaza me-
diante las aves de presa, ni el mensaje religioso que transmiten, ni los elementos de
la narracin concuerdan, por lo que, si Vicente Ferrer pudo inspirarse para su sermn
en este o en otro texto similar, necesariamente tuvo que recurrir a otras fuentes para
introducir todos los detalles de la narracin que, como hemos visto, corresponde a una
escena verosmil de caza. No parece, por ello, aventurado suponer que, en esta oca-
sin, Vicente Ferrer describe una escena presenciada por l y, seguramente, familiar a
muchos de sus oyentes
85
.
Este smil puede, adems, ayudarnos a entender la forma en que Vicente
Ferrer construa sus narraciones. En otro sermn, para transmitir el mismo mensaje,
recurre a otra modalidad de caza, sustituyendo todos los elementos necesarios para
que la escena descrita se ajuste al nuevo escenario y siga siendo verosmil y, por lo
tanto, reconocible y familiar a sus oyentes:
Pensad que es ass como ssi aqu estoviese una mata de yerva e estodiese
dentro della ascondido un conejo, e estodiessen enderredor de la mata
mill galgos e muchos omes con palos furgando la mata por que saliesse
della. O, mesquino de conejo, qu fara? Buena gente, pensad si este
conejo est en tribulacin! Ass digo que la nima peccadora que est en
la carne, que es la mata, est en mucha tribulain, ca vee estar ender-
redor de ss mill millares de diablos
86
.
84
P. Bersuire, Dictionarii seu repertorii, p. 288.
85
En una obra de cetrera bastante posterior (1556) encontramos un pasaje que permite comprobar
la verosimilitud de la imagen presentada por san Vicente: y el halcn sube arriba y anda siempre alto
y redondo esperando que le levanten la perdiz, y ass como sale la perdiz, cae el halcn a ella (...) y
vanse muy pocas perdizes de la vanda porque, como el halcn anda en lo alto, no osan levantarse y las
ms dellas matan los perros. J. Valls, Libro de acetrera y montera, J.M. Fradejas (ed.), vol. I, p. 147.
86
Lucas 19, 47: Erat qotidie docens in tenplo (J. Perarnau, Aportacions, 276, p. 579).
P.M. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, p. 330.
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Parece que, al menos en ciertos casos, ms que recurrir a algunos de los
muchos exempla de las recopilaciones que estaban disponibles para los predicadores,
o de las propiedades de algunos animales, recogidas en las enciclopedias, Vicente
Ferrer parta de un motivo, quiz inspirado a partir de un texto, y construa su ejemplo
introduciendo los elementos necesarios, posiblemente a partir de su experiencia, para
dibujar una escena familiar y comprensible a su auditorio.
Tambin del cuidado de las aves parece el predicador conocer algunos de-
talles, pues en otros sermones, pese a basarse sin duda en fuentes escritas conocidas,
introdujo elementos nuevos que, al igual que en el caso anterior, son perfectamente
verosmiles, pese a la apariencia de ser invenciones arbitrarias para adornar la narra-
cin. En el siguiente pasaje, utilizado por Ferrer para destacar cmo ser retribuido el
cristiano por Dios despus de la muerte,
Lo rich e lo pobre sn ax com lo falch e la gallina: lo falch, ja sabets
com lo senyor lo porta en la sua m, e al vespre lo falch, pus alt dorm
que lo senyor, e en lo estiu ell lo refrescha, en lo yvern en la sua cambra
lo met; tan gran servir li fa ab grans maravelles; e la gallina gitar-lan de
la cambra e de taula. Emper com la gallina s morta, ve davant lo senyor
a taula, e, lo falch mort, diu: Gitats-lo al femer. Ax s a: lo rich fa
servir altament, e com ve lo rich hom, tot hom lo acull e lavar los peus
al rich; lo pobre viu pobrament, e en lit ple de xinxes: mor lo pobre, que
no gosava comparer davant los richs, ax com la gallina. Ax, vejats com
se muda
87
.
podemos fcilmente reconocer una estrecha relacin con un fragmento de la
Historia naturalis de Gil de Zamora:
Accipitres, quandiu vivunt et potentes sunt ad predandum, a suis dominis
diliguntur et in manibus gestantur et super perticam reponuntur. In pec-
tore et in cauda manibus complanantur et cum diligencia nutriuntur. Sed
quando moriuntur, ab omnibus inutiles reputantur, non enim comeduntur;
sed pocius super sterquillinum prohiciuntur
88
.
Esta propiedad del azor ya haba sido empleada con anterioridad a Vicen-
te Ferrer en Renart le Contrefait, obra de un clrigo en la que, mediante comparacio-
nes, criticaba la sociedad de su tiempo y sus vicios. En la versin francesa, sin duda
relacionada con la de Vicente Ferrer, ya se introduce el otro elemento, el capn (la
gallina, en el predicador), junto con una leccin moral. Adems, las ampliaciones que
contiene permiten vislumbrar un autor con importantes conocimientos sobre la cetre-
ra, incluso, en palabras de Van den Abeele, fascinado por ella
89
. Es difcil concluir si
Vicente Ferrer tuvo o no esta obra como fuente directa, lo que es cierto es que algunas
de las adiciones del predicador valenciano no se encuentran en el texto francs y, al
igual que en el caso del clrigo, los elementos aadidos no son en absoluto arbitrarios.
Tanto el hecho de que el cazador porte el halcn a su cmara y duerma en una alcn-
87
Lucas 16, 29: Habent Moysen et proffetas: audiant illos (J. Perarnau, Aportacions, 375,
p. 614). J. Sanchis Sivera, Quaresma de Sant Vicent, p. 112.
88
A. Domnguez, L. Garca (eds.), Historia naturalis, vol. I, p. 216. El texto es prcticamente
idntico al de Bartolom el Ingls, que debi de ser la fuente de Juan Gil. Puede verse en B. Van den
Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres franaises, p. 209, nota 210.
89
Ibidem, pp. 207-208. El fragmento que contiene el pasaje al que se ha hecho referencia puede
leerse en la misma obra, p. 313.
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dara alta, como la prctica de proporcionar el bao a las aves se encuentran perfec-
tamente documentados en los tratados de cetrera y en las fuentes iconogrcas
90
, lo
que nos lleva a suponer en Vicente Ferrer una actitud hacia las aves de caza similar a
la del autor de Renart le Contrefait.
Al contrario de lo que suceda en los primeros sermones analizados, en
estos ltimos el halcn es portador de un signicado negativo. En un caso, halcones,
perros y hombres representan el mal que acecha a las almas de los hombres y mu-
jeres. En el otro sermn, el halcn representa al rico y a la buena vida terrenal que
de nada sirve cuando llega la muerte. Con ello podemos ya constatar que Ferrer no
atribua un valor simblico jo al ave de caza, sino que lo cambiaba segn las ne-
cesidades de sus sermones, en consonancia con la polivalencia simblica que tenan
estos animales en la Edad Media. Quiz donde mejor se observa este uso inespecco
es en un motivo que aparece repetido en numerosos sermones, en el que la misma
ave, en dos estados diferentes, representa al cristiano bueno (humilde, pobre) y al
malo (rico).
En uno de estos sermones leemos:
la diferncia que s entre lo falc sadoll e lo qui s mort de fam; que lo
senyor lo cride: Hu hoo!, tantost ve; mas, si s sadoll, Ara ir, cabo-
tege, e nos mou. E qu fa lo senyor? Pren lo bast, e matel, e lancel al
femer. Tal diferncia hi ha entre lo pobre e lo rich
91
.
El rico (representado por el ave cuando est saciada), interesado solo por la
buena vida terrenal, no atiende a la llamada de Dios y por ello es castigado, mientras
que el pobre, que acude presto (representado por el ave hambrienta), recibe su recom-
pensa. Incluso el papel simblico del cazador es muy signicativo, pues representa al
Todopoderoso, que imparte justicia.
Se trata de un smil construido a partir de motivos que ya estaban en cir-
culacin antes de nuestro predicador. Por una parte, la comparacin que se establece
entre el seuelo, armadijo de cuero en el que se ata la carne para llamar al halcn, y
la cruz con el cuerpo ensangrentado de Jesucristo, para llamar a los cristianos. As,
Esteban de Borbn, dominico del siglo XIII, escribe: Passio Domini et crux eius a
malo revocat; unde sit reclamatorium, ubi caro rubea ligno crucis colligatur, ad re-
vocandum aves venatorias que a manu nobili avolaverunt
92
. Y, en el segundo motivo,
se compara a las aves de cetrera saciadas, que no acuden a la llamada de su dueo,
con los hombres que disfrutan de las riquezas mundanas. Por ejemplo, en Pedro Ber-
chorio, encontramos:
Anima saturata calcabit favum, esuriens autem etiam amarum pro dulci
sumet. Isti sunt similes falconi, qui quando habet guttur plenum abomi-
natur venire ad reclamatorium magistri sui, immo circumquaque volat
et fugit, ita quod aliquando perditur. Sic vero tales qui pleni sunt mundi
90
Pueden encontrarse referencias, por ejemplo, en M. Delgado, Edicin crtica del Libro de la
caza de las aves, pp. 203 y 168. Vanse tambin la miniatura y el fresco reproducidos en J.M. Frade-
jas, Pasado y presente, pp. 88 y 89.
91
Lucas 14, 21: Pauperes ac debiles et caecos et claudos introduc huc (J. Perarnau, Aportaci
642, p. 710). Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. II, p. 43. Esta misma analoga aparece, con pequeas va-
riantes, en varios sermones, tanto en cataln como en latn. En cualquier caso, las pequeas variantes
que aparecen, como en todos los sermones que recurren a la cetrera y a las aves, no son arbitrarias.
Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, pp. 732, 324 y 619.
92
A. Lecoy de la Marche, Anecdotes Historiques, pp. 85-86.
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divitiis et delitiis parum pro certo reputant reclamationem Christi, et suo-
rum praedicatorum, immo ipsum fugiunt et abominantur
93
.
Estos dos motivos, que a veces aparecen de forma independiente, a veces
asociados, parecen estar en la base del ejemplo de Vicente Ferrer. Sin embargo, las
modicaciones y ampliaciones que introdujo el predicador, por insignicantes que
pudieran parecer, son las que dan forma a una escena verosmil que bien pudo pre-
senciar el fraile valenciano. En efecto, una situacin muy comn en el transcurso de
una salida de caza o durante el adiestramiento del ave era que el cazador tuviera que
llamarla para recuperarla despus de un vuelo. Como sabemos, el nico modo de
que el ave acuda a la llamada es mostrndole el alimento para que sta, por hambre,
se acerque a comer
94
. La situacin descrita por el predicador deba darse con mucha
frecuencia, debido a que no todos tenan la pericia necesaria para adiestrar y manejar
adecuadamente al ave y ya en los diversos tratados medievales de cetrera se dan
instrucciones para resolver esta situacin
95
. Incluso el desenlace que describa Vicente
Ferrer en estos casos, en el que el cazador mata al ave que no acude a su llamada, y
que tan til le resultaba para explicar el castigo que reciben los que no siguen a Dios,
parece una situacin verosmil a la luz de las informaciones que nos proporcionan
algunos tratados de caza
96
.
Sin embargo, los detalles que parecen ms insignicantes son los que nos
permiten pensar que la escena descrita corresponde a una situacin presenciada por el
predicador y fcilmente reconocible y comprensible por su auditorio. Proferir gritos
para acompaar la llamada del ave, Hu hoo, deba ser habitual, a juzgar por las ins-
trucciones que sobre ello se encuentran dispersas por los diferentes tratados de caza
e incluso por las huellas que quedaron en la literatura castellana
97
. Algunos de estos
detalles parecen insignicantes, inventados para adornar o adecuar el sermn y su
inters reside, precisamente, en la perfecta adecuacin a la realidad. As, el gesto que
hacen los halcones cuando jan la vista, como asintiendo, que fray Vicente expresaba
de diferentes modos (cabotege; licet nutu capitis videatur assentire; ipse facit cum ca-
pite inclinando), parece ms una descripcin de algo observado que tomado de alguna
fuente escrita. Posiblemente, cualquier cazador medieval poda reconocer e interpre-
tar perfectamente estos y otros muchos gestos de sus aves por haberlos presenciado y
93
P. Bersuire, Dictionarii seu repertorii, p. 14.
94
Aunque en este caso no se menciona la carne, en otros sermones dice explcitamente que se le
muestra al ave la carne en el puo. Vase, ms adelante y nota 101.
95
Por ejemplo, en el Libre de animals de caar leemos: Si vostre astor o sparver cridant-lo o
lanant-lo a qualque presa se stava en qualque arbre o altre loch que nol poguessets alcanar ab la
m per pendre-lo el cridau al puny e no vol venir (...) sperats-lo tant e tant per gran enuig que us sia,
tro que ell vinga al puny. E, quant de tot en tot veurets que no vol venir, en M. Garcia, C. Arronis,
H. Cmara (eds.), Libre de animals de caar, f. 8v.
96
Aunque no hemos encontrado una mencin explcita al hecho de que el cazador mate a su
ave, s es frecuente encontrar alusiones al enfado e irritacin que provocan en el halconero algunos
comportamientos de sus aves, como cuando no acuden a la llamada. Federico II, previniendo las
consecuencias que puede tener este estado de ira, advierte que el halconero Non sit iracundus neque
facilis ad iram. Accidit persepe enim, quod avis facit ea, per que ille, qui custodit eam, ad iracundiam
provocatur, et nisi illam iracundiam dimittat, malo motu moveri poterit contra avem, ex quo malo
illato avi per iram avis ipsa, cum sit debilis res, citissime devastatur. A.L. Trombetti (ed.), De arte
venandi cum avibus, p. 354.
97
Puede verse la explicacin de Juan Manuel en J.M. Fradejas, Don Juan Manuel y El libro de
la caza, p. 151. Por otra parte, la voz Huchoh aparece en la literatura como especca para llamar
a los azores, aves muy similares a los gavilanes salvo por su tamao. Vase V. Garca, Voces a los
animales, p. 299.
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observado en innidad de ocasiones, aunque evidentemente no han quedado recogi-
dos en los tratados de cetrera, ya que ello habra llevado a una prolijidad excesiva e
innecesaria. No obstante, la precisin y meticulosidad del emperador Federico II nos
brinda una muestra excelente de que estos detalles no pasaban desapercibidos a los
cazadores
98
. Exactamente lo mismo sucede cuando el dominico comparaba la mirada
del ave de presa con la de un ladrn, al captar la forma habitual de los halcones de
mirar, como de soslayo, cuando divisan otro animal en el cielo, contrariamente a la de
la paloma, semejante a la mirada de la Virgen Mara:
Et dicit: occuli columparum, nam diferencia est inter oculos columbe
et gavilanis, nam gavilal habet oculum rapine, respiciendo versus celum
indirecte sive ex transverso, si haberet avem volantem ut eam recipiat;
sic est in mala muliere vel homine qui volunt rapere, etc. Sed columba
respicit versus terram, ita virgo Maria
99
.
Dos son las aves que el predicador empleaba cuando recurra en sus sermo-
nes a la cetrera: el gaviln y el halcn. Si bien es cierto que los cazadores medievales
distinguan y empleaban un nmero mucho mayor de aves, Ferrer parece huir del
vocabulario tcnico del arte y, en concreto, de los numerosos nombres de las aves,
seguramente en un intento de limitar su discurso a los trminos y conceptos ms co-
nocidos por sus oyentes. Sin embargo, esto no signica que el predicador empleara ar-
bitrariamente en sus sermones una u otra ave, que tan diferentes caractersticas tienen
en su empleo como auxiliares de caza. Cuando en sus sermones quiso transmitir a su
auditorio la imagen de algo muy lejano, recurri a la capacidad de vuelo del halcn (y
nunca del gaviln) y a la distancia que podra ste recorrer volando sin cesar durante
miles de aos: e per o com tu ests lluny dell quant ha dac ns el cel, ms que
hun falc no porie anar en Xm anys entre nit e dia, si tanta fora havie e tant podia
viure
100
. En cambio, cuando proporcion algn detalle de cmo el cazador llama a su
ave, tampoco confundi que halcones y gavilanes eran llamados de forma diferente:
et iam mulieres volant cum maritis, sicut avis gaviln ad pugnum, ad bonam vitam,
docendo eis carnem rubeam, sicut gavilano
101
. Esto es especialmente signicativo si
tenemos en cuenta que, como hemos visto, una de las probables fuentes para este s-
mil hace referencia explcita al seuelo (reclamatorium) que se empleaba para llamar
98
Federico II explica cmo ciertos movimientos de la cabeza son seales por las que el cazador
puede reconocer que el halcn no responder a la llamada, en este caso mediante el seuelo: De sig-
nis que faciunt falcones non diligentes loyrum. (...) Et [si] ille qui portat falconem, ostendit loyrantem
falconi, falco ipse quandoque respicit ad loyrum, quandoque ad aliam partem, nunc dextrorsum, nunc
sinistrorsum. Et cum aspiciet ad loyrum, movebit caput et collum versus loyrum en A.L. Trombetti
(ed.), De arte venandi cum avibus, p. 622.
99
Mateo 1, 18: Inventa est in utero habens [de Spiritu Sancto] (J. Perarnau, Aportaci, 464,
pp. 644-645). Vicente Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 619. Tambin en este caso la
perspicacia de Federico II nos ayuda a comprender que se trata de un gesto reconocido por los halco-
neros medievales: Signa que facit falco priusquam iactatus sit, propter aves, quas timet, videndo eas
circumvolantes alte vel transeuntes a longe (...) Comovet etiam caudam et aspicit rmius quando uno
oculo, quando alio. A.L. Trombetti (ed.), De arte venandi cum avibus, p. 1022.
100
Lucas 14, 16: Fecit caenam magnam et vocavit multos (J. Perarnau, Aportaci, 342,
p. 601). Vicent Ferrer, Sermons, vol. II, p. 77.
101
Mateo 2, 1: Ab Oriente venerunt Hierosolymam (J. Perarnau, Aportaci, 2, p. 481). Vicen-
te Ferrer, Sermonario de San Vicente Ferrer, p. 732. Las aves eran llamadas mostrndoles un trozo
de carne. Sin embargo, a azores y gavilanes se les mostraba el alimento directamente con la mano
enguantada, mientras que a la mayor parte de los halcones se les llamaba con el ya mencionado se-
uelo (reclamatorium, en latn), que se compar con la cruz de Cristo.
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a los halcones pero no a los gavilanes, permitindonos comprender la sutileza de la
construccin de sus sermones.
Es de destacar tambin que, a diferencia de lo que sucede cuando el predi-
cador construa su sermn cindose a una fuente escrita, en cuyo caso empleaba el
trmino latino para referirse al ave (accipiter expandens alas suas ad austrum reno-
vatur), cuando parece describir una situacin ms relacionada con su experiencia y la
de su auditorio, Vicente Ferrer intercalaba, en el texto latino, los trminos vernculos
correspondientes y las aves eran, a menudo, nombradas en cataln o castellano: sicut
avis gaviln ad pugnum; sicut al falc farto qui; diferencia est inter oculos columbe
et gavilanis
102
.
Adems, a travs de los sermones vicentinos podemos constatar que, en
aquella sociedad, la capacidad para cazar no era el nico aspecto que interesaba de
las aves de cetrera. Dijo el predicador en un sermn referido a cmo debe el hombre
amar a Dios sobre todas las cosas, y concretamente rerindose a la bondad: E non
solamente ama un omne a otro por ser bueno, mas aun ama omne un buen cavallo o
un buen falcn para caar o aun un buen capn para comer. Y, ms adelante: Esso
mismo ama omne un falcn por ser fermoso, o otra ave fermosa. Con ello nos deja
constancia de la percepcin que la sociedad tena de las aves de caza
103
.
Para concluir este anlisis de los sermones vicentinos, queremos mostrar
un punto ms de correspondencia entre las palabras del predicador y la realidad de
la sociedad a la que se diriga. El predicador valenciano intentaba transmitir a su au-
diencia la idea de que las virtudes curativas del nombre de Jess estn por encima del
poder sanador de hierbas y medicinas e insista en la conveniencia de utilizar la seal
de la cruz y decir el nombre de Jess devotamente para curar al enfermo de sus males.
Adems, estas mismas frmulas eran vlidas para curar animales y, segn esto, las
aves de caza tambin podran beneciarse del poder curativo del nombre de Cristo y
de la seal de la cruz, como comprobamos en algunas de las obras de cetrera que se
compusieron en la Baja Edad Media
104
.
5. CONCLUSIONES
La cetrera fue una prctica bien difundida y conocida entre todos los seg-
mentos de la sociedad. Por ello, el popular y apreciado dominico Vicente Ferrer, gran
observador de la realidad social, encontr en esta prctica un elemento muy valioso
para construir algunos de sus ejemplos, smiles y metforas. Saba que hablando de
aves de presa y de la forma de tratarlas y de cazar con ellas, as como de su particular
comportamiento etolgico, conseguira llegar a un pblico muy amplio y diverso. No
fue nada difcil para el predicador construir estas imgenes, pues haba detrs una
importante tradicin de hombres de iglesia vinculados a las rdenes mendicantes,
muy interesados en el conocimiento de la naturaleza, y que recopilaron y emplearon
intensamente todo el conocimiento cetrero. Ferrer no hizo ms que recoger una im-
102
Mateo 2, 1: Ab Oriente venerunt Hierosolymam; Lucas 14, 16: Fecit caenam magnam et
vocavit multos; Mateo 1, 18: Inventa est in utero habens [de Spiritu Sancto]. Vicente Ferrer, Ser-
monario de San Vicente Ferrer, pp. 732, 324 y 619, respectivamente (J. Perarnau, Aportaci 2,
p. 481; 342, p. 601; 464, pp. 644-645).
103
Lucas 10, 27: Diliges Dominum Deum tuum ex Toto corde tuo (J. Perarnau, Aportaci
169, pp. 542-543). P.M. Ctedra, Sermn, sociedad y literatura, pp. 440 y 442.
104
Esto es lo que se recomienda en la obra de medicina para las aves de Matas Mercader, Pratica
de citreria breve, ff. 19v-20r. Tambin en J. de Sahagn, Libro de cetrera, p. 62.
ISSN 0066-5061, doi:10.3989/aem.2012.42.1.13
portante tradicin a la que dio su particular visin y personalidad, incluyendo detalles
muy precisos de lo que parece fue, ms que una simple simpata, un particular inters
por el arte de la caza con aves. Esto contrasta con la escasa presencia de las aves de
cetrera en los sermones de otros predicadores, especialmente del siglo XIII y anterio-
res. En la recopilacin Index exemplorum de Tubach, de casi 5500 exempla recogidos,
apenas una decena estn relacionados, de alguna forma, con la cetrera. Del mismo
modo, a partir de un estudio sobre el motivo de la cetrera en la literatura francesa
medieval, se observa que su presencia es escasa en los exempla y, en particular, en
los Contes Moraliss de Nicole Bozon. El autor de dicho estudio atribuye la falta de
inters que el escritor franciscano mostr por el motivo de la caza con aves al carcter
aristocrtico de la misma, que se opondra al objetivo de llegar, en lengua verncula, a
un gran pblico
105
. Posiblemente, la popularizacin de la cetrera hacia el nal de la
Edad Media, en especial en algunos territorios de la Europa Occidental, como podra
ser la Corona de Aragn, llevaron a una situacin opuesta, en la que las aves de caza
constituan un motivo adecuado para transmitir el mensaje religioso a la sociedad.
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42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 303-341
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NOTAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
Juan ABELLA SAMITIER, Seleccin de documentos de la villa aragonesa de Sos
(1202-1533), Zaragoza, Institucin Fernando el Catlico (CSIC), 2009, 323 pp. (Fuentes His-
tricas Aragonesas; 48). ISBN 978-84-7820-994-1.
Conforman esta seleccin 228 documentos, apenas el 4% de los consultados por el
autor para la elaboracin de su tesis doctoral defendida el ao 2007. Las fuentes inditas mane-
jadas proceden de archivos de protocolos notariales (Sos, Ejea de los Caballeros y Zaragoza),
municipales (Sos y Uncastillo), eclesisticos (Sos, Uncastillo y Pamplona, ya que la villa per-
teneca a esta dicesis), otros archivos de Zaragoza (Histrico Provincial y de la Diputacin de
Zaragoza) y el de la Corona de Aragn. Particularmente los 140 protocolos sosienses que se han
conservado, de los aos 1425 a 1516, han sido vaciados en su totalidad, lo que le ha permitido
recoger 170 actas de reuniones del concejo de la villa y 350 noticias sobre la hacienda local, y
confeccionar el censo prosopogrco de 2.553 de sus habitantes, volumen considerable tenien-
do en cuenta que Sos no sobrepas en ese periodo los 150 fuegos.
La seleccin acoge los privilegios ms importantes otorgados por la corona, de los
que sobresalen los que establecieron sus lmites y trminos municipales, y otras mercedes reales
para favorecer scalmente a sus vecinos o concederles el status de infanzones; otros instru-
mentos muestran la organizacin institucional del consistorio y sus gastos, as como los en-
frentamientos fronterizos con Navarra. Tambin se ofrecen abundantes noticias sobre aspectos
sociales interesantes, tanto de las elites gobernantes y el clero como de los otros estamentos y
las minoras; y aspectos econmicos de variado color, relacionados con la explotacin de la
tierra, el agua y los pastos, la produccin textil y artesanal, el comercio de cereal, lana y madera,
etc. De esta manera Abella ha logrado reejar la extraordinaria riqueza documental de esta villa
aragonesa, de cara a un mejor conocimiento de las sociedades rurales bajomedievales.
MIGUEL NGEL PALLARS JIMNEZ
Universidad de Zaragoza
Beatriz ARZAGA BOLUMBURU, Jess . SOLRZANO TELECHEA (eds.), Construir
la ciudad en la Edad Media, Logroo, Instituto de Estudios Riojanos, 2010, 640 pp. (Ciencias
histricas; 14). ISBN 978-84-96637-88-7.
Los ya tradicionales Encuentros Internacionales del Medioevo de Njera se organi-
zaron en 2009 con el ttulo genrico de Construir la ciudad en la Edad Media, y se publicaron
al ao siguiente en un volumen del mismo nombre bajo la direccin de Beatriz Arzaga y Jess
. Solrzano, aunque el contenido de los textos reunidos no sea exactamente el mismo que el
de las ponencias y comunicaciones de las preactas.
El libro se organiza en tres partes. En primer lugar se estudian construcciones, infra-
estructuras e instalaciones urbanas. Pau Cateura abre este bloque inicial con un texto sobre la
construccin del puerto de Palma de Mallorca; Isabel Montes trata el abastecimiento de agua
en la Sevilla de la Baja Edad Media; Alan V. Murray dedica su artculo a la Jerusaln del siglo
XII; Marta lvarez analiza la construccin de las infraestructuras portuarias de Llanes en el
siglo XVI; a partir de textos portugueses y castellanos Gonalo Brito examina la utilidad de
las crnicas como fuente para el estudio de la construccin urbana; Pilar Martnez repasa las
fuentes existentes para el conocimiento de la Sigenza medieval; Antonio Ortega informa so-
bre el papel de Sller y la Palomera en la infraestructura portuaria de Mallorca; y Vctor Prez
presenta una intervencin sobre la aparicin del reloj pblico en las ciudades del siglo XIV.
La segunda parte de la obra se dedica a los constructores y las tcnicas constructivas
utilizadas en las ciudades medievales. Se inicia con una ponencia de Philippe Bernardi, dedica-
304 NOTAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
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da al anlisis del aprovisionamiento de materiales en los chantiers urbanos. Le sigue un texto
de Fernando Cobos sobre los procesos constructivos del castillo de la Mota entre los siglos XII
y XV; un estudio general de Rafael Cmez sobre los constructores (cristianos y mudjares) de
la Espaa medieval, bsicamente centrado en Castilla; un escrutinio sobre la morfologa, las
tcnicas y los materiales utilizados en la construccin de viviendas en el valle del Tajo, a cargo
de Manuel Slvio Alves; una observacin de las mquinas elevadoras medievales a travs de
la iconografa, a cargo de Lorena Fernndez; una exploracin sobre las tcnicas medievales
de construccin con tierra, de Juana Font; la presentacin de la gura del maestro de las obras de
Ciutat de Mallorques, por parte de Antnia Juan; un artculo de Sabrina Pietrobono sobre la
ereccin de murallas en el Lazio en los siglos IX-X; y nalmente otro de Isabel Soares sobre las
tipologas de la arquitectura domstica en las ciudades atlnticas en el Quinientos.
La tercera parte del volumen se dedica a las polticas urbanas y las obras pblicas.
Se inicia con un estudio de Jean-Claude Maire Vigueur sobre los grandes talleres activos en
las ciudades de la Italia comunal; continua con un texto de Elisabeth Bradford Smith sobre la
planicacin de la plaza y el barrio de Santa Maria Novella; despus Sarah Rees Jones trata el
desarrollo de los edicios y los espacios pblicos en la Inglaterra medieval; Sara Mondini se
ocupa de la construccin de la ciudad en la lejana regin del Deccan (India); Alberto Gmez
analiza la poltica urbanstica de la monarqua visigoda; Antonio Vallejo hace lo propio con la
construccin de una ciudad califal, Madinat Al-Zahra; Mario Lafuente estudia la forticacin
de Zaragoza durante la Guerra de los Dos Pedros; Diana Pelaz utiliza los Libros de Actas de
Valladolid para valorar el papel del Concejo en las obras pblicas de la villa; y Manuel F. Fer-
nndez establece la relacin existente entre la honra de la ciudad y el abastecimiento de agua
en la Sevilla medieval.
Como se puede apreciar al repasar esta lista de autores y temas, una de las caracte-
rsticas ms reseables de la obra es su diversidad temtica y su gran extensin geogrca. Los
textos que rene no se limitan a analizar la construccin de la ciudad en la ya de por s extensa
y compleja geografa castellana, sino que se adentran en otros muchos territorios, incluida Gul-
barga, en la India, adems de diversas regiones italianas, francesas, portuguesas, inglesas y en
dos capitales de la antigua Corona de Aragn: Zaragoza y Palma de Mallorca.
Quizs se echa en falta la presencia de algn texto sobre ciudades catalanas o del
reino de Valencia, no tanto por la relevancia de estas poblaciones, cuanto porque en los ltimos
aos en Catalua y Valencia se ha desarrollado una amplia actividad en este campo de la his-
toriografa, desde el estudio de la scalidad municipal vinculada a la identidad urbana, hasta
el de la belleza de la ciudad, pasando por los procesos de construccin de murallas, acequias,
puentes, puertos y otras infraestructuras urbanas y periurbanas, sin olvidar el estudio de los
protagonistas de esta historia constructiva: pedrapiquers, obrers de vila, mestres de cases, mes-
tres de tpies, fusters y mestres daixa que hasta ahora haban interesado a los historiadores,
bsicamente, como constructores de iglesias y palacios.
JACOBO VIDAL FRANQUET
Universidad de Barcelona
Rafael BENTEZ SNCHEZ-BLANCO, Juan Vicente GARCA MARSILLA, Norberto PI-
QUERAS SNCHEZ (eds.), Entre tierra y fe. Los musulmanes del reino cristiano de Valencia
(1238-1609), Valencia, Universitat de Valncia, 2009, 411 pp. ISBN 978-84-370-7369-9.
En 2009 la Universitat de Valncia, en colaboracin con otras instituciones, organiz
una exposicin para conmemorar el 400 aniversario de la expulsin de los moriscos del reino de
Valencia, en 1609. Se converta as, en uno de los pocos actos organizados por una institucin
pblica en memoria de aquellos hechos histricos, ante el olvido intencionado de las principales
instituciones de gobierno. De hecho, en el caso valenciano esta ausencia de actos conmemorati-
vos contrasta especialmente con la pomposidad con la que fue celebrado el 800 aniversario del
nacimiento del rey Jaime I el Conquistador en el ao anterior; y a nivel estatal est en lnea con
la nula divulgacin del perodo andalus que se realiz por el 13 centenario de la llegada de los
musulmanes a la Pennsula en 711, y con la exaltacin de la batalla de la Navas de Tolosa que
NOTAS BIBLIOGRFICAS 305
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se est realizando en el presente ao, por poner solo algunos ejemplos cercanos en el tiempo
y relacionados con el tema. Se trata, sin duda, de los sntomas visibles de una sociedad que no
es capaz de asumir por completo su pasado y decide esconder u olvidar aquello que le resulta
vergonzante desde un punto de vista actual, mientras enfatiza aquellos acontecimientos que
fundamentan al poder.
La Universitat pudo paliar as, en parte, la ausencia de actos conmemorativos de la
expulsin con la mencionada exposicin y con la edicin de este libro de divulgacin, publica-
do tanto en castellano como en cataln-valenciano, que en cierta manera acta como catlogo
de la muestra aunque no se detenga en los objetos expuestos. Con todo, como suele ser habitual
en este tipo de publicaciones, recoge las colaboraciones de diversos historiadores que en mayor
o menor medida han venido trabajando sobre temas relacionados con los mudjares y los mo-
riscos valencianos, dirigidos por los comisarios de la exposicin Rafael Bentez y Juan Vicente
Garca-Marsilla. En consecuencia, pues, se trata de una buena sntesis de los muchos avances
que se han realizado en los ltimos aos sobre el tema, tanto en el conocimiento histrico en s,
como en el tratamiento historiogrco que han recibido las minoras sociales del pasado, que
ha tenido una considerable evolucin en las ltimas dcadas.
Ya hace mucho tiempo que se dej de considerar a mudjares y moriscos como
quinta-columnistas que merecan ser ignorados por la investigacin histrica, en el ms puro
estilo positivista que alcanza todava los aos 70, para convertirse en un objeto de estudio y
atencin. Sin embargo, como arma Antoni Furi, no hace tanto tiempo an que se han dejado
de ver como una minora religiosa que mereca un captulo aparte en el relato histrico, junto
a los judos, a causa de la marginacin y la violencia que se ejerci sobre ellos en el pasado,
lo que no haca sino reproducir de facto la segregacin social a la que haban sido sometidos
por sus contemporneos. Slo recientemente mudjares y moriscos han pasado denitivamente
a integrarse en el metarrelato como sujetos activos de la historia, y no como vctimas pasivas
de los grupos mayoritarios. Adems, han dejado de considerarse un bloque social homogneo,
para pasar a estudiar sus propias estrategias polticas, econmicas y de reproduccin social, sus
relaciones comerciales, etc., aunque sin dejar de lado, por supuesto, la dominacin poltica y
social a la que estuvieron sometidos.
El libro est estructurado en tres partes. Las dos primeras ms breves, de carcter
cronolgico, que se centran en los mudjares una y en los moriscos la otra, como grupo social
y como problema historiogrco. Mientras que la tercera parte es un conjunto de carcter tem-
tico y cuenta con un mayor nmero de autores, que se centran en la vida cotidiana y la cultura
de los musulmanes en la Pennsula Ibrica en general y en el reino de Valencia en particular.
Corresponde a Antoni Furi el balance historiogrco y cronolgico de la historia
de los mudjares valencianos desde la conquista de Jaime I hasta la conversin forzosa; y a Ma-
nuel Ruzafa tratar las presiones de aculturacin y la conictividad que hubo a su alrededor en
la Baja Edad Media. Adems, naliza la primera parte Juan Francisco Pardo Molero estudiando
la conversin forzosa al cristianismo, que se produjo en el siglo XVI durante la revuelta de las
Germanas.
En cuanto a la segunda parte, sobre los moriscos, corresponde a Rafael Bentez tratar
su relacin con el Islam, que conservaban en privado, frente a la evangelizacin que emprendi
la iglesia despus de la conversin y la represin de la Inquisicin, as como tambin el captulo
sobre su relacin con otros musulmanes y el proceso que llev al poder a tomar la decisin de
expulsar a los moriscos. Finalmente, se cierra la parte cronolgica con la aportacin de Manuel
Lomas sobre el proceso de expulsin, un buen resumen que combina lo que ya se sabia sobre
el tema con los avances que ha realizado este autor ms recientemente. De hecho, cabe des-
tacar el trabajo cientco y divulgativo realizado Bentez y Lomas, entre otros, alrededor del
cuarto centenario de la expulsin.
Pasando a la tercera parte del libro, sobre la cultura y la vida cotidiana de los mud-
jares y moriscos valencianos, en primer lugar encontramos la colaboracin del gegrafo Juan
Piqueras, que explica la distribucin del poblamiento morisco del reino de Valencia en el mo-
mento previo a la expulsin. Tambin podemos ver un estudio de Josep Torr sobre el urba-
nismo y las formas de poblamiento mudjar, que en realidad es una continuacin del perodo
andalus, y que en su da supuso una gran aportacin por la relacin evidente de la estructura
social y familiar clnica musulmana con las formas fsicas y las divisiones de las viviendas.
ISSN 0066-5061
Enric Guinot, Jorge Hermosilla y Thomas Glick aportan una serie de colaboraciones sobre el
regado y la agricultura de los musulmanes, cuyas caractersticas son propias de la sociedad
tribal y tributaria, que posteriormente se adaptaron a la nueva sociedad feudal dominadora.
A continuacin, otros autores se ocupan de asuntos ms variados, como es el caso
de Eugenio Ciscar sobre las manufacturas y las relaciones comerciales; la cermica estudiada
por Javier Mart, que nos muestra el perodo culmen de la produccin mudjar en el siglo XIV;
la aportacin de Josefa Corts sobre el papel y la encuadernacin de libros; la colaboracin de
Daniel Benito sobre el arte mudjar, que se pregunta por qu en Valencia no existi un arte mudjar
destacado como en Aragn y en Castilla a pesar de la gran cantidad de poblacin musulmana
que sobrevivi a la conquista; o la Carmel Ferragud sobre la medicina que practicaron algu-
nos moriscos, como herencia del perodo de esplendor cientco andalus. Despus se pueden
encontrar el texto de Juan Vicente Garca Marsilla sobre la vida cotidiana de mudjares y mo-
riscos, que recoge aspectos como su forma de vestir, el interior domstico de sus casas y su
alimentacin; y el de Bernard Vincent sobre la vida social y religiosa, mantenida gracias al
apoyo mutuo solidario en el interior de las aljamas moriscas segregadas.
Ya para acabar, en los dos ltimos captulos desaparece el carcter temtico de la
tercera parte para recoger un criterio territorial, puesto que se aaden dos estudios nales sobre
una zona concreta, la subcomarca de la Valldigna, donde la poblacin mudjar y morisca fue
mayoritaria hasta la expulsin. Un captulo sobre el perodo medieval, de la mano de Ferran
Garcia-Oliver, y otro sobre la Edad Moderna, de Eugenio Ciscar, los cuales estudiaron hace
tiempo la poblacin musulmana de este valle de la Safor en el transcurso de sus investigaciones
doctorales.
En denitiva, pues, para concluir, podemos decir que se trata de un libro que no
aportar por s mismo ninguna novedad historiogrca al experto. Sin embargo, se trata de un
excelente libro de divulgacin, as como tambin una buena toma de contacto para un historia-
dor que se inicie en el tema y quiera conocer el estado de la cuestin. En cualquiera de estos
casos se trata de una completa visin de conjunto del trabajo historiogrco realizado en las tres
ltimas dcadas sobre el grupo social de los mudjares y los moriscos valencianos, y una prue-
ba de su introduccin en un lugar central del discurso histrico de la Edad Media y Moderna.
FERRAN ESQUILACHE MART
Universitat de Valncia
Ramn CHES LAPEA (ed.), Col.lecci diplomtica de Sant Pere dger ns 1198,
Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera, 2011, 1.159 pp. (Diplomataris; 60, 61). ISBN 978-84-9975-
117-7.
Antecedentes. La presente obra de Ramn Ches Lapea es el fruto de su tesis doc-
toral dedicada, por sugerencia inicial del profesor ngel J. Martn Duque, a editar la documen-
tacin medieval de la colegiata de San Pedro de ger. Este trabajo erudito, desarrollado bajo la
direccin de Jos Mara Lacarra, fue defendido con xito ante el tribunal correspondiente en
la Universidad de Zaragoza en 1972, donde el autor curs sus estudios superiores. En adelante,
el texto mecanograado de la tesis quedara indito durante casi cuarenta aos, depositado en
dicha institucin. Esta situacin letrgica explicable en gran medida por las exigencias de la
vida profesional del autor, catedrtico de instituto de lengua latina, privaba a los estudiosos de
un corpus documental clave para el conocimiento de la historia medieval de Catalua. Retoma-
do el curso del trabajo, como un nuevo Guadiana, con especial energa y vigor a partir de su
jubilacin, la obra terminara recibiendo los honores de la imprenta.
Justicacin de la obra. ger es una poblacin leridana cabeza de un amplio trmi-
no municipal, situado entre los ros Noguera Pallaresa, al este, y Noguera Ribagorzana, al oeste,
en el borde fronterizo con Aragn. Las sierras de Montsec y de Montcls lo limitan y constrien
por el norte y el sur, respectivamente. En los siglos medievales, no careca de valor estratgico,
puesto que controlaba los accesos septentrionales de Balaguer, pieza clave, a su vez, para toda
expansin ulterior por la Plana de Lrida. Un noble guerrero urgelense, Arnau Mir de Tost,
logr aanzar su dominio sobre ger y sus tierras circundantes a lo largo de las dcadas de los
ISSN 0066-5061
aos 30 y 40 del siglo XI. Sent as las bases para la fundacin de un seoro dominium et
senioraticum, segn la expresin de la poca que a travs de su nieto, Guerau Pons, acabara
pasando al linaje de los Cabrera. En este enclave jurisdiccional, tpico de la poca feudal, al
amparo y bajo el control seorial, se instituy y desarroll una colegiata, la de San Pedro, que
durante un tiempo, desde 1066 hasta nes del siglo XII disfrut de independencia, como abada
nullius, exenta frente al poder episcopal. El gran nmero de diplomas conservados para el cono-
cimiento de su historia medieval, el notable inters temtico de esta masa de textos y la escasez
de colecciones documentales accesibles al investigador para esta zona occidental de Catalua
justicaban la necesidad de la edicin. Se eligi como ao extremo ms moderno 1198, que
coincide con la bula papal que anulaba la condicin de abada nullius para la colegiata y la
someta a la jurisdiccin diocesana de Lrida.
La estructura de la coleccin. El corpus documental est precedido por una presen-
tacin a cargo de A.J. Martn Duque, seguida por un prlogo del propio autor y por un apartado
de Consideraciones generales, que incluye precisiones de variado carcter: justicacin y
criterios de la edicin, procedencia archivstica de los documentos, problemas cronolgicos,
abreviaturas y bibliografa, entre otras, aunque sin entrar en cuestiones de falsicacin o mani-
pulacin de diplomas concretos. Se hace especial hincapi en la semblanza biogrca de Jau-
me Caresmar (1717-1791), monje del monasterio de Bellpuig de les Avellanes, al que puede
considerarse por su labor erudita como un genuino seguidor cataln de Mabillon. Sus extrac-
tos, transcripciones y resmenes de los documentos medievales de la colegiata, concretados
en dos obras manuscritas denominadas por el editor de forma abreviada como el Compendi
y el Resumen (1766-1770), fueron una gua erudita de gran utilidad para elaborar la presente
coleccin. Seguidamente, un ndice de documentos da paso a la coleccin propiamente dicha,
que se distribuye en dos partes: el cuerpo principal y los apndices. El conjunto principal
agrupa 648 cartas expedidas de 1110 a 1198 de las cuales 469 corresponden al siglo XII,
a las que se suman otras 12 de los dos apndices, datadas entre 996 y 1128, menos vinculadas a
la historia de San Pedro de ger. Cierran la edicin una tabla de correspondencias y un ndice
onomstico.
Problemas cronolgicos. Esta cuestin merece por s misma una mencin espec-
ca. De hecho ocupa una parte substancial del apartado de Consideraciones generales. Como
era comn entonces en Catalua, un grupo muy nutrido de los documentos algo ms de una
tercera parte se data de acuerdo a los aos de reinado de soberanos franceses. Dada la cro-
nologa cubierta por la obra, se trata, sobre todo, de los reinados de Enrique I (1031-1060),
Felipe I (1060-1108) y Luis VI el Gordo (1108-1137) y, ms ocasionalmente, de los de Roberto
el Piadoso (996-1031), Luis VII el Joven (1137-1180) y Felipe II Augusto (1180-1223). Esta
prctica plantea graves dicultades, pues a menudo no est claro el punto de partida del clculo
cronolgico. El cmputo comienza con la uncin y consagracin del monarca mencionado en
el diploma o con la muerte del predecesor? En el segundo caso, se tiene en cuenta como punto
de partida el ao mismo del fallecimiento o el ao posterior? Por otro lado, en qu fecha se
sita el comienzo de cada ao? No era una simple curiosidad erudita. De la resolucin de estos
problemas dependan el orden y la estructura de una parte notable de la edicin. Tras un minu-
cioso estudio, que en gran medida contradice en esta materia las opiniones de autores anteriores
como Anscari M. Mund, el quehacer laborioso de Ramn Ches le llev a una conclusin que,
por s sola, nos da a entender la extremada complejidad del problema: los diplomas que dispo-
nen de este tipo de datacin se fechan a partir del ao inmediatamente posterior a la muerte del
monarca antecesor, ao que de manera convencional se hace comenzar siempre el 25 de marzo,
esto es, en la esta de la Encarnacin o Anunciacin. Con todo, el cmputo cronolgico ms
representado en la presente coleccin corresponde al uso cristiano del Anno Domini, que consta
en ms de trescientos documentos, y que, en lneas generales, se impone con claridad a partir
de 1129. Tambin en este caso el arranque del ao se sita en el citado da de la Encarnacin, es
decir, se mantiene el 25 de marzo. Por su parte, se hace un uso marginal de la Era hispnica, li-
mitado a nueve cartas. A su vez, la expresin del da se atiene al sistema romano clsico de idus,
nonas y kalendas, con algunas pocas salvedades alusivas a la feria, a las estas jas del santoral
y al cmputo bolos de das andados. Finalmente, el anlisis de contenidos, la comparacin
con otras cartas ya fechadas y las menciones de personajes ayudan a la jacin de la data o del
ao en los casos en que faltan estos elementos.
ISSN 0066-5061
Caractersticas de la documentacin. Las cartas transcritas y publicadas proceden
de diversos archivos, en concreto: del Parroquial de San Pedro de ger, del de la Catedral de
Lrida, del Histrico Archidiocesano de Tarragona, que conserva como pieza fundamental el
Cartulario de la colegiata, del de la Corona de Aragn, del de la Catedral de Barcelona, del His-
trico Nacional de Madrid y del General de Simancas, as como de la Biblioteca de Catalua.
Redactados los originales, en su gran mayora, en escritura carolina, recogen los actos jurdicos
relacionados con la formacin y gestin del seoro local: donaciones, compraventas, permutas,
testamentos, contratos matrimoniales, arrendamientos de explotaciones a censo, cesiones en
usufructo, prstamos, empeos de bienes en garanta, cartas de franquicia campesina, inventa-
rios, autos judiciales de todo tipo y, en especial, actos de vasallaje y de infeudacin. Atendiendo
a sus autores, brilla por su ausencia la documentacin real, si se exceptan algunas cartas de
los apndices; en cambio, abundan, como era de esperar, los diplomas de cancilleras condales
catalanas y, por supuesto, los expedidos por el linaje de los seores y vizcondes locales. No
falta la documentacin emanada de instituciones eclesisticas, tanto de los propios clrigos de
la colegiata, como de procedencia episcopal y ponticia. A todo ello se suma una variada docu-
mentacin de autora privada. Los elementos validatorios ms comunes son las subscripciones
y signos de autores, testigos y escribanos. Ocasionalmente, en algunos documentos de carcter
contractual, se recurre al sistema de la carta partida. Raro es el uso del sello, ms constatado en
los diplomas papales. Se echa en falta la presencia de algunos facsmiles de los textos editados,
elemento que, sin duda, habra enriquecido tan valiosa coleccin.
En denitiva, el medievalista tiene en sus manos, con esta obra, un instrumento de tra-
bajo de primer orden, elaborado con paciente amor a la exactitud. Se trata de este tipo de libros
tcnicos que tardan en envejecer y aguantan bien el paso del tiempo. Los estudios e interpre-
taciones se suceden y son superados conforme aparecen nuevas teoras y mtodos de trabajo.
En cambio, la base erudita una y otra vez consultada para ser mina de informacin y objeto
de reexin queda siempre disponible para servir al trabajo historiogrco. No queda sino
felicitar al autor, Ramn Ches, y a la Fundaci Noguera por haber publicado una coleccin que
har las delicias de los apasionados por el feudalismo cataln y del sur de Europa en general.
JOSE NGEL LEMA PUEYO
Universidad del Pas Vasco
Mara Victoria CHICO PICAZA, Laura FERNNDEZ FERNNDEZ (eds.), II Jornadas
complutenses de Arte Medieval, Madrid, Publicaciones Universidad Complutense, 2010, 356
pp. (Anales de Historia del Arte, vol. Extra, septiembre 2010). ISSN 0214-6452.
Este volumen recoge las actas de las II Jornadas Complutenses de Arte Medieval
celebradas, bajo la coordinacin de M Victoria Chico Picaza, en la Facultad de Geografa e
Historia de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid entre el 19 y el 21 de noviembre de 2008,
llevando por ttulo: La creacin de la imagen en la Edad Media: de la herencia a la renova-
cin. El contenido se divide, de igual modo que las sesiones de las jornadas, en ponencias y
en comunicaciones, de las que a continuacin extraeremos las aportaciones ms signicativas.
El estudio de Alejandro Garca Avils (Imagen y Ritual: Alfonso X y la creacin de
imgenes en la Edad Media) parte de los rituales de vivicacin de las imgenes de culto pro-
pios de la Antigedad. Durante los primeros siglos medievales se extendi el rechazo hacia las
imgenes, y en el siglo XIII se producir la eclosin de las esculturas de bulto redondo como
parte fundamental del culto, evadiendo la acusacin de idolatra mediante la demostracin de
su poder milagroso. Explicita el autor que era frecuente la confusin entre la creacin de talis-
manes imgenes astromgicas y la dotacin de poderes milagrosos en las estatuas de culto.
Esta confusin entre ambos mtodos se disipa por vez primera gracias a las producciones del
scriptorium alfons, que distinguen claramente entre las imgenes sagradas vivicadas en las
Cantigas de Santa Mara, y los talismanes del Libro de Astromagia.
Eric Palazzo (Art et Liturgie au Moyen Age. Nouvelles Approches Anthropologique
et Epistmologique) propone un renovado enfoque de las relaciones entre arte y liturgia, par-
tiendo de las dicultades en la percepcin de las realidades medievales para la mirada del hom-
ISSN 0066-5061
bre contemporneo. El marco terico se apoya en una redenicin de los conceptos de liturgia
y rito, concediendo una especial importancia a la cuestin de la sensorialidad. Muestra cmo
los telogos y comentaristas de la liturgia medievales desarrollan una concepcin antropolgica
de la misma, en la cual la obra de arte ya sea objeto o imagen monumental debe concebirse
como un elemento ms del ritual. Ejemplica sus postulados con el examen de dos manuscritos
litrgicos ilustrados carolingios: el Evangeliario de Godescalco (Pars, BnF, n.a.l. 1203) y el
Sacramentario de Drogon (Pars, BnF, Ms. Lat. 9428).
El discurso de Francisco Prado-Vilar (Diario de un argonauta: en busca de la belle-
za olvidada) se vertebra en torno a la pervivencia de las formas de la Antigedad (Nachleben
der Antike), que ya el estudioso Warburg haba representado grcamente en el atlas visual
Mnemosyne, que consista en montajes fotogrcos que permitan la observacin de la evolu-
cin de las formas a travs de distintos momentos artsticos. Siguiendo este esquema, el autor
pone de maniesto la repercusin que el sarcfago de Husillos tuvo en monumentos emblem-
ticos del Camino de Santiago como la Catedral de Jaca, San Martn de Frmista o San Isidoro
de Len. Se detiene en el anlisis detallado de la recuperacin del espectro de Laocoonte en
las obras realizadas por el maestro de Jaca con uno de los capiteles de la Portada Occidental
como pieza principal, y de la emulacin de los miembros de las comitivas extticas de Dio-
nisos como mnades y stiros en el capitel realizado por el maestro del stiro procedente
del claustro de la Catedral de Jaca y que en la actualidad se encuentra en el bside meridional
de la misma.
Miri Rubin en su ponencia (Imgenes de la Virgen) relata los cambios que ha sufrido
la gura de la Virgen Mara a lo largo de la historia. Nos muestra una evolucin de la gura
de la Virgen a travs de las fuentes escritas, destacando el Protoevangelio de Santiago, Fulbert de
Chartres o Bernardo de Claraval, as como la mencin de oraciones rituales y la alusin a piezas
musicales como las de Hildegard de Bingen. Desde el punto de vista iconogrco asistimos a
la metamorfosis de la representacin de la Virgen Mara, desde la Theotokos de aire imperial,
pasando por la Virgen amamantando al Nio herencia de la imagen de Isis y Horus, la Dor-
micin y Asuncin de Mara alusin a su naturaleza de punto de unin entre el cielo y la
tierra y la representacin ntima y natural de la Madre con el Nio; para nalmente enlazar con
la imagen de la Virgen vencida sosteniendo a Cristo muerto en sus brazos.
Ins Ruiz Montejo (Del mito al smbolo cristiano: el claustro de Silos) nos acerca
al estudio del antiguo bestiario esculpido del monasterio de Silos, ubicado principalmente en
los capiteles de las bandas oriental y septentrional del claustro. A lo largo del anlisis de los
distintos capiteles, se van estableciendo relaciones con las fuentes escritas que sirvieron de
inspiracin para las imgenes esculpidas. La principal de ellas son las Colaciones de Juan Ca-
siano manuscrito presente en la biblioteca del monasterio desde el siglo X, aunque tambin
se evidencian los vnculos con las Etimologas de San Isidoro, las Homilas y Dilogos de Gre-
gorio Magno y el Fisilogo. Analiza de modo pormenorizado los casos del buitre, los dragones-
pjaro y las guilas leontocfalas, sumergindose para su interpretacin simblica en los remotos
orgenes de estos seres mticos provenientes del Antiguo Oriente y del mbito grecorromano.
Matilde Azcrate Luxn, Irene Gonzlez Hernando, Santiago Manzarbeitia Valle y
Aitana Monge Zapata (Las pinturas murales de la iglesia de San Pedro de Torremocha de Jara-
ma) nos brindan un completo anlisis iconogrco de las pinturas del casco absidal de la iglesia
de San Pedro de Torremocha de Jarama, complementado por los excelentes esquemas de Aitana
Monge. Se retoman y revisan teoras de estudiosos, como la Prof. De la Morena, poniendo de
maniesto la cautela con que nos debemos aproximar a la identicacin que hizo, en 1994,
de una Trinidad del tipo Trono de Gracia en las pinturas del bside. Del mismo modo, los auto-
res sugieren correcciones en la interpretacin de las inscripciones de algunas de las lacterias.
Los autores aportan tambin nuevos detalles sobre la inscripcin que se encuentra bajo la lnea
de impostas, que ofrece informacin sobre el maestro, el comitente y la fecha de realizacin de
una de las escasas muestras murales de gtico internacional conservadas en territorio castellano.
Durante el cristianismo primitivo la imagen fue adquiriendo poder, propiciando la
aparicin de una iconografa simblica que se nutra de la reutilizacin de temas que en el
mbito pagano haban gozado de gran popularidad. Lourdes Diego Barrado en su artculo (La
representacin del ave fnix como imagen de la Renovatio de la Roma altomedieval) analiza
a fondo la recuperacin de la imagen oriental del ave fnix en la iconografa romana cristiana,
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realizando un recorrido que parte de sus representaciones ms antiguas en la catacumba de
Priscilla. La imagen del ave fnix en las catacumbas tena una funcin didctica y era imagen
del Salvador y de la salvacin. Sin embargo, superado el perodo de clandestinidad del cristia-
nismo, se procedera a la bsqueda de referentes visuales que plasmaran tanto la continuidad
del Imperio como la idea de Roma como ciudad eterna y centro de poder; encontrndose en la
gura del ave fnix el smbolo perfecto para atender a ambos conceptos.
El trabajo de Laura Fernndez Fernndez (Transmisin del Saber-Transmisin del
Poder. La imagen de Alfonso X en la Estoria de Espaa, Ms. Y-I-2, RBME) nos aproxima a la
difusin de las funciones y capacidades de Alfonso X como monarca a travs de la introduccin
de la imagen del rey en los libros elaborados en el scriptorium alfons. La autora se centra en el
anlisis de la imagen de apertura del manuscrito de la Estoria de Espaa (Ms. Y-I-2. RBME),
en la que el rey se representa acompaado de su corte, portando en la mano derecha una espada
y en la izquierda un libro que entrega al infante que se encuentra arrodillado junto a l. Con este
gesto se produce una transmisin de poderes del monarca al heredero siguiendo el formato
de la traditio legis a travs de la entrega de un manuscrito, lo que establece un fuerte vnculo
entre el saber y el poder que deben ir asociados a la gura del monarca. Siguiendo a Menndez
Pidal, identica la gura del infante con Sancho, lo que ubicara la realizacin de la imagen en
una fecha anterior a 1282, cuando la cordial relacin entre ambos se rompi por una rebelin
que Sancho encabez contra su padre.
Irene Gonzlez Hernando (La reinterpretacin de la herencia artstica bajomedie-
val: el caso de las vrgenes abrideras trinitarias impulsadas por la Orden Teutnica) somete a
estudio un conjunto de Vrgenes abrideras realizadas entre 1400 y 1450 en los dominios teutni-
cos de Prusia Occidental. En el exterior se representa la gura de la Virgen sedente con el Nio
y en el interior la Virgen cobijando con su manto una representacin de la Trinidad Trono de
Gracia anqueada a ambos lados por un grupo de orantes. La difusin de estas guras se debe
a la expansin de la Orden Teutnica por Europa, ostentando propiedades en lugares como
Alemania, Italia, Francia o Espaa. La autora establece la hiptesis de que los caballeros de la
Orden Teutnica pudieran conocer esta tipologa de Virgen durante sus conquistas y asimilaran
su iconografa porque se adecuaba a sus ideales religiosos y caballerescos, introduciendo ele-
mentos nuevos como el manto de la Virgen.
Herbert Gonzlez Zymla nos brinda en su artculo (Consideraciones sobre la icono-
grafa y simbolismos del retablo relicario del Monasterio de Piedra) un exhaustivo anlisis de
uno de los conjuntos iconogrcos ms ricos de la pintura aragonesa del siglo XIV: el retablo
relicario del Monasterio de Piedra, que fue realizado para albergar la reliquia del Sacro Dubio,
siendo donados ambos, relicario y reliquia, al Monasterio de Piedra por Martn I, en el ao
1390. El anlisis del programa se realiza conforme a los principios de manifestatio (Sacro Du-
bio transubstanciado en cuerpo y sangre de Cristo), narratio (ciclo mariano y ciclo de la Pasin)
y testicatio (Apostolado y profetas). Destaca matices peculiares del programa iconogrco,
como la nalizacin del ciclo de la Pasin de Cristo o la representacin del Descendimiento de
la Cruz, sin aludir a la resurreccin, tal y como era habitual en las representaciones del siglo
XIV. Esta es slo una de las numerosas incgnitas que el autor arma que todava existen sobre
este retablo relicario.
Santiaga Hidalgo Gonzlez estudia en su comunicacin (Funcin, composicin,
modelo y tema: el tmpano de la dormicin en el claustro de Pamplona) el tmpano de la
puerta del Amparo de la Catedral de Pamplona, haciendo hincapi a lo largo de su discurso en
la necesidad de valorar la obra de arte teniendo en cuenta tanto su funcin, como su ubicacin
original. El tema elegido para el tmpano es la Dormicin de la Virgen siguiendo el modelo
bizantino con la introduccin de la gura de Cristo y el alma de Mara, y cuyo conocimiento
se puede explicar por la inuencia del arte italiano. El tema de la Muerte de la Virgen se erigi
como prototipo de la buena muerte durante la Edad Media y el Renacimiento. La funcin de
la puerta del Amparo era la servir de paso entre la iglesia y el claustro. Tambin nos aproxima
al conocimiento de las funciones del claustro como escenario de ritos procesionales, lugar de
enterramiento y articulador de la vida cotidiana de los cannigos, analizando al mismo tiempo
las motivaciones de los promotores para decantarse por la eleccin del tema de la Dormicin
de la Virgen, la frmula iconogrca y la composicin en una escena nica sin registros ni
dintel.
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A lo largo de la Edad Media siempre se encontraron vinculadas a la idea del mal las
representaciones de seres monstruosos, cuya apariencia se remontaba a seres mitolgicos de la
Antigedad grecorromana. Jacqueline Leclercq-Marx (Los monstruos antropomorfos de origen
antiguo en la Edad Media. Persistencias, mutaciones y recreaciones) se centra en el estudio de
la evolucin iconogrca de las sirenas, los centauros y los minotauros, no slo desde el anlisis
de imgenes, sino tambin a travs de las fuentes escritas, demostrando con ello cmo termin
producindose en las representaciones grcas de estos seres un intercambio de atributos, lo
que hace necesaria la prudencia en su identicacin e interpretacin.
Esther Lozano (Tradicin e innovacin: el ciclo de la Matanza de los Inocentes en
el Romnico Hispnico) hace un recorrido por las principales obras de los siglos XI y XII en las
que se recoge el episodio de la Matanza de los Inocentes, destacando las peculiaridades de cada
una de ellas y su vinculacin con las fuentes literarias y piezas de teatro religioso. Para el caso
especco de la Pennsula Ibrica menciona piezas religiosas como el Auto o Representacin de
los Reyes Magos, Dels Tres Reys de Orient y el Misteri del Rey Erodes. Analiza elementos pe-
culiares que se encuentran en obras hispanas con escasos paralelos fuera de nuestras fronteras,
como son la visita de los pastores a Herodes, la representacin de un rollo en la consulta a los
escribas, el demonio aconsejando al rey o Abraham con las almas de los Inocentes, entre otros.
Santiago Manzarbeitia Valle, esta vez en su comunicacin en solitario (El mural de
San Cristobaln en la iglesia de San Cebrin de Muda. Pintura medieval y devocin popular:
del mtico Cinocfalo al Polifemo cristiano), nos acerca a una pintura mural en la campurriana
iglesia de San Cebrin de Muda. La ubicacin de la pintura mural de San Cristbal en el muro
norte de la iglesia, responde al papel que el santo ostentaba de protector de peregrinos y de la
muerte repentina. As los devotos se podan encomendar al santo mediante la contemplacin de
la imagen desde la puerta del templo. Desde el punto de vista iconogrco, este San Cristbal se
encuentra caracterizado por atributos como el extico turbante, la palmera o el cinturn. Hace
hincapi el autor en la intensa mirada del santo, estrechamente relacionada con su carcter apo-
tropaico y con una piedad popular de carcter funerario de orgenes africanos, relacionndolo
con el dios egipcio Anubis, y grecorromanos, mediante su compaero de misin Caronte.
Marta Poza Yage (Recuperando el pasado. Algunas notas sobre las primeras por-
tadas teofnicas del romnico castellano-leons (acerca del relieve conservado en Rhode Is-
land)) aborda la temtica de las portadas teofnicas o cluniacienses, que son aquellas que con-
tienen representaciones de la Ascensin, la Transguracin, las Visiones de San Juan y de San
Mateo o el Juicio Final. Surgen a nales del siglo XI en Languedoc y Borgoa, extendindose
a centros religiosos vinculados a la abada de Cluny. En el entorno hispano se han conservado
escasos testimonios de esta tipologa de portada, aunque trabajos recientes estn dando a co-
nocer hallazgos que prueban su existencia. En este artculo se estudia un relieve con la repre-
sentacin de Cristo en Majestad procedente de Santa Marta de Tera, defendiendo que se trata
de un fragmento de un tmpano y ubicndolo en una portada del muro occidental perdida en
la actualidad pero de la que tenemos noticia gracias a los estudios de Manuel Gmez-Moreno
sobre este edicio.
Sandra Senz-Lpez Prez (El vuelo de Oriente a Occidente del pjaro Rujj y las
transformaciones de su leyenda) nos invita a conocer al pjaro Rujj, un ave mitolgica de ori-
gen oriental caracterizada por su enorme tamao y fuerza. Su leyenda tuvo gran difusin en la
Edad Media, dndose a conocer a travs de numerosas fuentes escritas e iconogrcas que
la autora recoge y analiza a lo largo del texto. Los escritos de Marco Polo fueron fundamentales
para su difusin en Occidente, donde, durante un largo perodo, se asimil la iconografa de
Rujj a la de otro animal fantstico conocido desde la Antigedad: el grifo. Esta asociacin trajo
consigo su representacin como ser hbrido, mitad pjaro y mitad len. En el siglo XVI volver
a ser representado exclusivamente como pjaro, quizs debido a un mejor conocimiento de las
fuentes.
Mnica Ann Walker Vadillo se propone analizar en su estudio (Los reproches de
Natn: Origen, variacin y expansin de un tema iconogrco del Antiguo Testamento) tanto
los orgenes de la iconografa de los reproches de Natn, relacionados con escenas de dilogo
grecorromanas, como sus variaciones iconogrcas, vinculadas a los relatos y comentarios b-
blicos, as como a las prcticas religiosas. Los elementos constantes en la representacin de este
episodio, tanto en Oriente como en Occidente, son las guras de David, Natn y Betsab; sobre
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la que pone especial atencin. stas pueden ir acompaadas, en el caso de la tradicin oriental,
de otros elementos como un ngel y la alegora del arrepentimiento (Metanoia). Las distintas
variaciones iconogrcas son analizadas minuciosamente por la autora a travs de numerosos
manuscritos.
LAURA MOLINA LPEZ
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Rafael CONDE Y DELGADO DE MOLINA (ed.), De Barcelona a Anagni para hablar
con el Papa. Las cuentas de la Embajada del Rey de Aragn a la Corte de Bonifacio VIII
(1295), Zaragoza, Institucin Fernando el Catlico (CSIC), 2011, 225 pp. (Fuentes Histricas
Aragonesas; 55). ISBN 978-84-9911-113-1.
As the regretted editor of this volume states in his Introduction, the text he publishes here
(Archivo de la Corona de Aragn, Real Patrimonio, Apndice General, vol. 217) brings nothing
new to our understanding of the Treaty of Anagni in June 1295. That is not to say, however, that its
content, the record kept by Jaume Bos of expenses incurred over the previous three months by the
diplomatic mission sent to Italy by Jaume II for the negotiation of that treaty, is devoid of interest.
On the contrary, the particulars of the arduous 42-day journey it reveals precious information on
the price of household purchases of both staple and luxury items, and on the hire of accommodation
and arrangements for securing credit provide the dry diplomatic bones with much succulent esh.
Central Italy was a dangerous place to visit in summer, as Gilabert de Crulles, one of the principal
gures amongst the hundred-strong party, discovered to his discomfort, rendering him in need of
costly recuperation by means of chicken broth, sucre rosat and bleeding. Class distinctions are
revealed in the gulf between the minority entitled to eat pa francesc and the rest, who had to make
do with pa de companya (or de familia), albeit enhanced by sals verd (for which a recipe including
cinnamon, cloves and ginger as well as parsley is provided). The cost to the travelers of white wine
was as much as six times that of red. Texts from the Vatican and the Crown archives are published
in an Appendix of twenty archival items (with in the case of no. 4 the papal scribe identiable
as N. de Limosio rather than de Lunesio).
PETER LINEHAN
St Johns College, Cambridge
Lus Vicente DAZ MARTN, Pedro I el Cruel (1350-1369), Gijn, Trea, 2007 (se-
gunda edicin), 298 pp. (Corona de Espaa, Serie Reyes de Castilla y Len). ISBN 978-84-
9704-274-3.
Es una sntesis de alta divulgacin, con notas no muy abundantes, del reinado de Pe-
dro el Cruel, redactada por L.V. Daz Martn, profesor de la Universidad de Valladolid, fallecido
hace unos aos, que se haba especializado en el reinado de Pedro el Cruel. En la introduccin
comenta la polmica que ha rodeado a este monarca, que ha merecido juicios muy negativos de
la mayor parte de los historiadores, aunque algunos han atribuido su psima fama a la propa-
ganda que su hermanastro Enrique de Trastmara realiz contra l. Sin embargo, sus innumera-
bles crmenes polticos, su crueldad con los prisioneros de guerra (ejecuciones, narices, orejas,
manos y pies cortados, etc.) y su desprecio por los tratados estn bien documentados y se sabe,
por el estudio de sus restos, que padeca algn tipo de enfermedad mental leve, que no impeda
la vida social pero poda producir trastornos de conducta violentos.
La primera parte est dedicada a los comienzos del reinado, con un primer captulo
sobre su infancia desde su nacimiento el 30 de agosto de 1334; fue el nico hijo superviviente
del matrimonio de su padre el rey Alfonso XI y Mara de Portugal, matrimonio desavenido a
causa del amor del rey por Leonor de Guzmn, de la que tuvo numerosos hijos ilegtimos que
fueron dotados con ricos patrimonios, cargos importantes y excelentes enlaces matrimoniales,
como el de Enrique con la hija de don Juan Manuel, Juana Manuel. El primognito y heredero
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creci marginado junto a su madre, que no tena ningn poder ni inuencia. Accedi al trono en
1350 por la muerte inesperada de su padre, en plena campaa de guerra contra Granada. Tuvo
que imponer su autoridad sobre las redes de poder tejidas por Leonor de Guzmn, que poco
despus fue ejecutada por orden de la reina viuda, y sobre sus hermanos bastardos, aunque una
grave enfermedad que sufri despert ya las apetencias sucesorias de algunos de sus parientes
ms prximos, como las de sus primos, los infantes de Aragn. El autor estudia el contexto
internacional en que tuvo que desarrollar su poltica, conducida en los primeros aos por Juan
Alfonso de Alburquerque. La celebracin de Cortes en Valladolid y la lucha contra los primeros
levantamientos que se produjeron a lo largo de su reinado sealaron los inicios de su gobierno.
La segunda parte de la obra est dedicada a la boda del rey con Blanca de Borbn,
negociada para asegurar la alianza con Francia, pero que fracas de inmediato, en parte por las
perspectivas de impago de la dote y en parte porque el rey ya haba iniciado su relacin con Ma-
ra de Padilla, de la que haba tenido una hija. Alburquerque perdi el favor del rey en benecio
de Juan Fernndez de Hinestrosa, pariente de Mara de Padilla, y ms tarde fue envenenado,
mientras que la esposa termin ejecutada por orden del rey unos aos despus. El autor analiza
seguidamente la gran coalicin nobiliaria contra el rey para gobernar Castilla a su antojo, coa-
licin a la que incluso se sum su madre, la reina viuda, adems de los bastardos, los infantes
de Aragn, muchos nobles y numerosas ciudades. El rey estuvo en manos de los rebeldes pero
consigui ganarse algunos miembros de esa coalicin, comenzando por los ltimos que haban
entrado en ella (su ta la reina Leonor y sus primos los infantes de Aragn), y acentuar las divi-
siones entre los dems, de modo que poco a poco recuper el poder y se veng de sus enemigos
con numerosas ejecuciones, mientras que otros nobles se exiliaron, muchos de ellos en Aragn.
Algunos aspectos de esos acontecimientos, como por ejemplo la relacin con la Co-
rona de Aragn, estn desenfocados por no haber consultado la bibliografa reciente entonces
sobre ese estado. Por ejemplo no es cierto que Pedro el Ceremonioso, que se encontraba en
Cerdea, ayudara a los rebeldes castellanos y no puede interpretarse como ayuda la acogida a
los exiliados, que era una norma de humanidad que se practic siempre. Esa desinformacin es
ms grave cuando, en la tercera parte, analiza la guerra de Castilla contra la Corona de Aragn,
en que ni siquiera recurre a la crnica de Pedro el Ceremonioso. Esa falta de informacin le
hace equivocarse en muchos puntos: no es cierto que Pedro el Ceremonioso deseara la guerra,
al contrario, se excus por el comportamiento de Francesc de Perells, pero no pudo hacer otra
cosa que aceptar la declaracin de guerra de Pedro el Cruel, hecha cuando ya la haba iniciado.
Y desde luego el incidente de Francesc de Perells se produjo en julio, y no en junio. La noticia
de la prisin de los mercaderes catalanes en Sevilla, despus del incidente, lleg a Valencia
el 31 de julio. Tampoco es cierto que Catalua no contribuyera a la defensa de Aragn y de
Valencia. La obra, en esta ltima parte, tiene su utilidad por cuanto sigue con detalle los movi-
mientos de Pedro el Cruel a partir de la escasa documentacin castellana, lo que puede resultar
provechoso para los historiadores de la Corona de Aragn para perlar algunos aspectos de la
documentacin propia, que, a diferencia de lo que ocurre en Castilla, es de una tal abundancia
que a veces resulta problemtico dominarla. La obra concluye, naturalmente, con el asesinato
de Pedro el Cruel en Montiel y, como dice el autor, termin con sangre un reinado que se haba
desarrollado con sangre y asesinatos.
MARIA TERESA FERRER I MALLOL
Institut dEstudis Catalans
Francesca ESPAOL, Francesc FIT (eds.), Hagiograa peninsular en els segles me-
dievals, Lleida, Edicions de la Universitat de Lleida, 2008, 288 pp. ISBN 978-84-8409-246-9.
El libro que aqu nos ocupa compendia un total de once estudios en los que se abor-
dan cuestiones relacionadas con la hagiografa medieval peninsular desde diversos puntos de
vista. El carcter multidisciplinar e innovador de esta obra es reejo de la lnea de investigacin
que sus editores, Francesca Espaol y Francesc Fit, promueven desde hace ms de diez aos a
travs de los encuentros organizados en la Seu dUrgell, en el marco de la Universidat dEstiu
de la Universidad de Lleida.
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Bajo el ttulo Els sants i el seu territori: hagiograa en els segles medievals se
celebraron dos cursos los das 19-23 de julio de 2004 y 18-22 de julio de 2005. A pesar de que
el presente volumen no recoge la totalidad de los trabajos expuestos por los participantes, los
artculos publicados sirven al lector como muestra de la elevada calidad de los estudios all
presentados, muchos de ellos gestados en el marco de un proyecto de investigacin.
En su artculo La consideracin ejemplar de la santidad femenina (Castilla, siglos
XIII-XV), Isabel Becerro Pita profundiza en el estudio de los relatos hagiogrcos femeninos y
analiza los diversos modelos de santas establecidos a nales de la Edad Media, los cuales, si-
guiendo los preceptos de la piedad bajomedieval, ensalzan la caridad, la devocin y la renuncia
a las comodidades y placeres como rasgos comunes a todas ellas. Entre los siglos XIII y XV,
vrgenes y mrtires se presentan como ejemplos de conducta para doncellas, mujeres casadas y
viudas, madres, religiosas o, incluso, reinas. Segn la autora, a travs de las trayectorias vitales
de las santas se elaboran unas pautas de conducta dirigidas a las mujeres, principalmente a
aquellas de origen aristocrtico o regio, incitndolas no slo a adoptar un determinado rol social
sino tambin a iniciar el largo camino hacia la perfeccin.
A continuacin, el artculo de Gerardo Boto Varela, El santo de Silos: monumenta
domsticos, hechuras hagiogrcas y expansin devocional (s. XI-XIV), nos aproxima a la
gura de Domingo Manso, cuya temprana canonizacin en 1076 fue promovida tanto por el
captulo silense como por Alfonso VI y la mitra burgalesa. A lo largo de su estudio examina la
miticacin hagiolgica de la que fue objeto el santo a lo largo de la Edad Media y analiza
la instrumentalizacin y difusin de su culto como parte del proceso de reconquista y recris-
tianizacin de los territorios fronterizos. Gerardo Boto no slo estudia las causas que pudieron
haber motivado la construccin del claustro superior, sino que tambin analiza los programas
iconogrcos desarrollados en la llamada arqueta de Silos, el cenotao claustral o el prtico
septentrional del templo, por medio de los cuales se habran intentado rememorar diversas
facetas del santo, como su estado glorioso, su competencia redentora, su carcter taumatrgico
o su papel como liberador de cautivos, reforzado ste, a su vez, por los Miraculos romanados
de Pedro Marn. Se trata, en denitiva, de un trabajo de obligada consulta para todos aquellos
investigadores interesados en la gura del abad silense y su cenobio.
Bajo el ttulo La catedral, el santo y el rey. Alfonso IV de Portugal, san Vicen-
te mrtir y la capilla mayor de la s de Lisboa, Eduardo Carrero Santamara examina el
desaparecido enterramiento del monarca portugus en la cabecera de la catedral lisboeta, des-
truida por un terremoto en 1356. Tras una aproximacin al proceso constructivo de la s
de Lisboa y la traslatio de las reliquias de san Vicente mrtir a la cabecera del templo, el
autor analiza la compleja topografa litrgica, de marcado carcter escenogrco, que se
habra desarrollado en torno al mencionado relicario y al sepulcro de los monarcas. El autor
identica los capiteles y nervaduras conservados en el actual presbiterio como los nicos
restos arquitectnicos del monumental enterramiento, refutando as la tesis de Mario Ta-
vares Chic, quien relacionaba dichos elementos con la reconstruccin de la capilla mayor
promovida por Joo I. Todo ello, sumado a la revisin llevada a cabo tanto de la documenta-
cin como de las publicaciones precedentes, as como al estudio comparativo realizado con
obras conservadas en la actualidad, convierten el artculo de Eduardo Carrero en un trabajo
de innegable valor.
Por su parte, Jess Criado Mainar y Mara del Carmen Garca Herrero estudian en
su trabajo Expresiones artstico-literarias de santidad femenina en el reino de Aragn. Orosia,
princesa de la montaa la construccin visual de la mrtir medieval, protectora de tormentas
y promotora de lluvias, a lo largo de los ltimos seis siglos. El tema propuesto permite a los
autores analizar el funcionamiento del gnero hagiogrco as como la coherencia de los relatos
ulicos y la atraccin ejercida por el canon de la santidad femenina como modelo de comporta-
miento desde el Medioevo. La mayora de las representaciones conservadas de la santa, patrona
de Yebra de Basa y Jaca, muestran un claro carcter devocional, como es el caso del relicario
antropomorfo de la mrtir, el nico conservado de una mrtir aragonesa. Resulta especialmente
interesante la carta incluida como apndice documental, fechada en 1492, la cual constituye un
valioso testimonio en el que se pone de maniesto tanto la devocin que los jacetanos sienten
por santa Orosia desde la Edad Media, como el fomento de su culto por medio de limosnas y la
promocin de obras artsticas.
ISSN 0066-5061
El artculo de Marta Crisp Cantn, Relquies i devoci mariana en la Catalunya
baixmedieval, permite al lector conocer algunos de los resultados de su tesis doctoral, Icono-
graa de la Mare de Du a Catalunya al segle XIV (imatgeria), dirigida por Francesca Espaol
y defendida en la Universidad Autnoma de Barcelona en 2001. La autora aborda el tema obje-
to de estudio por medio del anlisis de una serie de ejemplos singulares, entre los que destacan
el velo de la Virgen, del cual conservaba un fragmento la reina Mara de Navarra; la sagrada
cinta de la catedral de Tortosa; el pedazito de tnica mariana venerada en Bellpuig de les Ave-
llanes; o los restos del sepulcro de la Virgen custodiados en el altar de las once mil vrgenes de
la catedral de Gerona. Las referencias aportadas por la autora reejan la especial veneracin de la
que fueron objeto dichas reliquias marianas en el territorio cataln en los siglos XIV y XV. Su
origen milagroso y su marcado carcter taumatrgico no slo legitimaban su autenticidad, sino
que tambin ponan de maniesto la ecacia de las mismas, promoviendo as su empleo con
nes litrgicos y devocionales.
El artculo de Francesca Espaol Bertrn, que lleva por ttulo La Beata Stirps en la
Corona de Aragn. Santa Isabel de Hungra y san Luis de Tolosa, culto e iconografa. Con este
trabajo, Francesca Espaol colma un vaco que precisaba ser atendido. Mientras que el culto a
la santa estirpe ya haba sido estudiado en otros contextos dinsticos por A. Vauchez, G. Duby
y J. Le Goff, entre otros, en el mbito de la Corona de Aragn permaneca olvidado. Para ello
analiza en detalle la promocin del culto a Santa Isabel de Hungra y, en especial, a san Luis de
Tolosa, por parte de los miembros de la familia real y de algunas de las personalidades prximas
a ellos, a travs del patronazgo artstico.
A pesar de que la presencia de san Luis de Tolosa en el sepulcro de don Juan de Ara-
gn, junto a san Luis rey de Francia y santa Isabel de Hungra, ya haba sido sealada por otros
autores, entre los que destacan . Franco, G. Previtalli y J. Yarza, F. Espaol aporta nuevos
datos, hasta ahora ignorados, que ponen de maniesto la devocin del arzobispo por el santo
familiar, as como la clara intencin del desconocido idelogo del programa iconogrco de
promocionar al difunto al terreno de la santidad.
Por otro lado, las pinturas que decoran la silla prioral de Sijena, atribuida a la ini-
ciativa de la infanta Blanca de Aragn, en cuyo programa iconogrco se habran incluido de
nuevo las egies de san Luis de Tolosa y santa Isabel de Hungra, seran igualmente reejo del
culto a la beata stirps en la Corona de Aragn, cuya apoteosis tendra lugar con la llegada de las
reliquias de san Luis a la catedral de Valencia en 1424.
Francesc Fit Llevot, en su trabajo Algunes qestions sobre iconograa i el culte a
sant Vicent Martir a Catalunya, se encarga de analizar la gura del mrtir aragons y el desa-
rrollo de su culto por tierras catalanas. Para ello, organiza su discurso en tres apartados, en los
cuales examina el origen de la Passio de san Vicente, su iconografa y su culto en Catalua,
todo ello acompaado de un importante aparato crtico. En las sucesivas versiones conservadas
de su Passio se describe al santo como un imitador de Cristo y se exalta su carcter guerrero,
propio de su condicin de soldado cristiano. Digno de mencin es tambin el recorrido que
realiza el autor por las diversas representaciones conservadas del santo, por medio de las cua-
les analiza sus rasgos iconogrcos y la evolucin de stos. Francesc Fit seala el desarrollo
de las imgenes devocionales y la multiplicacin de las reliquias del santo mrtir como los
principales desencadenantes de la difusin de su culto, tanto dentro como fuera del territorio
peninsular, y arma que, a pesar de lo que se haba credo hasta entonces, el surgimiento del
fervor devocional hacia este santo tanto en Catalua, como en el resto de la Pennsula, podra
remontarse a los siglos V-VII.
No obstante, como seala el propio autor, el culto a san Vicente Mrtir habr de ser
objeto de futuras investigaciones que logren suplir la carencia de datos arqueolgicos y pro-
fundicen en el estudio de las fuentes literarias de carcter popular surgidas a nales de la Edad
Media en honor del santo.
Lamentablemente Fernando Galvn Freile, cuya memoria es recordada en las pri-
meras lneas de este libro, no pudo ver publicado su trabajo Culto e iconografa de Toms de
Canterbury en la pennsula Ibrica (1173-1300). A pesar de que no aspira a ser exhaustivo,
Fernando Galvn Freile logra poner de maniesto la rapidez con la que se difundi el culto a
Tomas Becket, promovido por algunas cannicas, el Cster y la corona, y la trascendencia que
ste lleg a alcanzar en los reinos peninsulares. Buena muestra de ello son el conjunto de pro-
ISSN 0066-5061
gramas iconogrcos que el autor analiza, algunos de los cuales, como es el caso de las pinturas
de la iglesia de Santa Mara de Terrassa, superan en grandiosidad a aquellos desarrollados en
otros mbitos geogrcos, como Inglaterra o Francia. Tal y como seala Fernando Galvn, el
fenmeno hispano es complejo y exige ser estudiado con mayor profundidad. Desgraciadamen-
te, este autor, fallecido en 2008, no podr continuar esta investigacin pero es innegable que su
aportacin sienta las bases para futuras publicaciones.
En su artculo La funcin del santo a partir de las fuentes hagiogrcas medievales,
ngeles Garca de la Borbolla seala el inters que desde las ltimas dcadas del siglo XX han
despertado entre los historiadores, las fuentes hagiogrcas, consideradas desde entonces un
instrumento fundamental para el estudio de la Edad Media. En ellas, el santo se presenta como
un perfecto intercesor y un modelo de comportamiento. La autora realiza un minucioso reco-
rrido por la produccin hagiogrca peninsular desde sus inicios en poca visigoda y analiza
la evolucin que el gnero literario experimenta con el paso del tiempo. Con ello, elabora un
perfecto marco tanto histrico como hagiogrco en el que conuyen el resto de trabajos con
los que comparte publicacin. ngeles Garca de la Borbolla concluye su trabajo con una serie
de interesantes reexiones sobre la trascendencia de los relatos hagiogrcos medievales como
reejo de las necesidades espirituales de unas gentes y de una poca. Estas existencias efmeras
inmortalizadas en los relatos hagiogrcos, y convertidas, en palabras de Le Goff, en fragmen-
tos de eternidad, permiten conocer las inquietudes espirituales de la sociedad medieval y cmo
stas varan con el transcurso del tiempo.
Alberto Velasco Gonzlez nos aproxima a la gura de San Vicente Ferrer en su es-
tudio Dos arquetips iconogrcs i dos models de difusi en la iconograa primerenca de sant
Vicent Ferrer. El autor analiza la dualidad de la imagen devocional e iconogrca del santo
dominicano, y cita los brillantes trabajos de la Dra. Smoller, quien considera dicha situacin re-
sultado de los intereses de los diversos sectores involucrados en la canonizacin del predicador
valenciano. Esta dualidad se reejar en las manifestaciones artsticas, no pudindose hablar
de una imagen del dominico plenamente establecida hasta nales del siglo XV. Las semejanzas
entre las representaciones del santo valenciano conservadas en los conventos de la Provincia
de Aragn y las italianas hace pensar al autor en la posible existencia de un modelo comn de
difusin promovido tanto por la propia orden de Predicadores como por el papado. A ello hay
que aadir, tal y como seala el autor, la existencia de una tipologa iconogrca paralela a la
anterior, gestada en el convento de predicadores de Valencia, como consecuencia de la especial
devocin de la que era objeto el santo en su tierra natal.
El volumen de estudios concluye con el artculo Los dominicos y los Reyes Catlicos.
Relaciones e instrumentalizacin de sus santos de Joaqun Yarza Luaces, en el que se pone de ma-
niesto la estrecha relacin existente entre la monarqua, la orden de Predicadores y la Inquisicin
durante el reinado de los Reyes Catlicos. El autor analiza, para ello, una serie de obras y fundacio-
nes dominicanas entre las que destacan el Monasterio de Santo Toms de vila o la Virgen de los
Reyes Catlicos, conservada en el Museo del Prado. Tanto la mencionada imagen mariana como
los retablos realizados por Pedro Berruguete para el convento abulense fueron ya objeto de estudio
por parte de Joaqun Yarza en su brillante trabajo Una imagen dirigida: los retablos de santo Do-
mingo y san Pedro Mrtir de Pedro Berruguete, publicado en 2002. Sin embargo, en esta ocasin
el autor se centra en el anlisis de las mencionadas obras como reejo de la instrumentalizacin
de los santos dominicanos durante el largo reinado de los Reyes Catlicos y de su empleo como
instrumentos propagandsticos, por medio de los cuales se llega incluso a manipular la imagen del
propio santo fundador, convirtindolo en un activo inquisidor, con el n de exaltar no slo al
Tribunal del Santo Ocio, sino tambin a la realeza como el defensora de la institucin.
En denitiva, nos encontramos ante una obra en la que no slo se exponen novedo-
sas metodologas de estudio, sino en la que tambin se abren nuevas vas de investigacin. Por
todo ello, no podemos sino agradecer a los editores el esfuerzo dedicado tanto a la organizacin
de los cursos estivales como a la posterior publicacin de los resultados all presentados, los
cuales, sin lugar a dudas, sientan un importante precedente en el estudio de la hagiografa pe-
ninsular medieval.
DIANA LUCA GMEZ-CHACN
ISSN 0066-5061
Joan FERRER I GODOY, Diplomatari del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses
(995-1273), Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera, 2009, 822 pp. (Diplomataris; 43). ISBN 978-84-
9779-789-4.
El diplomatari de Sant Joan de les Abadesses safegeix a lincessant degoteig dedi-
cions que ofereix diligentment la Fundaci Noguera de Barcelona. Leditor daquest volum,
Joan Ferrer, t cura, com a arxiver, de la part daquest fons que encara es conserva a les anti-
gues dependncies monstiques. Per una bona part del diplomatari, la meitat aproximadament,
la formen pergamins que avui es troben a lArxiu de la Corona dArag entre els pergamins
comtals o en la seva secci de butlles. Els documents ms antics sn precisament a Barcelona
i ja van ser publicats en el Archivo condal de F. Udina i per aix aquesta edici sinicia lany
995. I alguns documents del diplomatari apareixen tamb en ledici recent dels pergamins de
larxiu comtal, dirigida per Ignasi J. Baiges, Gaspar Feliu i Josep M. Salrach. Un primer mrit
de leditor ha estat reunir aquests fons avui dividits en dos arxius i especialment destriar els que
en formaven part dins la srie de pergamins comtals. La majoria dels pergamins eren, ns ara,
indits i en bona part completament desconeguts, tot i la publicaci, anys enrere, duna recull
de regests per part de Mn. Gros. El diplomatari comprn 444 documents dels quals els primers
188 sn dels segles X, XI i XII, i la resta es refereixen als anys 1200-1273 data de la mort del
abat Dalmau de Minyana que leditor ha xat com a punt nal del Diplomatari. El llibre es
clou amb reproduccions fotogrques duna petita selecci dels documents editats, i sobretot
duns tils ndexs: a ms del ja habitual dantropnims i topnims, un que agrupa els documents
segons les principals tipologies, un altre dabats i altres ocis monstics, i encara un darrer de
notaris i escrivans.
El monestir de St. Joan de les Abadesses t una histria particularment convulsa: la
primignia comunitat femenina, fundada a nals del segle IX, va ser abolida amb una butlla
papal lany 1017. Posteriorment va convertir-se en una cannica agustiniana, tot i els intents de
restaurar una comunitat benedictina, aquest cop masculina, subjecta al monestir de St. Vctor
de Marsella. La comunitat de canonges que provisionalment havia trobat refugi a Vic, va ser
restaurada denitivament, lany 1114, en poca de labat Berenguer Arnau. Aquesta histria
institucional del monestir queda perfectament illustrada amb una srie impressionant de butlles
papals, que provenen de lArxiu de la Corona dArag. El monestir va estar subjecte directa-
ment a Roma i entre daltres es documenta el pagament de censos al nunci papal a principis del
segle XIII (doc. 211). Altres documents permeten conixer les disputes amb el bisbe de la di-
cesi osonenca a propsit de labast de lexempci monstica (doc. 106). Una qesti cabdal per
a una cannica que possea un gran nombre de temples parroquials tal com consta, per exemple,
en lacta de consagraci de lany 1150 (doc. 98). La inuncia de la cannica en lmbit ecle-
sistic es fa ms evident durant el segle XII quan un dels seus abats, Pon de Monells, fou al-
hora bisbe de Tortosa, i germ dun bisbe de Girona. O quan larquebisbe de Tarragona i legat
papal intervingu a petici de labat en la recuperaci duns honors. Durant el segle XIII, les
tensions reaparegueren amb la renncia de labat Berenguer Arnau de Sant Esteve i la seva
successi en la qual intervingu Ramon de Penyafort (doc. 366).
La documentaci conservada, s excepcionalment rica en tot el que es refereix a
lorganitzaci interna del monestir. Shi troba una magnca srie de textos que permeten de-
limitar les funcions i les rendes assignades a loci de la sagristia, a lalmoina hospital, o
al pitancer. Alguns textos regulen els pats dels canonges o la seva indumentria (docs. 135 i
241). Una complexitat administrativa que senriqueix amb les institucions daniversaris com
la dun ardiaca dElna per a poder alimentar 30 pobres (doc. 127). El patrimoni monstic a ms
dadaptar-se a aquests ocis tamb es gestionava a travs de batlles, molts dels quals aparei-
xen simultniament en un document del 1148 (doc. 94), incls un batlle del sagrist. El fons
de St. Joan de les Abadesses inclou nombroses dades sobre el paper dels batlles en el domini
monstic: des de concessions de batllies (docs. 124, 125, 291), ns a les variades disputes que
comporten les seves actuacions des de nals del segle XII (docs. 142 i 146) o acords sobre els
repartiments de les rendes que obtenien dels habitants del domini (doc. 95).
Com resulta habitual el fons darxiu conserva tamb donacions de bns i drets, a
vegades incloses en testaments, que permeten reconstruir la progressiva ampliaci del domini
monstic. Com ja va demostrar Barbara Rosenwein pel cas de Cluny (To be a neighbor of
ISSN 0066-5061
Saint Peter: the social meaning of Clunys property, 909-1049, Ithaca-Londres, 1989), sovint
les cessions sintercalen amb usurpacions per construir una relaci de llarga durada entre les
famlies laiques i les abadies del seu entorn. Aix doncs no s estrany trobar reiteracions de
donacions prvies i restitucions de bns usurpats a la cannica. En el cas de Pere de Milany, per
exemple, es va passar de lamenaa dexcomuni a concedir-li un mas pels serveis prestats al
monestir. Les modalitats darranjament dels conictes sn tamb molt variades. En alguns ca-
sos es pactava el lliurament dun cens a canvi de retenir els bns en disputa o la seva conversi
en un feu. Un altre aspecte de la resoluci de conictes era loblaci dun dels membres de la
famlia que soposava a la cannica. Finalment tamb es podia arranjar la disputa a travs de
compensacions econmiques per als qui cedien els seus honors. Un grup de documents permet
resseguir amb molt detall els interessos que compartien els canonges amb una srie de famlies
nobles damunt dels castells de Llaers i Milany. Al llarg de ms dun segle se succeren jura-
ments, infeudacions, pactes i vendes de drets, per part dels vescomtes de Bas i altres importants
llinatges de la regi.
Menys freqents en aquest diplomatari, en termes comparatius, sn els textos que
es refereixen als pagesos del domini monstic. Per es poden destacar, pel seu carcter excep-
cional, algunes regulacions sobre els usos dels boscos a principis del segle XIII (docs. 222
i 262), sobre el cobrament del delme del vi (doc. 183), o encara sobre laplicaci del monopoli
de la farga (docs. 112 i 301). Per sobretot el diplomatari permet un estudi en profunditat del
desenvolupament de la vila de Sant Joan de les Abadesses entre els segles XII i XIII i del seu
mercat. Aquesta va ser una iniciativa reeixida semblant a les que impulsaren altres monestirs
catalans. Els canonges ja havien aconseguit de Ramon Berenguer IV un privilegi per poder
celebrar un mercat setmanal a la vila, posteriorment renovat per Pere I i Jaume I que en va
autoritzar el canvi de dia (doc. 266 i 440). A ms, el mercat va provocar els habituals conictes
de venatge amb el mercat de Ripoll que es resolen per la intervenci del rei. Una concessi de
terres per a 22 habitants del 1206 se sol considerar lacta de naixement de la vila, per aqu
trobem ms dades sobre el repartiment de les rendes dels vilatans entre labat i el sagrist, i
sobretot ledici duna extraordinria carta de franqueses traduda al catal, del 1243 (doc. 309)
que Josep M. Font i Rius no havia incls en el seu fams recull. De la mateixa poca sn els
primers esments de cases a la vila, algunes de les quals eren construdes al voltant de la plaa, ja
des del 1232 (doc. 270). Tot i que ja abans es documenten transaccions de cases a les portes de
lesglsia parroquial. Entre els diversos privilegis reials concedits a la cannica hi ha tamb el
que permet a labat instituir una notaria pblica a la vila lany 1250, i no s sobrer recordar que
en el mateix recinte del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses es conserva un esplndid arxiu
de protocols notarials que comena aproximadament al mateix moment en qu sacaba aquest
diplomatari. En conjunt, doncs, es tracta dun fons duna gran varietat i riquesa que ha estat poc
o gens estudiat, si exceptuem petites monograes sobre el monestir com la ja vella dE. Junyent
(El monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses, 1976) o algun estudi que el mateix Joan Ferrer ha
dedicat al sorgiment de la vila vella (La vila vella de Sant Joan de les Abadesses, 1997).
LLUIS TO FIGUERAS
Bruno FIGLIUOLO (ed.), Corrispondenza di Giovanni Pontano, segretario dei dinas-
ti aragonesi di Napoli (2 novembre 1474-20 gennaio 1495), Battipaglia, Laveglia & Carlone,
2012, XVI+557 pp. (Fonti per la storia di Napoli aragonese. Serie terza, Fonti Monograche;
1). ISBN 978-88-86854-86-3.
La edicin de epistolarios ilustres tiene ya un largo recorrido en la medievalstica
europea y espaola. El reino de Granada ha aportado ejemplos ilustres recientes, como son el
del Capitn General del reino, el Conde de Tendilla, o el del secretario real Hernando de Zafra.
La mayor masa documental conservada en la pennsula vecina, as como el frag-
mentado cuadro poltico en que se divida hace que la correspondencia diplomtica procedente
de los Estados italianos, en especial durante los siglos bajomedievales, presenten el que proba-
blemente sea uno de los corpus diplomticos ms ricos del continente. Entre ellos destaca por
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el volumen de fondos conservados y la actividad diplomtica desplegada el correspondiente
a la Repblica de Florencia y su Archivo de Estado, aunque an estn pendientes de explorar
en profundidad los fondos del Archivio Gonzaga en Mantua, la cancillera ducal ferraresa en
Mdena, o los Archivos de Estado de Miln y Siena, cuyas inmensas posibilidades estn lejos
de agotarse.
Lo prueba este volumen editado por el profesor Bruno Figliuolo, catedrtico de
Historia medieval en la Universidad de Udine, que tras haber coordinado la publicacin del
epistolario de los embajadores orentinos en Npoles (quedan por publicar dos de los ocho
volmenes de la serie), presta su atencin ahora a las cartas de Giovanni Pontano, secretario
real de los soberanos de Npoles a lo largo de ms de dos dcadas, apasionantes en la historia
poltica de la pennsula italiana y en la historia mediterrnea. El volumen inicia la tercera serie
de la coleccin Fonti per la storia di Napoli aragonese, dirigida por Mario del Treppo, que la
ide en la dcada de 1980. A diferencia de las dos primeras series de la coleccin, dedicadas a
los despachos diplomticos de las cancilleras de Miln y Florencia desde Npoles, ahora los
volmenes tendrn un carcter monogrco, bien procedente de una fuente ejemplar, bien de
un corpus completo y coherente de documentos, como es el caso.
Al igual que en las ocasiones anteriores, la edicin se publica con todas las garantas
diplomticas, paleogrcas y lingsticas exigibles hoy da, recogiendo las cartas de Pontano
conservadas en los archivos mencionados ms arriba. No supone, en consecuencia, la totalidad
de las cartas del secretario real, pero s de su parte ms signicativa, sobre todo si se tiene en
cuenta que los citados archivos son los ms ricos de la pennsula italiana para este tipo de docu-
mentacin.
A diferencia de las ediciones anteriores correspondientes a las otras dos series, en
esta ocasin se echa de menos una nota biogrca sobre el autor de las cartas y su papel como
secretario real, si bien es cierto que est an reciente el estudio de Giuliana Vitale, oportuna-
mente citado en la breve introduccin para quien desee profundizar en la gura del insigne hu-
manista. Tampoco hay ningn estudio sobre el contenido de las epstolas, aunque la extensin a
lo largo del tiempo y la variedad de destinatarios hace difcil poder individuar temticas deni-
das reiteradas. En todo caso, el ndice que acompaa la edicin del volumen es un instrumento
precioso para la investigacin, as como la edicin de las cartas para quien desee profundizar
en los argumentos tratados o, simplemente, se interese por la historia de la diplomacia europea.
Por ltimo, cabe loar, teniendo en cuenta los tiempos nancieros y empresariales
que corren, la apuesta realizada por el editor Carlone, que publica el volumen sin ningn tipo
de ayuda pblica.
RAL GONZLEZ ARVALO
Universidad de Granada
Jean FLORI, Las Cruzadas, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2010, 174 pp. (Eire-
ne. Minor). ISBN 978-84-338-5175-8.
La editorial de la Universidad de Granada, en su serie de monografas Eirene Minor,
nos ofrece la traduccin al castellano de una breve obra de sntesis, de carcter marcadamente
divulgativo, sobre las cruzadas medievales, de la que es autor uno de los ms destacados espe-
cialistas en esta temtica del panorama historiogrco francs actual, Jean Flori. Ciertamente la
literatura existente sobre esta cuestin es ya en extremo abundante, hasta el punto que empieza
a advertirse cierta saturacin. No obstante, tambin hay que reconocer que la bibliografa dis-
ponible en lengua espaola es ms bien escasa, pese a que en los ltimos aos se ha paliado en
parte esta escasez gracias a la publicacin de numerosas obras, entre las que predominan las
traducciones de monografas de autores extranjeros, a la cabeza de los cuales gura el propio
Jean Flori, a quien en estos comienzos del siglo XXI se le han traducido varios libros, centra-
dos en el anlisis del proceso de aparicin de la idea de guerra santa, que estuvo en la base
del desarrollo de las cruzadas. Para los familiarizados con esta bibliografa, el contenido de la
presente monografa de Jean Flori no aportar novedad alguna, sino una simple reiteracin de
informaciones e ideas ya bien conocidas y asimiladas, aunque muchas sigan siendo objeto
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de enconado debate. Pero para los no especialistas, es decir, para los estudiantes universitarios,
los profesores de enseanza media y el pblico culto en general, su lectura ha de resultar de
incuestionable utilidad, por el extraordinario esfuerzo de sntesis que realiza el autor, la claridad
y ecacia con que son expuestas las ideas, a efectos de lograr que impacten al lector, y el es-
fuerzo que se hace por poner en relacin las experiencias medievales con los problemas vividos
en el mundo actual en el mbito de las relaciones entre la civilizacin europea, ya plenamente
secularizada, y la islmica, en pleno proceso de convulsin y en la que la religin sigue siendo
un factor fundamental de la actividad poltica y de la vida en sociedad.
MXIMO DIAGO HERNANDO
Instituto de Historia, CSIC. Madrid
Carlos J. GALBN MALAGN, A Guerra dos Irmandios (1465-1469), Santiago de
Compostela, Lstrego, 2010, 118 pp. (A memoria de Galicia). ISBN 978-84-937915-4-4.
La revuelta de los irmandios ha sido uno de los grandes temas del medievalismo
gallego contemporneo y ha atravesado diversas fases interpretativas. En los aos setenta y
ochenta se vea como un movimiento de protesta antiseorial con tintes revolucionarios. En
los noventa cobr nuevo vigor bajo el prisma de la historia de las mentalidades. En la actuali-
dad, algunos lo entienden como una muestra evidente del particularismo gallego, aunque se ha
impuesto una cierta cautela dada la escasez de fuentes y del paralelismo con otros fenmenos
coetneos.
La sntesis que nos ofrece el autor bajo el formato propio del ensayo supone una in-
teresante sntesis interpretativa del nivel actual de conocimientos. El principal mrito de Carlos
Galbn reside en haber prescindido de la carga sentimental e incluso poltica del tema para cen-
trarse en los terrenos propios de la historiografa, dedicando un captulo a las sucesivas visiones
del problema desde la etapa romntica del siglo XIX hasta nuestros das. El segundo acierto
ha sido el de ofrecer una contextualizacin de la revuelta irmandia en el marco de su tiempo,
aunque algunas las referencias que toma en cuenta parecen algo tpicas (la peste de 1348) o
demasiado alejadas del marco gallego (la toma de Constantinopla en 1453, la Guerra de las Dos
Rosas). Ms inters tienen las alusiones al escenario castellano, aunque hubiese sido deseable
un mayor nfasis en las circunstancias que se vivieron durante la guerra civil entre Enrique IV
y su medio hermano, el infante don Alfonso, ya que en este terreno adquieren pleno sentido las
implicaciones de las hermandades.
Es igualmente valiosa la visin de la convulsa nobleza gallega en sus diferentes
niveles de poder y prestigio, as como la compleja relacin que mantuvo con el estamento ecle-
sistico, que fue el principal damnicado de la violencia endmica en Galicia, dado el escaso
poder arbitral de la corona en el territorio. Las comparaciones que establece con algunas revuel-
tas anteriores y, sobre todo, con la Hermandad implantada desde 1480 por los Reyes Catlicos
aclaran la naturaleza del fenmeno irmandio. Las observaciones sobre el alcance de la revuel-
ta, incluyendo la clebre cuestin del derribo de fortalezas, denen con claridad los usos de la
violencia. Ofrece un til anexo bibliogrco y un breve apndice de los ncleos irmandios.
CSAR OLIVERA SERRANO
Ernesto GARCA FERNNDEZ, Federico VERSTEGUI COBIN, El linaje de la Casa
de Murga en la historia de lava (ss. XIV-XVI), Vitoria, Servicio Editorial de la Diputacin
Foral de lava, 2008, 293 pp. + CD-ROM. ISBN 978-84-7821-704-5.
La obra que reseamos est dedicada, como el propio ttulo indica, al estudio de un
linaje concreto, la Casa de Murga, en los siglos nales de la Edad Media y principios de la Edad
Moderna. Publicada en el ao 2008, la obra es fruto del trabajo conjunto entre Ernesto Garca
Fernndez, catedrtico de Historia Medieval de la Universidad del Pas Vasco y reconocido
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especialista de la historia medieval del Pas Vasco, y Federico Verstegui Cobin, diputado por
lava y anterior Vicepresidente de la Comisin de lava de la Real Sociedad Bascongada de
Amigos del Pas y apasionado de la Historia. Adems, cabe sealar la relacin directa y familiar
que ste ltimo mantiene con la actual lnea del linaje objeto de estudio, ya que est casado con
Mara Teresa Murga Iznardi, vigsimo cuarta seora de Murga, situacin que ha ayudado
enormemente el estudio al facilitar el acceso a la documentacin. Por ltimo, debemos sealar
que la redaccin de la obra est realizada por Ernesto Garca, mientras que la recopilacin del
apndice documental ha sido elaborada por el segundo autor, Federico Verstegui.
Acostumbrados a la publicacin de trabajos que abordan el estudio de grandes fa-
milias, lo primero que llama la atencin es la dedicacin a un linaje, que podramos denominar
menor. Esta es, sin embargo, la originalidad y la aportacin de la obra que nos ocupa. A travs
de sus 293 pginas, los autores abordan el estudio de la organizacin social de la Tierra de Ayala
en los siglos sealados desde un punto de vista novedoso, desde abajo, a travs del anlisis de
sus linajes menores y los lazos de unin que los vinculan a las grandes familias territoriales.
Tras una introduccin donde los autores maniestan sus motivaciones y objetivos,
llegamos al primero de los captulos. ste est dedicado al estudio de las fuentes documentales
y la bibliografa utilizada para abordar el trabajo. A travs de su lectura podemos conocer la
historia de la formacin de un archivo familiar que pone de maniesto el inters y el cuidado
mantenido a lo largo de generaciones. Creo conveniente destacar este apartado ya que, en nu-
merosas trabajos, se obvia o se dedica poca atencin a la referencia de las fuentes documentales
que, sin duda, es una importante informacin para el lector.
En el siguiente captulo, titulado Enclaves rurales prximos a oasis urbanos: la Tie-
rra de Ayala, los Valles de Llodio y Orozco, el autor nos sitan en el mbito geogrco donde
se desarrolla la historia del linaje Murga. Analiza la conguracin de la realidad rural de la
Tierra de Ayala desde el siglo XII a travs de la concesin de fueros, y posteriormente mediante
la adscripcin a las Partidas. Igualmente, el autor describe el organigrama de gobierno de Ayala
sustentado en el poder del seor de Ayala y sus lazos clientelares. En este contexto, el linaje de
Murga va a ir adquiriendo un peso notorio a pesar de no ser de los ms numerosos.
Los siguientes tres captulos, Los linajes: parentesco, estrategias familiares y clien-
telismo en la Tierra de Ayala, Las ramas familiares del cognomen Murga en el entramado de
relaciones vasallticas internobiliarias y La tierra de Ayala, el linaje de Murga y las Herman-
dades de lava, ahondan en el signicado del linaje medieval y los fundamentos sobre los que
se sustentan, entre otros la memoria de un pariente lejano, un pasado heroico y un imaginario
genealgico. Estos linajes son presentados como la base del entramado poltico de la Tierra de
Ayala, entre los que destaca el linaje de los Murga. A travs de estos captulos los autores ree-
jarn los distintos mecanismos de entroncamiento familiar y formas de relacin, mencionando
la importancia de los bastardos como instrumento de vinculacin, las estrategias matrimoniales
y el juego de alianzas vasallticas, que contribuyeron a la conguracin de amplias redes clien-
telares que sobrepasaban los lmites de la Tierra de Ayala y lava. En este contexto, la casa de
Murga va aanzando su poder y consolidando su red de relaciones con otras familias. Especial
atencin recibe su vinculacin con la casa de Ayala, lo que gener el aanzamiento de sus bases
socioeconmicas y su participacin en los conictos surgidos en las Hermandades alavesas.
El patrimonio y la riqueza de la familia es el ttulo del sexto de los captulos que
indagan en la historia bajomedieval de la casa solar de Murga. En l, el autor realiza un estudio
de los bienes muebles e inmuebles del linaje alavs, advirtiendo al lector que ste no es un li-
naje que obtuviese mercedes reales que favoreciesen el incremento de su poder econmico sino
que las vas de obtencin de ingresos habr que buscarlas en los documentos testamentarios,
la poltica matrimonial y los bienes prometidos para la consecucin de los enlaces, as como la
obtencin de rentas provenientes del seoro dominical y, en menor medida, de los derechos del
patronato eclesistico. Para complementar la informacin, se incluyen una serie de cuadros e
imgenes que reejan las propiedades de los Murga.
No poda faltar en un trabajo realizado con tanta disposicin un captulo dedicado a
la materia de las Mentalidades. De la mentalidad y valores ideolgicos, simblicos y religiosos
de la familia Murga viene a completar el estudio ahondando en los mecanismos de construc-
cin de una imagen proyectable hacia el exterior. El autor advierte, por un lado, un fuerte carc-
ter religioso reejado en la vinculacin a ciertos centros religiosos, la construccin de capillas
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o la realizacin de determinados ritos funerarios y, por otro lado, un carcter civil plasmado a
travs de la herldica o la construccin de una residencia palaciega.
La obra va acompaada de un rico material documental recogido en formato CD,
elaborado por Verstegui, en el que podemos encontrar documentacin desde 1434 hasta 1628.
No obstante, ste no es el nico complemento del trabajo ya que, como hemos mencionado
anteriormente, la exposicin se completa con numerosas imgenes, genealogas, cuadros y gr-
cos sumamente ilustrativos. Los ndices topogrco y onomstico que cierran el trabajo son
una muestra ms del buen hacer de estos dos autores que, a travs de las pginas de la obra, han
abordado el estudio de una entidad geogrca superior, lava, a partir del anlisis de un linaje
inferior, permitiendo al lector entender mejor el complejo proceso de reproduccin y consoli-
dacin de los linajes medievales.
BEATRIZ MAJO TOM
Universidad de Valladolid
Francisco GARCA FITZ, La Reconquista, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2010,
204 pp. (Eirene. Minor). ISBN 978-84-338-5176-5.
El profesor Garca Fitz, de la Universidad de Extremadura, es un acreditado es-
pecialista en el estudio de la guerra en el escenario hispnico durante el perodo medieval,
en especial desde la perspectiva de los enfrentamientos que en dicho escenario opusieron a
cristianos y musulmanes hasta nes del siglo XV. Por ello nadie mejor que l para acometer la
tarea de abordar en un trabajo de apretada sntesis el anlisis del signicado que cabe atribuir
al concepto de reconquista en la explicacin del proceso de evolucin histrica de los reinos
hispanos durante el Medievo. Este es, en efecto, el ambicioso objetivo que se marca en este pe-
queo libro publicado por iniciativa de la Universidad de Granada, que, pese a su brevedad, nos
ofrece una visin concisa, pero muy completa y bien argumentada de dicha problemtica. En l
nos comienza informando de las connotaciones ideolgicas que el concepto de reconquista ha
tenido en el pasado, en especial durante el perodo franquista, cuando fue de frecuente uso en
los manuales de enseanza tanto primaria y secundaria como universitaria. Pero no por ello se
apresura a recomendar su radical abandono, pues acto seguido pasa a demostrar cmo despus
de haberse producido la muerte del general Franco, y haberse acelerado el proceso de prdida de
inuencia de la ideologa por l defendida tanto en la sociedad espaola como en el seno de la
comunidad acadmica, han sido muchos los historiadores que han continuado utilizando dicho
trmino, aunque con connotaciones diferentes de las que tuvo en el pasado. Por ello concluye
defendiendo la idea de que el concepto de reconquista contina siendo til para referirse al
proceso de expansin territorial de los reinos cristianos que tuvo lugar en la Pennsula Ibrica
durante el perodo medieval, diferencindolo de otros procesos de expansin territorial prota-
gonizados por las sociedades europeas feudales del pleno Medievo, como el de la cristianiza-
cin de las tierras de Bltico o el de la irrupcin de los latinos en Oriente. Y, para abundar en la
defensa de este argumento, se detiene a reexionar sobre el papel desempeado por la llamada
ideologa goticista, en virtud de la cual los reinos hispnicos se presentaron como herederos de
la monarqua visigoda, como argumento legitimador de las conquistas acometidas por sus reyes
en las tierras peninsulares bajo dominio musulmn, que fueron presentadas como justicados
actos de recuperacin de tierras de espacios ilegtimamente ocupados.
Garca Fitz llama la atencin, no obstante, sobre otro importante argumento al que
tambin se apel para defender el carcter justo de las guerras emprendidas por los cristianos
contra los musulmanes en territorio hispano durante el Medievo, el de carcter religioso. Ello le
lleva a entrar de lleno en la polmica cuestin de la valoracin del papel que la concepcin de
la guerra contra el musulmn como guerra santa tuvo en el espacio ibrico medieval entre los
siglos VIII y XV, y la jacin de la cronologa del proceso de implantacin de la ideologa de
cruzada en dicho espacio. Se trata, en efecto, de una cuestin que ha desatado intensos debates
entre los medievalistas en los ltimos aos, en los que han alcanzado un notable protagonismo
algunos autores extranjeros especializados en la historia medieval de Espaa, como es el caso
del alemn Bronisch o el francs Henriet, quienes con sus innovadores y sugerentes trabajos
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han venido a enriquecer de forma apreciable el debate historiogrco en nuestro pas. Garca
Fitz incorpora a su panorama sinttico las aportaciones de estos y otros autores recientes, ofre-
cindonos por consiguiente un cuadro plenamente actualizado, que sin duda agradecern los
estudiantes y pblico lector en general, que encontrarn en su obra una utilsima introduccin al
conocimiento de una cuestin clave para la comprensin de la historia de Espaa, y de algunas
de las principales singularidades hispanas en el contexto europeo occidental.
Jos Damin GONZLEZ ARCE, Gremios y cofradas en los reinos medievales de
Len y Castilla, siglos XII-XV, Palencia, Regin, 2009, 254 pp. (Biblioteca Regional; 9). ISBN
978-84-935176-8-7.
El trabajo manual en la Edad Media, a pesar de su denostada consideracin por
parte de la ideologa dominante, es un aspecto fundamental a la hora de comprender la con-
guracin de la sociedad de aquel periodo, al igual que lo es para el resto de sociedades y de
momentos histricos. La obra de Jos Damin Gonzlez Arce, partiendo de esta premisa, se
propone como objetivo integrar la Historia del Trabajo dentro de la Historia Social de la Edad
Media hispana, en especial en lo referente al trabajo organizado de manera colectiva, y de
manera an ms concreta, en el marco espacio-temporal de los siglos pleno y bajomedievales
en la submeseta norte.
A partir de este enfoque, el lector puede acercase a una publicacin estructurada
en tres grandes bloques, que se corresponden con sus captulos y que recogen los tres grandes
intereses del autor con respecto a las corporaciones de ocio medievales. En el primer caso, y
a modo de introduccin, se intenta delimitar los conceptos bsicos relacionados con el mundo
gremial y la organizacin laboral. En un segundo momento, el hilo discursivo se centra en la
denicin y anlisis interno de dichas formas de cooperacin. Por ltimo, y con una extensin
que iguala a los dos apartados anteriores, el autor se ocupa de la actividad laboral y sus relacio-
nes con el poder y la dinmica social medievales.
En el primer captulo, adems de lo puramente conceptual, el lector hallar una
interesante reexin en torno a la evolucin cronolgica del uso de los diferentes trminos que
hacen referencia a las organizaciones laborales medievales y a la signicacin de dichos cam-
bios en relacin a las trasformaciones experimentadas por corporaciones. Ello se complementa
con otra reexin general alrededor de la teora del gremialismo, que pasa posteriormente al
anlisis concreto del gremialismo medieval, tanto a nivel europeo como en el caso hispnico,
ponderndose las diferentes teoras que existen al respecto. En este sentido, resulta interesante
la conexin que se establece en este apartado entre la evolucin del gremialismo castellano
y la dinmica laboral y econmica en que se inscribe, y tambin la relacin con los aspectos
sociales y polticos que se documentan desde la creacin de las primeras asociaciones en la
Soria del siglo XII hasta su momento de plenitud en el reinado de los Reyes Catlicos. Nos
referimos a cuestiones tan interesantes como la progresiva incorporacin del derecho romano,
o el desarrollo del asociacionismo medieval como mecanismo asistencial y de sociabilidad,
entre otras cosas.
Una vez delimitado el marco en el que se encuadran, el autor nos ofrece una visin
interna de las corporaciones, que enfoca desde dos puntos de vista. El primero constituye una
visin institucional de las agrupaciones, analizando tanto las guras rectoras como la parti-
cipacin de la colectividad por medio del cabildo. A continuacin se desarrolla la dimensin
patrimonial, tanto la de carcter material como la inmaterial. En este sentido, una lectura dete-
nida del libro permite conocer los aspectos ms destacados en lo referente a los espacios y a la
manera de procurarse sus recursos materiales, as como la trascendencia del poder judicial a
la hora de explicar el peso de las corporaciones de ocio en las sociedades urbanas. Otros as-
pectos sociales (tanto ldicos como asistenciales) incluidos en la dinmica de las agrupaciones
o por ltimo la importancia poltica de estas asociaciones en las ciudades, completan una visin
rigurosa del papel de estos laboratores en la sociedad medieval.
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Llegados a este punto, tan slo nos resta detenernos en la cuestin estrictamente
laboral, que recoge el autor en el tercero de los captulos. No se olvida en este apartado la
importancia del contexto social, como puede verse en el inters que despierta la relacin entre
el poder, el mercado y las corporaciones laborales. Pero conforme avanza el texto nos sumer-
gimos de lleno en las relaciones laborales que se dieron en el seno de cofradas y gremios,
especialmente en aquellos relacionados con la industria textil. Los motivos que mueven al autor
a decantarse por este tipo de actividad y no por otra son, a parte de su profundo conocimiento
del tema, la consideracin de dicha actividad como la nica verdaderamente industrial de la
poca y el inters demostrado desde las instancias de poder por este tipo de manufactura, tal
como se desprende de la promulgacin de numerosas ordenanzas que se van analizando a lo
largo del texto.
En general, cabe destacar tambin como caracterstica fundamental del trabajo el
espacial nfasis que pone tanto en el anlisis de la situacin concreta de cada una de las cor-
poraciones laborales, como la visin de conjunto que se ofrece para cada una de las ciudades
que vertebraban territorio, mostrando una compleja y rica dialctica entre en ambos enfoques.
Fruto de este dilogo y del carcter sistemtico y riguroso del estudio, es una completa tabla
donde se especica de manera sincrtica la localidad, el ocio, la fecha de fundacin del mis-
mo, la cofrada (en caso de que la haya), as como otros rasgos y caractersticas denitorias de
las corporaciones: patrn, sede, hospitales, tipo de ordenanzas y cargos rectores Este anexo,
sin duda, puede resultar de una gran utilidad a investigadores posteriores que deseen acercarse
a este tema.
A modo de conclusin slo falta recalcar que es un texto donde se combina de manera
magistral la lectura amena con el rigor acadmico, incorporando asimismo vasto conocimiento
de las obras editadas hasta el momento a una profunda tarea de investigacin en los archivos del
rea geogrca que trata. Gracias a ello, Gonzlez Arce ofrece un corpus de noticias, conictos,
ordenanzas, y referencias a las actividades econmicas y sociales que nos permiten conocer con
mayor profundidad un tema apasionante. Un tema que congur una parte fundamental de la
dinmica social de la poca, de la cual, como pone de maniesto el autor, todava hay muchos
aspectos esperando la llegada de nuevas investigaciones.
GERMN GAMERO IGEA
Enric GUINOT, Sergi SELMA, Les squies de lHorta Nord de Valncia: Mestalla,
Racanya i Tormos, Valncia, Generalitat Valenciana - Conselleria dAgricultura, Pesca i Ali-
mentaci, 2005, 223 pp. ISBN 84-482-4246-7.
Aquest llibre forma part de la collecci Camins dAigua. El patrimoni hidrulic
valenci, que edita la Generalitat Valenciana, i s el darrer publicat desprs duna srie des-
tudis sobre diversos sistemes hidrulics histrics emplaats al llarg i ample del Pas Valenci.
Per a lHorta de Valncia, en concret, ja existia un estudi daquests i altres autors sobre la
Reial Squia de Montcada, que obria la collecci, que es complementa ara amb laparici
daquest treball sobre les altres tres squies de lHorta Nord: Mestalla, Rascanya i Tormos. La
collecci roman a lespera, doncs, dun altre volum que ha de tancar lestudi daquesta zona
amb les quatre squies de lHorta Sud: Quart-Benger i Faitanar, Mislata, Favara i Rovella. La
separaci de tots aquests sistemes hidrulics vens en tres obres diferents respon a una realitat
fsica i histrica: en primer lloc, una separaci tradicional entre ambdues vores del riu Tria a
lalada de la ciutat de Valncia, la nord i la sud; i, en segon lloc, el fet se segregar la squia de
Montcada de les altres tres de lHorta Nord sexplica perqu va pertnyer inicialment al rei i, en
conseqncia, no forma part del Tribunal de les Aiges de Valncia com la resta.
El llibre est dividit en dues parts clarament diferenciades. Una primera sobre el
paisatge histric en lmbit de les squies de lHorta Nord, que inclou una explicaci de la
geograa natural, un estudi del poblament, i una descripci del traat de les squies principals i
els permetres de reg (amb mapes); a ms dun estudi sobre les comunitats de regants i la seua
organitzaci interna. La segona part, per contra, es centra ms concretament en el patrimoni
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hidrulic, com ara els assuts, els canals, els partidors i els molins, entre daltres, dels quals el
darrer apartat s el ms extens i complet.
Cal dir que com a llibre de divulgaci obt uns excellents resultats per la claredat
de les explicacions que recull, per la capacitat de foragitar els tpics que tradicionalment han
envoltat lhorta de Valncia, i per tractar-se dun catleg patrimonial molt complet. Tanmateix,
tamb com a llibre cientc resulta de gran inters per als investigadors especialitzats en els
regadius histrics. No es tracta dun llibre dhistria medieval, bviament, malgrat lmbit
historiogrc en el que es mouen els autors, ja que lestudi dun sistema hidrulic ha dabastar
necessriament una cronologia de llarga durada des dpoca medieval ns a lactualitat. Amb
tot, es tracta dun treball necessari per a un historiador interessat en els orgens i evoluci social
de les grans hortes, puix aspectes com ara el traat de les squies i el permetre tradicional de
reg resulta essencial per a planicar un estudi arqueolgic i morfolgic ms acurat; i el segui-
ment del rastre histric dels molins a travs de les dades darxiu s molt important per a poder
diferenciar els casals dpoca medieval i traure les conclusions pertinents per a lestudi de les
societats andalusina i feudal. Tamb sinclouen, per exemple, algunes dades sobre la primera
excavaci arqueolgica dun partidor hidrulic valenci. En denitiva, sn noms alguns exem-
ples de tot el treball de recerca previ que cal fer abans de centrar-se en les societats medievals,
enutjs en certa manera, i llibres com aquest poden ajudar els historiadors interessats en els
regadius a acurtar i fer ms fcil el seu treball. Tot amb una atractiva i acurada presentaci, i un
bon recull fotogrc que facilita el doble vessant cientc i divulgatiu de lobra.
FERRAN ESQUILACHE MART
Universitat de Valncia
Isabella IANUZZI, El poder de la palabra en el siglo XV: fray Hernando de Talavera,
Salamanca, Junta de Castilla y Len, 2009, 543 pp. (Estudios de Historia). ISBN 978-84-9718-
581-3.
La biografa que aqu se nos presenta es el resultado de la revisin de la tesis de la
autora, presentada en la Universidad de Alcal de Henares en 2006, y a ella debe su extensin
y estructura. Personaje fascinante, Ianuzzi le hace justicia con una trayectoria cuidadosamente
documentada de su carrera y actividades, que sita su obra en el contexto de la de sus con-
temporneos, inscribiendo a Talavera en el centro del movimiento intelectual humanista de su
poca. Aunque esto pueda parecer la base de todo trabajo histrico, en realidad la persona del
confesor de Isabel la Catlica es abordada a menudo fuera de dicho contexto ideolgico, lo que
diculta la comprensin de su pensamiento y deja lugar a cuestiones de opinin que estn lejos
del quehacer histrico. Un punto, pues, a favor de este riguroso estudio.
La primera parte de la obra se dedica a dibujar el panorama cultural de la Europa
del siglo XV, y su plasmacin en el reino de Castilla y sus ambientes universitarios, de los que
habra de salir Talavera. Con este repaso, la autora intenta situarnos en lo que sera el origen de
la obra y los planteamientos teolgicos talaverianos. La segunda parte, titulada Talavera y su
actividad meditica, sita al religioso, primero, en su propia orden, y despus, en su faceta cor-
tesana, como prembulo para introducirnos en su carrera como predicador, confesor y obispo.
Si bien se da gran importancia al planteamiento diacrnico, tambin es de destacar la impor-
tancia que se otorga a conceptos como la palabra, el lenguaje, la retrica o la psicologa de las
emociones, combinando diversos campos de estudio para ofrecer una visin diferente de la obra
de Talavera. En la tercera parte, Ianuzzi aborda los problemas de integracin de las minoras
religiosas dentro de Castilla en el momento previo a la conquista de Granada, tomando como
eje las guras no solo de Talavera, sino tambin de otros insignes castellanos de la poca, como
Juan de Torquemada, Alonso de Oropesa, Pedro Martnez de Osma o, en el bando contrario,
Juan Arias Dvila. Es una lstima que no se haya incluido entre este grupo a otro important-
simo personaje de la poca, Alonso de Espina, ampliamente historiado en los ltimos aos, y
que sin duda contribuira a realzar este captulo. La ltima parte, con el sugestivo ttulo de El
laboratorio de Granada, estudia los ltimos aos de Hernando de Talavera, primero al frente
del arzobispado de Granada y luego tras su enfrentamiento con Cisneros, durante el proceso
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inquisitorial al que fue sometido; ambas facetas las que ms literatura han generado de toda la
vida del personaje, a pesar de ser el periodo ms breve.
El libro se lee bien, su edicin es muy cuidadosa, y constituye una muy necesaria
revisin de la gura del arzobispo granadino. Sin embargo, la orientacin italianizante de la au-
tora hace que descuide algunas claves que podran haber sido interesantes en el planteamiento
de su estudio: por ejemplo, su falta de referencias respecto al movimiento pedaggico anterior
a los Reyes Catlicos, desconociendo as las peripecias del De regimine principum de Egidio
Romano en Castilla; o la omisin del papel de uno de los reyes ms humanistas del periodo,
Enrique IV, en el aanzamiento de la obra de los crculos cortesanos de Juan II. Tambin se echa
de menos en la bibliografa la actualizacin de algunos ttulos, que probablemente no estaban
publicados a la hora de la realizacin de la tesis, pero s en el momento de revisin del libro,
y que hubieran aportado mucho al contenido del mismo, como la inexcusable obra de Felipe
Pereda, Las imgenes de la discordia, poltica y potica de la imagen sagrada en la Espaa del
400, Madrid, 2007, que se reere directamente a los temas tratados aqu.
ANA ECHEVARRIA
UNED
Vronique LAMAZOU-DUPLAN (dir.), Anne GOULET, Philippe CHARON, Le cartu-
laire dit de Charles II roi de Navarre = El cartulario llamado de Carlos II rey de Navarra,
Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, 2010, 460 pp. (Corpus Documental para la Historia del Reino
de Navarra; Serie III. Cdices y Cartularios). ISBN 978-84-235-3229-2.
La gura del rey Carlos II fue controvertida en su poca y es enigmtica en la actua-
lidad, en especial porque vivi a caballo entre dos territorios, dos reinos y dos mbitos lings-
ticos y culturales diferenciados: Navarra y Francia. La presente edicin es la prueba de cmo
ambas facetas la navarra y la francesa se conjugaron en la vida de Carlos II y, en general, de
la familia real navarra. Por tanto, no es capricho ni casualidad que para el estudio de su gura
se haya creado un equipo transpirenaico formado por investigadores de la Universidad de Pau
y los Pases del Adour, y de la Universidad Pblica de Navarra.
El Gobierno de Navarra, con el excelente formato y calidad de edicin que ya es ha-
bitual en la serie CODHIRNA (Corpus Documental para la Historia del Reino de Navarra), ini-
cia con esta obra una nueva subserie dedicada a la edicin de Cdices y Cartularios, lo que
invita a pensar que en el futuro habr nuevas entregas de la misma.
La obra est dirigida por la profesora Vronique Lamazou-Duplan, de la Universi-
dad de Pau y los Pases del Adour, y realizada en colaboracin con dos archiveros de recono-
cido prestigio, Anne Goulet (Archives Dpartementales des Pyrnes-Atlntiques) y Philippe
Charon (Archives Dpartementales de Loire-Atlantique), especialista adems en el estudio del
principado territorial de la familia Evreux/Navarra. Colaboran en la obra, segn se seala en la
contraportada, diversos investigadores de las Universidades de Pau y Pblica de Navarra y del
Archivo General de Navarra (AGN). En ella se estudia y transcribe el cartulario llamado de
Carlos II, custodiado en los Archivos Departamentales de los Pirineos Atlnticos (ADPA). El
volumen incluye un estudio introductorio rmado por la profesora Vronique Lamazou-Duplan
en nombre de todos los colaboradores de la obra, un pequeo balance documental y bibliogr-
co, las normas de edicin, la transcripcin de los 132 documentos que conforman el cartulario,
una serie de lminas en color seleccionadas del mismo cartulario, dos mapas en color de los
territorios pertenecientes a la familia Evreux en el reino de Francia, y unos completos ndices
de nombres propios. Se ha realizado adems un gran esfuerzo de traduccin, puesto que toda la
obra se ha editado en dos idiomas: francs, en primer lugar, y castellano, despus. La excepcin
a esta regla es la transcripcin de los diplomas, donde obviamente se mantiene el idioma origi-
nal (latn y en mayor medida, romances franceses).
El estudio introductorio realiza en primer lugar una completa historia archivstica
del registro editado, que segn los autores debi de viajar a Pau desde Pamplona, en los carro-
matos con los que viajaron los ltimos reyes de Navarra, Juan de Albret y Catalina de Foix,
durante su huda del reino (1512). Asimismo los autores aportan un relato pormenorizado de la
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relacin familiar entre la familia real Capeta, en Francia, y la familia real de Evreux/Navarra,
acompaado en la pgina 87 de un til y detallado cuadro cronolgico que, sin embargo, quizs
hubiese sido ms conveniente situar al nal del captulo correspondiente, es decir, unas pginas
antes, a n de ayudar a la comprensin del texto.
El estudio se contina con una breve descripcin del documento, que atiende tan-
to a aspectos formales (composicin, encuadernacin, estado de conservacin), como a las
fuentes originales que sirvieron para su redaccin. Los autores se preguntan por la ubicacin
actual de los originales copiados en el cartulario, aunque muy pocos de ellos se conservan hoy
en da, ni en el AGN ni en los ADPA. Finalmente, los autores realizan una serie de hiptesis que
consideramos de inters:
En primer lugar plantean la posibilidad de considerar el cartulario como depsito de
la memoria y derechos familiares, realizado por voluntad del rey Carlos II (1349-1387) y legado
a su hijo Carlos III (1387-1425). La segunda hiptesis sin duda aquella por la que apuestan los
autores es considerar el documento como un cartulario-dossier, es decir, como un instrumen-
to de trabajo elaborado para ser utilizado y esgrimido en las negociaciones polticas de los reyes
Evreux para la defensa de sus derechos territoriales en Francia. Los autores indican dos posibles
momentos para su redaccin: en primer lugar, las negociaciones entre Carlos II y Carlos V de
Francia por las tierras de Normanda y la ciudad de Montpellier, entre 1376 y 1378; en segundo
lugar, el contexto de los aos 1387-1404, es decir, las intensas negociaciones de Carlos III que le
llevaron a renunciar a las posesiones normandas de su familia a cambio de un lote de rentas en el
entorno de Nemours. En este segundo caso, el periodo es ms dilatado y las embajadas navarras
en Francia, numerosas. Dicho periodo coincide, adems, con la datacin que los autores realizan
de las ligranas del papel. Apuntan, por tanto, que de poder conrmar esta ltima hiptesis,
cabra modicar el nombre del cartulario, y considerarlo un cartulario-dossier atribuible no a
Carlos II, sino a la familia Evreux en conjunto, o incluso, al propio rey Carlos III de Navarra.
El cartulario publicado como seala la profesora Lamazou-Duplan constituye un
completo depsito de la memoria de la familia Evreux. Una memoria depositada, organizada y
conservada para registrar los derechos territoriales que conguran el llamado apanage o prin-
cipado francs, encabezado por el condado alto normando de Evreux. Junto a l, un conglome-
rado de seoros diversos, dispersos por toda la geografa francesa (Mantes, Longueville, Gien,
Angoulema) conformaban las propiedades familiares.
La documentacin publicada es el reejo de la constitucin de ese conglomerado
territorial, como resultado de la agregacin de los derechos adquiridos por los diferentes miem-
bros de la familia Evreux. As, los primeros documentos recogen especialmente donaciones de
los reyes de Francia a favor de Luis de Evreux, el primer conde de Evreux (20 documentos),
de Margarita de Artois, su mujer (3 documentos), y de Blanca de Bretaa, madre de la anterior
(2 documentos). Otro de los aportes que estn en la base de la formacin de la principaut de
Evreux corresponde al patrimonio del antiguo chambeln del rey Felipe IV de Francia, Engue-
rrand de Marigny. Tras su cada en desgracia, el rey Luis X de Francia asign a Luis de Evreux
una renta de 8.000 libras tornesas situada sobre sus bienes conscados. Hasta ocho documentos
hacen referencia a ese patrimonio.
La mayor parte de los documentos publicados (unos 55), corresponden a los dere-
chos adquiridos por Carlos II, si bien en este caso ya no se trata slo de donaciones por parte
de los reyes de Francia, sino de documentos diversos, tales como homenajes prestados al rey de
Navarra, acuerdos diplomticos, cartas de poder para negociar, e incluso rdenes y renuncias
del propio Carlos II. Sus padres, Juana II de Francia y Felipe III de Evreux, reyes de Navarra,
concentran 25 documentos, bien por separado (8 y 9 documentos, respectivamente), bien de
modo conjunto (8 documentos).
En cualquier caso, como puede comprobarse hasta aqu, esa memoria conservada
es profundamente francesa, centrada en la rama familiar que desciende de Luis de Evreux, y
no tanto en la otra rama, la Capeta por va directa, aquella que proviene directamente de los
condes de Champaa/reyes de Navarra y de los reyes de Francia, Felipe IV el Hermoso y su hijo
Luis X el Hutn, y que se hace patente en la gura de Juana II de Navarra. Por tanto, la herencia
navarra queda difuminada dentro de este panorama documental, que representa la memoria de
los Evreux en tanto que prncipes franceses, pares de Francia emparentados con su rey, y pro-
pietarios de un notable lote de rentas repartido por todo el pas galo.
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La excepcin a este esquema centrado en el apanage o principado territorial de
Evreux, se puede encontrar en los documentos 32, 35, 37 y 40, alusivos a la renuncia que
Eudes IV de Borgoa realiz (1318) en nombre de su sobrina Juana la futura Juana II de Na-
varra, entonces menor de edad a sus derechos sobre los condados de Champaa y Brie. Y es
que aquella herencia navarra planteaba diversos problemas polticos y de legitimidad que
aunque fuera necesario marginar a favor de intereses diplomticos familiares eran difciles de
olvidar en el seno de la familia Evreux/Navarra.
Por ello, seguramente ninguno de los documentos recogidos en este cartulario-
dosier satisfaca al completo las ambiciones polticas y territoriales de Carlos II, ni de su madre,
Juana II (1328-1349). Conviene recordar que a la muerte de su marido Felipe III (1343), Juana II
pas a modicar su intitulacin regia, anteponiendo incluso a su ttulo de reina de Navarra, el
hecho de ser hija del rey de Francia. Circunstancia que no puede ser olvidada habida cuenta
de la postergacin de los derechos de Juana II al trono de Francia hasta en tres ocasiones (en
1316 a favor de Felipe V, en 1322, a favor de Carlos IV, y en 1328, a favor de Felipe VI de
Valois), argumentando la vigencia de la conocida como ley Slica. Sin duda detrs de las actua-
ciones de su hijo Carlos II se puede entrever el rechazo a ese destino histrico, y la defensa de
la tradicin y derechos familiares que haban sido conculcados en diversos momentos histricos
(y no slo con respecto al propio reino de Francia, sino tambin a los territorios de Champaa,
Brie o Angulema, por ejemplo). Por ello, resulta signicativo que slo cuatro documentos se
reeran a los derechos hereditarios de Juana II, y que stos se centren en la renuncia que realiz
su to Eudes de Borgoa, y no ella misma, a los condados de Brie y Champaa (y eso s, nunca
a sus derechos sobre el trono de Francia).
Cabe destacar en la edicin, nalmente, la inclusin de 14 lminas en color per-
fectamente legibles, que ayudan al lector a conocer el formato del documento, la caligrafa, y
otros aspectos formales. Tambin los cuidados mapas de los territorios franceses de la familia
Evreux resultan de gran utilidad para la comprensin del texto, en especial para los lectores his-
panos, menos familiarizados quizs con la geografa histrica francesa. Se trata de un meritorio
esfuerzo cartogrco que el lector habr de agradecer. Asimismo, la inexcusable presencia de
unos completos ndices de nombres propios facilita las bsquedas de personas y lugares, que
reenvan al documento oportuno.
En conclusin, se trata en primer lugar de una excelente edicin, bien documentada
y analizada, y de una factura impecable; y en segundo lugar, de unos textos documentales que
interesarn a medievalistas de ambos lados del Pirineo. La obra tiene, adems, la gran virtud de
estar realizada en francs y castellano, lo que sin duda redundar en una mejor difusin. Es
de esperar que en el futuro este equipo de medievalistas y archiveros navarros y franceses con-
tine trabajando del mismo modo, con la edicin de los cartularios custodiados en el Archivo
General de Navarra.
IGO MUGUETA MORENO
Universidad Pblica de Navarra
Antonio MALPICA CUELLO, Rafael G. PEINADO SANTAELLA, Adela FBREGAS
GARCA (eds.), Historia de Andaluca. VII Coloquio, Granada, Universidad de Granada, 2009,
364 pp. + CD-ROM. ISBN 978-84-338-5068-3.
El papel de los Coloquios de Historia Medieval Andaluza es sobradamente conocido
en el impulso decisivo que han supuesto para la medievalstica de la regin. Completado por
las tres ediciones (hasta el momento) del Congreso de Historia de Andaluca (Crdoba 1976,
1991, 2001), la serie comenzada en la capital califal (1979) y continuada en Sevilla (1982),
Jan (1983), Almera (1985) y Crdoba (1986) se interrumpi inesperadamente tras la edicin
de Estepona (1989). Tuvieron que pasar casi dos dcadas hasta que la Universidad de Granada
recogiera de nuevo el testigo y convocara la sptima edicin en 2007.
El tiempo no ha pasado en balde y los avances y las nuevas tendencias historio-
grcas estn presentes en la estructura y la temtica de las sesiones recogidas en el volumen.
As, el mundo islmico (al-Andalus) tiene un peso mucho mayor hasta constituir un contrapeso
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equitativo al mundo cristiano y, sobre todo, se recogen las aportaciones fundamentales de la
arqueologa, prcticamente ausente en los anteriores volmenes. Se equilibra en consecuencia
la dicotoma que caracteriza la historia bajomedieval de la regin.
Una diferencia fundamental que se observa respecto a las ediciones anteriores es el
planteamiento del volumen, que pretende acercar los estudios medievales a la sociedad civil
desde la reexin, tomando como punto de partida la idea que se extiende sobre la nueva rea-
lidad andaluza. As, las ponencias que han visto la luz en papel se explayan en reexiones que
recogen los avances en los campos respectivos a lo largo de los ltimos veinte aos, de la mano
de especialistas de trayectoria sobradamente reconocida.
Con la primer parte dedicada a al-Andalus, la arqueologa est presente de manera
complementaria en las contribuciones de Antonio Malpica Cuello (La arqueologa para el co-
nocimiento de la sociedad andalus) y de Alberto Garca Porras (La realidad material en el rei-
no nazar de Granada), que reivindican las aportaciones fundamentales de esta disciplina, sin
olvidarse de las fuentes escritas ni verse limitados por ellas. Pierre Guichard profundiza en sus
reexiones sobre la naturaleza de los reinos de taifas (El arabismo de los Estados taifas) a partir
de una comprensin privilegiada. Roser Salicr i Lluch (El sultanato nazar en el Occidente
cristiano bajomedieval: una reexin a travs de las relaciones poltico-diplomticas) y Adela
Fbregas Garca (La vida econmica del sultanato nazar en su vertiente comercial) trazan
un panorama rico a la vez que realizan propuestas de futuro, sealando vas de investigacin
pendientes en dos campos en cuyo conocimiento han profundizado ampliamente en los ltimos
aos. Por ltimo, Carmen Trillo (Comunidades rurales en el reino nazar) ofrece el estado de la
cuestin en el estudio del poblamiento y las actividades rurales.
La segunda parte aborda temas tan diversos en la Andaluca cristiana como la cultura
(Jos Snchez Herrero, Entre el crecer y el saber. Autores de Andaluca de los siglos XIV-XV),
la organizacin del territorio (Emilio Cabrera, Tpicos y realidades sobre la organizacin de
Andaluca tras la Reconquista), las ciudades andaluzas (Antonio Collantes de Tern, La ciudad
medieval andaluza: balance y propuestas para el futuro), el papel de la aristocracia (M Con-
cepcin Quintanilla Raso, La nobleza en la sociedad de la Andaluca del siglo XV. Concepto,
identidad y representacin del poder nobiliario), la expansin y la organizacin eclesisticas
(Javier Prez-Embid Wamba, De la Dilatatio Cristianitatis a la conguracin del orbe catlico:
La Iglesia en Andaluca (1410-1570)) y la incorporacin del reino de Granada a la corona de
Castilla en las contribuciones de M Desamparados Martnez Sampedro (Almera en el trnsito
del mundo musulmn al mundo cristiano) y Jos Enrique Lpez de Coca Castaer (Los ltimos
repartimientos medievales: el reino de Granada).
La contribucin inaugural corri a cargo del profesor Gonzlez Jimnez, homena-
jeado en reconocimiento a su larga trayectoria e impulso decisivo a los estudios medievales
andaluces. El catedrtico sevillano reexiona sobre la naturaleza de las races histricas anda-
luzas en Qu es Andaluca? Una revisin histrica desde el Medievalismo, mientras que la
clausura correspondi al profesor Ladero Quesada (Andaluca en el trnsito a la modernidad),
recapitulando sobre las estructuras sociales, polticas y econmicas de la regin en la transicin
a la Modernidad.
Desafortunadamente, de cara a la publicacin se decidi que las comunicaciones no
se imprimiran en papel, sino en CD-ROM, probablemente debido a cuestiones presupuestarias.
Su eliminacin del soporte impreso ha empobrecido la imagen de cada una de las sesiones, que
a las reexiones ya citadas vean aadidos trabajos recientes, de mano de profesionales consa-
grados y de jvenes investigadores. Al menos, se habra podido citar el ndice en papel, evitan-
do que en los catlogos especializados estas contribuciones hayan pasado ignoradas, cuando de
hecho son una parte fundamental del volumen. La cantidad y la variedad de los temas impiden
analizarlos convenientemente en esta sede, por lo que me limito a citarlos. Se trata de los estu-
dios de Jos Cristbal Carvajal, Miguel Jimnez Puertas y Eva M Muoz, Contextualizacin
de un yacimiento arqueolgico altomedieval: el castillejo de Nvar; ngel Gonzlez Escudero,
Las tcnicas constructivas en la primera poca de al-Andalus, el caso de Madinat Ilbira; Jos
M Martn Civantos, La formacin de la tierra de Guadix (Granada); Bilal Sarr Marrocco, La
Granada ziri: una aproximacin a travs de las fuentes escritas y arqueolgicas; Jos Antonio
Narvez Snchez,Un elemento para la reconstruccin del espacio rural medieval: las necrpo-
lis de alquera. El caso del macaber de Talar (Granada); I. Montilla, F. Alcal, M. Navarro,
ISSN 0066-5061
V. Barba y F. Arias, El esplendor del comercio almeriense, un reejo en su urbanismo islmico;
Lorenzo Luis Padilla Mellado, Ribat-rabita-zawiya: centros religiosos islmicos; Ana Echeva-
rra, Ismael IV y Muley Hacn un mismo personaje?; Francisco Miguel Torres Martn, Zaydn:
un pago del Alfoz granadino en el siglo XV. Cartas de compraventa nazares romanceadas;
Jos Juan Cobos Rodrguez, Agua y estructuras de regado de herencia nazar: continuidad/
discontinuidad en Antequera (Mlaga); Gloria Lora Serrano, Juan Prez. Aportacin al estu-
dio de la sociedad cordobesa a nales del siglo XIV; Manuel Garca Fernndez, Actividades
repobladoras en los reinos de Crdoba y Jan en tiempos de Alfonso XI (una aproximacin ge-
neral al proceso repoblador del Alto Guadalquivir, 1312-1350); Gianluca Pagani, La presencia
genovesa en la Andaluca de los siglos XIII y XIV. Documentos y reexiones historiogrcas a
nales del siglo XX; M Antonia Carmona Ruiz, Ibros, un seoro giennense de los Benavides;
Juan Luis Carriazo Rubio, Las forticaciones en los seoros onubenses. Balance y perspec-
tivas de la investigacin; M Pilar Carceller Cervio, El reejo en Andaluca de los conictos
polticos de la Corona de Castilla: Jan y la causa de Beltrn de la Cueva, privado de En-
rique IV; Jos Luis Villalonga Serrano, Tipos campesinos y comunidades rurales en el Reino
de Sevilla en la Baja Edad Media; scar Villarroel Gonzlez, Poltica y rebelin en el siglo XV
andaluz: la situacin cordobesa ante la expedicin del infante Enrique (1443-1445); Emilio
Martn Gutirrez, El viedo en la zona jerezana a nes de la Edad Media; Ral Gonzlez Ar-
valo, La costa del Reino de Sevilla en la documentacin nutica italiana (siglo XV); Silvia M
Prez Gonzlez, Mujeres en la Andaluca del ocaso medieval: algunas de sus opciones vitales;
Isabel Montes Romero-Camacho, Una villa andaluza en los orgenes del Estado moderno:
Carmona a comienzos del reinado de los Reyes Catlicos (1474-1484); M Teresa Lpez Bel-
trn, Rodrigo lvarez de Madrid, muidor de la composicin de los judeoconversos del Reino
de Granada; Raquel Sanz Barrio, Andanzas de un judo por tierras de Mlaga en la poca de
los Reyes Catlicos; Javier Quinteros Corts, Ganadera y estrategia poltica en poca de los
Reyes Catlicos. La particular situacin de Almera y Baza en los albores de la Modernidad.
RAL GONZLEZ ARVALO
Guillermo NIEVA OCAMPO, Silvano G.A. BENITO MOYA, Andrea NAVARRO
(coords.), Servir a Dios y servir al Rey. El mundo de los privilegiados en el mbito hispnico
(ss. XIII-XVIII), Salta (Argentina), Mundo Grco Salta Editorial, 2011, 264 pp. ISBN 978-
987-1618-68-2.
Bajo un ttulo sugerente, en este libro se analizan diversos aspectos y caractersticas
particulares de los grupos privilegiados de la sociedad hispnica en un amplio marco cronolgi-
co. Al tratarse de una obra colectiva, nos brinda una notable amplitud y variedad de reexiones
sobre aspectos fundamentales que reejan las estrategias de mantenimiento, fortalecimiento
y reproduccin del poder por parte de los integrantes de estos grupos de la sociedad, y que
se maniestan de diversas maneras en el ejercicio del gobierno y en las prcticas culturales y
religiosas.
Por la notable importancia de la vida religiosa en el perodo estudiado, varios traba-
jos se dedican a analizar el clero y diversas manifestaciones religiosas, como el del prof. Nieva
sobre los dominicos, una magnca visin de la orden desde sus orgenes hasta principios del
siglo XIV, incidiendo de forma especial en sus relaciones con el poder real (apoyo regio a la
orden, la relacin de sta con los diversos monarcas, papel de los dominicos como embajado-
res).
En este mismo mbito se inserta el trabajo de D. Fernando Rodamilans sobre la
legacin de Guillermo de Sabina en el Concilio de Valladolid de 1322 y la repercusin de sus
principios reformadores en los snodos castellanos hasta mediados del siglo XVI, un hecho de
notable trascendencia dado que se trata de cuestiones de mxima importancia para el Derecho
cannico.
La fundacin de conventos y el papel del clero como reejo de la espiritualidad de la
poca y, al tiempo, elementos de cohesin social se analizan en los trabajos de la prof. Gonzlez
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Fasani en Crdoba del Tucumn y del prof. Gershani Oviedo en el Valle de Catamarca, ambos
en la Edad Moderna.
Las relaciones entre la monarqua de Felipe II y el papado tras el Concilio de Trento es el
tema abordado por el prof. Rivero al estudiar la actuacin de la embajada espaola en ese mo-
mento y su rme defensa de las prerrogativas regias, provocando con ello importantes desen-
cuentros.
El papel de la nobleza en diversos mbitos de poder es analizado en cuatro trabajos.
La creacin de imgenes y del imaginario urbano de Andaluca entre los siglos XV al XVII,
que estudia la prof. Navarro, muestra los elementos de dignicacin de este estamento social
mediante la idea de honor y la dedicacin a las armas, el ejercicio de la piedad y la caridad como
referentes de virtudes y su proyeccin en el urbanismo. Por su parte, el prof. Gonzlez Cuerva
analiza el peso de la gran nobleza cortesana en la Espaa de los Austrias, la inuenza que con-
sigui y cmo la mantuvo mediante una intrincada red de inuencias y contactos. La Espaa de
los primeros Borbones es el marco del trabajo del prof. Luzzi Tracante, estudiando el llamado
partido espaol formado por nobles descontentos con la actuacin de estos monarcas. Por
ltimo, las profs. Rodrguez y Foglia analizan las alianzas y tensiones en la conguracin de los
grupos de poder que se producen en la ciudad argentina de Santa Fe en el siglo XVIII, a travs
de las poderosas familias presentes en dicha localidad.
El ejercicio de la censura en la Universidad de Crdoba de Tucumn del siglo XVIII,
se aborda como reejo de las nuevas perspectivas y elementos propios del reformismo borbni-
co y medio de homogeneizacin ideolgica en el trabajo del prof. Benito Moya.
En conclusin, a travs de los diez trabajos aqu reunidos, y analizando aspec-
tos generales en unos casos y particulares en otros, nos acercamos al conocimiento de
diversos medios de manifestacin del poder y de la influencia de los grupos privilegiados
en el amplio marco cronolgico que abarca los siglos finales de la Edad Media y la Edad
Moderna.
MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO
Joan PAPELL I TARDIU (ed.), Compendium abreviatum. Cdex del monestir de
Santa Maria de Santes Creus dels segles XV i XVI, de fra Bernat Mallol i fra Joan Salvador, Bar-
celona, Fundaci Noguera, 2009, 538 pp. (Textos i Documents; 44). ISBN 978-84-9779-873-0.
El curador daquest volum, ex-arxiver i historiador, ha estat estretament implicat en
el funcionament de lArxiu Bibliogrc de Santes Creus, entitat que sencarrega de fomentar
lestudi daquest monestir i de fer-ne la divulgaci corresponent. Sens dubte, la publicaci del
llibre que tenim entre mans contribueix de manera signicativa a un millor coneixement de la
histria monacal santescreuenca, i especialment perqu sha seleccionat una font documental
de primer ordre, tant o ms important que lanomenat Llibre Blanch, el cartulari del segle XII
que public, ja fa un grapat danys, el professor Frederic Udina.
La documentaci transcrita es troba al cdex 459 de lArchivo Histrico Nacional
de Madrid, dins la secci titulada Clero secular y regular. Aquesta localitzaci no s fortuta.
Com s sabut, el procs de desamortitzaci dels bns de lEsglsia, durant la primera meitat del
segle XIX, port a la dissoluci de les comunitats religioses regulars i a la consegent incauta-
ci del seu patrimoni arxivstic i bibliogrc. Molts fons monacals van ser traslladats aleshores
a la capital dEspanya; aix succe pel que fa a molts monestirs catalans, entre els quals els de
Poblet i Santes Creus. El llibre en qesti, anomenat, a desgrat de la seva extensi, Compen-
dium abreviatum, fou confegit, per manament abacial, en dues etapes, la primera entre 1413 i
1428 (en fou autor fra Bernat Mallol, que exerc com a arxiver i notari) i la seva continuaci,
pel que fa a la segona meitat del segle XV, per part de fra Joan Salvador, que tamb fou notari
del monestir.
Lobra es composa de tres llibres: el primer, en sintonia amb la tradicional cronsti-
ca medieval, sinicia amb la Creaci del Mn i altres temes bblics, per passar revista, tot seguit,
a diferents episodis de la histria de Catalunya ns a lpoca del comte Ramon Berenguer IV, que ja
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es correspon als temps fundacionals del cenobi cistercenc, aix pel que fa al primer emplaament
localitzat a Valldaura, en el territori de Barcelona, com tamb pel que fa al seu trasllat o reubica-
ci a la vora dreta del riu Gai. El segon llibre s ben b un compendi de totes les possessions que
an adquirint el monestir al llarg dels tres primers segles de la seva histria, seguint una exposi-
ci per criteris geogrcs, amb una relaci, en cada cas, dels corresponents drets de propietat i
rendes percebudes. Aquesta part fou ja objecte dun estudi per part de lhistoriador Eufemi Fort
i Cogul en el seu llibre titulat El senyoriu de Santes Creus, editat el 1972. A ttol dexemple, en el
captol V (pp. 88-90) es parla de la granja dAncosa (a propsit daquest establiment, hom podria
remetres a un altre treball de Fort titulat El prets monestir dAncosa, presentat al I Colloqui
dHistria del Monaquisme, que se celebr el 1967) i del litigi sostingut per la jurisdicci amb
els Cervell, senyors de la baronia de Vilademger. El tercer llibre tracta dels diversos privilegis,
tant papals com reials, obtinguts pel monestir ns a nals del segle XV.
El cdex es completa amb altra informaci addicional, referida a la instituci de lle-
gats de distinta ndole, assignacions mensuals de pitances, un breu obituari dabats i altres textos
relatius a fets miraculosos aix com a la instituci dalguns benecis. Tot aix s exposat pel
curador de lobra en la dotzena de pgines que conformen la Introducci, on tamb sasse-
nyalen alguns dels errors comesos pels autors monacals del Compendi, sobretot en latribuci
cronolgica dalguns privilegis reials. La resta (ns a la pgina 507) abraa la transcripci de
tota la documentaci que cont, afegint-hi al peu de pgina algunes remissions al llibre den Fort.
El volum consta, igualment, dun ndex toponmic i onomstic. Com la gran majoria de llibres
editats per la Fundaci Noguera, est disponible una versi digital de lobra a la segent adrea:
http://www.fundacionoguera.com/libros/44%20%20Compendium%20Abreviatum.pdf.
JORDI MORELL BAGET
Instituci Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. Barcelona
Josep PERARNAU I ESPELT, Beguins de Vilafranca del Peneds davant el tribunal
dInquisici (1345-1346): De captaires a banquers?, Roma, Istituto Storico Italiano per il
Medio Evo - Barcelona, Institut dEstudis Catalans, Facultat de Teologia de Catalunya, Ajun-
tament de Vilafranca del Peneds, 2010, 209 pp. (Corpus Scriptorum Cataloniae. Series B,
Scripta; 2). ISBN 978-84-92583-85-0.
Josep Perarnau recull en el present volum les parts fonamentals dun estudi que ela-
bor anys enrere. Ja que noms nhavia publicat algunes parts allades, recentment lha revisat a
la llum de troballes posteriors fetes per ell mateix i de les novetats bibliogrques ms recents.
Lobra consisteix, en essncia, en la transcripci, lanlisi textual i lextens comentari del procs
inquisitorial contra un grup de beguins de Vilafranca del Peneds endegat a la dcada de 1340.
La localitzaci i lestudi de les actes del procs, conservat noms de forma parcial
al fons de Processos de lArxiu Dioces de Barcelona, permet traar una primera gran panor-
mica daquest moviment espiritual al bisbat de Barcelona abans de 1348. Aix, desprs duna
introducci amb un compendi ampli de referncies a propsit de la Inquisici a la Catalunya
medieval i dels beguins abans de la Pesta Negra, senceta ledici del procs contra el grup
penedesenc que tingu lloc a Barcelona els mesos de desembre de 1345 i gener de 1346 durant
el breu episcopat de fra Bernat Oliver i en el moment que fra Guillem Costa ocupava el crrec
dinquisidor de la Corona dArag. En concret, es presenten les declaracions de deu testimonis
lligats al grup de terciaris franciscans de Vilafranca, amb laparat crtic corresponent, aix com
amb notes que glossen amb erudici fecunda diversos elements del text, en especial personat-
ges o llocs que hi sn citats. Per a lestudi de la comunitat beguina que es pot anar resseguint,
dentrada, en tot aquest aparat de notes, Perarnau es val, a banda de bibliograa prpia i daltres
investigadors, de documentaci indita procedent dels fons de notaris episcopals de Barcelona,
de capbreus i llevadors de comptes de la Pia Almoina de la mateixa ciutat, de registres de la
cort del batlle, de notaris i daltres escriptures de Vilafranca del Peneds, a ms dun parell de
manuscrits de biblioteques alemanyes.
Safegeix al text principal un corpus duna dotzena de notcies documentals que
contribueixen a reconstruir millor el procs inquisitorial i el seu context, ns al punt de poder
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establir una cronologia precisa dels esdeveniments, des de les dissensions entre diversos frame-
nors del convent de Vilafranca en motiu de larticulaci duna comunitat local de terciaris de
sant Francesc ns a la detenci, procs i accions judicials contra aquests beguins de la vila que
desembocaren en la dissoluci del collectiu.
Completa el volum una revisi, posterior al treball original, de diversos aspectes
tractats en ledici del text i lapartat que la segueix. En primer lloc, Perarnau analitza les conti-
nutats respecte al moviment begu documentat al Llenguadoc i erradicat amb violncia entorn
de 1320. Lautor considera que ambds moviments se centren, sobretot, en la resistncia de
certs sectors franciscans terciaris a les decretals del papa Joan XXII i en laposta alternativa
per la pobresa i lespiritualitat. Aix mateix, reexiona de nou sobre la identitat dels beguins de
Vilafranca encausats. En aquest sentit, es xa en la notable activitat pel que fa al captiri dal-
guns membres daquella comunitat i la possibilitat que oferissin prstecs a partir dall recaptat.
De fet, arriba a plantejar la hiptesi de lexistncia duna xarxa de mendicitat destinada a la
resistncia espiritual dels collectius de terciaris franciscans, molts dells, segons sassenyala,
persones benestants i prestadors habituals. En denitiva, Perarnau posa en relleu les mltiples
connexions que pogu tenir la comunitat beguina penedesenca amb altres entorns ms o menys
propers que es movien en el mateix mar didees governat per lideal de pobresa evanglica i de
renuncia a la propietat, alhora que es dedicaven a la mendicitat amb pruja.
ALBERT REIXACH SALA
Elena E. RODRGUEZ DAZ, Antonio Claret GARCA MARTNEZ (eds.), La escritura
de la memoria: Los Cartularios. VII Jornadas de la Sociedad Espaola de Ciencias y Tcnicas
Historiogrcas, Huelva, Universidad de Huelva, 2011, 466 pp. (Collectanea (Universidad de
Huelva); 158). ISBN 978-84-92944-00-2.
Cinco ponencias y diez extensas comunicaciones componen el volumen de actas de
las Jornadas que la Sociedad Espaola de Ciencias y Tcnicas Historiogrcas dedic al anlisis
de los cartularios en 2009. El resultado de aquellas sesiones que aqu se ofrece ahora por escrito
supone, pues, un amplio panorama acerca de las inquietudes que los investigadores, procedentes
como viene siendo habitual en numerosos temas de trabajo de diversas disciplinas histri-
cas, muestran acerca de este tipo de cdices. Esa interdisciplinariedad y el enriquecimiento de
perspectivas que implica constituyen por tanto la primera caracterstica que conviene resaltar.
Archiveros, palegrafos, diplomatistas e historiadores que desde sus particulares perspectivas
de anlisis y metodologa contribuyen a crear un cuadro bastante amplio en el que, quizs, cabe
echar en falta, entre otras posibles, alguna aportacin de tipo artstico, vaco que las propias im-
genes ofrecidas en alguna de las colaboraciones permiten resaltar de modo singular.
No parece necesario recordar el considerable cambio de perspectiva que se ha pro-
ducido en las ltimas dos dcadas en los estudios sobre cartularios, y que varios de los autores
se encargan de resaltar, incluida, como no poda ser de otro modo, la ponencia inicial, un amplio
y reexivo estado de la cuestin en el mbito hispano que rma la coeditora de las actas, Elena
E. Rodrguez Daz, donde se apuntan adems las posibles lneas de actuacin, sobre las pautas
marcadas por los grupos de investigacin internacionales especialmente franceses ms inno-
vadores. De la dicultad de proyectar esas propuestas de trabajo ms all del plano terico, y
volcar el anlisis en aspectos que superen lo meramente instrumental, interrogarse no tanto
o no slo en el qu y adentrarse en el por qu y para qu, dan buena cuenta las aporta-
ciones que siguen, centradas casi todas ellas en ejemplos especcos.
El para qu de los cartularios constituye el eje vertebrador que se oculta tras el
ttulo, claramente enraizado en la terminologa archivstica, de la aportacin a las Jornadas
efectuada por Antonio Snchez de Mora (Los cartularios desde la perspectiva archivstica:
Antecedentes de los principios de procedencia de los fondos y de respeto a su estructura), en un
marco de anlisis realmente amplio entro del espacio disponible, tanto en sus campos temticos
como en los ejemplos reejados. En la misma lnea se mueve la propuesta metodolgica, en
este caso ms concreta en su objeto, los cartularios reales navarros, pero con diversas lneas de
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actuacin presentada por el equipo interdisciplinar de medievalistas y archiveros que encabeza
Elosa Ramrez Vaquero.
Un considerable nmero de contribuciones se centra en los fondos de la catedral de
Len, bien de manera fundamental (la ponencia de Marta Herrero, Cartularios leoneses. Del Bece-
rro Gtico de Sahagn al Tumbo Legionense y al Libro de las Estampas), bien de modo exclusivo
(las comunicaciones de Mauricio Herrero sobre el Cdice 17, de Irene Ruiz sobre el Libro de los
Testamentos y de Francisco Javier Molina sobre el Cdice 53). La primera, como no poda ser de
otro modo, intenta un enfoque ms amplio, aunque quizs excesivamente centrado en los aspec-
tos codicolgicos. Este tipo de cuestiones constituye el elemento central del trabajo de I. Ruiz,
mientras que M. Herrero y F.J. Molina se inclinan por el terreno de la historia de la organizacin
archivstica catedralicia que permiten sus correspondientes ejemplos. En el campo del anlisis pa-
leogrco se mueven los trabajos sobre el indito, por desconocido hasta ahora, Cartulario del mo-
nasterio gallego de Caaveiro (Ainoa Castro) y del ms famoso Becerro Gtico de Cardea (Sonia
Serna). Bajo el epgrafe de estado de la cuestin, Amelia Garca realiza una breve presentacin
del cartulario ms antiguo de la catedral de Sigenza, que se remonta a comienzos del siglo XIII.
Los espacios meridionales de la corona de Castilla cuentan con las ponencias de
Isabel Daz (Los cartularios del reino de Murcia) y M. Luisa Pardo (Memoria digna a llenar con
estimacin. Libros de Privilegios y Tumbo de la ciudad de Sevilla). La tarda conquista cristiana
de estos espacios permite contrastar los ejemplos y modelos contemplados, casi todos relativos
al mbito urbano y obviamente bajomedievales y aun posteriores, con los estudios efectuados
en otras colaboraciones para tiempos y espacios distintos.
La Corona de Aragn se hace presente en las actas con aportaciones centradas en los
tres grandes mbitos territoriales peninsulares que la compusieron. Ignasi Baiges analiza diversos
cartularios barceloneses en Liber feudorum maior, Libri Atiquitatum sedis Barchinonesis, Cartu-
lario de San Cugat. Tres ejemplos barceloneses (siglos XII-XIII). La disparidad de procedencias y
objetivos, que el propio autor seala, apunta a la necesidad de realizar estudios comparativos de
conjunto que permitan reexiones de carcter ms general. Uno de los escasos ejemplos relativos
a poca moderna que se contemplan, el Cartulario de la casa de Segorbe-Cardona, del siglo
XVII, constituye el objetivo de Manuel Romero. El valor de la antigedad de los orgenes en el
prestigio de los linajes nobiliarios de la poca y la articulacin de las grandes casas tituladas como
centros de poder del Estado y no frente al Estado tienen en este tipo de instrumentos un claro
reejo. La lgica interna de los cartularios, a travs del anlisis del ndice del Libro gtico de San
Juan de la Pea, olvidada por las ediciones tradicionales pero cuyo sentido se insiste en recuperar
con las propuestas metodolgicas actuales se maniesta en el trabajo de M. Jos Badenas.
Cierra la edicin adems de unos tiles apndices bibliogrcos y de cartularios,
la presentacin del Portal de Cdices Diplomticos Hispnicos, todava en desarrollo, a cargo
de Alicia Snchez. Una evidencia otra ms de que la ciencia histrica, su desarrollo y difu-
sin y la red de redes resultan inseparables, tambin en este terreno.
En resumen, las actas sobre La escritura de la Memoria. Los cartularios constituyen
una muy interesante aportacin a este complejo campo, donde tradicin, innovacin e interdis-
ciplinariedad se entremezclan y conviven, no siempre sin dicultades.
FERMN MIRANDA GARCA
Universidad Autnoma de Madrid
Saturnino RUIZ DE LOIZAGA, Iglesias, santuarios y ermitas dedicados a Santa Ma-
ra en los pueblos de Espaa segn documentacin de los registros del Archivo Vaticano (siglos
XI-XV), Zamora, Monte Casino, 2011, 457 pp. ISBN 978-84-615-2141-8.
El rigor en la bsqueda de la documentacin, el cuidado en su recopilacin, ordena-
cin y publicacin, y unas interesantes y completas introducciones a las colecciones publicadas
son notas comunes a los ya numerosos libros editados desde 1997 sobre fondos del Archivo
Vaticano por D. Saturnino Ruiz de Loizaga, y a los que hay que aadir otros trabajos anteriores
de diversos temas sobre lava altomedieval. Y este presente libro no rompe la norma del autor;
casi podramos decir que la completa y consagra.
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El actual trabajo nace de la constatacin a travs de la documentacin de una pro-
funda devocin mariana a lo largo de la Historia de Espaa y, en concreto, de la Edad Media,
a la que el autor ha dedicado su atencin y estudio; devocin arraigada en todos los grupos de
la sociedad y en todas las regiones de la geografa peninsular, y que hace realmente de Espaa
Tierra de Mara.
La inmensa riqueza documental del Archivo Secreto Vaticano (epteto de Secreto
que, pese a algunas torcidas y fantasiosas interpretaciones, signica simplemente privado y
personal) explica que sea fuente fundamental para conocer la abundancia de advocaciones de
monasterios, iglesias, ermitas y otras fundaciones religiosas, completando con sus registros los
datos aportados por diversas fuentes documentales, como cartularios y colecciones diplomticas.
Se recogen en este volumen 312 documentos de los siglos XIV y XV referidos a
centros acogidos a la advocacin mariana, agrupados por regiones, y con los correspondientes
ndices toponmico y onomstico. Pero la obra ofrece mucho ms; en una primera parte reco-
ge cronolgicamente y por ponticados los diversos edicios marianos de los que hay docu-
mentacin vaticana entre 1073 y 1370, indicando junto a la advocacin la provincia donde se
encuentra emplazado, el tipo de centro de que se trata (parroquia, monasterio, ermita) y qu
comunidad lo habita si se trata de un monasterio; y una segunda relacin, denominada atlas por
el autor, de estos santuarios por regiones.
En la segunda parte del libro se hace un breve pero muy interesante resumen de
diversas manifestaciones de la devocin mariana en la Espaa medieval, rastreando la fe viva
en la Virgen y la profunda devocin de toda la sociedad; de este modo se hace referencia al ori-
gen de varias advocaciones y centros religiosos, as como al hallazgo de numerosas imgenes
en diversos episodios en los que se mezclan tradicin e historia, y que produjo una temprana
auencia de devotos para venerarlas.
Indica el autor que los documentos ms frecuentes de los aqu recogidos, el 80%,
son indulgencias concedidas con objeto de favorecer la construccin o reparacin de los tem-
plos, pudiendo seguir en ocasiones a travs de ellas la evolucin de esas obras al reiterarse la
concesin de indulgencias a lo largo del tiempo. Pero tambin hay otros documentos interesan-
tes que permiten conocer diversos aspectos, como la organizacin interna de los templos y de
sus comunidades, las reliquias que conservaban o los benecios que recibieron.
Asimismo, el autor analiza la aparicin y evolucin de algunas advocaciones maria-
nas, incidiendo de forma especial en el cambio que se produjo desde la primera denominacin
de Santa Mara a la frmula de Nuestra Seora, frecuente desde el siglo XIII y clara trasposi-
cin a la vida religiosa de la mentalidad feudal y caballeresca del momento.

MARGARITA CANTERA MONTENEGRO
Sant Ermengol, bisbe dUrgell (1010-1035). Histria, art, culte i devocions, La Seu
dUrgell, Bisbat dUrgell, 2010, 344 pp. ISBN 978-84-86781-08-8.
Amb motiu de la celebraci del millenari dels inicis del ponticat del bisbe
Ermengol dUrgell sha editat una selecci destudis dedicats al bisbe que govern la dicesis
urgellenca als inicis del segle XI. Es tracta dun aplec de treballs indits i altres que sn reedi-
cions de treballs que, pel seu inters i per la dicultat de trobar-los amb una certa facilitat, ara
sen pot disposar de forma aplegada i amb una edici exquisida pel que fa a laspecte formal.
El seu contingut acull un conjunt variat de treballs de temtica estrictament histo-
riogrca, altres dhistria de lart vinculat amb el tema dErmengol dUrgell i, nalment, un
tercer apartat dedicat a qestions de carcter folklric o popular sempre relacionats amb la
gura del bisbe urgellenc del segle XI. Lobra, editada amb tota cura, est encapalada amb
una presentaci del bisbe-coprncep, Joan-Enric Vives, que exala i destaca els trets principals
de la vida i obra dErmengol i en justica la celebraci del millenari dels inicis del ponticat.
El primer dels treballs que inclou, la collaboraci de P. Bertran, Ermengol dUrgell (1010-
1035). Lobra dun bisbe del segle XI (pp. 11-93), ofereix una amplia i detalla visi de la vida
del bisbe, dels seus orgens com a ll de la casa vescomtal de Conent, de la seva joventut
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com a clergue urgellit, lascens a la dignitat episcopal grcies al seu oncle i tamb bisbe
Salla, i tota lmplia i complexa obra de reforma eclesistica i canonical, de construccions
pbliques i eclesistiques, de viatges a Roma i Compostella, i dacci a la frontera, amb la
reconquesta de les terres de Guissona. Inclou un restringit per selecte apndix documental.
Benigne Marqus, en El testament del bisbe sant Ermengol (14.XII.1033), (pp. 95-102), fa un
ben estructurat i interessant estudi del testament episcopal, fet poc abans del seu pelegrinatge
a Compostella, i naporta la traducci en llengua catalana. Cebri Baraut, a Les fonts docu-
mentals i hagiogrques medievals de la vida i miracles de sant Ermengol, bisbe dUrgell
(1010-1035), (pp. 103-132), estudia i transcriu els textos hagiogrcs ms antics, que perme-
ten precisar millor la vida del sant protagonista, i, sobretot, lextensi rpida del seu culte i
veneraci arreu de les terres catalanes i en territori ultrapirinenc. De mossn Pere Pujol, que
fou benemrit arxiver de la catedral dUrgell, se nha recuperat un dels seus treballs ja clssics,
Lurna dargent de sant Ermengol, bisbe dUrgell, (pp. 133-159), en qu es pot apreciar el
contracte i les condicions establertes pel captol de canonges amb largenter barcelon, Pere
Lleopart , el 1753, i que fou acabada el 1755, coincidint amb el moment de recuperaci del
culte i dels ocis propis del sant a la seu urgellitana, en temps del bisbe Sime de Guinda y
Azpeztegui. Carme Xam-Mar, a La confraria de sant Ermengol i de sant Blai, i la seva capella
del Prat del Segre, a La Seu dUrgell (segles XVI-XVIII), (pp. 161-198), estudia els inicis, fun-
cionament i nalitats duna instituci creada per a la solidaritat humana en casos de malaltia,
infortuni i mort dels seus membres. Es fa atenci a la gesti econmica i a les celebracions li-
trgiques i participaci popular en les diverses cerimnies encomanades als priors, a la vegada
que s el reex de la vida quotidiana i popular del Prepirineu catal a travs duna instituci
benca i solidria com la referida. Lobra inclou sengles collaboracions de Benigne Marqus
i dEnric Molin dedicades al culte al sant, i a les diverses manifestacions daquest culte i les
celebracions litrgiques que el deneixen, sobretot a la catedral urgellenca. La presncia del
bisbe a les diferents manifestacions artstiques, ja sigui pintures murals, retaules, reliquiaris,
urnes i escultures dargent, constitueixen lapartat nal de lobra histrica. Inclou al nal el
text sencer de lobra teatral que Esteve Albert i Corp compos el 1957, i que ha estat represen-
tat daleshores en als claustres de la catedral, amb el ttol de Retaule de sant Ermengol,
i que sens dubte ha estat un dels elements de major difusi de la personalitat i obres del ms
rellevant dels bisbes urgellencs del segle XI.
MONTSERRAT CASAS NADAL
Jess ngel SOLRZANO TELECHEA, Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo: Tratado sobre la
divisin del Reino y cundo es lcita la primogenitura, Logroo, Instituto de Estudios Riojanos,
2011, 222 pp. (Ciencias Histricas; 20). ISBN 978-84-9960-023-9.
El profesor Solrzano Telechea, de la Universidad de Cantabria, nos ofrece en este
libro una edicin crtica del original latino de una obra de Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo, titulada
Liber de regno dividendo et quando primogenitura sit licita, a partir del manuscrito que de la
misma se conserva en la Biblioteca Apostlica Vaticana. Y para reforzar la funcin pedaggica
de la publicacin, la transcripcin del texto latino se acompaa de una traduccin al castellano
a cargo de Juan Carlos Miralles Maldonado, profesor de lologa latina de la Universidad de
Murcia. Esta provechosa conjuncin de esfuerzos arroja como resultado una meritoria con-
tribucin al estudio de la evolucin del pensamiento poltico en la corona de Castilla durante
el perodo bajomedieval. Se trata ciertamente de una temtica que ha despertado el inters de
numerosos investigadores en los ltimos tiempos, procedentes tanto del mbito de los historia-
dores medievalistas, como del de los llogos e incluso del de los historiadores del derecho.
Pero tambin es cierto que queda mucho por claricar al respecto, sobre todo desde la pers-
pectiva del anlisis de las repercusiones que la elaboracin de estas obras tericas tuvo en la
praxis poltica.
La gura de Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo brilla en el panorama de los intelectuales
castellanos del siglo XV que reexionaron sobre cuestiones de teora poltica desde una pers-
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pectiva eminentemente abstracta, junto con otras tambin muy relevantes, como las de Alonso
de Madrigal, Alonso de Cartagena y Fernando de Roa. Para hacrnosla algo ms familiar, So-
lrzano Telechea dedica algunas pginas a la reconstruccin de su biografa, y a la caracteriza-
cin de su perl poltico, destacando su condicin de diplomtico que estuvo al servicio de los
monarcas castellanos Juan II y Enrique IV, y que culmin su carrera en la Curia romana, donde
muri en el ao 1470. Tambin nos proporciona pormenorizada y completa noticia de su pro-
duccin escrita, en latn y en castellano, gran parte de la cual permanece indita, en manuscritos
conservados en la Biblioteca del Vaticano. Y, brevemente, llama la atencin sobre los rasgos
ms sobresalientes del ideario que defendi en sus obras, en el que no puede dejar de detectar
llamativas contradicciones. As, por ejemplo, nos recuerda que mientras que en 1455 defendi
que el gobierno urbano deba parecerse al divino, y era preciso, por tanto, a su entender que hu-
biese un rey poderoso que gobernase todo el reino, en 1468 pas a defender en la obra que aqu
es objeto de edicin que la autoridad ltima resida en el pueblo, por lo que como consecuencia
los monarcas tenan limitado su poder.
La lectura detenida del texto latino y su traduccin castellana, que se nos ofrecen en
cuidada edicin en el libro que reseamos, permitirn los estudiosos profundizar en el conoci-
miento del pensamiento de este intelectual, que se cuenta entre los ms reputados de la Castilla
del siglo XV, y determinar hasta qu punto es original y coherente, o por el contrario presenta
puntos dbiles, bien por sus contradicciones internas, o por su falta de correspondencia con
la realidad poltica en que se desenvolva el autor, y de la que fue protagonista activo por su
condicin de diplomtico al servicio de la monarqua castellana. Slo mediante la difusin de
textos de este gnero, que permanecen olvidados en las bibliotecas en manuscritos poco accesi-
bles, se podr avanzar en la claricacin de esta problemtica. Y por ello cabe felicitarse por la
publicacin de este libro gracias a la encomiable iniciativa del Instituto de Estudios Riojanos.
Guillermo TOMS FACI, Libro de rentas y feudos de Ribagorza en 1322, Zaragoza,
Universidad de Zaragoza. Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas Historio-
grcas y Estudios rabes e Islmicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza, 2011, 223 pp. (Serie
Varia; 8). ISBN 978-84-92522-39-2.
Guillermo Toms Faci presenta en esta obra una cuidada y atenta edicin de una
fuente excepcional para el estudio de las sociedades pirenaicas entre los siglos XI y XIV. Se
trata del Libro de rentas y feudos de Ribagorza de 1322, en el que se incluyen los resultados de
la investigacin ordenada por el infante Pedro inmediatamente despus de que su padre, el rey
Jaime II, le hubiera otorgado la potestad seorial sobre la mayor parte de esta regin, con el
ttulo condal. Dichos resultados estn organizados, a su vez, en dos grandes bloques: el primero
de ellos se corresponde con el Libro de las rentas condales en Ribagorza, que incluye las
rentas y derechos jurisdiccionales que, a partir de 1322, iban a corresponder al infante Pedro;
mientras que el segundo equivale al Libro de los feudos de Ribagorza, donde se detallan las
rentas asociadas a los feudos vinculados al conde. Entre ambos bloques, la fuente incorpora
dos documentos relacionados: los Artculos de la investigacin y juramento de personas que
respondieron, es decir, un guin empleado por los delegados del conde para obtener la infor-
macin requerida, y el listado de las Rentas del rey en Estopin del castillo. La informacin
recogida como consecuencia de esta investigacin afect a un total de treinta y tres poblaciones,
que ocupaban aproximadamente la mitad de la supercie del condado.
El origen del documento y su trayectoria a lo largo del tiempo han sido objeto de una
detallada exgesis, cuyos resultados se presentan al comienzo del trabajo, a modo de introduc-
cin. La labor, en este sentido, ha sido metdica y concluyente, y esto merece ser subrayado,
mxime si tenemos en cuenta los avatares experimentados por la fuente editada. Conviene sea-
lar, simplemente, que el Libro se conserva en el Archivo de la Catedral de Lrida y es parte de
un tomo mayor titulado Archiu de Ribagora, que data de 1576. La fuente editada procede, pues,
de un traslado que dista dos centurias y media de su original, y que apenas haba merecido la
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atencin de los investigadores en el pasado, factores ambos que coneren una dicultad mayor
a la ya de por s complicada edicin documental. Sin embargo, los problemas derivados de todo
ello han sido resueltos con lucidez, atendiendo a aspectos paleogrcos y lingsticos, pero, so-
bre todo, a la propia Historia del poder seorial en Ribagorza y a la funcin de la escritura como
elemento para el control y, a su vez, para la cohesin de las sociedades rurales en la Edad Media.
Como seala el autor de la edicin, la tipologa documental ms acorde con las
caractersticas de la fuente es el capbreu, y, por su contenido, consituye una aportacin com-
plementaria a las colecciones diplomticas de los cenobios nororientales de Aragn, publicadas
por J. ngel Martn Duque: Coleccin diplomtica de Obarra (siglos XI-XIII), Zaragoza, 1965;
y Coleccin diplomtica del monasterio de San Victorin de Sobrarbe (1000-1219), Zaragoza,
2004. Merece la pena aadir, por otra parte, que la obra incluye la transcripcin de los diversos
documentos aportados por los concejos junto a sus respuestas el ms antiguo es de 1081 y,
como anexo, incorpora los documentos fundamentales sobre la concesin del seoro al infante
Pedro, en 1322.
El origen del trabajo se encuentra en la investigacin realizada por el autor para
obtener el Diploma de Estudios Avanzados, con la direccin del Dr. Carlos Laliena Corbera,
que fue defendida en la Universidad de Zaragoza en 2009, y su publicacin ha sido patrocinada
por la Red de Investigacin RESOPYR (Recursos y Sociedades Pirenaicas) del Gobierno de
Aragn. Asimismo, la obra constituye el volumen octavo de la coleccin Varia, impulsada por
el Departamento de Historia Medieval, Ciencias y Tcnicas Historiogrcas y Estudios rabes
e Islmicos de la Universidad de Zaragoza.
MARIO LAFUENTE GMEZ
Sandra DE LA TORRE GONZALO, El cartulario de la encomienda templaria de Cas-
tellote (Teruel), 1184-1283, Zaragoza, Universidad de Zaragoza, Departamento de Historia
medieval, 2009, 245 pp. (Textos e instrumentos para la investigacin; 9). ISBN 978-84-
92522-14-9.
Sandra de la Torre, investigadora predoctoral de la Universidad de Zaragoza diri-
gida por el Catedrtico Carlos Laliena, presenta en esta obra una impecable edicin del car-
tulario templario de la villa bajoaragonesa de Castellote, conservado en el Archivo Histrico
Nacional bajo la signatura rdenes Militares, cdice 594-B. Este manuscrito, uno de los
pocos que sobrevivieron en Aragn a la anexin del Temple al Hospital en 1317, era conocido
y frecuentado por los medievalistas, pero permaneca indito en su mayor parte, por lo que
se debe celebrar una publicacin que enriquece el pauprrimo panorama documental de las
serranas turolenses.
Los 119 textos que se compilaron, datados entre 1184 y 1283, se corresponden con
el periodo de creacin y articulacin de la sociedad feudal tras la conquista cristiana, en un
extenso distrito de ms de 400 km
2
regado por el ro Guadalope, que abarcaba los actuales
municipios de Bordn, Las Cuevas de Caart y Las Parras, adems del que da nombre a la en-
comienda. Su elaboracin fue encargada en torno a 1283 para defender los derechos de la orden
sobre sus vasallos, probablemente en un contexto marcado por una Unin de Aragn que en
esta comarca tuvo un acusado carcter antiseorial. La obra comienza con diecisis privilegios
o concordias que afectaban al dominio jurisdiccional, seguidas por un centenar de donaciones o
cesiones entuticas relativas al patrimonio inmueble, entre las que se intercalan algunos acuer-
dos del Temple con los concejos sobre la justicia o los riegos (los documentos 84, 85, 86, 115,
116 o 118). El creciente papel de las elites rurales en la organizacin del poder o la dicotoma
entre hbitat agrupado y disperso son dos de las problemticas que aoran constantemente en
los textos.
Se deben elogiar tanto la calidad como los criterios de la edicin: se ha respetado la
disposicin original de los documentos dentro del manuscrito (una tabla al nal aporta el orden
cronolgico), y se ha realizado una transcripcin que, pese al necesario rigor paleogrco, evita
el abuso de signos diacrticos o distinciones grafmicas que no haran ms que deteriorar la le-
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gibilidad. En las primeras pginas, la autora analiza algunos aspectos interesantes del cartulario
(gnesis, lengua, grafa) y sugiere varias lneas de investigacin que se pueden desarrollar a
partir de una fuente histrica que, gracias a su labor, se convierte un referente imprescindible
para los estudiosos de la sociedad rural aragonesa.
GUILLERMO TOMS FACI
Laura TRIAS FERRI, ndex lxic i conceptual dels Orgenes histricos de Catalua
de Josep Balari i Jovany, Barcelona, Publicacions i Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona,
2008, 342 pp. (Filologia (Universitat de Barcelona); 1). ISBN 978-84-475-3339-8.
Sn prou conegudes les circumstncies que provocaren que Josep Balari i Jovany
(1844-1904), catedrtic de grec de la Universitat de Barcelona i un dels grans pioners en les-
tudi de les fonts de la Catalunya Medieval, hagus de posar de forma sobtada a la redacci
del Orgenes histricos de Catalua. La seva voluntat de presentar lobra al premi Martorell
de lany 1897, que acab guanyant, va fer que enllests de manera precipitada una obra en qu
havia treballat molts danys. De les presses per acabar sen ressent greument lndex que acom-
panya lobra, que podrem dir que s un ndex de circumstncies fet a corre cuita i sense grans
preocupacins, quan en tractar-se duna obra fonamentada en elements lxics, aquests haurien
dhaver merescut una atenci especial en forma dndex detallat. La mancana podria haver-se
solucionat lany 1964 quan lInstituto Internacional de Cultura Hispnica que dirigia Mossn
A. Griera va tornar a editar lobra (Jos BALARI JOVANY, Orgenes histricos de Catalua,
Instituto Internacional de Cultura Romnica, Abadia de San Cugat del Valls, 1964, segunda
edicin, 3 vols.), per de fet no va ser aix, sin que en el tercer volum hom es limita a reproduir
el pobre ndex que havia confegit Balari, tot i adaptar-lo a la nova paginaci.
Hem hagut desperar lany 2008, s a dir, 99 anys, per veure com Laura Trias posava
a aquesta mancana. I, vists el resultats, podrem armar que lobra estava esperant. Amb
gran meticulositat, precisi i pacincia ha procedit a diseccionar els Orgenes Histricos (la
primera edici del 1899) per tal daconseguir extreuren tot el suc que contenen i que ns ara
restava ms de mig amagat. En 342 pgines de tamany foli i a tres columnes, sense cap tipus de
concessi a les oritures i a les garlandaines, ha confegit un ndex magnc que de ben segur
ser dimmensa utilitat a llegs i historiadors. I no hi ha estalviat feina ni dedicaci, de manera
que podem dir que gaire b ha reescrit el llibre. Vull dir que no sha limitat simplement a recollir
els termes sin que els ha destriat classicant-los per categories gramaticals, onomstiques (to-
pnims, gentilicis, antropnims), culturals (mbits de lalimentaci, de la llar, botnic, bllic,
econmic, judicial, zoolgic, etc.), ha agrupat i lemmatitzat, quan ha estat el cas, les variants
ortogrques i ha construt un aparat excepcional de referncies creuades; i, a ms a ms, sha
preocupat de diferenciar minuciosament els diferents indrets que comparteixen un mateix nom.
Per tot aix, podem armar que amb el treball de Laura Trias es completa denitivament lobra
de Josep Balari.
PERE J. QUETGLAS
MarcelloVINDIGNI, I Cabrera, conti de Modica tra Catalogna e Sicilia: 1392-1480,
Torino, Pozzallo, 2008, 143 pp.
El ao 1653, Placido Carraffa public con el ttulo de Motuca illustrata la que es
considerada todava la primera muestra de erudicin dedicada exclusivamente a la historia de
la actual provincia de Ragusa, en la isla de Sicilia, o lo que es casi lo mismo, del condado de
Mdica. Desde entonces, el pasado de esta regin siciliana ha seguido despertando un cierto
inters en el mbito de los estudios locales. A nes del siglo XIX, el cirujano Raffaele Solarino
escribi una historia de Mdica en dos volmenes, y ya en la segunda mitad del siguiente, Enzo
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Sipione se erigira en el historiador ms prolco del pasado modicano medieval y moderno.
A excepcin de este ltimo, la mayora de quienes han escrito algunas pginas sobre la historia
de Mdica son individuos que, pese a su carencia de formacin como historiadores, han ido
desarrollando un inters genuino por conocer el pasado de su tierra de origen. En el caso ms
reciente de Marcello Vindigni, esto se ha traducido tambin en la publicacin de un libro.
Los condes de Mdica adquirieron su verdadero relieve poltico con el linaje sicilia-
no de los Chiaromonte, que se habra apoderado del ttulo hacia 1296. La actividad poltica de
este linaje oblig a sus miembros a residir muy a menudo en la ciudad de Palermo, lo que los
alej del control directo de un patrimonio que no se reduca nicamente al condado de Mdica.
Por el contrario, el despegue econmico modicano parece haberse iniciado con la llegada en la
expedicin a Sicilia del infante Martn de Aragn y su hijo Martn el Joven en marzo de 1392,
y del vizconde Bernat IV de Cabrera, cabeza de uno de los linajes ms antiguos y poderosos de
la alta nobleza catalana. Esto es visible sin duda en Pozzallo, que experimentara a inicios de su
dominio una recuperacin de su actividad martima y sera dotado entonces de una torre-palacio
que hoy en da pasa por ser su edicio ms emblemtico. Teniendo todo esto en cuenta no pue-
de resultar demasiado sorprendente que el ensayo de Vindigni proponga una aproximacin a
la historia de los condes catalanes de Mdica, desde su desembarco en 1392, hasta el n de su
lnea biolgica en 1527.
Presentado en formato de autoedicin, el ensayo de Vindigni est dividido en dos
partes: la primera sita los antecedentes histricos y aborda las vidas de los condes, nalmen-
te, los supuestos problemas de autenticidad de la concesin de 1392 al mencionado linaje, el
crecimiento de su Pozzallo natal durante el perodo cataln y, nalmente, el estudio de la torre-
palacio; y la segunda presenta una breve y selectiva recopilacin documental.
El repaso de Vindigni a la historia de los condes catalanes de Mdica no se inicia en
Bernat IV, como cabra esperar. El autor retrocede en el tiempo para as presentar las biografas
de su abuelo Bernat II, privado del rey Pedro el Ceremonioso, y su padre Bernat III de Cabrera,
conde de Osona, muertos en 1364 y 1368, respectivamente. Al tratarse junto a Bernat IV de dos
de las guras ms conocidas y atractivas del linaje vizcondal de Cabrera, tal vez su inclusin
resulte interesante al lector italiano, pero dado que no es hasta el gobierno de este ltimo que
comienza la etapa de dominio cataln sobre el condado de Mdica, la eleccin del punto de
partida cronolgico parece cuanto menos discutible. De hecho, quiz habra valido ms la pena
profundizar en las actividades de los condes de Mdica de apellido Chiaromonte.
No se trata de una crtica gratuita. Como ya se ha anunciado antes, durante el si-
glo XIV los Chiaromonte situaron el ttulo de los condes de Mdica en el primer plano de la
poltica siciliana. Bajo su dominio, el territorio modicano fue adquiriendo cohesin seorial y
convirtindose en una slida plataforma para la defensa de los intereses polticos de sus titu-
lares, como suceda coetneamente en el resto de la isla con los otros representantes de lo que
se ha dado a llamar la aristocracia condal siciliana. Esta aristocracia, monopolizadora de los
cargos de la alta ocialidad del reino como el de maestro justiciero o almirante, pretenda as
compensar el tradicional rol preeminente de las grandes ciudades como Palermo o Messina en
la poltica del reino de Sicilia, aprovechando para ello la progresiva prdida de fuerza del poder
real a la muerte del rey Federico III en 1337. Cuarenta aos ms tarde, su manejo de los asuntos
del reino haba llegado a tal punto que incluso el papa acept que la gestin del reino quedara
en manos de cuatro vicarios pertenecientes a sus las.
La sustitucin del linaje latino Chiaromonte por el catalano Cabrera fue conse-
cuencia directa de las sospechas del infante Martn acerca de la negativa de Andrea, hijo y
heredero de Manfredo Chiaromonte, almirante del reino y uno de sus cuatro vicarios a partir
de 1377, a reconocerlo como rey de Sicilia a su llegada a la isla en marzo de 1392. Los Chia-
romonte se autoproclamaban adalides de la causa siciliana contra los monarcas forneos,
aunque en realidad apostaran por acercarse a los Anjou. Andrea fue capturado, procesado,
condenado por lesa majestad y decapitado el 1 de junio de 1392. El condado de Mdica cay
entonces en manos del vizconde Bernat IV de Cabrera, quien haba apoyado la expedicin a
Sicilia desde buen principio. sta y otras medidas represoras contra la aristocracia condal
siciliana daran lugar a fuertes tensiones sociopolticas a muy corto y medio plazo, entre ellas
una primera serie de rebeliones a las cuales Martn y su hijo tuvieron que enfrentarse entre
1393 y 1398.
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As pues, de haberse dedicado ms tiempo a tratar los asuntos de los Chiaromonte
condes de Mdica, el lector podra haber dispuesto de algo ms que simples apuntes sobre la
composicin de los dominios y a las acciones de rebelin, y haberse visto as ms capacitado
para comprender las causas de la inestabilidad poltica y el progresivo rechazo que encontra-
ran los Cabrera a lo largo del siglo XV. En lugar de ello, ste no puede escapar a la sensacin
de encontrarse frente a una sucesin de hechos, debidamente contextualizados en el espacio y
en el tiempo, pero que no se hallan respaldados por un verdadero anlisis histrico ni aportan
novedades al tema de estudio. Tampoco la documentacin incorporada en la segunda parte es
nada nuevo, sino que consiste en la traduccin al italiano de textos ya publicados que van de la
concesin real del condado de Mdica a Bernat IV de Cabrera el 1392 a los datos del cargador
de Pozzallo incluidos en el cabreo de 1514.
La nica novedad se encuentra en las pginas que Vindigni dedica al edicio de la
torre-palacio de Pozzallo. En este punto, el autor sugiere que las similitudes de estilo entre sus
piezas escultricas, fundamentalmente mnsulas y medallones, y las recuperadas de los restos
del palacio vizcondal de Blanes, hacen posible pensar que en ellas hubiera trabajado el reputado
escultor cataln Arnau Bargus, como Joan Valero Molina ya ha demostrado que ste habra
hecho en Blanes a partir de 1382. Ms an, Vindigni supone que la construccin de Pozzallo se
habra erigido aprovechando un periodo de relativa calma poltica en el reino de Sicilia com-
prendido entre los aos 1403 y 1409. Ahora bien, aunque parecen haber noticias claras que la
torre-palacio ya estaba operativa en 1410, el resto de hiptesis todava esperan ser debidamente
contrastadas.
Desde un punto de vista meramente formal, el libro presenta algunos defectos a
pulir. Especialmente notorio es el poco cuidado con el que se tratan los nombres de autores
catalanes y los ttulos de sus publicaciones, por no hablar de las citas en cataln tomadas di-
rectamente de sus ensayos, las cuales suelen convertirse en un producto a medio camino entre
la lengua original de redaccin y el italiano. Por otra parte, pese a tratarse de documentacin
ya publicada, se habra agradecido la inclusin del texto original de cada documento junto a su
correspondiente traduccin.
Sin embargo, a pesar de todo lo comentado y de que, por lo tanto, el ensayo deba ser
considerado mejorable en muchos aspectos, no pueden ni deben perderse de vista los motivos
ni las circunstancias de su redaccin. Para el lector cataln y espaol, adems, el suyo es un
trabajo cargado de referencias a una bibliografa muy mal conocida. Si a esto se le suma la ne-
cesidad de estudios que ahonden en unos vnculos histricos entre Catalua y Sicilia muy infra-
explotados desde la ptica catalana, debe concluirse que nos encontramos frente a un ttulo que
puede resultar tan til al investigador como al lector ocasional interesado en el tema.
ALEJANDRO MARTNEZ GIRALT

42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 343-407
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RESEAS
Xavier BARRAL I ALTET, Le dcor du pavement au Moyen ge. Les mosaques
de France et dItalie, Roma, cole franaise de Rome, 2010, 433 pp. (Collection de lcole
franaise de Rome; 429). ISBN 978-2-7283-0836-1.
En paralelo al orecer de la escultura monumental y a la realizacin de ambiciosos
conjuntos pictricos, los pavimentos musivos de los siglos XI y XII contribuyeron al fasto
ornamental y al poblamiento gurativo de palacios y templos. Estos majestuosos conjuntos,
herederos del prestigio de la Antigedad, son examinados en el volumen rmado por Xavier
Barral, uno de los ms reconocidos especialistas en la materia. El alcance de su anlisis des-
borda los lmites regionales de anteriores monografas, combinando en una detallada sntesis la
amplitud de la visin de conjunto con el pormenor del catlogo. Pese a que el ttulo conferido a
la obra apela en trminos generales al periodo medieval, son los mosaicos franceses e italianos
de la undcima y duodcima centuria los que guan preferentemente el discurso del autor. Su-
mado al factor espacial y cronolgico, se impone asimismo un parmetro tcnico, al centrar el
estudio en las manifestaciones del opus tessellatum. Con todo, no son ignoradas otras tcnicas
de pavimentado, como las soleras marmreas en opus sectile, frecuentemente combinadas con
las anteriores.
El volumen se inicia con una introduccin que delinea brevemente el descubri-
miento del mosaico pavimental en el siglo XIX, las primeras aproximaciones cientcas e in-
cipientes catalogaciones y los principales hitos en la investigacin de las ltimas dcadas. Tras
este prlogo, el texto queda estructurado en dos partes diferenciadas de extensin semejante.
La primera aglutina cuatro captulos cuya lectura conjunta ofrece una pormenorizada visin del
mosaico de pavimento como manifestacin artstica en la Edad Media. El inicial, Tmoignages
mdivaux (pp. 11-32), tiene por objeto el legado textual medieval acerca de esta modalidad del
arte musivo. Si Isidoro o Telo nos introducen en la tcnica del mosaico, crnicas, sermones
y composiciones poticas dan cabida a descripciones de ejemplares verdicos o imaginados. La
principal vala del captulo estriba en compilar fuentes de enfoque y caracteres diversos, eles
transmisoras de la mirada del contemporneo, cuya atencin se detiene con frecuencia en el
valor alegrico de las imgenes desplegadas en los suelos.
El segundo captulo, Un art pour le sol : dnition, excution, emplacement, com-
mande (pp. 33-60), se adentra en el proceso creativo del mosaico. Tras realizar una clasi-
cacin tcnica de los diversos tipos de pavimentado, se recorren las distintas instancias de la
denicin material de la obra. En primer lugar, sus componentes fsicos, los procedimientos de
ejecucin y la organizacin del trabajo. La labor de pavimentado era una empresa colectiva,
conada a operarios que trabajaban simultneamente, aun de forma independiente, en zonas
diferenciadas. La dinmica del taller no impidi que aorasen personalidades individuales en
las inscripciones, revelando una consciencia del prestigio que entraaba tal empresa. Sin renun-
ciar a los datos proporcionados por la arqueologa y los estudios tcnicos, el anlisis prima la
evidencia material aportada por la propia obra. El examen concreto de casos escogidos, mejor
documentados, permite ilustrar un panorama ms amplio.
Seguidamente, se abordan el problema del encargo y la gura del promotor, cuya im-
plicacin en la materializacin del proyecto, tanto en lo econmico como en su denicin artsti-
ca, plantea numerosas incgnitas. El examen se realiza a partir de las inscripciones presentes en
los mosaicos consta un nico caso de donante egiado; ante personalidades mejor delineadas
biogrcamente, se aproxima su perl a los programas que pudieron auspiciar. La contextuali-
zacin topogrca y ritual del pavimento cierra el captulo. Segn se expone, el mosaico y sus
imgenes ritman el espacio y acentan mbitos condicionados por la articulacin arquitectnica
del templo. Una de las impresiones perseguidas por el revestimiento teselado del suelo fue la
imitacin ptrea de piezas textiles, conrmada por la comunidad de repertorios entre ambas
artes y el efecto de alfombras tendidas, incluso superpuestas, que muestran algunos pavimentos.
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El captulo tercero, Des images pour le sol. Une iconographie du pavement
(pp. 61-154) se dedica ntegramente al aparato icnico de las soleras. El estudio iconogrco
de tan amplio corpus constituye una tarea compleja ante la dicultad de establecer generalida-
des. La aproximacin inicial a la dimensin programtica de los conjuntos, fundamentada en
casos escogidos, no permite una valoracin global del problema, si bien quedan constatados los
ejes temticos dominantes: Antiguo Testamento, imaginario animal, imago mundi y visiones
del tiempo y del cosmos. Cada uno de estos y otros asuntos recibe la atencin del autor en las
pginas sucesivas. El anlisis iconogrco atiende a los precedentes y paralelos en otros mosai-
cos o en el conjunto de las artes plsticas, y procura esclarecer el sentido preciso de los temas
en los ejemplos estudiados, abordando los problemas de identicacin que plantean motivos
o guras concretas. En algunos casos se desciende a niveles verdaderamente pormenorizados,
como en el estudio del amputado con prtesis de la catedral de Lescar o de los bienaven-
turados Elas y Enoc del mosaico de la abada de Cruas, mientras que en otros el discurso se
mantiene en un registro panormico. La aparente irregularidad en el tratamiento de los temas
no es tal si se considera que los casos analizados con ms profundidad suelen guardar correlato
con su mayor incidencia porcentual o singularidad iconogrca.
Entre los temas bblicos reciben atencin particular las escenas paradisacas, las
imgenes de profetas, la representacin de Beln y Jerusaln, o personajes concretos como
Adn y Eva, Sansn, David y Salomn. Tras una escueta mencin a la hagiografa, el autor se
ocupa de la temtica profana y su plasmacin gurativa (mitologa, fbula, historia, actividades
ldicas), con especial referencia a las imgenes de la Ascensin de Alejandro.
Al igual que en el resto de manifestaciones artsticas romnicas, el bestiario cons-
tituye uno de los repertorios predominantes del mosaico pavimental. En el presente estudio
se expone brevemente el fundamento textual de la concepcin medieval de cada animal y su
denicin icnica. El autor valora la presencia teriomrca en funcin de su popularidad en
las fuentes escritas. Con todo, independientemente de la contribucin de la fauna a la cons-
truccin del universo alegrico del interior del templo, no puede olvidarse la conveniencia
ad decorem de la imagen animal y su adecuacin a la expresin de magnicencia. Valores
que, ms all de la carga semntica asumida por el bestiario, correspondan a un arte consi-
derado paradigma de prestigio y suntuosidad.
El conocimiento geogrco y cosmolgico alcanza su mxima expresin en sola-
dos como el de la capilla episcopal de Die y, singularmente, en la descripcin del pavimento
palatino de Baudri de Bourgueil, evocada con asiduidad a lo largo del texto. Al examinar la
decoracin vegetal y geomtrica, reelaborada a partir de la gramtica ornamental antigua, dos
aspectos retienen el inters del autor: las claves cronolgicas que aporta y su posible sentido
iconogrco, cuestiones de actualidad en las investigaciones sobre el rol de este tipo de reperto-
rios. Como complemento al rastreo de su presencia en otras artes, un catlogo de motivos orna-
mentales extrado de los ejemplares franceses comparece al nal del volumen (gs. 378-380).
Por ltimo, se retoma la cuestin del programa en el contexto gurativo del templo:
la complementariedad o reiteracin de ciclos, las divergencias con la decoracin absidal y las
analogas del pavimento con las fachadas esculpidas y los ciclos murales. El autor constata la
ausencia de reglas en el emplazamiento de los temas, salvo la tendencia de aproximar la ico-
nografa bblica al rea del altar y las reticencias a desplegar imgenes teofnicas y visiones
sintticas en los suelos.
El cuarto captulo, Style et chronologie. volution gnrale (pp. 155-211), traza
un itinerario crono-espacial por el arte del mosaico pavimental. Antes de acometer tal recorrido,
se dedica un primer epgrafe a los mosaicos datados por inscripciones, complementado por un
catlogo en anexo de formas epigrcas francesas (g. 381). Las reexiones ulteriores acerca
de la relacin texto-imagen, la funcin de los letreros y su valor identicativo o explicativo,
pese a su inters, no aportan referencias para la datacin y caracterizacin formal de los ejem-
plares, por lo cual quiz habran tenido una cabida ms lgica en el captulo previo.
Las grandes lneas de la evolucin cronolgica y regional del mosaico conforman
tres bloques: los principales ejemplos y grupos que ilustran la continuidad de las tradiciones de
la Antigedad en la Alta Edad Media prembulo a la expansin de los siglos centrales del me-
dievo; las primeras realizaciones romnicas del siglo XI; y la autonoma y diversidad regional
del arte musivo en el siglo XII. La secuencia temporal propuesta atiende a aspectos tcnicos,
RESEAS 345
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de repertorio y estilsticos, estableciendo grupos por analoga en funcin de las demarcacio-
nes geogrcas y de jalones cronolgicos contrastados. El autor dedica a continuacin dos
apartados a la consideracin particular de ciertas modalidades. En primer lugar, los mosaicos
funerarios, tratados como ejemplo de continuidad y renovacin de tradiciones previas; segui-
damente, los pavimentos cosmatescos y los laberintos de iglesias, dos fenmenos que dieren
del mosaico teselado, si bien guardan relaciones de concepto con este. La lnea evolutiva que
preside el captulo es retomada al analizar la difusin de las tcnicas de pavimentado en el resto
de Occidente de Catalua a Renania o Inglaterra y en el Mediterrneo Oriental, con atencin
a mbitos de conuencia como Sicilia y Montecassino. El recorrido se cierra con la desapari-
cin del opus tessellatum occidental, sucedido por otras tcnicas al trmino de los siglos del
romnico.
Como colofn, se aborda una cuestin de gran inters: los prstamos entre el mosai-
co y otras artes gurativas escultura monumental, pintura mural, vidriera y, particularmente,
textiles y manuscritos, fuentes primordiales de inspiracin, sin olvidar las leyes y condicio-
nantes propios del arte musivo en la valoracin de estos intercambios artsticos. Las analogas
se hacen patentes en la organizacin compositiva de las soleras, mediante la adopcin de es-
quemas como el de las rotatas, y se verican en el plano estilstico e iconogrco fundamen-
talmente a escala local.
La segunda parte de la publicacin Gographie de la mosaque de pavement ro-
mane (pp. 213-373) est conformada por un exhaustivo catlogo en el que se consigna un
total de ciento sesenta y cinco ejemplares, sesenta franceses y ciento cinco italianos, incluidos
aquellos desaparecidos conocidos a partir de las fuentes. El criterio seguido para la sistematiza-
cin catalogrca del corpus es la clasicacin regional. Para ello se contemplan grandes reas
geogrcas subdivididas en mbitos territoriales de extensin diversa, desde amplias regiones
como Poitou o Toscana a localidades cuyo amplio patrimonio musivo les otorga entidad propia.
El lector puede echar en falta que el listado de mosaicos catalogados no se explicite en el ndice
general de la obra, habiendo de conformarse en su defecto con la lista de ilustraciones o con el
ndice toponmico nal que aglutina las menciones a cada ejemplar.
A los distintos focos regionales les corresponde una pequea introduccin que pre-
cede al grupo de pavimentos estudiado. En cada entrada, enunciada por el nombre de la lo-
calidad, el autor ofrece una descripcin en la que se identican los temas representados y se
consignan las inscripciones existentes. El encuadre cronolgico se apoya en el conocimiento
del promotor de la obra o en comparaciones con otros ejemplares de cronologa ms certera.
Ocasionalmente se recoge la supercie del mosaico, y no se olvidan los datos tcnicos. Resulta
de gran inters la informacin relativa a los avatares del pavimento, singularmente su historia
arqueolgica, imprescindible para su adecuada valoracin. El contenido de las entradas supera
el mero estado de la cuestin y se adentra en la problemtica especca de cada ejemplar, posi-
cionndose respecto a estudios previos al solventar, por ejemplo, la identicacin de temas du-
dosos o subsanar cronologas. Este tipo de anlisis es facilitado por el sistema continuo de notas
al pie mantenido en esta parte del volumen, distinto al formato de aparato crtico incorporado
en las chas de catlogo al uso. Dicha opcin permite simultanear la bibliografa especca de
cada ejemplar con las referencias precisas a otros estudios implicados en las discusiones. Como
resultado, la extensin de cada entrada es variable, atendiendo a la categora y problemtica del
pavimento en cuestin.
La bibliografa incluida al trmino del texto (pp. 381-391) es tan slo una seleccin
representativa del profuso cmulo de publicaciones citadas en nota al pie a lo largo del volu-
men. La especicidad, pertinencia y abundancia de los ttulos manejados atestigua la categora
cientca de la obra. En lo que respecta al aparato grco, la riqueza de ilustraciones, prximas
a cuatrocientas, permite un idneo seguimiento del texto y ofrece un copioso muestrario prdi-
go en pormenores, con un nmero signicativo de fotografas en color. Entre los aciertos de la
publicacin gura la elevada cantidad de diseos que reproducen los solados en su integridad.
Facilitan una percepcin global, dicultada in situ por las circunstancias de contemplacin y la
propia topografa templaria, posibilitando, en consecuencia, el estudio de la composicin visual
de los mosaicos y de la organizacin de sus programas.
Quiz la principal objecin que pueda hacerse a tan meritorio estudio resida en la
organizacin del caudal de informacin presente en la primera parte del volumen, no siempre
346 RESEAS
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evidente para el lector. Afortunadamente, la posible dispersin de los contenidos queda atenua-
da por la atenta indexacin temtica y nominal incluida al nal del volumen. La abundancia de
ndices de diferentes naturaleza, desde los toponmicos y onomsticos ms habituales a otros
especializados (artistas y promotores, fuentes textuales, temas y atributos iconogrcos), hacen
de la obra un verdadero til de consulta y permiten una rpida localizacin de la informacin.
Las casi cuatrocientas pginas a doble columna en las que Xavier Barral desgrana
todos los aspectos sealados son el resultado maduro de aos de investigacin avalada por
cuantiosas monografas y artculos publicados en las ltimas dcadas. El estudio directo de los
ejemplares, el espigado de las fuentes y la vasta erudicin reejada en el aparato crtico son
los pilares que sustentan una obra de gran provecho para el estudio de la musivaria y de otras
manifestaciones artsticas. Al reivindicar el lugar del mosaico pavimental entre las produccio-
nes monumentales plenomedievales, la publicacin proporcionar nuevos puntos de vista que
enriquecern nuestra concepcin del arte creado en los siglos del romnico.
FRANCISCO DE ASS GARCA GARCA
Gemma Teresa COLESANTI, Una mujer de negocios catalana en la Sicilia del siglo
XV: Caterina Llull i Sabastida. Estudio y edicin de su Libro Maestro 1472-1479, Barcelona,
Instituci Mil i Fontanals (CSIC), 2008, 900 pp. (Anuario de estudios medievales. Anejo; 65).
ISBN 978-84-00-08642-8.
La edicin rigurosa de una fuente indita supone siempre una gran dosis de gene-
rosidad. Si adems dicha edicin va acompaada de un estudio documentado, sustentado por
un aparato bibliogrco amplio, y ofrece a la comunidad lectora claves imprescindibles para
la contextualizacin y apreciacin del contenido y aportaciones de dicha fuente, puede decirse
que se trata de un esfuerzo encomiable. Todos estos aspectos convergen en el trabajo intere-
santsimo que Gemma Colesanti afront en su tesis doctoral, dirigida por la Dra. Elisa Varela.
Colesanti analiza fundamentalmente, pero no slo, el primer libro de cuentas de los
cuatro que se conservan de una gran mercadera catalana que vivi entre Sicilia y Barcelona en
la segunda mitad del siglo XV: Caterina Llull i abastida. A este libro maestro, correspondien-
te a los aos 1472-1479, nico hasta la fecha que cubre este perodo tanto para Sicilia como
para Catalua, conservado en el archivo del Palau de San Cugat del Valls, sigui un rastreo
sistemtico de la mercadera por otros depsitos en los que caba la posibilidad de hallar ms
informaciones sobre Caterina. As, por ejemplo, Gemma Colesanti indag en los Archivos de la
Corona de Aragn y de Protocolos Notariales de Barcelona, en los que localiz importantes pie-
zas documentales, como el testamento de Caterina o parte de la correspondencia sostenida entre
sta y su hermana Joana Llull, residente en Barcelona. Tambin afront la tarea de averiguacin
en diversos archivos italianos, como el Comunal de Lentini, el Archivio di Stato de Siracusa o
el de Palermo, en donde las imprescindibles pesquisas resultaron poco o nada fructferas.
Presentadas las fuentes, Gemma Colesanti realiza un minucioso estudio codicolgi-
co y paleogrco del libro maestro (pp. 25-47), para, acto seguido, centrarse en el personaje de
Caterina Llull y del mundo en el que vivi y desarroll sus actividades de todo gnero. En este
sentido, las noticias proporcionadas por su libro de cuentas, entrecruzadas con la correspon-
dencia mantenida con su hermana y el anlisis de sus ltimas voluntades nos permiten conocer
a una gran operadora econmica bajomedieval; una mujer que, tras enviudar, se convirti en
una duea poderosa, que residi habitualmente en el castillo de Brucoli, en Sicilia, y no slo
como castellana, sino tambin con la nalidad de controlar de cerca los movimientos que
se realizaban en uno de los muelles de carga de grano ms importantes de Val di Noto. De ah
que resulten de suma utilidad los mapas sicilianos que Colesanti incluye en las pp. 230 y 231.
Caterina Llull, perteneciente a una de las familias del patriciado urbano barcelons,
contrajo matrimonio hacia 1460 con el mercader y funcionario Joan Sabastida. Ambos se tras-
ladaron a Siracusa poco despus, en donde l fue encargado de la presidencia de la Cmara de
la Reina en Sicilia. Del matrimonio nacieron tres hijas y un hijo que, a su vez, entroncaran con
notables familias de la Corona de Aragn. En 1471, a raz de la muerte del marido, Caterina
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Llull, como tantas otras seoras de su poca, adquiri un protagonismo decisivo al convertirse
en gestora y administradora de los bienes y responsabilidades familiares. Tambin, como otras
viudas notables, ingres en su viudez embarcada en un pleito para defender los derechos que
trataban de arrebatarle.
La educacin de Caterina responda en lneas generales a lo que hoy sabemos
todava poco de las mujeres de su grupo social: una formacin religiosa y moral muy cui-
dada, buenas maneras, lectura y algo menos de escritura, todo ello necesario para el correcto
manejo de una familia notable. Sus actuaciones y la nica carta autgrafa de Caterina nos
la muestran como una mujer de mentalidad mercantil y pragmtica, atenta a preservar desde
Sicilia sus intereses en Catalua, en donde su hermana acta como informadora y valedora
cmplice y representante. Caterina llevaba las riendas de sus negocios personalmente, rodeada
y asesorada por un reducido y el grupo de colaboradores y colaboradoras. Atenta a las uc-
tuaciones del mercado, al valor y cambio de las monedas y a las oportunidades que brinda la
oferta y la demanda, el crculo afectivo-mercantil o familiar-empresarial se muestra como una
realidad nica. Personajes como el escribano Andreu de la Vera, el mercader Perot Pardo o los
banqueros Marquet, Aiutamecrito, Carelli o los Salmons, entre otros, resultan habituales en sus
mltiples transacciones de grano, esclavos o paos. Caterina posea tambin una carabela y un
hostal. Se trata, sin lugar a dudas, de una sobresaliente mujer de negocios que manejaba con
soltura contratos de seguros, etes, comandas y letras de cambio, es decir, los instrumentos que
permitan realizar operaciones de miles de onzas. Una mujer capaz de moverse hbilmente en
los diferentes circuitos del mercado, desde el local hasta el internacional.
Por otro lado, la documentacin ha permitido a Gemma Colesanti conocer bien la
cotidianeidad de Caterina y de la familia encabezada por ella, desde la alimentacin hasta la ves-
timenta, desde las prcticas religiosas y los focos devocionales de la seora hasta los cultivos
del huerto domstico y los proveedores habituales de la casa.
Las tablas de las compras y de las ventas (pp. 123-153), la abundante bibliografa
manejada (pp. 157-194), la transcripcin del testamento de Caterina, as como de diferentes
hojas sueltas halladas en el Archivo de Protocolos Notariales de Barcelona (pp. 197-229), y
la transcripcin completa del libro maestro de 1472-1479 (pp. 235-900), nos brindan, junto
al cuidadoso estudio precedente, la posibilidad de descubrir en accin a una gran operadora
econmica bajomedieval, un tipo de mercadera potente, apenas visible historiogrcamente
cuando Gemma Colesanti inici su investigacin, pero que est llamado a convertirse en una de
las nuevas incorporaciones a la Historia que realicemos en el siglo XXI.
MARA DEL CARMEN GARCA HERRERO
Concepcin COSMEN ALONSO, M Victoria HERREZ ORTEGA, Mara PELLN G-
MEZ-CALCERRADA (coords.), El intercambio artstico entre los reinos hispanos y las cortes
europeas en la baja edad media, Len, Universidad de Len, 2009, 429 pp. ISBN 978-84-
9773-463-9.
Este libro es el resultado de un congreso celebrado en Len en el ao 2007 con el
objetivo de profundizar en el papel de las Cortes europeas como promotoras artsticas y su
protagonismo en el desarrollo e introduccin de nuevas corrientes artsticas a travs de sus
relaciones diplomticas, comerciales o familiares.
M Victoria Herrez, catedrtica de la Universidad de Len, realiza una breve pre-
sentacin del volumen, compuesto por veintitrs artculos que abordan la cuestin de las re-
laciones entre las Cortes europeas y los intercambios artsticos durante la Baja Edad Media
desde puntos de vista muy diversos. Se abordan cuestiones generales, como las relaciones di-
plomticas entre Castilla y los reinos europeos, el papel de los regalos en el desarrollo artstico
peninsular o la presencia de artistas extranjeros en las distintas cortes. Pero tambin se incluyen
estudios concretos, sobre una obra, un modelo iconogrco o formal o un promotor especco.
Los artculos estn ordenados siguiendo un criterio geogrco, con bloques dedicados al reino
de Castilla y Len, a la Corona de Aragn, al reino de Navarra y, por ltimo al de Portugal.
348 RESEAS
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El bloque castellano se inaugura con un estudio de Jos Manuel Nieto Soria de-
dicado a La dimensin cultural de la diplomacia castellano-leonesa en la poca trastmara
(pp. 15-28) en el que analiza la presencia de una relevante dimensin cultural de las relaciones
diplomticas a medida que nos acercamos a nes de la Edad Media. El autor arma que el
humanismo emergente encontr una va de expansin en las actividades diplomticas que se
intensicaron a lo largo del siglo XV y destaca el papel de los embajadores en este proceso.
La importancia de la diplomacia como espacio para los intercambios artsticos tam-
bin es destacada por Juan Manuel Martn Garca en El pintor Antonio Ingls y la embajada
inglesa en Espaa en 1489 (pp. 151-164). A partir del estudio de las embajadas inglesas en Cas-
tilla, y especialmente de aquella en la que lleg a la Pennsula el pintor Antonio Ingls, incide
en el papel de difusin artstica en el seno de las misiones diplomticas. Habra que destacar el
apndice documental en el que publica las cuentas de Sancho Paredes y Gonzalo Baeza, base
para la atribucin de distintos retratos cortesanos al pintor.
Rafael Lpez Guzmn se aproxima a las Relaciones artsticas entre el sultanato
nazar y el reino de Castilla, (pp. 83-102). Como los autores anteriores, valora el papel de la
diplomacia en los intercambios culturales, pero seala otras vas: el comercio de bienes artsti-
cos, la ocupacin de las ciudades islmicas, y el papel de los conversos y los mozrabes como
puente cultural. Reivindica el arte mudjar y la posibilidad de que este inuyera en lo granadi-
no, posicionndose as dentro de uno de los debates ms activos de los ltimos aos en el campo
de los intercambios artsticos entre Castilla y Granada.
Otro aspecto interesante es el de las relaciones por medio de las instituciones y gu-
ras religiosas. Y as, en la asimilacin de los modelos artsticos y culturales europeos fue fun-
damental el papel de los prelados y obispos que en ocasiones ejercieron de embajadores ante la
Santa Sede, favoreciendo la integracin en Castilla de modelos italianos, tal y como muestra el
texto de Carmen Rebollo, dedicado al Patronazgo de los prelados castellanos: la inuencia ita-
liana en la pintura cortesana en torno a 1400 (pp. 127- 142). La autora analiza un conjunto de
pinturas, al fresco y sobre tabla, a travs de las que estudia la aceptacin del lenguaje formal
del gtico internacional en la corte y el papel que determinados eclesisticos, especialmente los
obispos Tenorio y Rojas, tuvieron en la transmisin de estos modelos artsticos
En el mbito de la miniatura, Fernando Villaseor estudia la gura de Juan Ruiz de
Medina, Regio Oratori in Romana Curia, y un conjunto de sus incunables miniados (pp. 239-
252). Embajador de los reyes ante la Santa Sede, adquiri varios incunables durante su estancia
en Roma que muestran cmo este personaje se impregn del ambiente artstico romano.
Por su parte, Dolores Teijeira profundiza en la relacin iglesia-monarqua y su re-
ejo en el arte, concretamente en la sillera de la catedral de Len hacia 1464, con la llegada
del artista Juan de Malinas y el nombramiento del obispo Veneriis, hombre grato tanto al papa
como al rey, en Las relaciones de Enrique IV de Castilla con la corte papal y su inuencia en
el arte: el caso de la sillera leonesa (pp. 143-150).
Ms all de las relaciones diplomticas y del protagonismo de algunos prelados, es
fundamental el papel dominante de la monarqua en el desarrollo de determinadas corrientes
culturales. Este tema es abordado desde la literatura por Fernando Gmez Redondo en Doa
Mara de Molina y el primer modelo cultural castellano (pp. 29-46). Centra su estudio en el
molinismo, denido como un mbito de referencias literarias que trataba de mantener la me-
moria regia tras la muerte de Sancho IV. Analiza las crnicas reales como textos literarios (algo
relativamente reciente en los anlisis historiogrcos) y las compara con otras obras coetneas,
especialmente con el libro del Zifar, que aparece como sintetizador del saber religioso y poltico
de doa Mara de Molina.
Didier Martens, en Isabelle la Catholique et la fondation dune esththique hispano-
amande: une approche typologique (pp. 165-190), estudia la tipologa de algunos retablos en-
cargados por la Reina Catlica a travs de los que se puede observar una voluntad de conciliar
el elemento amenco con las tradiciones hispanas y realizar una verdadera sntesis. Se centra
especialmente en el conocido como retablo de Isabel la Catlica, versin amenca del retablo
hispano, iniciador de un modelo que marc la pintura espaola durante el siglo XVI.
Por su parte, Teresa Laguna se centra en Alfonso X el Sabio y en la fundacin de
la capilla de los Reyes en Sevilla como testimonio de las realidades y aspiraciones de la mo-
narqua castellano-leonesa en El Imperio y la Corona de Castilla: la visita a la capilla de los
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Reyes de Sevilla en 1500 (pp. 217-238). Publica un apndice documental (pp. 231-237) con el
inventario de joyas y ornamentos de la capilla que se realiz en enero de 1500 y que le sirve
para profundizar en el estudio de obras hoy desaparecidas.
Frente a estos estudios centrados en las guras de los promotores, otro conjunto de
artculos se dedican a la recepcin de modelos de tradicin fornea. La asimilacin de modelos
franceses es estudiada por Luca Lahoz en La recepcin de la galera de reyes en el gtico hispano.
El caso de la catedral de Ciudad Rodrigo (pp. 47-66), donde analiza las particularidades icono-
grcas de este ejemplo en los territorios hispanos para concluir que la adopcin de este modelo
galo estuvo llena de intenciones, y que expone el contexto poltico monrquico en el que se inserta.
Por su parte, Mara Pelln analiza El yacente de Sancho en la catedral de Toledo:
una promocin artstica de tradicin francesa (pp. 67-82). Contextualiza el encargo de este
sepulcro y atribuye este yacente a un taller francs, posiblemente parisino que, o bien tena en
cuenta las tendencias burgalesas del momento o bien haba trabajado en Burgos previamente.
Tambin David Chao recoge un ejemplo de tradicin francesa en la escultura fune-
raria castellana, en este caso La imagen orante de Pedro I: la importacin de un modelo trans-
pirenaico (pp. 103-126). El autor relaciona esta imagen genuexa de Pedro I con el ncleo ar-
tstico francoborgon, pero destaca su papel pionero en Europa como sustituto del yacente, en
relacin con las particularidades devocionales castellanas en el contexto de la devotio moderna.
Centrada en las frmulas iconogrcas franco-neerlandesas, Dorothee Heim profun-
diza en los Instrumentos de propaganda poltica borgoona al servicio de los Reyes Catlicos:
los relieves de la guerra de Granada en la sillera de la catedral de Toledo (pp. 203-216).
Relaciona dichos relieves con modelos franconeerlandeses de la poca de Felipe el Bueno,
especialmente tapices y manuscritos, empleados por el duque para justicar y legitimar sus
ambiciones polticas.
Ms all de las inuencias francesas, Patricia Sela del Pozo estudia uno de los mo-
delos iconogrcos ms extendidos por toda Europa, la Misa de San Gregorio, en Intercam-
bio artstico y relaciones iconogrcas en Castilla: la Misa de San Gregorio (pp. 191-202).
Compara especialmente dos obras, una del museo de Cluny, otra de la antigua coleccin Roda
(indita), para concluir que las relaciones entre el grabado y el leo en el norte de Europa fueron
fructferas, alcanzando tambin las zonas meridionales de Europa.
El bloque dedicado a la Corona de Aragn se inaugura con el estudio de Francesca
Espaol Artistas y obras entre la Corona de Aragn y el reino de Francia (pp. 253-294). En l
registra la presencia de artistas franceses y obras forneas en los territorios del reino aragons
y subraya su importante papel en la introduccin del nuevo modelo formal en torno a 1300. No
slo analiza obras de arte concretas, sino tambin los usos cortesanos y las divisas.
Frente a esta frontera de 1300, Francesc Fit y Alberto Velasco sitan su estudio en
la de 1400 con la penetracin del gtico internacional, gracias nuevamente a artistas forneos,
igualmente franceses. En El intercambio artstico en Catalua y su eco en Lleida: la actividad
del escultor Marin Baudry (pp. 309-319) documentan la actividad del escultor francs, Marin
Baudry, activo en la catedral de Lleida y proponen su identicacin con un escultor homnimo
que trabaj en la fachada de la catedral de Toulouse.
Matilde Miquel y Joan Valero se centran en las relaciones artsticas entre la Corona
de Aragn y Francia. La primera, en Avin, foco artstico para la Valencia del siglo XIV. El
papel del obispo Vidal de Blanes (pp. 321-331), destaca la importancia de la sede avionesa
en la evolucin artstica de Valencia durante el obispado de Vidal de Blanes, cuya capilla fu-
neraria identica con el aula capitular de Valencia, realizada entre 1356 y 1369. Por su parte
Joan Valero en Ecos de una iconograa francesa de la imago pietatis en la Corona de Aragn,
examina una particular composicin de la imago pietatis, aquella en la que el ngel sostiene por
detrs a Cristo, desarrollada en los talleres parisinos a partir del ltimo tercio del siglo XIV y su
incorporacin en los distintos territorios de la Corona de Aragn.
Las inuencias francesas junto a las inglesas son la base del estudio de Marta Serra-
no Inuencias artsticas europeas en la cancillera de la Corona de Aragn: algunos ejemplos
de sigilografa (pp. 295-308). En l, la autora analiza la iconografa en los sellos, manifestacin
de la autoridad monrquica y vehculo de la propaganda, y concluye que los intercambios ar-
tsticos se produjeron en varias direcciones: la sigilografa aragonesa se inspir en modelos
forneos, pero a su vez pudo servir como modelo para otras cancilleras.
350 RESEAS
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Federico Iborra se centra en las relaciones con Italia en Notas sobre la arquitectura
de los reinos de Valencia y Npoles en poca de Alfonso el Magnnimo: portadas y artesonados
(pp. 365-378). A travs del estudio de estos dos elementos en Npoles, deende la originalidad
de las soluciones artsticas napolitanas que, en muchos casos, poseen ciertamente un origen
hispnico, pero que se desarrollan de forma autnoma, llegando a inuir a su vez en el arte
peninsular.
Dentro de este bloque dedicado a Aragn, pero con unos lmites geogrcos mucho
ms extensos, Joan Domenge analiza los Regalos suntuarios: Jean de Berry y las cortes hispa-
nas (pp. 343-363). El autor destaca la importancia de los regalos suntuarios entre cortes como
forma de transmisin de piezas, formas y modelos y profundiza en el ejemplo del duque de
Berry y sus intercambios con las distintas cortes hispanas.
La obra se cierra con dos ltimas aportaciones dedicadas al reino de Navarra y al
de Portugal respectivamente. En La rueda de la fortuna Carlos III el Noble de Navarra (1387-
1425) en Pars, de rehn a promotor de las artes (pp. 379-405), Javier Martnez de Aguirre
documenta exhaustivamente las cuatro estancias en Francia de Carlos III, sus relaciones fami-
liares y polticas con la corte francesa y la dimensin artstica que estas relaciones adquieren:
compras de obras de arte, contratacin de artistas y eleccin de modelos a imitar. Termina va-
lorando hasta qu punto inuy este contacto con las cortes francesas en el desarrollo artstico
de Navarra.
Por su parte, Jos Custodio Vieira estudia los yacentes portugueses del siglo XIV en
A construao de uma imagem. Jacentes de nobres portugueses do sculo XIV (pp. 407-429).
Analiza la construccin de una imagen social, la armacin de la memoria y de la individuali-
dad de los nobles a travs de esta manifestacin artstica y destaca la gran inversin de recursos
de todos los miembros de la nobleza.
Esta obra supone un importante avance en la valoracin del papel de los promotores
medievales en la realizacin de las obras de arte, dentro de una corriente historiogrca que
se ha comenzado a desarrollar en las ltimas dos dcadas. La actuacin de los reyes y altos
personajes de la corte y sus relaciones con otras cortes suscitaron complejos y dinmicos pro-
cesos de intercambio como los que este libro expone. Resulta interesante la variedad de aproxi-
maciones, desde planteamientos generalistas a estudios de casos concretos en el campo de la
pintura, escultura, arquitectura, miniatura, orfebrera, etc. as como el intento de abarcar todos
los reinos peninsulares. Es cierto que el espacio dedicado a cada uno de ellos no es uniforme
y Navarra y Portugal estn representados por un nico estudio pero, como la coordinadora de
la publicacin indica, no se pretende agotar el tema, sino abordarlo desde una multiplicidad
de puntos de vista y disciplinas. Esperemos que esta obra, que representa un gran avance en la
historiografa suponga una llamada de atencin para desarrollar nuevos aspectos en el campo
de los intercambios artsticos.
ELENA PAULINO MONTERO
Luisa DARIENZO, La presenza italiana in Spagna al tempo di Colombo, Roma,
Istituto Poligraco e Zecca dello Stato, 2010, 425 pp. (Nuova Raccolta Colombiana; 14). ISBN
978-88-24-0105-3.
La Nuova Raccolta Colombiana es probablemente la iniciativa ms ambiciosa
planteada en Italia para la celebracin del V Centenario del Descubrimiento de Amrica, un
formidable intento de reunir en varios volmenes elaborados por reputados especialistas la
aportacin de la pennsula vecina a tan magno acontecimiento. En el diseo de los volmenes
que articulan la serie era ineludible un acercamiento a la presencia de los italianos en la Penn-
sula Ibrica, dividido entre Portugal y Espaa. Del primero, volumen XIV de la coleccin, se
RESEAS 351
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encarg la profesora DArienzo
1
, mientras que el segundo estaba encomendado a Alberto Bos-
colo. Sin embargo, la desaparicin del eximio profesor (1987) cuando apenas haba esbozado
los captulos iniciales trunc el proyecto. Como solucin de emergencia y para que no quedara
un vaco en el planteamiento general de la obra su discpula, la profesora DArienzo, acept
hacerse cargo del volumen. Vaya por delante pues el reconocimiento al esfuerzo desarrollado.
A diferencia del volumen dedicado a Portugal, el presente plantea una serie de pro-
blemas metodolgicos complejos para los que no siempre se ofrece una solucin satisfactoria.
El primero de ellos es el espacio abarcado. A diferencia de la medievalstica espaola, siempre
sensible a las diferentes realidades polticas peninsulares, la historiografa italiana emplea con
frecuencia el topnimo Espaa, con los mltiples problemas que plantea su uso en poca ba-
jomedieval, incluyendo el reinado de los Reyes Catlicos. En realidad, los resultados ofrecidos
por la profesora DArienzo se centran exclusivamente en la Corona de Castilla, y ms concre-
tamente en Sevilla y Cdiz. Las referencias a otros polos clsicos de la presencia italiana en la
Pennsula (Barcelona y Valencia en la Corona de Aragn, Mlaga en el Reino de Granada) son
puramente transversales. Si bien se trata de un planteamiento que responde en sus lneas gene-
rales a la realidad de los intereses italianos, centrados en la Andaluca atlntica, a la postre se
desvirta inevitablemente la imagen de conjunto a la que deba aspirar inicialmente el volumen.
Adems, cabe sealar otro problema de partida importante: ms de la mitad de los
captulos que componen la obra en concreto siete de once, honestamente sealados son tra-
bajos publicados previamente en un arco cronolgico extenso, que abarca desde mediados de
la dcada de 1980 hasta mediados de la del 2000. Se trata de una circunstancia que, indudable-
mente, desequilibra la estructura de la obra, temtica y cronolgicamente, pues al nal carece
de un hilo conductor denido ms all del ttulo e internamente se articula en funcin de las
investigaciones llevadas a cabo por la autora, aunque sin un criterio unitario ni particular-
mente integrador.
En este sentido, y dada la vastedad del argumento tratado, se echa en falta en pri-
mer lugar una introduccin, una declaracin de intenciones, que justicara entre otras cosas el
marco cronolgico abarcado pues, aunque la autora se centra eminentemente en poca colom-
bina, no faltan referencias a los datos proporcionados por el Archivo Datini a caballo entre los
siglos XIV y XV a travs de la obra de Federigo Melis, ni a las operaciones desarrolladas por
italianos en el Nuevo Mundo, ya bien entrado el siglo XVI. A buen seguro se hubiera reducido
la imagen fragmentaria sobre la presencia italiana en Espaa en tiempos de Coln y hubiera
complementado el captulo inicial, que muy oportunamente aborda un tema tan espinoso como
el de los Problemi di diplomatica internazionale fra le colonie italiane di area andalusa in
et colombiana. Archivi, Notai, Documenti. En l se desarrollan de forma complementaria
dicultades abordadas previamente en otra sede y que afronta todo investigador que trate las
relaciones entre Castilla y los Estados italianos renacentistas
2
. Sin embargo, llama la atencin
que la autora no mencione la polmica respecto a si la escasez de noticias sobre orentinos en
los protocolos se deba a que no recurran al notario, como sostena Federigo Melis, o a que la
comunidad toscana era muy reducida en nmero y con escaso peso en las operaciones comer-
ciales, al menos antes de 1485, como armaba por el contrario Consuelo Varela. Habiendo recu-
rrido a una tipologa documental tan amplia en Espaa, Italia y Portugal hubiera sido interesante
conocer su opinin al respecto.
El carcter sinttico y reexivo que dene el captulo dedicado a La presenza ita-
liana in Portogallo e nella Spagna meridionale allepoca di Colombo, en el que ni siquiera hay
aparato crtico, sino una bibliografa sucinta, habra estado mejor situado como colofn que al
inicio de la obra. Una vez ms, dada la envergadura del trabajo, se echa en falta un captulo de
cierre, adems de la bibliografa reunida en el apartado correspondiente. Ms all de la ancdota
por homonimia, tampoco se entiende que el siguiente captulo est dedicado a los viajes desde
1
Se trata del volumen XIV de esta coleccin: Luisa DArienzo, La presenza degli italiani in
Portogallo al tempo di Colombo, Roma, 2004.
2
Luisa DArienzo, Problemi diplomatistici tra Genova e Siviglia. Considerazioni sulle fonti
italo-iberiche nel basso medioevo, en Presencia italiana en Andaluca, siglos XIV-XVII. Actas del I
Coloquio Hispano-Italiano, Sevilla, 1985, pp. 187-219.
352 RESEAS
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Lisboa hasta Lameriche (Limerick, en Irlanda), completamente fuera del mbito hispano, ni
que, en vista de las fuentes empleadas (los libros de la compaa Cambini de Florencia), no
comparezca citado el brillante estudio que Sergio Tognetti le dedic, por mucho que la autora
haya accedido directamente a los registros conservados en el Archivio dellOspedale degli In-
nocenti
3
. De la misma manera, el captulo postrero, dedicado al crculo portugus de Cristbal
Coln, habra encontrado mejor destino en el otro volumen de la autora dedicado, como se ha
sealado, a la presencia italiana en el reino luso.
Aun conscientes del predominio de los genoveses entre las naciones italianas, el
papel de toscanos, venecianos y otras nationes queda excesivamente difuso. Como admite la
propia autora, I Toscani sulla via delle Indie allepoca di Cristoforo Colombo no pasa de ser
un cuadro sinttico, sobre todo a la luz de trabajos anteriores como los de Consuelo Varela.
Ms desarrollado est La presenza dei veneziani nel meridione iberico allepoca di Cristoforo
Colombo, que tiene el atractivo y el acierto de separarse de la tentacin de ser articulado en
torno a las informaciones derivadas de la presencia de las mude vnetas para adentrarse en otras
estrategias de asentamiento y operaciones mercantiles. Ambos captulos parten del mismo plan-
teamiento, adecuado a nuestro juicio: la presentacin de fuentes y bibliografa, para exponer
posteriormente datos recabados principalmente del Archivo General de Simancas (especial-
mente en la seccin del Registro General del Sello) y del Archivo de Protocolos de Sevilla,
combinados con bibliografa italiana y espaola. Ms completo e interesante por indito es el
captulo dedicado a Napoletani, siciliani e sardi sulla via delle Indie allepoca di Colombo, en
el que el empleo del mtodo prosopogrco ofrece excelentes resultados.
Es inevitable que surja el interrogante de si no hubiera sido conveniente poner al
da los resultados de algunos de los captulos, aun simplemente con el aadido de un apndice
bibliogrco comentado. Sin duda, ciertas aportaciones de autores como Lpez de Coca Cas-
taer, Bello Len, Igual Luis y Navarro Espinach, por citar slo unos pocos, hubieran ayudado
a completar el conocimiento de los componentes de las comunidades mercantiles y los perles
prosopogrcos de sus miembros ms destacados a lo largo de la obra que, en consecuencia,
adolece de una cierta obsolescencia desde el momento de la publicacin
4
.
Francesco Pinelli banchiere del Papa, collettore e nunzio apostolico in Spagna
allepoca di Cristoforo Colombo, varias veces publicado con y sin el apndice documental
(que en esta ocasin comparece de nuevo), sigue siendo un brillantsimo ejercicio que conrma
las posibilidades de la documentacin vaticana para estudiar la actividad los italianos al servi-
cio de la Santa Sede en suelo ibrico. La autora explota todos los puntos posibles, desde las bu-
las de cruzada para la guerra de Granada y su papel como colector apostlico en Castilla y Len
hasta su implicacin en el comercio del alumbre romano de Tolfa. Asimismo, mantiene toda su
vigencia el estudio igualmente conocido de Le colonie genovesi di Siviglie, Cadice, Jerez e
Puerto de Santa Maria alla vigilia del viaggio di scoperta colombiano attraverso una fonte sca-
le sulla guerra di Granada (lassedio di Baza del 1489), trabajo de importancia extraordinaria
que cambi la visin de la participacin nanciera del reino de Sevilla en la guerra granadina,
especialmente por lo que se reere a la contribucin de las comunidades mercantiles italianas,
completando de manera denitiva los datos fundamentales publicados por el profesor Ladero.
De la misma manera, resulta oportuna la inclusin de Le relazioni tra Genova e Ca-
dice fra il XIII e il XV secolo (traduccin de la ponencia publicada en las actas de las V Jorna-
das Hispano-Portuguesas de Historia Medieval), aunque, una vez ms, hubiera sido interesante
3
Sergio Tognetti, Il banco Cambini: affari e mercati di una compagnia mercantile-bancaria nella
Firenze del XV secolo, Florencia, 1999.
4
Me reero a trabajos como los siguientes: Jos Enrique Lpez de Coca Castaer, Genoveses
en la corte de los Reyes Catlicos: los hermanos Italin, en Actas de la XXVI Semana de Estudios
Medievales de Estella, Pamplona 2000, pp. 457-81; Juan Manuel Bello Len, Extranjeros en Castilla
(1474-1501). Notas y documentos para el estudio de su presencia en el reino a nes del siglo XV, La
Laguna, 1994; idem, Mercaderes extranjeros en Sevilla en tiempos de los Reyes Catlicos, Historia.
Instituciones. Documentos, 20 (1993), pp. 47-83; David Igual Luis y Germn Navarro Espinach,
Los genoveses en Espaa en el trnsito del siglo XV al XVI, Historia. Instituciones. Documentos,
24 (1997), pp. 261-332.
RESEAS 353
ISSN 0066-5061
que se hubieran incorporado aportaciones recientes y absolutamente fundamentales, como la
de Emilio Martn Gutirrez
5
, que hubiera enriquecido notablemente el panorama trazado, rico
de por s. Por ltimo, el inters del captulo dedicado a los orgenes de la familia Caboto y su
presencia en la Pennsula Ibrica de nuevo se ve mediatizado por la ausencia de todo aparato
crtico, incomprensible en una publicacin cientca de esta envergadura.
En consecuencia, nos hallamos ante un volumen heterogneo, incluso miscelneo
en la diversidad de los temas abordados y de los resultados obtenidos, que se traducen en una
fragmentacin de la imagen de los italianos en Espaa en tiempos de Coln. Es evidente la
utilidad de tener reunidos trabajos dispersos y no siempre de fcil localizacin desde nuestro
pas debidamente indexados, aunque la valoracin ms positiva sigue correspondiendo a algu-
nos estudios concretos ya conocidos, que mantienen toda su vigencia, frente a otros de nueva
elaboracin, donde son llamativas ciertas ausencias bibliogrcas, lo que a la postre impide que
el volumen se pueda tener en cuenta como una contribucin denitiva y actualizada al tema
propuesto.
RAL GONZLEZ ARVALO
Claude DENJEAN, La loi du lucre. Lusure en procs dans la Couronne dAragon
la n du Moyen Age, Madrid, Casa de Velzquez, 2011, 532 pp. (Bibliothque de la Casa de
Velzquez; 52). ISBN 978-84-96820-59-3.
Avec La loi du lucre, C. Denjean offre au lecteur le volume de recherches indites
prsent en 2006 dans le cadre de son habilitation diriger des recherches. Spcialiste recon-
nue de lhistoire des communauts juives catalanes, commencer par celle de Puigcerd
6
, et
de leur participation aux activits de crdit, lA. prolonge avec cet ouvrage son analyse de la
construction des identits juives et chrtiennes bas-mdivales partir de leurs interactions,
essentiellement sociales et conomiques. Si un tel positionnement problmatique nest pas nou-
veau dans les recherches de lA., qui sest toujours attache dsenclaver lhistoire des juifs
catalans en les tudiant dans le contexte global de la socit chrtienne majoritaire, le recours
aux sources judiciaires lui permet de rexaminer linsertion des juifs dans le corps politique et
social en interrogeant nouveaux frais les rapports entre pratiques crditrices, judit et int-
gration/marginalisation sociale, au-del des discours et des strotypes classiques du banquier
juif et de la mtonymie qui fait de lusurier un juif (pp. 4-5).
Dlaissant un temps les registres notaris cerdans, C. Denjean a ainsi su tirer le plus
grand prot des pices issues de la vague denqutes anti-usuraires instaures par Jacques II en
1297-1298, linstigation de Boniface VIII. Lanalyse de trente-deux procs
7
, initis entre 1297
et 1304 contre des chrtiens et quelques juifs souponns de ventes usuraires, de prises dint-
rts illicites, de remboursements de crances dj satisfaites ou de faillites douteuses, lui permet
ainsi de conrmer lapport essentiel des sources judiciaires et des procs pour usure lhistoire
des communauts et du crdit juifs
8
. Surtout, grce une mise en contexte approfondie de ce
moment des enqutes royales contre lusure, lA. entend aborder ensemble et confronter des
5
Emilio MARTN GUTIRREZ, Nuevos datos sobre la poblacin y los genoveses en la ciudad de
Cdiz. Una relectura del padrn de vecinos de 1467, En la Espaa Medieval 29 (2006), pp. 187-
223.
6
Objet de sa thse de doctorat (Une communaut juive au prisme du notariat chrtien : les juifs
de Puigcerd de 1260 1493, Toulouse 2, 1998), dont une dition remanie est parue en 2004
Perpignan, aux ditions Trabucaire, sous le titre Juifs et chrtiens. De Perpignan Puigcerd, XIIIe-
XIVe sicles.
7
Conservs lArxiu de la Corona dArag, Real Cancillera, Processos en Quart.
8
Comme J. Shatzmiller lavait brillamment suggr dans un ouvrage pionnier, Shylock revu et
corrig. Les juifs, les chrtiens et le prt dargent dans la socit mdivale, Paris, Les Belles Lettres,
2000 (trad. de S. Piron).
354 RESEAS
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champs de la recherche encore trop souvent spars : thique, normes, pratiques et reprsenta-
tions du prt intrt et de lusure sont ainsi autant de clefs danalyse que C. Denjean mobilise
et conjugue dans ses dmonstrations.
Certes, une telle ambition entrane, de laveu mme de lA., une dmarche et une
mthode qui ressortent autant, sinon plus, de lessai que de l ouvrage drudition aisment
consultable, dans le cadre dune rexion qui progresse par circumambulation (p. 6) et re-
prend successivement une mme question partir dapproches ainsi multiplies. A cet gard,
les trois premiers chapitres constituent autant de repres essentiels balisant la lecture de lou-
vrage, commencer par le chap. 1 o lA. dveloppe une analyse serre du corpus tudi et
des processus administratifs et judiciaires luvre, replacs dans le cadre de lafrmation de
lautorit royale par le biais des questions nancires et commerciales. Suit une reconstitution
synthtique du droulement des enqutes et des procs (chap. 2), mise en rcit rendue n-
cessaire par le caractre fragmentaire (mandements aux enquteurs, plaintes, interrogatoires,
appels) et incomplet (aucune sentence ne nous est parvenue) des pices conserves. Enn, le
chap. 3 inscrit ces procs dans leur contexte conomique (importance et formes du crdit bas-
mdival), moral (rexion des thologiens et moralistes, notamment franciscains, sur lusure
et sur la caritas comme fondement de la vie dchanges au sein des socits chrtiennes) et
politique (attention croissante du pouvoir royal la question du crdit, notamment dans le cadre
du dveloppement de la scalit royale).
Sur ces bases, C. Denjean sattache tout dabord retrouver, derrire les dnoncia-
tions et les enqutes, la ralit des pratiques crditrices et les mcanismes qui les font poten-
tiellement basculer dans lillgalit et dans lusure. Car si les principes sont clairs, au moins
depuis la xation par Jacques Ier de taux dintrt lgaux en 1228, distinguant ainsi entre bon
crdit, servant la chose publique, et usures nfastes, la pratique est complexe () : distinguer
le marchand de lusurier est rellement compliqu, sinon parfois impossible (p. 171). Loin de
sinscrire dans un cadre purement juridique, le crdit et le contrat de mutuum reposent en effet
fondamentalement sur la qualit de lindividu et de ses relations avec autrui (p. 188) : rup-
ture de la conance interpersonnelle, mauvaise fama et circulation contrarie de linformation
jouent un rle central dans la dnonciation dusures condamnes comme autant datteintes au
bien public et au juste prix . Dans ce systme de valeurs, de normes et de pratiques, lappar-
tenance confessionnelle ne semble gure primer, comme en atteste le cas du juif catalan Isach
Biona : laccusation dusures quil porte en juillet 1298 contre le chrtien Guillem Franchea
est conforte par le tmoignage charge de plusieurs chrtiens de Vilafranca del Peneds. Si,
dans lordre du discours, la prgnance du topos assimilant lusurier au juif reste une ralit in-
contestable, les archives nous rvlent ainsi que la participation des juifs aux activits de crdit
(notamment dans le petit crdit rural) ne saurait tre considre comme un facteur de margina-
lisation sociale, mais quelle est au contraire susceptible de favoriser leur insertion au sein dun
ample rseau de relations conomiques, sociales et politiques dont lutilit est reconnue par
tous, sans quils soient donc exclus du corps politique de la Couronne.
Louvrage de C. Denjean est assurment un jalon important dans lhistoire des com-
munauts juives catalanes et du crdit mdival, tant par la richesse des analyses et lampleur
de la bibliographie mobilise, que par les nombreux problmes et interrogations quil soulve,
et sur lesquels, on lespre, la recherche saura rebondir.
NICOLAS PLUCHOT
Universit Lumire Lyon II, CIHAM
Ana ECHEVARRA ARSUAGA (ed.), Biografas mudjares o la experiencia de ser
minora: biografas islmicas en la Espaa cristiana, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investiga-
ciones Cientcas, 2008, 570 pp. (Estudios onomstico-biogrcos de al-Andalus; 15). ISBN
978-84-00-08744-9.
La obra tiene diversas partes, la primera de las cuales se titula Ulemas y recon-
quista: entre la permanencia y la emigracin, y contiene dos trabajos. El de Linda Jones, de
la Universitat Ramon Llull, Retratos de la emigracin: La (Re)conquista y la emigracin de
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los ulemas a Granada, segn al-Ihata de Ibn al-Jatib, analiza las noticias biogrcas que pro-
porciona al-Jatib de los ulemas que emigraron a Granada u otros pases islmicos como conse-
cuencia de las conquistas cristianas; algunos tuvieron xito en su tierra de adopcin, mientras
que otros fueron menos afortunados, pero el sentimiento de prdida y exilio fue general. Las
biografas en este caso son cinco: la del lsofo murciano Muhammad al-Riquti, que pudo
marchar de Murcia gracias a la invitacin del rey de Granada, Muhammad II; la del escritor
valenciano Abu Mutarrif al-Majzumi, que adems de una carta sobre la prdida de Valencia,
escribi una crnica de la conquista de Mallorca, a la que alude la autora
9
; la de Muhammad
b. Yannan al-Ansari, que proceda de Murcia y, desde su exilio, estuvo al servicio de los seores
de Ceuta y quizs en Ifriqua; la del predicador Ibrahim al-Tanuji, que abandon Tarifa cuando
fue conquistada para refugiarse primero en Ceuta y despus en Granada; y la del santo Ahmad
Sidi Buna, que muri antes de la conquista de Denia por Jaime I, y cuya tumba en Atzeneta se
convirti en lugar de peregrinacin, como ya expuse en un libro publicado en 1987
10
. La autora
seala que en la biografa de Sidi Buna aparece el dolor por la prdida de un lugar sagrado.
Pertenece al mismo apartado el trabajo de Alfonso Carmona, de la Universidad de
Murcia, Personajes levantinos post-almohades. En l se ocupa de personajes como Ibn Hud y
su dinasta, que gobernaron en Murcia; de Abu l-Rabi Ibn Salim, conocido como Ibn al-Muda-
llas, de Murcia, muerto en la batalla del Puig, en 1237, durante la conquista de Jaime I, que era
historiador, literato y orador; de Abu Bakr Aziz b. Jattab, un ulema de Murcia que despus de
una vida piadosa lleg a desempear el cargo de gobernador y fue ejecutado tras proclamarse
emir contra los Ibn Hud; y estudia todava otros cuatro personajes en el apartado que el autor
titula la transicin. En el apartado Emigracin, Carmona estudia otros tres personajes y en
El exilio otros siete, entre ellos algunos conocidos como Ibn al-Abbar y Ibn-Amira.
La segunda parte del volumen se titula La dinmica del poder y las comunidades
mudjares y contiene tres artculos. El primero, de Filomena Lopes de Barros, de la Univer-
sidad de vora, se titula Las lites mudjares del reino portugus, y estudia dos casos, el de
Lisboa y el de Loul (Algarve). En el primero, se congura un grupo social dominante en el
marco de un organismo formal, la aljama; en el segundo, el grupo musulmn se diluye en el n-
cleo social y poltico del concejo y en una participacin econmica ms estructurada e integrada
en parmetros comunes de actuacin. En Lisboa, una aljama urbana muy bien relacionada con
el monarca, cuenta con alcaide, juez y procurador de los derechos reales, notario, escribano
y coudel y adems los vereadores y procuradores de la aljama y los responsables religiosos,
el imam y el muecn. En Loul, una aljama rural, slo se encuentran noticias de alcaide y del
escribano. La autora estudia las funciones de esos cargos, quienes los desempearon y su ex-
traccin social.
Brian A. Catlos, de la Universidad de California. Santa Cruz, en Privilegio y poder
en el Aragn mudjar: el auge y declive del avalaquem alema, analiza la trayectoria de la
familia de Rey, de Huesca, principalmente a travs de alema de Rey, desde un pleito promo-
vido por su familia para que se conrmase su franquicia del monedaje, obtenida como vasallos
del noble Blasco Maza, y el cargo de avalaqun que obtuvo Mahoma, del que fue depuesto
dos veces por enfrentamientos con la comunidad mudjar, acusaciones de corrupcin etc. El
autor destaca que el ascenso de la familia de Rey no deriv del prestigio que pudiera tener en la
comunidad islmica, sino de su habilidad para desarrollar relaciones con los poderes cristianos.
Eran gente de clase media que representaban el estrato ms alto de su comunidad y que, en
muchos casos vivan entre las dos comunidades. Adjunta un rbol de la familia de Rey y ocho
documentos.
Carlos Barquero Goi, de la Universidad Complutense, en Mudjares bajo el seo-
ro de la orden militar del Hospital en la Espaa medieval (siglos XII-XV), examina la evolu-
9
Aunque no pudo saber que, una vez reencontrada, se public traducida al cataln en Mallorca el mis-
mo ao de la aparicin de Biografas mudjares, en 2008. Ibn Amira al-Mahzumi, Kitab Tarih Mayur-
qa. Crnica rab de la Conquesta de Mallorca, Edici i estudi de Muhammad ben Mamar, traducci al
catal de Nicolau Roser Nebot i Guillem Rossell Bordoy, Palma, Universitat de les Illes Balears, 2008.
10
Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, Els sarrans de la Corona catalano-aragonesa en el segle XIV.
Segregaci i discriminaci, Barcelona, Institu ci Mil i Fonta nals (CSIC), 1987, pp. 95-100.
356 RESEAS
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cin de la poblacin mudjar de los seoros de la orden del Hospital, importantes en Aragn,
Valencia, Catalua, La Mancha, Murcia y Andaluca, y cmo esas comunidades entraron bajo
el dominio de la rdenes en el siglo XIII, su estatuto dentro de ese dominio, la evolucin de
las relaciones de los hospitalarios con sus vasallos mudjares y, nalmente las consecuencias
de la conversin forzosa de los mudjares, ya que la orden pretendi mantener el mismo nivel
impositivo anterior a la conversin, superior al de los cristianos. Analiza el caso de Archena,
Murcia, en que el concejo formado por los mudjares conversos gan un pleito contra el alcaide
del lugar para obtener la misma scalidad que los cristianos, y el caso de Asc y Vinebre en
Catalua, en que se lleg a una concordia con el comendador Martn de Lanuza.
El apartado Familias mudjares, contiene tres trabajos. Ana Echevarra Arsuaga,
de la UNED, en Los Caro-Alfageme de vila, una familia de alfaques y comerciantes mu-
djares, estudia una familia de la lite local en vila, que desempe cargos en la aljama, y
posey bienes destacables y negocios. A travs de la documentacin de la catedral de vila
ha podido reconstruir la trayectoria de la familia Caro-Alfageme y, segn parece, esa poblacin
era de origen esclavo, manumitida por la iglesia abulense, que la instal en sus posesiones en
la ciudad. Algunos miembros de la familia desempearon el cargo de alcalde de la aljama y
otros fueron barberos, de ah el nombre de Alfageme, y se dedicaron a un comercio regional:
el de la sal, abasteciendo de ella a la comunidad mudjar. A principios del siglo XVI, los Caro
se convirtieron, como era obligado; Al Caro fue apadrinado por el obispo de vila Alfonso de
Fonseca, tom el apellido Fonseca y obtuvo privilegio de hidalgua lo que le situ en la cspide
de la sociedad cristiana abulense. Presenta en apndice una genealoga de los Caro-Alfageme y
seis documentos.
Manuel Ruzafa Garca, de la Universidad de Valencia, en La familia Xupi en la
morera de Valencia, sigue muy documentadamente la trayectoria de esa familia de mercaderes
desde mediados del siglo XIV, cuando form un grupo oligrquico en la morera. Comenta, en
particular, los oscuros orgenes de la familia desde la viuda de Jucef, Zofra, y su hijo Maho-
mat (1360-1380); la segunda generacin familiar formada por Mahomat, Abdalla y Abrahim,
Jucef, artce de la fortuna y del poder de la familia Xupi (1381-1424), que no slo comerci
a nivel local, regional y nacional, sino tambin internacional; se ocupa tambin de Al Xupi,
gran seor de la aljama de Valencia, que cas sus hijas con potentes personajes como Mahomat
Ripoll, Mahomat de Bellvs y Mahomat Razbaida; nalmente se ocupa de aat Xupi y de la
extincin de la familia en 1463. De ellos, dice el autor que se comportaron ms como po-
derosos mercaderes cristianos que como autnticos musulmanes, aunque no rechazaron nunca
esa condicin y continuaron empleando el rabe, junto al cataln en sus tratos. Incluye la carta
de dote de Al Xupi y de su esposa Mariem, de 1395, traducida al cataln en la misma poca.
Amalia Zomeo, de la Escuela de Estudios rabes de Granada, en Documentos
rabes y biografas mudjares: Umm al-Fath al-Salyani y Muhammad Bahtan (1448-1496),
estudia esos personajes a travs de los documentos notariales rabes conservados en las co-
lecciones granadinas, hecho excepcional que se explica gracias al periodo de transicin de los
aos mudjares de Granada; fueron los particulares quienes guardaron esos documentos, sobre
todo los testamentos, que aseguraban la transmisin patrimonial. Segn la autora, las biografas
de los dos personajes analizados muestran un estrato social nazar intermedio entre las grandes
familias de la corte y los estratos ms bajos de la sociedad. Los apndices nos muestran breves
resmenes de los documentos utilizados.
Otro apartado del libro que reseamos est dedicado a la gura del alfaqu, con
tres trabajos. ngel Galn Snchez, de la Universidad de Mlaga, en Fuqaha y musulmanes
vencidos en el reino de Granada (1485-1520), destaca el papel importantsimo que tuvieron los
alfaques en los conictos nales del emirato nazar, en las capitulaciones de rendicin y en el
breve periodo de mudejarismo hasta las conversiones. Seala que ejercieron una gran inuencia
sobre los suyos y que si se quedaron despus de la derrota debi ser para mantener la fe islmica
entre los suyos; dice que eso fue lo que opinaron las cuatro grandes escuelas de derecho sunnes
en 1510: que los alfaques tenan que posponer el deber de la emigracin a favor de servir a sus
comunidades. Tambin permanecieron junto a sus comunidades en el momento de la conversin
forzada, seguramente para garantizar el mximo de herencia musulmana que pudieran en esas
difciles condiciones, como dice el autor. Es un trabajo muy interesante que acompaa con un
cuadro de los alfaques convertidos en el reino de Granada y las mercedes que obtuvieron antes
RESEAS 357
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de la conversin y despus de ella; tambin hay otros cuadros de alfaques de los aos 1492 y
1497.
Mara Isabel Calero Secall, de la Universidad de Mlaga, en Muhammad al-Yayyar,
un alfaqu a travs de los manuscritos de Ctar, estudia los manuscritos rabes que se hallaron,
emparedados, en Ctar (Mlaga). Eran obras de consulta de un alfaqu: fragmentos de formu-
larios notariales, tratados de herencias y de cuestiones matrimoniales, aritmtica, tradiciones
del Profeta, poemas de tema proftico, invocaciones, sermones, hadices, magia y astronoma
y un Corn. En los dos primeros volmenes hay documentos y papeles intercalados, cosidos o
sueltos, en rabe, que a juicio de la autora, pertenecan a una familia, que debi esconder los
libros, la del alfaqu Muhammad al-Yayyar. Analiza estos papeles, publica algunos y ofrece
fotografas de ellos. Adems, traza la biografa de ese alfaqu, que fue autor de diversas obras y
copista; piensa que quizs huy y escondi antes sus libros.
Jean-Pierre Molenat, del CNRS-IRHT de Pars, es autor de Alfaques anonymes
dans la Castille des Rois Catholiques. Une affaire de succession entre moros dEstremadure
dans les dernieres annes du XVe sicle. Publica y analiza un proceso entre moros de Plasencia:
los hermanos Abdalla y Al Provecho contra Al Provecho por la herencia de Abraim Serrano,
hermano de aquellos, que haba fallecido con cuatro hijas pero sin hijos varones, por lo que
tena que repartirse entre las hijas y los parientes ms prximos. Al Provecho que era el albacea
del difunto, fue acusado por los dems Provecho de no haber hecho inventario de los bienes
para hacer posible su reparto. Fue un proceso importante en el que intervinieron alfaques loca-
les e incluso fueron llamados alfaques de Granada.
Otra parte de la obra est dedicada a mediadores culturales y transmisores del saber,
contiene el trabajo de Roser Salicr i Lluch, del Departamento de Estudios Medievales, de la
Institucin Mil y Fontanals del CSIC de Barcelona, Mudjares diplomticos, mediadores y
representantes de los poderes cristianos en tierras islmicas. La autora seala que habitual-
mente esos contactos eran conados a ociales reales con cargos relacionados con la frontera o
habituados a tratos con mudjares, a mercaderes que negociaban en pases islmicos, a judos
conocedores del rabe y a mudjares; los judos especialmente durante el siglo XIV y hasta
el primer tercio del XV, mientras que los mudjares tuvieron un papel importante durante la
primera mitad del s. XV. Aporta muchos ejemplos de ellos (Al de Bellvs, Gal Ripoll, Al
Xupi, etc.) y tambin del fenmeno contrario: el uso de judos o de cristianos mercenarios o
mercaderes cristianos residentes en tierras islmicas como embajadores en pases cristianos por
parte de los estados norteafricanos. Comenta las embajadas en las que participaron mudjares,
destinadas especialmente a Granada y seala tambin que, ms que los conocimientos lingsti-
cos, se buscaba sobre todo la proximidad cultural con el interlocutor y la capacidad de despertar
una predisposicin favorable que facilitase su tarea diplomtica. Se pregunta tambin si hemos
de considerar a estas personas como colaboracionistas con los cristianos, puesto que gozaron
de su plena conanza para asuntos muy delicados y cmo les consideraban los miembros de su
comunidad que no pertenecan a esa lite distinguida.
G.A. Wiegers, de la Radboud University de Nimega, Paises Bajos, en Biographical
elements in arabic and spanish anti-christian and anti-jewish mudejar writings, se reere a
los manuscritos producidos por musulmanes residentes en la Pennsula Ibrica bien en la etapa
mudjar o en la morisca, o bien despus de la expulsin, y sus caractersticas. Comenta los
escritos polmicos en rabe contra la religin cristiana. En primer lugar, los de Muhammad al-
Qaysi, que haba estudiado en Tnez y cay prisionero en la cruzada contra Almera de 1309;
residi como cautivo en Lleida, donde particip en debates religiosos. En segundo lugar, los
de Muhammad al-Ansari al-Andalusi, que viaj per Castilla, donde permaneci como cautivo
a mediados del s. XV y polemiz con ociales, obispos y monjes, y en tercer lugar los escritos
del alfaqu Ia de Segovia, que redact su tratado en castellano tambin a mediados del s. XV.
Seala que los textos de polmica antijudaica de ese origen son ms escasos y comenta tambin
las conversiones de musulmanes al judaismo y viceversa, as como la obra annima Taid al-
milla, que atribuye a Ahmad al-Sara, que fue cadi en Toledo, aunque esa familia se encuentra
enraizada en Huesca en la segunda mitad del s. XIV. Esas obras circularon por las moreras
ibricas en diversas versiones, en castellano o en rabe.
Finalmente, concluye esa parte de la obra y tambin el libro el trabajo de Luis F.
Bernab Pons, de la Universidad de Alicante, Una fama sin biografa: el mancebo de Arvalo,
358 RESEAS
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donde se comentan los numerosos escritos del mancebo (que le convierten en el autor ms
importante de la literatura aljamiada), sus fuentes (tanto rabes como cristianas) y su estancia
entre los moriscos de Aragn, que le encargaron una de sus obras, la Tafsira, cuando prepara-
ba su peregrinacin a La Meca en 1532-1533. Analiza los vnculos entre esa obra y el Breve
Compendio del que se declara autor Bray de Reminyo, alfaqu de la aljama de Cadrete o quizs
de Cadreita. Destaca tambin sus numerosos viajes por la Pennsula, incluyendo Granada, para
perfeccionar su proceso de formacin islmica. El autor ha analizado toda la obra del mancebo
de Arvalo para trazar su biografa.
Todos los trabajos contenidos en el libro son de un gran inters para los estudiosos
del mundo islmico peninsular y en general de la historia medieval hispnica y sus autores son
todos especialistas de gran solvencia.
MARIA TERESA FERRER I MALLOL
Institut dEstudis Catalans
Lucien FAGGION, Laure VERDON (dirs.), Qute de soi, qute de vrit: du Moyen
ge lpoque moderne, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de lUniversit de Provence, 2007,
222 pp. (Le Temps de lhistoire). ISBN 978-2-85399-661-7.
La fcondit du retour au droit depuis les annes 1980 dans le champ des
sciences humaines en gnral, et en histoire en particulier, nest plus dmontrer : le change-
ment de regard sur les sources, la prise en compte de nouveaux objets de recherche sont, dans
une trs large mesure, porter son actif. Louvrage Qute de soi, qute de vrit : du Moyen
ge lpoque moderne ne droge pas cette ralit, puisque les treize communications ici
rassembles composent un tableau stimulant et convaincant des procds de fabrique de la
vrit . Les deux journes dtude organises par Laure Verdon et Lucien Faggion en 2004
et 2005 sur le tmoignage et laveu ont donn naissance ce recueil, dont la prsentation sous
la forme dun diptyque nentame en rien la cohrence, thmatique aussi bien que gographique
la totalit des communications concerne les rives franaises, italiennes et catalanes du bassin
mditerranen. Chacun des deux thmes est par ailleurs intelligemment introduit par une mise
en perspective historiographique et pistmologique (Verdon, pp. 9-16 et pp. 77-82; Faggion,
pp. 17-26 et pp. 83-97), qui permet den cerner les enjeux essentiels.
Le tmoignage et laveu se donnent ainsi voir, tout au long de la priode envisage,
comme deux modalits privilgies de dvoilement de la vrit. Ils occupent en effet une place
solide au sommet de la hirarchie des preuves, mme si le relatif discrdit qui tend frapper
loralit partir du milieu du XVIe sicle tend affaiblir cette position dominante. Toutefois,
cette vrit recherche nest jamais pure transparence de soi soi et de soi lautre: le tmoi-
gnage ou laveu sont toujours informs et retravaills partir des exigences propres aux pou-
voirs qui sollicitent cette parole. Cest le sens de la contribution de Laurent Albaret (pp. 27-43),
qui montre que lenqute mene par lInquisition dans le Lauragais en 1245-1247 vise moins
produire de nouvelles connaissances sur lhrsie qu mieux contrler les communauts
rurales par la surveillance mutuelle quinduit la menace dune dnonciation. Gabriel Audisio
(pp. 45-58) parvient des conclusions similaires au sujet de lenqute diligente par Franois
Ier en 1533 contre lInquisiteur provenal Jean de Roma, nalement suspendu non pour son
zle traquer les Vaudois mais parce quil est au centre dun conit entre les juridictions royale
et ecclsiastique. Fortement investis par les pouvoirs lacs et ecclsiastiques, le tmoignage et
laveu apparaissent ainsi comme deux ralits langagires dont lefcacit sociale est soutenue
par des formes de ritualisation trs abouties (Laure Verdon, pp. 161 -172; Thierry Pcout,
pp. 173-205). Instrument des pouvoirs, le tmoignage et laveu disent aussi en retour les muta-
tions des quilibres sociaux et des dynamiques politiques : ils rvlent autant quils acclrent
les recongurations des rseaux dautorit, comme lexplique Lucien Faggion pour le monde
des lites de la Terre Ferme vnitienne (pp. 59-73 et pp. 121-136).
Si la question du tmoignage mobilisait le seul terrain des normes et des pratiques
judiciaires, le champ smantique de laveu apparat en revanche plus large et plus diversi. Le
problme de laveu, de ses conditions de validit et de ses nalits est en effet pris en charge
RESEAS 359
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par dautres institutions que la justice, laque ou ecclsiastique. Il est en tout premier lieu un
objet essentiel de la rexion de lEglise sur le vaste problme thologique du salut. Paulette
LHermite-Leclerq (pp. 99-119) tablit la gense de cette place nouvelle confre laveu qui
ne se distingue pas conceptuellement de la confession depuis le concile de Latran de 1215,
et qui motive lcriture dexempla originaux, plaant en leur coeur la ncessit absolue de la
confession pour qui veut esprer chapper aux tourments de lEnfer. Cest peut-tre par ce
biais-l, celui de la confession qui doit saccompagner des signes manifestes de la contrition,
du retour vers soi, que la qute de vrit est aussi qute de soi et que souvre la voie, si ce nest
de limprobable naissance de lindividu quon situe parfois lore du XIIIe sicle, tout au
moins dune nouvelle conscience de soi.
Mais laveu noscille pas seulement entre ces deux ples que sont lEglise et la
justice, la conscience torture du pch et la transgression de la norme ; il est aussi lun des
outils qui permettent de penser la nature contractuelle des relations fodo-vassaliques (Xavier
Soldevila i Temporal, pp. 153-159). Laure Verdon, pour les possessions roussillonnaises du roi
de Majorque lextrme n du XIIIe sicle (pp. 161-172), et Thierry Pcout, pour la Provence
du milieu du XIVe sicle (pp. 173-205), mettent en lumire la faon dont laveu de recon-
naissance , par lequel les tenanciers dun domaine dclarent publiquement au reprsentant du
seigneur dont ils dpendent les biens quils exploitent en son nom et les redevances qui lui sont
dues, sintgre dans une culture contractuelle, qui penche toutefois lavantage du seigneur.
Par laveu de reconnaissance et son expression rituelle est rafrm et lgitim le lien de
dpendance au seigneur. Il apparat ainsi, au terme de la lecture, que laveu fait bel et bien signe
vers le renforcement de lordre social, politique et normatif. On comprend mieux ds lors la
porte subversive dun aveu qui nen serait pas un. Cest tout lintrt de larticle de Giuliano
Ferretti (pp. 137-152), fond sur lanalyse dune correspondance ctive, publie en 1631, entre
le cardinal de Richelieu et son frre Alphonse, archevque de Lyon. Aux invitations au repentir
de son frre, Richelieu rpond quil nentend nullement remettre en cause le sens de sa politique
et va jusqu faire laveu cynique de ses crimes. Lefcacit rhtorique de ce texte, atteste par
le nombre de ses pigones dans la dcennie suivante, semble procder du dtournement habile
dune fausse confession, qui nest plus mise au service dune vrit dEtat, mais qui dvoile au
contraire la part dombre et le mensonge des pouvoirs tablis.
LONARD COURBON
Universit Lumire Lyon II, CIHAM
Jon A. FERNNDEZ DE LARREA ROJAS, Jos R. DAZ DE DURANA (eds.), Memoria e
Historia. Utilizacin poltica en la Corona de Castilla al nal de la Edad Media, Madrid, Slex
Ediciones, 2010, 286 pp. (Slex Universidad). ISBN 978-84-7737-237-0.
Se recoge en este volumen una seleccin de trabajos presentados y debatidos en un
Symposium celebrado en la Universidad del Pas Vasco en el otoo de 2008. Tanto el coloquio
previo como la elaboracin posterior de los mismos, y su articulacin en forma de coleccin
de estudios, responden a un inters muy presente en la historiografa actual y para todos los
perodos histricos: el de la construccin de la memoria. De la memoria histrica. Se pretende
atender as un conjunto de cuestiones no poco complejas: qu es la memoria histrica, en pri-
mer lugar, pero tambin cmo se elabora, con qu instrumentos, con qu recursos dialcticos o
argumentativos, con qu objetivos, dirigida a quin. El ttulo de este volumen ofrece una clara
idea respecto a la orientacin de los trabajos seleccionados: la utilizacin poltica de la memoria
y de la Historia, aqu en un mbito acotado, la corona de Castilla y en un perodo especco,
la Baja Edad Media.
El volumen va precedido de un prefacio, a cargo de los editores, y se cierra con un
texto conclusivo. El primero es, sobre todo, una presentacin sucinta que sita al lector ante los
argumentos bsicos que siguen: la historia y la memoria como pareja irreconciliable que tiene
un objeto concreto, elaborar el pasado. Del cmo, el para qu y el para quin es de lo que se
ocupa este volumen. El segundo, a cargo de Pascual Martnez Sopena, es en realidad, adems
de una sntesis conclusiva, un anlisis adicional respecto a otro de los registros de memoria
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bsicos, la tradicin folklrica, porque como l mismo explica, la memoria de los hechos his-
tricos se muestra bajo frmulas diversas. Esta perspectiva le permite enlazar los temas del
resto de trabajos, e incorporar aportaciones del debate verbal que suscitaron, imposible ya de
recuperar. Se ensamblan as, de manera natural, los recursos de la literatura, la cronstica, la do-
cumentacin, el uso de las lenguas, el lugar del observador de cada tiempo y de cada escenario,
o de cada ambiente; en qu formas y en qu condiciones.
Entre medio de ambos, prefacio y conclusiones, quedan diez trabajos que renen
las reexiones y anlisis de historiadores y llogos, en una acertada combinacin transversal,
o interdisciplinaria, que permite proyectar hacia los textos medievales miradas muy diversas.
Porque, como expresan J.R. Daz de Durana y J. Andoni Fernndez de Larrea en el Prefacio,
el reto planteado a todos ellos fue que, cada uno en los mbitos de su competencia y para
la corona de Castilla, se ocupara de los discursos que en torno a la memoria de la monarqua, la
de los linajes, de las corporaciones, de las aristocracias urbanas o del campesinado, era posible
rescatar de crnicas, relatos, piezas de cancillera, etc. Es decir, dicho de otro modo, se trata de
afrontar cmo cada uno de estos sectores elabora y construye una imagen concreta de s mismo;
legitimadora, como en el caso de la aristocracia; justicativa, como la de la burguesa; o antise-
orial, como la del mundo campesino. Retomando ideas del citado prefacio, se trata de evaluar
qu memoria del pasado se construye, pero tambin qu memoria del futuro, porque el poder
se justica con la vista puesta en el futuro.
El balance nal de P. Martnez Sopena sirve de indudable ayuda a la hora de aqui-
latar la aportacin de este volumen y, de hecho, merece quiz ser ledo a continuacin del
prefacio, y no al nal. l distingue ah tres planos de anlisis que calica de transversales y en
los cuales se verica en qu medida la construccin de la memoria depende de la materia del
recuerdo, de los intereses del que recuerda y del momento en que se sita. Ese guin servir
aqu de pauta para un comentario necesariamente sucinto de los diez trabajos.
El primero de esos planos es el que rene las aportaciones centradas en las fuentes
de la memoria y su aprovechamiento. Se combinan ah historiadores y llogos, entrelazando
dos tipos de miradas ciertamente complementarias. Michel Garca, especialista de la cronsti-
ca bajomedieval cortesana de Castilla e interesado particularmente en la renovacin de la es-
critura histrica del perodo, propone precisamente esa idea antes indicada de la construccin
de una memoria del futuro, en este caso en la Castilla de 1400. Amaia Arizaleta, experta en
la cultura del entorno regio hispnico de los siglos XII y XIII, se ocup de los discursos can-
cillerescos sobre la realeza castellana de este mismo perodo. Centrada en textos anteriores a
la etapa alfons, propone aqu un rico panorama de los modos de escritura y de organizacin
cultural, previo al paradigma cultural de la etapa de Alfonso X. Todava desde los parmetros
del anlisis textual, Consuelo Villacorta analiz la construccin de la memoria en el discurso
histrico, en el relato. Para ello se centra en dos de las crnicas esenciales nimedievales,
ambas de corte legitimador, aunque de objetivos distintos: la de Lpez de Ayala y la de Garca
de Salazar.
El segundo de los planos antes indicado es el que focaliza la atencin sobre los
distintos ambientes sociales y su actitud memorial. Ah se ubica, en primer lugar, la aportacin
de Isabel Beceiro que, desde su inters por la legitimacin del poder y la proximidad al anlisis de
los textos narrativos y sus lectores, se ocupa aqu de la memoria del linaje, y de la bsqueda y
ensalzamiento de los ancestros como sistema legitimador. Si del espacio nobiliario pasamos al
campesino, el trabajo de Hiplito R. Oliva, especialista en el mundo rural y en las nociones de
comunicacin poltica, traslada el anlisis a la memoria social, o a la conciencia poltica del ele-
mento campesino, en la Tierra de Campos a nales del siglo XV. Y tras la nobleza y el campe-
sinado, era imprescindible atender el mundo urbano, encargado a Jos M. Monsalvo. El estudio
se centra en este caso en el modelo de vila, que cuenta con un texto excepcional para plantear
el ideario poltico y social, no slo del mundo urbano, sino tambin de la sociedad fronteriza del
siglo XIII. La atencin a los segmentos sociales y su actitud memorial se cierra con el trabajo
de J. Ramn Daz de Durana y Jon A. Fernndez de Larrea que, tras la caracterizacin de la
memoria de los linajes llamados de los parientes mayores, basada en el lustre de sus races
y ancestros, plantean la contraposicin de otro modelo memorial, el de las hermandades y cor-
poraciones que, muy al contrario, aspiran a anular por completo la memoria de las banderas y
fundamentan la suya en otro tipo de cuestiones: en el pacto con la corona.
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El tercer y ltimo plano aludido plantea otro tipo de cuestiones, porque se centra
en la valoracin de los conictos y en su percepcin desde horizontes ms o menos alejados.
Franois Foronda, cuyo objeto de estudio habitual es la historia poltica castellana, trata aqu de
cmo se percibieron los problemas de Castilla desde un escenario muy distinto, el de la guerra
de Cien Aos. Arsenio Dacosta, por su parte, plantea un anlisis de la violencia banderiza desde
una metodologa comparativa que enfrenta el texto bajomedieval de Garca de Salazar, donde
se relatan las luchas de linajes, con el moderno de Agustn de Zrate, sobre la llamada guerra
del Per. En ambos casos se trata de luchas intestinas donde se presenta un microcosmos
de relaciones y conictos provocados y dirigidos por grupos aristocrticos. Tambin con una
mirada hacia la prolongacin castellana en el mundo moderno, el trabajo de Ana I. Carrasco
analiza particularmente la gura de Gonzalo Fernndez de Oviedo, cronista entre dos pocas y
dos formas distintas de entender las preocupaciones memoriales, una ms colectiva y otra ms
centrada en los individuos.
Es bien sabido, y los editores por un lado y el resto de los autores por otro lo reiteran
en diversas ocasiones, que el binomio historia y memoria ha dado lugar a una bibliografa no
pequea. Y eso si nos limitamos al perodo medieval. Su inters ha renacido, adems, en la his-
toriografa espaola de los ltimos aos de una manera particular, entre otras cosas porque en
el fondo supone uno de los puntos de reexin que todo historiador tiene siempre en su bagaje
intelectual. Una de las aportaciones esenciales de este trabajo, en mi opinin, reside en la pers-
pectiva interdisciplinar dirigida hacia las formas de construccin de la memoria escrita. El texto
escrito, independientemente de su autor directo y/o de su autor intelectual, soporta unos com-
ponentes ideolgicos, una carga jurdica y simblica, una posible intencin. Y los historiadores,
a secas, no somos los nicos en acercarnos al texto escrito, a la crnica, el relato, el documento
de cancillera. Con frecuencia somos especialistas de la historia de la poltica, de los diversos
estamentos sociales, o del desarrollo ideolgico o cultural, y por ello nuestro mtodo de trabajo
y nuestros cuestionarios son variados y ricos. Pero el trabajo y el debate compartido con los
expertos en el anlisis de los textos, en su construccin y discurso, en el uso y seleccin de las
palabras, plantea un contrapunto que no debemos desperdiciar. Al contrario, esta conjuncin de
miradas porque tambin la nuestra puede aportar contenidos a la de nuestros colegas de otras
disciplinas y este sistema de proponer el mismo problema a la atencin de especialistas en
diverso tipo de campos y orientaciones, es lo que hace posible construir interpretaciones ricas
en matices, ms profundas en percepciones, y poner de relieve nuevos horizontes de estudio y
retos de investigacin.
ELOSA RAMREZ VAQUERO
Jos ngel GARCA DE CORTZAR Y RUIZ DE AGUIRRE, Estudios de Historia Medie-
val de La Rioja, Logroo, Universidad de La Rioja, 2009, 501 pp. ISBN 978-84-96487-40-6.
Tras un breve pero pertinente prlogo de los editores y una evocadora presentacin
del autor, este libro recoge quince artculos de investigacin en historia social y econmica del
mundo rural, cuyo mbito territorial es la Rioja Alta. Si se piensa que la historia rural medieval
espaola es incomprensible sin la obra de J.A. Garca de Cortzar, y que las casi quinientas
pginas reunidas en este volumen se unen a su obra fundacional sobre el dominio de San Milln
de la Cogolla, no parece excesivo ver en la Rioja Alta una tierra de privilegio para este campo de
investigacin, un Mconnais del sur de los Pirineos.
La extensin de los diferentes trabajos es naturalmente desigual: el dcimo texto
ocupa nada menos que 210 pginas, frente a por ejemplo las catorce del quinto. Baste sin em-
bargo recordar que ste es el referido a la serna para anotar que los artculos cortos no son en
absoluto menores. Las fechas de publicacin de los artculos abarcan ms de tres dcadas, desde
1973 hasta 2007. Una primera observacin de los ttulos podra sugerir que el autor ha nadado a
favor de las corrientes en boga en cada momento: del equipamiento molinar y el ordenamiento
econmico y social en los primeros setenta, a la memoria histrica y el medio natural en la
dcada pasada, pasando por la comunidad de aldea a mediados de los ochenta. No hay tal. Con
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ser artculos bien conocidos de los especialistas, la edicin conjunta pone en evidencia la fuerte
personalidad, la profunda coherencia y el rigor sin concesiones de la obra de J.A. Garca de
Cortzar: la aplicacin consecuente del mtodo y la exposicin previa de ste, a lo que subyace
seguramente la conciencia de estar abriendo camino; el dilogo constante con las fuentes con
las categoras que los textos tejen; el espacio como producto social cuya evolucin y gramtica
pueden descifrarse; la conviccin, particularmente valiosa en estos tiempos de posmodernidad
en migajas, del papel decisivo de la economa y la demografa en las sociedades objeto de es-
tudio; en n, unidad de estilo, con una forma de escribir tan exigente para el autor como para
el lector.
La recopilacin arranca con una demostracin prctica del mtodo cartogrco, que
sigue la distribucin cronolgica y espacial de las categoras de poblamiento: La Rioja Alta en
el siglo X. Un ensayo de anlisis cartogrco sobre los comienzos de la ocupacin y explota-
cin cristiana del territorio. Leyndolo hoy, llama la atencin la rotundidad de la hiptesis de
partida que vincula la ocupacin de la regin a las necesidades econmicas y demogrcas del
reino de Pamplona. El segundo artculo Introduccin al estudio de la sociedad altorriojana en
los siglos X al XIV es una primera sntesis de historia regional ordenada en secuencias no con-
vencionales, es decir, no trasplantadas de otras investigaciones u otras sntesis, sino adaptadas
a la problemtica especca del pas, y armada sobre la colonizacin del territorio, los poderes
polticos, las formas seoriales y el proceso urbanizador. Si el tercer trabajo El equipamiento
molinar en La Rioja Alta en los siglos X a XIII es en buena medida un desarrollo del mtodo
cartogrco, el cuarto La ordenacin econmica y social de La Rioja Alta en el siglo X pro-
pone una nueva sntesis con enfoques complementarios con respecto a la anterior: las formas
de explotacin del suelo, los tipos de posesin y los mecanismos de renta se presentan como el
resultado de un proceso dinmico construido de abajo la relacin del hombre con la tierra a
arriba la relacin del poder con la poblacin rural. El sexto artculo Crecimiento demogr-
co y ordenacin del espacio en La Rioja Alta en el siglo XI lleva estas interrogaciones al
siglo XI. La colonizacin es reemplazada por el empuje demogrco y el foco se desplaza a la
utilizacin creciente de determinados recursos, como el agua, y a la identicacin de algunos
indicadores del crecimiento, como por ejemplo la movilidad de gentes y de propiedades. Antes,
la monografa sobre la serna La serna, una etapa del proceso de ocupacin del espacio en La
Rioja Alta en el siglo XI vuelve a ocuparse de la plasticidad de la organizacin del paisaje en
el marco local. Este artculo sigue siendo la referencia fundamental en lo relativo a una nocin
que pide nuevas investigaciones.
Los artculos sptimo y octavo se ocupan de la problemtica de la aldea y la comu-
nidad de aldea, cuya visin de conjunto en el norte peninsular haba expuesto el autor en las
Jornadas de Flaran de 1982. En Aldea y comunidad aldeana en La Rioja medieval: el caso de
Villagonzalo (Badarn), Garca de Cortzar explota un dossier de 74 documentos a los que hace
dialogar con el paisaje rural. El autor rastrea en la documentacin los sntomas de la intensi-
cacin y especializacin de la explotacin del territorio, pero tambin la estraticacin social,
los indicios de orden demogrco o la circulacin de la moneda. El octavo artculo, Una aldea
en la Rioja medieval: aproximacin metodolgica al caso de Badarn completa el anterior
cambiando ligeramente su punto de mira hacia el ncleo de Badarn y sobre todo poniendo el
acento, como el ttulo indica, en la propuesta metodolgica.
El dcimo trabajo, Organizacin social del espacio en La Rioja cristiana en los
siglos X y XI, a cuya extensin ya hemos aludido, reorganiza y enriquece todas las aportaciones
anteriores. Parte, como siempre, de las fuentes y el mtodo, sita el marco geopoltico, y dene
una primera fase (923-1016) de organizacin del espacio y la sociedad, cuya coherencia reside
en buena medida en el papel decisivo atribuido a la economa rural explotacin y posesin en
uno y otro mbito. Con ms nfasis que en las aproximaciones anteriores, Garca de Cortzar
identica una segunda fase de crecimiento (1016-1076) caracterizada por la intensicacin y
especializacin de cultivos y espacios ganaderos, as como por el aumento de la circulacin de
gentes, bienes y moneda. Subrayemos que el autor no deja de preguntarse cuidadosamente por
el reparto de la riqueza generada, lo que da lugar a pginas indispensables sobre la concepcin
ideal y la composicin real de las fortunas laicas y eclesisticas. El siguiente trabajo, ms breve,
La organizacin social del espacio riojano en vsperas del Fuero de Logroo, pudiera por el t-
tulo y la fecha parecer una reproduccin resumida del precedente. No es as. El autor aprovecha
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el marco anterior para articular su estudio sobre las categoras de espacializacin de la sociedad
del siglo XI, del solar al valle y de la villa a la tenencia.
Completa el conjunto un ltimo bloque en cuyos primeros artculos, Antroponimia
en Navarra y Rioja en los siglos X a XII y Lengua, toponimia y antroponimia en La Rioja en
los siglos X y XI, se encuentran dos vas distintas de aproximacin a esta problemtica: la pri-
mera estudia estadsticamente la evolucin de la estructura y el stock onomsticos; la segunda,
ms clsica, relaciona reas toponmicas y onomsticas con los contingentes humanos que han
poblado la regin. Los dos siguientes contienen sendas reexiones sobre la historia y la cons-
truccin de la memoria desde San Milln de la Cogolla. La primera selecciona los hitos que
llevaron a la abada a su condicin de crisol del devenir poltico, social y cultural de una regin
central de la Espaa cristiana. La segunda se hace desde los instrumentos de la memoria: el Be-
cerro Galicano, y en l los Votos, la Vida de San Milln de Gonzalo de Berceo. El artculo que
cierra el volumen se interroga, una vez ms y con valor de colofn, por el paisaje como fruto de
la relacin dialctica entre el medio fsico y la voluntad social, entendida sta como el juego del
orden y las fracturas sociales, de los intereses opuestos y las solidaridades.
Esta recopilacin traza uno de los caminos principales del medievalismo espaol
de las ltimas dcadas, tiene la virtud de hacer resaltar ante los especialistas la coherencia y el
rigor de la obra de J.A. Garca de Cortzar, y es una referencia indispensable para quien quiera
que se inicie en la investigacin sobre la sociedad rural medieval. Y no deja de sugerir nuevos
interrogantes.
JUAN JOS LARREA
Josep M GIRONELLA I GRANS, Els molins i les salines de Castell dEmpries al
segle XIV. La mlta de cereals, el batanatge de teixits i lobtenci de sal en una vila catalana
baixmedieval, Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera, 2010, 349 pp. (Estudis; 57). ISBN 978-84-9975-
048-4.
En aquest estudi, el jove historiador Josep M Gironella i Grans mostra, duna
forma rigorosa i acurada, la gesti de dues activitats fonamentals en la societat baixmedieval,
la molinera i la salinera, a travs de lexemple de la vila comtal de Castell dEmpries, una de
les poblacions ms importants del nord-est catal en aquella poca.
A tenor de les fonts documentals analitzades, pertanyents al fons dEmpries de
lArxiu Ducal de Medinaceli i al fons notarial castellon de lArxiu Histric de Girona, el treball
es centra, essencialment, en el perode comprs entre les ltimes dcades del s. XIII i les quatre
primeres de la segent centria, ats que el buidatge dels registres disponibles per aquests anys
ha estat gaireb sistemtic, mentre que, pel que fa a la segona meitat del s. XIV i principis del
s. XV, lautor ha optat per aproximar-shi a partir de lestudi de determinats llibres de ladminis-
traci comtal. Aquest criteri s perfectament comprensible si es t en compte que el decenni de
1330 fou testimoni duna ta en la histria medieval de la vila, ja que shi produren dues grans
reestructuracions impulsades per la casa comtal: duna banda, ledicaci de quatre nous casals
de molins, tres de fariners i un de blader, aix com la construcci dels dos recs que els havien
dabastir daigua; i, daltra banda, ladquisici del domini til i els drets dexplotaci de totes la
salines del municipi, ns aleshores en mans de diverses persones de la vila.
Bona part de lestudi pivota al voltant daquest transcendental succs, especialment
pel que fa als apartats dedicats a lactivitat molinera de la capital comtal, ats que la realitzaci
de les noves infraestructures marcaren un abans i un desprs en la seva gesti. Efectivament, la
construcci dels quatre casals moliners i els dos recs van signicar, en primer lloc, una profunda
reorganitzaci del territori ms immediat a Castell dEmpries que, entre altres coses, inclo-
gu el desmantellament de deu molins que ns llavors havien estat operant a les ribes del Muga,
tres dels quals ubicats a la vena localitat de Vilanova i els set restants situats dins el terme cas-
tellon. Aix, per exemple, en la segona part de la monograa es descriu, a nivell tcnic, algunes
de les canalitzacions daquests molins, i com aquestes foren substitudes parcialment per les
noves conduccions daigua construdes per la casa dEmpries. Sens dubte, aquest apartat, en
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qu Gironella explica minuciosament les caracterstiques de les rescloses, aix com el probable
recorregut que degueren seguir els nous recs comtals, representa una bona mostra de lelevat
grau daprotament que lautor ha realitzat de les fonts documentals.
Tanmateix, si b s indispensable disposar dun coneixement adequat sobre els as-
pectes tcnics de les noves infraestructures, resulten ms interessants els apartats dedicats al
canvi que aquestes comportaren en el rgim de propietat, gesti i explotaci de lactivitat mo-
linera de Castell dEmpries. En la primera part del llibre sexplica com, arribats a la dcada
de 1330, el domini til dels set molins castellonins ubicats a les ribes del Muga estava en mans
dinstitucions eclesistiques o dalguns nobles del comtat, excepte un que mantenia la titularitat
comtal. Tot i aix, en la tercera i ltima part, Gironella endinsa al lector en un autntic calidos-
copi dalienacions que, amb els anys, els esmentats titulars havien anat efectuant per tal de
gestionar els seus respectius molins. Primerament, lautor descriu els dos contractes habituals
mitjanant els quals els propietaris podien cedir ladministraci de les installacions a altres
persones: larrendament, en qu es venia aquest dret per un determinat preu; i la comanda,
que sel delegava durant un cert perode de temps a canvi duna retribuci. En segon lloc, els
gestors tamb podien alienar, totalment o parcial, els tres mecanismes bsics a travs dels quals
es dotava de personal als molins, ja fos mitjanant concessions, arrendaments o afermaments:
la molineria, s a dir, el conjunt de drets i deures propis de loci de moliner; la besolfa, segu-
rament relacionada amb les tasques menys especialitzades de la mlta dels cereals, com ara el
trag del gra i la farina; i, nalment, el mestratge, aix s, el manteniment de les infraestructures
dels molins. Lexemple del mol anomenat la Coromina illustra perfectament com sanaren
alternant totes aquestes formes contractuals en la seva administraci entre els anys 1290 i 1312.
La construcci dels nous recs per part del comte dEmpries, fent s en opini de
lautor, duna forma prou arbitrria del seu domini sobre laigua de lltim tram del riu Muga,
va propiciar, com sha dit, el desmantellament daquests molins, tot i que cadascun dels seus
propietaris va ser compensat amb un cens a perpetutat calculat a partir dels preus anuals dels
darrers arrendaments. A diferncia, per, dels molins ubicats a Vilanova de la Muga, el comte
dEmpries no conced nous permisos de construcci als antics propietaris dels molins caste-
llonins, sin que es reserv la titularitat dels nous casals. A partir daquest moment, els molins
bladers van passar a ser administrats per un batlle que, al llarg de la segona meitat del s. XIV,
va anar adquirint mplies competncies: manteniment de les installacions i dels seus aparells;
contractaci i retribuci del personal habitual dels molins; i, sobretot, el control dels ingressos
i les despeses generades per la seva activitat. Ocasionalment, per, la casa comtal va optar per
la frmula de larrendament, concretament durant alguns anys de les dcades de 1330 i 1380, la
qual cosa signicava una minva en les competncies daquest crrec o, hipotticament, la seva
supressi temporal; en canvi, pel que fa a la gesti del mol draper, sembla que larrendament
fou el mecanisme ms utilitzat per a gestionar la seva explotaci.
Duna forma similar a lactivitat molinera, lany 1339 el comte dEmpries impuls
una nova reestructuraci en la propietat de les salines de Castell dEmpries, bo i adquirint
el domini til i els drets dexplotaci de tots els salners de la vila. I, digual manera que amb
els molins de la Muga, els propietaris foren compensats amb un cens anual calculat a partir del
valor de cadascuna de les installacions, tot i que la casa comtal es reservava el dret de redimir-
lo, per la qual cosa aquest tipus doperaci acab funcionant, a la prctica, com una compra a
crdit. Abans daquesta actuaci, els propietaris dels salners estaven obligats, entre altres coses,
a gestionar-ne els drets dexplotaci fonamentalment la contractaci de saliners i pouaters i a
vendre a un preu poltic una bona part de la producci a la Gabella de la Sal, instituci comtal
que la comercialitzava arreu del comtat dEmpries. A canvi, els propietaris dels salners rebien
certa quantitat de sal franca que podien vendre lliurement dins i fora el comtat, tot i que, proba-
blement, haurien de tenir en compte, en primer lloc, la satisfacci de la demanda local.
Val a dir que, a diferncia del que havia succet amb els molins, la reestructuraci
promoguda per la casa dEmpries no va implicar un especial punt dinexi en la gesti de
les salines castellonines: si b a partir de 1339 la Gabella hauria dassumir, a ms de la comer-
cialitzaci de la sal, el control total de la seva producci, tamb s cert que una de les primeres
mesures del govern comtal fou arrendar-la a terceres persones durant un perode de 10 anys, tal
i com ja shavia anat produint amb anterioritat a aquell any. Segurament, el moment en qu es
visualitz millor el canvi en la gesti de les salines sesdevingu un cop nalitzat aquest con-
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tracte, quan lexplotaci de la Gabella i dels salners fou delegada a un administrador comtal, el
batlle de la Gabella o gabellot, que al llarg de la segona meitat del s. XIV, talment com el batlle
dels molins bladers, adquir mplies competncies en aquest mbit: manteniment de les instal-
lacions, especialment de les snies; contractaci i remuneraci dels treballadors; i, evidentment,
supervisi dels ingressos i les despeses de la Gabella.
A nivell particular, doncs, el treball de Josep M Gironella ha sabut descriure per-
fectament quines foren les conseqncies de les reestructuracions que la casa dEmpries re-
alitz a les acaballes del primer ter del s. XIV en les activitats molinera i salinera de Castell
dEmpries, amb el clar objectiu daugmentar el seu control sobre dos sectors clau duna vila
en ple creixement demogrc i econmic i, per tant, dincrementar els ingressos de lerari
comtal. I, a nivell general, ha estat capa de contextualitzar amb rigor els diversos i complexos
aspectes relacionats amb aquestes activitats dins la societat baixmedieval castellonina, cosa
que converteix aquesta monograa en un referent en el seu camp destudi, talment com ho han
estat per lautor els treballs de Pere Ort sobre els molins reials del rec comtal de Barcelona, o
b de Sylvie Caucanas sobre aquest tipus dinstallacions al Rossell, sempre presents al llarg
de lobra de Gironella.
ALBERT MART ARAU
Klaus HERBERS, Pilger Ppste Heilige. Ausgewhlte Aufstze zur europischen
Geschichte des Mittelalters, Tbingen, Narr-Verlag, 2011, 428 pp. ISBN 978-3-8233-6616-4.
El profesor Klaus Herbers destaca en el seno de la actual comunidad de medie-
valistas alemanes por haber dedicado una parte importante de su trayectoria investigadora al
estudio de la historia de las tierras de la Pennsula Ibrica, y por haber sido uno de los que con
su actividad docente e investigadora ms ha contribuido a mantener viva una larga tradicin de
inters por la temtica hispnica en tierras germanas, que ya arranca del siglo XIX, y que hasta
el momento presente ha venido potenciando de forma continuada la Grresgesellchaft.
Buena prueba de esta predileccin por los temas hispnicos del profesor Herbers la
tenemos en el libro que ahora reseamos, editado con ocasin de haber cumplido los 60 aos en
enero de 2011, en homenaje y reconocimiento a su fructfera trayectoria investigadora, como
todava se sigue teniendo por costumbre en determinados ambientes acadmicos. Se renen en
l, en efecto, catorce breves trabajos de este reconocido medievalista alemn, que previamente
haban visto la luz en otras publicaciones, y entre los cuales son muy numerosos los que abor-
dan una temtica especcamente hispana.
Es el caso, en primer lugar, de dos trabajos en los que analiza con detenimiento
los relatos que de sus viajes a los reinos hispanos nos han legado varios personajes de origen
alemn de nes del Medievo, entre los que destaca por su mayor celebridad el mdico de
Nrnberg, Jernimo Mnzer. A partir de este material profundiza en la caracterizacin de las
relaciones que en esta poca mantuvieron el espacio alemn y el hispano, a la vez que se es-
fuerza por reconstruir la imagen que de la cultura hispana se forjaron entonces los alemanes,
advirtiendo sobre la extraordinaria diversidad que las tierras de la Pennsula presentaban a sus
ojos, y llamando la atencin sobre algunos de los rasgos que ms contribuan a conferirles cier-
to carcter extico, entre los que cabra destacar la masiva presencia de poblacin musulmana
en determinadas comarcas.
En cierto modo relacionado con la temtica de estos dos artculos se encuentra un
tercero en el que Herbers centra su atencin en un tipo muy determinado de viaje, que alcanz
notable desarrollo durante el perodo medieval, la peregrinacin. El artculo en cuestin aborda
la problemtica de las consecuencias que en esta poca tuvo el auge de las peregrinaciones so-
bre el desarrollo urbano de aquellos lugares que atrajeron mayor nmero de peregrinos, de entre
los que selecciona por su mayor relevancia los de Roma, Santiago de Compostela y Aquisgrn.
Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela han sido uno de los aspectos de la
historia del Medievo hispano que mayor inters han despertado en el profesor Herbers a lo largo
de su trayectoria investigadora, que se ha traducido en la publicacin de numerosos trabajos
366 RESEAS
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dedicados a esta temtica, de los cuales los editores del presente libro han seleccionado tres.
En el primero de ellos presta atencin a los testimonios ms tempranos de peregrinaciones a
Compostela desde el mbito centroeuropeo, valorando su signicacin en el contexto de la
reconstruccin de las relaciones de la monarqua asturiana con el sur de Alemania durante el
siglo X. Un segundo trabajo aborda el anlisis de los milagros atribuidos al apstol Santiago en
relatos incluidos en el Liber Sancti Jacobi, conectando de este modo temticamente con otros
trabajos incluidos en este mismo libro, en que aborda el anlisis de la literatura hagiogrca
en la Europa altomedieval, especialmente en el mbito romano. Y el tercero de este grupo de
artculos de temtica jacobea se centra en el estudio del papel que los monarcas castellano-
leoneses desempearon en la potenciacin del culto jacobeo, de la propia sede compostelana y
de la ciudad de Santiago, de seoro episcopal, en un amplio arco cronolgico que abarca desde
poca astur hasta comienzos del siglo XIV. Al mismo tiempo ofrece algunas pinceladas sobre
el papel que el propio papado desempe en todo este proceso, sin olvidar, por supuesto, a al-
gunos de los ms emprendedores prelados compostelanos, de entre los que presta una atencin
especial al clebre Gelmrez.
La institucin del papado, a la que desde diferentes perspectivas ha dedicado su
atencin el profesor Herbers en una parte importante de sus investigaciones, constituye el prin-
cipal objeto de estudio de otro de sus trabajos de temtica hispnica incluidos en el presente
libro, en el que analiza las relaciones que mantuvo a lo largo del siglo XII con las instituciones
eclesisticas de los reinos hispanos, y sus intervenciones en el mbito hispano para promover o
apoyar la lucha armada contra los musulmanes.
La serie de trabajos de temtica hispana se cierra, por n, con un pormenorizado
estudio centrado en la reconstruccin del proceso de conquista y colonizacin de las islas Ca-
narias, en el que tambin se reexiona sobre el signicado que las experiencias acumuladas
durante el mismo pudieron tener para las posteriores empresas de colonizacin de castellanos y
portugueses en Amrica y frica.
La condicin de reconocido hispanista del profesor Herbers no nos debe llevar a
olvidar su otra importante faceta como medievalista que ha realizado meritorias contribucio-
nes a la historia de otros mbitos del continente europeo durante la alta y plena Edad Media.
De esta otra faceta dan buena prueba otros varios trabajos incluidos en el libro que reseamos,
que se ocupan de cuestiones diversas relacionadas con la hagiografa como gnero literario
y con el estudio de las relaciones entre el papado y el reino de los francos durante el perodo
carolingio. Desde esta ltima perspectiva cabe destacar en primer lugar un trabajo en que se
detiene a analizar con extremo detalle el episodio del enfrentamiento que en los aos 860 y
861 protagonizaron el papa Nicols I y el arzobispo Juan VII de Ravenna, en el que tambin
se vio implicado el emperador carolingio Luis II. En otro trabajo Herbers profundiza en la
reconstruccin de la trayectoria poltica del papa Len III, clebre por haber sido quien coro-
n como emperador a Carlomagno en Roma en la Navidad del ao 800, planteando algunas
interesantes consideraciones en torno a los motivos que pudieron haberle llevado a buscar
apoyo en este monarca a n de reforzar su posicin en la propia ciudad de Roma, donde haba
tenido que enfrentarse a una feroz oposicin. Este grupo de trabajos dedicados al estudio del
papado en poca pregregoriana se cierra con un sugerente trabajo en el que el profesor Herbers
se esfuerza por demostrar cmo la autoridad papal experiment cierto fortalecimiento en el
perodo de trnsito entre los siglos IX y X, pese a los muchos desafos a los que tuvo que hacer
frente en aquellos difciles tiempos.
Un segundo gran bloque de trabajos de temtica no hispana est constituido por los
que se ocupan de cuestiones relativas al culto a los santos y a la literatura hagiogrca en el
marco de la ciudad de Roma en los siglos IX y X. En concreto en el primero de ellos llama la
atencin sobre la importancia que desde la perspectiva de la intensicacin de las relaciones
entre Roma y el reino de los francos tuvo la traslacin de reliquias de santos desde dicha ciu-
dad a diversos lugares del mencionado reino durante el siglo IX. Un segundo trabajo analiza
la evolucin de las formas de describir a los personajes biograados en el Liber Ponticalis y
otros textos hagiogrcos romanos de los siglos VIII y IX, para comprobar hasta qu punto en
esta poca ya se haba tomado conciencia de la relevancia del individuo como protagonista de
la historia, o tienen razn los que, siguiendo la tesis de Burckhardt, consideran que tal toma
de conciencia se retras hasta el advenimiento del Renacimiento. En el tercero de los trabajos
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de este grupo, por n, Herbers profundiza en el anlisis desde otras perspectivas del Liber
Ponticalis, llamando la atencin acerca de la utilizacin de esta magna obra como fuente para
la elaboracin de nuevos relatos hagiogrcos que tenan el carcter de reescrituras, es decir
de reelaboraciones llevadas a cabo para atender a las exigencias de unas circunstancias nuevas.
En suma, pues, nos encontramos ante un libro de temtica muy heterognea, como,
por lo dems, caba esperar dado su carcter de obra miscelnea que recoge la produccin
dispersa de un autor. Pero los trabajos son heterogneos no slo por razn de su temtica sino
tambin por su propio planteamiento, habida cuenta de que muchos de ellos tienen su origen en
ponencias presentadas a congresos y otras reuniones cientcas, y como consecuencia fueron
elaborados tratando de adaptarse a las lneas directrices de cada una de dichas reuniones. En
cualquier caso todos ellos han sido llevados a cabo con un encomiable rigor metodolgico, por
lo que quienes estn interesados en el estudio de las materias en ellos abordadas podrn utili-
zarlos con sumo provecho. Y por ello recomendamos su lectura.
Jose A. JARA FUENTE, Georges MARTIN, Isabel ALFONSO ANTN (eds.), Construir
la identidad en la Edad Media. Poder y memoria en la Castilla de los siglos VII a XV, Cuenca,
Universidad de Castilla La Mancha, 2010, 317 pp. (Humanidades (Universidad de Castilla-La
Mancha); 112). ISBN 978-84-8427-778-1.

Se renen en este volumen once trabajos presentados y debatidos en un colo-
quio celebrado en Cuenca en 2007, organizado por la Universidad de Castilla La Mancha, el
SIREM (Universit de Paris) y la Casa de Velzquez. La orientacin esencial es clara: estable-
cer referentes de identidad colectiva tocantes a tres mbitos concretos: la naturaleza, el territo-
rio y la comunidad. La identidad, como la memoria, son temas y problemas de evidente inters
y actualidad; este binomio est ciertamente muy presente aqu, apoyado en una tercera pata
imprescindible: el poder. La atencin se dirige hacia los procesos de construccin de la identi-
dad en diversas escalas y escenarios: el reino, la ciudad, las comunidades rurales, la persona. Y
cabe discernir diversas formas de anlisis; ideolgico, poltico, territorial, social as como un
poderoso inters por el tratamiento de la imagen y los textos, del lenguaje y el mensaje: en de-
nitiva el discurso. Concurren aqu especialistas de la historia social, poltica, ideolgica y del
poder; y llogos particularmente dedicados al conocimiento y valoracin de los textos. Es esta
una combinacin de saberes y un cruce de miradas que demuestra ser intensamente fructfera y
sugestiva, en el mejor sentido de la interdisciplinariedad.
J.A. Jara empieza la presentacin del libro considerando que no hay identidades pa-
ccas: son siempre indica producto de una reaccin dialctica. Es este sin duda un tema de
interesante debate, porque si bien est claro que el conicto puede reforzar, acentuar e incluso
ofrecer mecanismos de construccin adicionales y coyunturas ms favorecedoras, sobre todo
en determinados marcos de anlisis, el desarrollo identitario presenta en mi opinin perles
muy complejos. La identidad, como la memoria, tambin se cimenta y se articula sobre otros
elementos que no por sosegados son necesariamente inocentes. La dialctica puede acentuar
la identidad, y de hecho ofrecer instrumentos y mecanismos de enorme ecacia, pero importa
considerar otros rasgos en la tarea constructiva. Este libro, precisamente, es buena muestra de
esa complejidad. Desde una visin de conjunto, inevitable en el espacio disponible, algunos
aspectos sobresalen singularmente. Aunque ninguno haya sido tratado en exclusiva y todos se
entrecrucen, procurar aqu distinguir cuatro puntos concretos, reiterando la imbricacin de
unos y otros.
En primer lugar, el peso ineludible del espacio en las construcciones identitarias,
tanto si ste se perle, se refuerce, se construya o se piense. J. Escalona Monge (Territorialidad
e identidades locales en la Castilla condal) se sita ante la expresin espacial de una identidad
colectiva esencialmente rural. Plantea una lectura de la documentacin en clave de escalas y
territorialidad donde, segn se va articulando el condado, tambin los espacios locales se van
convirtiendo en puntos de interaccin identitaria. Ch. Garca (Territorialidad y construccin
368 RESEAS
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poltica de la identidad concejil en la Zamora medieval) se ocupa de un concejo urbano, pero
platea que las relaciones personales son sustento del poder antes que las espaciales, aunque
la tierra tenga un carcter estructurante para el sistema social. P. Martnez Sopena aade a la
articulacin territorial un ingrediente de potente carga poltica (Las villas del rey y las fronteras
del reino (ca. 1158-1230)). El rey convierte su poltica urbanizadora en eje de su estrategia de
reordenacin del espacio. El autor propone un nuevo papel de las villas en el espacio regio, con-
trapuesto al de los nobles: una parte importante de la identidad territorial asociada a la corona
se fundamentar en las villas, ms que en la delidad nobiliaria.
Incluso en la ideologa imperial, el espacio que se piensa tiene una carga poltica
esencial. H. Sirantoine (Memoria construida, memoria destruida: la identidad monrquica a
travs del recuerdo de los emperadores de Hispania en los diplomas de los soberanos castella-
nos y leoneses (1065-1230)) evala la construccin de una identidad y una memoria imperial
que, se descubre aqu, no se corresponde con la memoria de los propios emperadores, o de
quienes utilizaron el ttulo. Esa manipulacin del recuerdo que emana de los propios reyes,
interesados en proyectos polticos concretos se pone en relacin con la construccin de la
identidad monrquica.
El segundo aspecto global que cabe destacar es la relevancia de la nocin de perte-
nencia, o de insercin en la comunidad fsica o poltica, de rango menor o mayor, o en ambos
jerrquicamente, que necesariamente implica un otro ajeno y que adems supone unos rasgos
denitorios. Presente en los trabajos ya citados, interesa sobre todo el de J.A. Jara Fuente (Cons-
ciencia, alteridad y percepcin: la construccin de la identidad en la Castilla urbana del siglo
XV), que analiza cmo se llega a la construccin de marcadores identitarios e identidades polticas
a travs de los conictos que, en el siglo XV, enfrentaron a la ciudad de Cuenca con los nobles
del entorno. Cabe situar aqu quiz tambin a F. Ruiz Gmez (Identidad en la Edad Media: la
culpa y la pena) que propone que el anlisis de la construccin de la identidad de la persona, en
el perodo medieval, se sustenta en tres bases: primero el discurso religioso, porque la identidad
del hombre medieval necesita una aproximacin teolgica; segundo, el necesario debate jurdico
que dene a la persona en funcin de sus derechos, vinculado a la idea de la alteridad; y tercero,
ms complejo, de tipo losco, el anlisis de la evolucin de la conciencia intelectual del yo.
El tercer aspecto global que impregna la construccin identitaria sera la consta-
tacin de la complejidad en el anlisis de las instancias de rango superior, en particular la
monarqua, que se observa en alguno de los trabajos precedentes. Dos trabajos se centran en el
anlisis de la nocin de naturaleza, esencial en la articulacin poltica del siglo XIII y refe-
rente de identidad colectiva. G. Martin (Le concept de naturalit (naturaleza) dans Les sept
parties dAlphonse X le Sage) analiza la denicin del trmino, identica mecanismos polticos
y sociales y estudia su manipulacin. No olvida los perles territoriales de la naturaleza y veri-
ca analizando Las Partidas un interesante proceso de deslizamiento en el concepto, desde lo
dinstico (del seor) a lo territorial. C. Estepa Dez (Naturaleza y poder real en Castilla) tam-
bin se ocupa de la naturaleza y de su relacin con el poder real, si bien en un perodo anterior;
considera que ya en los ltimos decenios del siglo XII cabe rastrear la identicacin de natura-
leza respecto al rey con la naturaleza respecto al reino. Tambin interesado por el componente
espacial, analiza cmo naturaleza respecto al rey y al reino presentan una relacin intensa que
considera conuyente con el vasallaje o, incluso, lo sustituye. Cabe destacar, sin duda, que nos
movemos en el terreno de la construccin de bases polticas de alto rango, que sin duda se
vern poderosamente reforzadas, como tantas otras cosas, al amparo de Alfonso X, una gene-
racin despus. Por otro lado, y todava dentro de este tercer bloque, J.M. Nieto Soria (Corona
e identidad poltica en Castilla), seala unas particularidades y una dinmica cronolgica que
adelanta la tradicionalmente planteada, ligada a los Reyes Catlicos. Analiza cuatro niveles de
signicacin de la corona en tanto que concepto poltico emergente capaz de establecer una
exigencia de lealtad en el perodo trastmara (desde el s. XIV): como unidad corporativa, como
titular patrimonial, como titular de derechos polticos y como memoria poltica colectiva.
Y en cuarto y ltimo lugar hay que destacar la reiterada constatacin de que las
elaboraciones escritas de la cancillera, de la cronstica o de otras instancias, no son casuales
ni inocentes. Detrs hay proyectos polticos e ideolgicos conscientes, en distintas fases de
elaboracin. Si bastantes de los trabajos ya indicados inciden en esta cuestin, an hay otros.
A. Ward (Sancho el Mayor, la reina calumniada y los orgenes del reino de Castilla) analiza
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cmo los cronistas e historiadores de la Baja Edad Media, conscientes de que en el siglo XI pe-
ninsular se situaban los cimientos de las estructuras polticas posteriores, escriben y reescriben
esa compleja etapa. Analiza tres bloques de textos (ss. XIII-XIV) en los que estudia cmo se
renegocian la identidades de manera creativa y dialctica, segn los textos preexistentes y las
necesidades del presente. La identidad poltica se concibe como un proceso dinmico de legi-
timacin y acceso al control del poder. Por su parte, I. Alfonso Antn (Memoria e identidad en
las pesquisas judiciales en el rea castellano-leonesa medieval) orienta el inters por la memo-
ria hacia este aspecto social de la memoria oral, movilizada en las querellas judiciales y puesta
por escrito en forma de pesquisa. Analiza, para ello, los elementos que denan la identidad de
los testigos, el carcter de sus recuerdos y la credibilidad que se les otorgaba.
ELOSA RAMREZ VAQUERO
Nelly LABRE (coord.), tre table au Moyen ge, Madrid, Casa de Velzquez,
2010, XVII+277 pp. (Collection de la Casa de Velzquez; 115). ISBN 978-84-96820-49-4.
La aceptable salud de la que disfruta la historia de la alimentacin medieval en los l-
timos tiempos en el mbito europeo y anglosajn, heredera de la iniciativa de la Escuela de Anna-
les, ha dado como resultado toda una serie de publicaciones que han encontrado su lugar dentro de
la historia social, la historia de las ideas, la antropologa, la bibliografa de tratados de etiqueta, el
ensayo losco y psicoanaltico, o incluso la arqueologa [denominada] del gusto. No obstan-
te, el estudio de la alimentacin a travs de la literatura de la poca no ha sido lo sucientemente
explotado, quedando incluso relegado a un segundo plano. Con el n de paliar de alguna manera
este ltimo aspecto, entre el 21 y el 22 de mayo de 2009, la Casa de Velzquez reuni a un nutrido
grupo de especialistas bajo la direccin de la profesora de la Universidad Michael de Montaigne,
Burdeos III, Nelly Labre y de Carlos Heusch, profesor de la cole Normale Suprieure-Lettres et
Sciencies Humaines de Lyon, en un coloquio internacional, algunas de cuyas ponencias junto con
otras aportaciones que se han incluido a posteriori integran el volumen a resear.
Tras la introduccin de Nelly Labre, Pour une mise en bouche textuelle, el libro
est estructurado en tres partes principales. La primera lleva por ttulo Les rgles de lapptit,
subdividida a su vez en cuatro apartados. En el primero Mange ma lle! La privation et
lexcs se recoge la contribucin de Betriz Ferrs Antn Alguien en m dormido me come
y me bebe Mujer y metfora alimentaria en la Edad Media, en la que aborda las diferencias
en la dieta y la concepcin de sta en el mbito femenino, tanto el religioso como el cortesano,
utilizando como ejemplos la Vita Christi de sor Isabel de Villena y el Tirant lo Blanch de Joanot
Marorell. Por su parte, Katy Bernard en su trabajo, Les noces dvorantes. Du rapport du Jaloux
la nourriturre dans le Roman de Flamenca, obra occitana del siglo XIII y una de las pocas
obras medievales que reivindica el papel de la mujer dentro del juego del amor corts, trata so-
bre el poder psicolgico de los celos a travs de la comida y del acto de comer, como le ocurre
a uno de los protagonistas, el caballero Archimbaut, con su esposa.
El segundo apartado La bouche moralise. La norme et le plaisir incluye los traba-
jos de Jos Arags Aldaz, Comida y santidad en una lectura de refectorio. El Flos Sanctorum, y
de Marta Haro Corts, Et no andedes tras vuestra voluntad en comer ni en bever ni en fornicio.
De gula y lujuria en la literatura sapiencial. Arags Aldaz alude al Flos Sanctorum, redactado a
mediados del siglo XV en el seno de la orden de los jernimos, en lo esencial una traduccin abre-
viada de la Legenda aurea de Iacopo de Vrese, como lectura monacal para el estmulo del ayuno
y la abstinencia, ejemplo de ascetismo en la mesa, entrelazando oracin, ayuno y penitencia. Haro
Corts profundiza sobre la vinculacin entre la gula y la lujuria en la literatura erudita medieval.
As, la necesidad de reglamentar las manifestaciones de los instintos y todo comportamiento que
diese rienda suelta a los impulsos individuales tuvo gran desarrollo a partir del siglo XIII, con
el n de promover la continencia alimentaria, cuyo desorden abocaba irremediablemente a la
gula y a todo tipo de desorden de carcter moral, social y mdico. Una literatura que aboga por
la abstinencia, fruto de la templanza y de la salud, y por el decoro en los hbitos alimentarios y
en la actitud en la mesa, fundamento para la salud de alma y cuerpo durante la Baja Edad Media.
370 RESEAS
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Por lo que respecta al tercer apartado Voir et tre vu. Rituels de bouche es espace
politique, Francisco Bautista, con su Comed conde. Las transformaciones de un ritual del
Cantar de mo Cid a Diego Valera, analiza cmo la comida en comn, y el banquete en espe-
cial, promueve y expresa la solidaridad entre los participantes, pero tambin la jerarqua social
como mtodo de comunicacin poltica. Del mismo modo y en la medida en que lo permite
la documentacin, muestra la importancia del hecho alimentario en los rituales caballerescos
como parte fundamental del ceremonial de entrega de algunos ttulos nobiliarios en la Castilla
bajomedieval. Estelle Duduet en su Du rituel narratif la rexion politique. Festins en Bour-
gogne dan les mmoires et les chroniques ofcielles au XVe sicle, se basa en las crnicas
narrativas principalmente para profundizar en los banquetes borgoones de nales de la Edad
Media. Ejemplos representativos de la comensalidad cortesana borgoona, en donde banquete
y espectculo suelen ir de la mano con un marcado n poltico.
El cuarto y ltimo apartado La table et ses trteaux. La thtralisation du re-
pas incluye los trabajos de Jelle Koopmans, tre vu table. Thtralisation du repas et de
la nourriturre la n du Moyen ge, y Maria Jos Palla, Labsence de table. Le jene de la
vieille de Carme. El primero estudia la conexin existente entre la mesa, como representacin
pblica al mismo tiempo que teatral en la pintura en las ciudades del norte de Francia y el sur
de Blgica durante los siglos XV y XVI, mientras que la segunda se sirve de la obra teatral La
plainte de Maria la Noiraude, del portugus Gil Vicente (1465-1536), como objeto de estudio
para profundizar la vinculacin del ritual carnavalesco y cuaresmal con la alimentacin y las
implicaciones mdicas en boga a nales de la Edad Media e inicios del Renacimiento.
La segunda parte del volumen, Dcouper le texte. la ciuisine du rcit, a su vez
se subdivide en otros dos apartados. El primero Le carnaval des aliments: le Libro de Buen
Amor engloba el estudio de Santiago U. Snchez Jimnez, Construccin discursiva en el Li-
bro de Buen Amor. Las palabras que designan instrumentos propios de la alimentacin, que
muestra los patrones de comportamiento respecto a la alimentacin y su entorno (consecucin,
produccin, transformacin y elaboracin del alimento y las conductas protocolarias del hecho
de alimentarse) que conoci el hombre medieval en la sociedad castellana del siglo XIV, a
travs del libro de Juan Ruiz, el arcipreste de Hita. Bienvenido Morros Mestres, a su vez, en su
estudio Historia, religin y gastronoma. La pelea de don Carnal y doa Cuaresma en el Libro
de Buen Amor, plantea que el enfrentamiento tanto el Martes de Carnaval como el Domingo
de Resurreccin, siguen esquemas propios de dos confrontaciones histricas, como fueron la
batalla de Alarcos (1195) y la de las Navas de Tolosa (1212), en cuya escenicacin utiliza ele-
mentos tanto religiosos como gastronmicos (pecado-lujuria, penitencia-ayuno). Del mismo
modo, hace hincapi en la posibilidad de que el autor, para la elaboracin de la trama blica
se hubiera basado en la Crnica latina, y no descarta que hubiera utilizado el Decretum del
obispo alemn Burkhard Worms (siglos X-XI) y el Pobre libro de las confesiones de Martn
Prez, compuesto entre 1312 y 1317, por las coincidencias que presenta con ellos cuando
trata el tema del ayuno. Les mots la bouche dans le Libro de Buen Amor, de la coordinadora
de este magnco volumen compilatorio, Nelly Labre, nos explica la representacin gastro-
nmica de esta obra, donde no faltan recursos alegricos y metforas culinarias de carcter
moralizante y poltico.
El segundo apartado Avoir les yeux plus gros que le ventre: La Celestina recoge
los trabajos Bouches clestinesques. Una co o mal bocabro!, una comer, o cometa co-
media y Faire chre lie dans une valle de larmes. Le banquet carnavalesque de Clestine,
escritos por Nathalie Peyrebonne y Carlos Heusch respectivamente. Mientras la primera intro-
duce al lector en la constante bsqueda de Fernando de Rojas por representar un mundo de pla-
cer, en donde la comida y bebida quedan vinculadas con el amor, la ansiedad que provoca este
sentimiento a los principales personajes (Calixto y Melibea) tambin conlleva su rechazo. Del
mismo modo tambin resulta evidente el paralelismo entre el deseo de alimentarse y el deseo
carnal de los amantes. Por el contrario, el deseo para la Celestina no queda reejado en el amor
sino en la avaricia y su alimento en el dinero que recibe por sus servicios. Una obra, en palabras
de Peyrebonne, que nos presenta un universo en el que domina un hambre devoradora, un mun-
do en el que los personajes suelen ser vctimas de esta necesidad insaciable, apetitosos espejis-
mos que acaban siendo sueos engaosos y sobre todo fugaces. Por su parte, Heusch se centra
en la dimensin ms social de la obra, all donde quedan representados dos mundos culturales
RESEAS 371
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en continuo conicto: las elites sociales, en el caso de la nobleza, y servidores, prostitutas, ru-
anes y casamenteras del pueblo llano. Grupos sociales diferentes con distintos planteamientos
frente a los alimentos y su signicado. Mientras los primeros no tienen problemas de acceso a
ellos y su condicin privilegiada queda reejada a travs de los alimentos que consumen, los
segundos, pertenecientes al entorno de la supervivencia, cuando logran conseguirlos se lanzan
al exceso, vinculado a la gula y la lujuria, en contraposicin a la mesura propia de la etiqueta
que se atribuye a las clases nobiliarias.
La tercera y ltima parte del volumen, Manger le texte, se subdivide en otros dos
apartados ms. El primero Des mots plein la bouche. Stratgies discursives des propos de
table incluye el estudio de Mara Luzdivina Cuesta Torre, Todos los altos hombres y ca-
valleros y escuderos se asentaron a las mesas, y los manjares fueron trados a cada uno. La
alimentacin en la materia artrica castellana, en el que no slo responde a cuestiones tales
como el qu, cundo, dnde, con qu (utensilios y mobiliario) y con quines se ha de comer,
reejadas en los textos de la literatura artrica castellana, como Tristn, Lanzarote, El Baladro
del sabio Merln y la Demanda del Santo Grial, sino que completa y justica sus reexiones
con estudios de carcter tanto literario como histrico. Jean-Claude Mhlethaler analiza en
Quand la nourriturre se fait parole. Scnes de communication alimentaire dans les rcits m-
divaux la similitud entre el poeta y el cocinero en los textos literarios de los siglos XII y XII.
Destaca que la utilizacin de connotaciones alimentarias no son en modo alguno gratuitas, sino
que juegan, por lo general, un papel concreto en el desarrollo de la historia.
El ltimo apartado la table des matires corresponde a las aportaciones de Ma-
deleine Jeay, Scnes de repas et catalogues gastronomiques dans l`criture romanesque; Jacque-
line Cerquiglini-Toulet, Portrait de lcrivain en mangeur la n du Moyen ge. La nourriturre
comme code chez Eustache Deschamps; y Tania Van Hemelryck, Mascher lescripture. Livre,
lecture et nourriture aux XIVe et XVe

sicles. La primera contribucin profundiza, a partir de
la literatura pica francesa en romance, sobre distintas cuestiones como la hospitalidad y los
banquetes, donde encontramos numerosas representaciones alegricas de carcter alimentario.
La segunda se centra en la utilizacin tradicional de la metfora culinaria. De hecho, la alimen-
tacin, debido a que es parte de la experiencia comn, permite al lector entender conceptos
abstractos. En esta lnea pone especial nfasis en la obra del poeta Eustache Deschamps, por
la riqueza de menciones que sobre la mesa utiliza en su obra literaria y por la complejidad del
retrato que da de s mismo en su relacin con la comida. La tercera contribucin reconoce la
utilizacin en la literatura medieval de juegos de palabras ambiguos, como sucede con el propio
ttulo de la aportacin, que relacionan la escritura y la lectura con la alimentacin.
El volumen naliza con una reexin, Boute-hors et rexions digestives, de la
coordinadora de los estudios, Nelly Labre, en la que reivindica la importancia de los textos
literarios medievales ibricos y franceses para profundizar en aspectos que otro tipo de docu-
mentacin no suele aportar en relacin con los diferentes campos de estudio que la alimentacin
ofrece. Es de agradecer la bibliografa nal y nica, que recoge la utilizada por los autores que
han contribuido con sus trabajos, porque permite dar una visin de conjunto de temas relevantes
e interdisciplinares que ayuda al investigador en el rastreo bibliogrco. No quiero terminar sin
felicitar a la Casa de Velzquez por la edicin de estos trabajos y a los investigadores por la
calidad de los mismos.
FERNANDO SERRANO LARRYOZ
Universidad de Alcal
Miguel ngel LADERO QUESADA, La Hacienda Real de Castilla. 1369-1504, Ma-
drid, Real Academia de la Historia, 2009, 808 pp. ISBN 978-84-96849-52-5.
La Hacienda regia constituye un mbito de estudio que, por su importancia en el
devenir de los acontecimientos polticos y de los procesos econmicos y sociales ha intere-
sado a diversos autores en nuestro pas. Entre todos estos autores, sin duda, destaca Miguel
ngel Ladero Quesada, cuya contribucin ha sido fundamental a la hora de esclarecer y
denir cules son las lneas evolutivas que siguen tanto la Hacienda como la economa cas-
372 RESEAS
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tellanas. No es necesario insistir en la amplia trayectoria investigadora y la calidad de su
trabajo, ya que estas dos caractersticas han hecho de l un autor de referencia en distintos
campos de la historiografa medieval pero, sobre todo, en la investigacin de la hacienda
medieval castellana.
La Hacienda Real de Castilla constituye una obra de lectura obligada no slo por la
labor de compilacin realizada para confeccionarla, sino tambin por su carcter esclarecedor
de cuestiones tan fundamentales para el estudio del papel sociopoltico de la scalidad como el
anlisis de las cargas impositivas o la poltica monetaria de la corona castellana. Precisamente,
el esfuerzo dedicado al conocimiento de las estructuras y las relaciones polticas y econmicas
que se documentan en el marco de la corona de Castilla durante el siglo XV, ha posibilitado que
el trabajo del autor haya resistido el paso del tiempo. Este hecho ha propiciado que, bajo el ttu-
lo integrador que aqu se presenta, se encuentre la reedicin de una obra ya publicada en 1973,
junto con otras investigaciones llevadas a cabo posteriormente con el n de culminar el estudio
del aparato hacendstico castellano.
De este modo, el esfuerzo dedicado al anlisis de las estructuras econmicas ofrece
pinceladas acerca de otros temas que discurren de manera paralela en relacin con la vida eco-
nmica del reino. Tal como maniesta el propio Miguel ngel Ladero Quesada, entre los tres
grandes bloques que tradicionalmente han ocupado los estudios de historia (historia poltica,
econmica y social) es posible apreciar una estrecha interrelacin, de manera que el estudio
de una parcela tan fundamental para el conocimiento histrico como es la economa permi-
te extraer conclusiones de sumo inters para los otros dos mbitos de trabajo historiogrco.
A este respecto conviene sealar, por ejemplo, la imbricacin que la poltica monetaria y scal
mantienen con la lucha entre los dos poderes que compiten por la hegemona poltica en el
reino, esto es, la monarqua y la aristocracia castellana, que no tiene reparos en atacar las rentas
regias, convirtindose as en un serio obstculo para la corona. El autor observa asimismo los
abusos y defectos del sistema scal, que desglosa a partir de los servicios de Cortes, y s distin-
tas formas de resistencia seorial que se producen ante las recaudaciones del sco regio. Unas
resistencias que, sin embargo, repercutirn en el incremento de servicios extraordinarios en las
Cortes para compensar los ingresos que se dejaban de percibir justamente por las actuaciones
de los seores.
Este trabajo se articula en torno a varios captulos, destinados a esclarecer algunos
de los mecanismos bsicos de la estructura scal, desde la recaudacin de impuestos con los
que se sufragaba tanto el salvado como el situado a los que, cada ao, ha de hacer frente la
corona, hasta el sistema de arrendamiento de rentas, puntualizndose tambin cuestiones tan
arraigadas en la Historia de la scalidad castellana como la presencia mayoritaria de judos
en los puestos principales del sistema de recaudacin. Tras poner las bases sobre las que se
cimientan el resto de aspectos tratados en pginas sucesivas, Ladero Quesada inicia su anlisis
con los gastos e ingresos, base del tejido scal, y muestra como stos van evolucionando en
funcin de las circunstancias polticas o sociales. Ello le permite adentrarse posteriormente
en el estudio de la hacienda regia desde el ascenso Trastmara hasta la primera expulsin de
la corte del privado del rey, D. lvaro de Luna (1429), periodo que maniesta una cierta ho-
mogeneidad con el ascenso de las Cortes como la institucin que marca la pauta de la poltica
hacendstica del reino.
Gracias al rastreo exhaustivo de la documentacin archivstica contenida en seccio-
nes simanquinas como las Contaduras Mayores o la Escribana Mayor de Rentas, y a la labor
de sntesis, el profesor Ladero Quesada realiza un claricador trabajo acerca de los problemas de
nomenclatura, deniciones y caractersticas de cada una de las medidas impositivas, tanto or-
dinarias como extraordinarias, que nacen o se consolidan tras el ascenso al poder de la dinasta
Trastmara. La evolucin que experimentan las tercias y alcabalas, desde su nacimiento como
impuestos de tipo extraordinario hasta su culminacin como las fuentes de ingreso ms impor-
tantes de la corona, constituye uno de los ejemplos sobre los que el autor llama la atencin a
n de mostrar las transformaciones que se advierten en la evolucin de los impuestos respecto
a siglos anteriores. En este sentido, el avance del siglo XV pondr el acento en los servicios de
Cortes, aduanas, almojarifazgos y en la organizacin del cobro de las tercias reales. Esto le per-
mite dibujar los rasgos principales de la poltica hacendstica y observar como la accin scal
motiva determinadas actuaciones polticas.
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Las particularidades econmicas que ofrecen las demarcaciones geogrcas fruto
del sistema de exenciones y privilegios tan caracterstico del periodo medieval son otro de los
retos a los que el autor se enfrenta y resuelve con xito en el siguiente trabajo integrado en
este libro. El profesor Ladero Quesada realiza una sntesis general sobre la conguracin de la
imagen regia a lo largo del territorio, a propsito del cual expone las caractersticas principales
de cada una de las provincias que integraban el pretrito sistema territorial castellano. Tras
apreciar la fosilizacin del sistema hacendstico que se haba congurado entre 1388 y 1406 y
mostrar el papel de la alcabala como smbolo de una nueva etapa hacendstica y de las Cortes
como escenario en el que se tejen las relaciones entre el rey y el reino, el autor se preocupa
establece cuales fueron condiciones generales monetarias y econmicas en las que se basa el
sistema tributario de la corona.
En relacin con el mbito territorial castellano, tambin se aborda el estudio de las
haciendas concejiles, dado el importante papel que a menudo juegan dentro de las luchas intes-
tinas entre el poder regio y el seorial. Iniciando su recorrido en los orgenes plenomedievales
de los concejos y centrndose de manera particular en los ncleos pertenecientes al realengo,
Ladero Quesada trata de determinar cmo se consigue que un grupo de poblacin asentada
sobre un determinado territorio contribuya scalmente a la hacienda regia. Para ello analiza
tanto la naturaleza de los distintos ingresos como la de los gastos a los que ha de hacer frente
el concejo. Esto le permite conocer los medios econmicos de que disponan los consistorios
desde la instauracin de la scalidad local y la tmida introduccin, ya en el siglo XII, de o-
ciales municipales encargados de la gestin hacendstica. De acuerdo a la tesis del autor, ser
la capacidad monrquica de integrar y hacer partcipes del sco regio a estos ncleos lo que
explique su sometimiento a los mecanismos de recaudacin scales, desde los repartimientos y
derramas a la posterior proliferacin de las sisas que se introducen a imitacin de la Corona de
Aragn, especialmente en el periodo de los Reyes Catlicos. La cesin del cobro de impuestos
y la habilidad para involucrar en calidad de recaudadores a algunos de los vecinos habran sido
la estrategia idnea para mantener bajo el control de la monarqua a los orecientes ncleos
urbanos y protourbanos.
Se completa este recorrido por la Hacienda regia castellana con el anlisis de otros
aspectos igualmente fundamentales a la hora de ampliar la panormica acerca de un objeto de
estudio tan denso y tan difcil de abarcar en su totalidad. Con este propsito se invita al lector a
reexionar acerca del juego de inuencias que culmina, en la segunda mitad del siglo XV, con el
ascenso social experimentado por parte de personajes que logran ganarse la conanza de los prin-
cipales actores polticos del momento. Como recuerda el autor, un ejemplo paradigmtico es el del
judeoconverso Diego Arias Dvila quien lograr, fruto de su estrecha relacin con Juan Pacheco,
el cargo de contador mayor de la hacienda, lo que signicaba que todo el dinero que llegaba a la
Corte deba pasar previamente por sus manos, alcanzando as unas enormes cotas de poder.
Por otro lado, tras el periodo Trastmara, el xito administrativo y hacendstico al-
canzado durante el gobierno de los Reyes Catlicos caracteriza la ltima etapa de un largo y
complejo recorrido por la poltica econmica castellana. En este caso, Ladero Quesada presenta
un balance nal acerca de la situacin de la hacienda regia a la muerte de Isabel I que permite
comprobar cmo las iniciativas scales llevadas a cabo desde haca dos dcadas haban dado
sus frutos, consolidndose el crecimiento de los ingresos regios. La sustitucin del sistema de
arrendamiento por el del encabezamiento, as como la recuperacin de algunas rentas por parte
de la corona y la incorporacin de otras nuevas, como las del reino de Granada, son algunos de
los elementos que explican este fortalecimiento econmico que, a su vez, se sustenta sobre una
estructura institucional poltico-administrativa que fomentar la preponderancia castellana de
los siglos XVI y XVII.
Combinando una gil redaccin con grcos y tablas que ilustran el texto, se ofrece
al lector toda una serie de herramientas que facilitan la comprensin de las lneas argumentales
que el autor va desgranando a lo largo de los distintos captulos que integran su estudio. La
ambicin que maniestan los presupuestos metodolgicos de la obra y su ejemplar tratamiento
de la problemtica hacendstica la convierten, sin lugar a dudas, en una referencia tanto para
estudiosos y conocedores de la materia como para los profanos que deseen acercarse a determi-
nados aspectos de la vida econmica de la dinasta Trastmara y su culminacin en el posterior
reinado de los Reyes Catlicos.
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Gracias a su dilatada experiencia como medievalista, una vez ms el profesor Mi-
guel ngel Ladero Quesada ofrece una obra esencial para el conocimiento de la hacienda real
de Castilla, tomando como referencia la nueva dinasta que se instala en el trono en 1369. El
pormenorizado estudio de la abundante documentacin por otro lado difcil de manejar tan-
to por su naturaleza diversa como por el examen exhaustivo que requiere supone un enorme
esfuerzo que, gracias al certero anlisis del autor, es rentabilizado con creces cuando se tiene
oportunidad de leer el resultado nal. Lejos de constituir un trabajo de scalidad encerrado en
la temtica econmica, la brillantez con la que se imbrican el panorama poltico y, en menor
medida, social, hacen de este libro una obra imprescindible para conocer el funcionamiento
interno de la monarqua, su evolucin y las relaciones que mantiene con los distintos poderes
en liza.
DIANA PELAZ FLORES
Miguel ngel LADERO QUESADA, Isabel I de Castilla. Siete ensayos sobre la reina,
su entorno y sus empresas, Madrid, Dykinson, 2012, 264 pp. ISBN 978-84-15454-53-3.
Arman todos los que la conocieron haberse hallado en ella una manera tan divina
de gobernar que casi pareca que solamente su voluntad bastaba por mandamiento, deca Bal-
tasar Castiglione a propsito de Isabel I de Castilla; una cita que recoge perfectamente el perl
de la reina que Miguel ngel Ladero Quesada dibuja en su libro. Consagrado medievalista,
el autor recupera en esta compilacin siete ensayos propios que giran en torno a la gura de
Isabel y que se encuadran en un marco histrico de sobra trabajado por l a lo largo de su ca-
rrera acadmico-profesional. Escritos entre 2001 y 2006, evidencian la ampliacin de los temas
abordados por el autor a partir del ao 2000, convirtindose el estudio de los Reyes Catlicos
en una de sus especialidades.
Ladero consigue aproximarse a Isabel I desde una perspectiva caleidoscpica: nos
ofrece a Isabel la mujer, la infanta, la reina, la esposa, la estratega, la piadosa, la diplomtica, la
beata, la madre, y mucho ms. Pero no slo eso, tambin juega acertadamente con los niveles
de anlisis, desplazndose desde un primer plano, en cuyo centro se encuentra la protagonista,
sola o junto a su marido, hacia otros mbitos ms generales, donde tienen cabida diferentes
escenarios (la corte castellana, el reino de Granada, el Nuevo Mundo, Flandes) y temticas
secundarias que conforman el contexto vital de la reina. Es decir, la obra acaba adoptando la
metafrica forma de un rbol que se ramica englobando otros elementos (tanto procesuales
como conceptuales) que jugaron un papel meritorio en el periodo estudiado. Dicho periodo,
por cierto, desborda el propio reinado de Isabel, rastreando los antecedentes inmediatos en los
aos previos a su llegada al poder, y estudiando los efectos de su obra en los albores de la Edad
Moderna: consigue as el autor ganar en perspectiva histrica, evitando el anlisis del periodo
como un bloque descontextualizado y carente de verdadera comprensin diacrnica.
En el primero de los ensayos, Isabel la Catlica, perl poltico de un reinado deci-
sivo, Ladero Quesada secciona el reinado de los Reyes en tres etapas, durante las cuales se van
adoptando las medidas acordes a un eciente gobierno que, como l mismo arma, supone un
antes y un despus, al sentar precedente de un verdadero aparato monrquico propio de la etapa
moderna. No obstante el resultado, el autor no lo considera revolucin sino, ms bien, el ca-
mino necesario que deba recorrer dicha institucin tras las disposiciones aplicadas en diversos
mbitos: ejrcito, hacienda, poderes locales y seoriales, iglesia Tambin remarca aqu el
progresivo y apreciable incremento de la autoridad lograda por Fernando, resultado benecioso
de su matrimonio. Puede surgir entonces el interrogante de si Isabel fue un poder a la sombra de
su marido o una presencia efectiva, es decir, si el ttulo de reina era un terico cargo sobre papel
o si, en la prctica, Isabel actu como tal. Pero el autor nos aclara la incertidumbre: conocedora
de todo cuanto afectaba al porvenir de su reino, participaba en bastantes mbitos relacionados
con el gobierno de su corona, desempeando sus funciones con positivos resultados. De ah
que el autor alabe su labor y la equipare a la de cualquier otro monarca. Prueba de todo ello
es el testamento de la reina, uno de los ejes vertebradores del ensayo, y fuente principal en la
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que el autor se apoya. Profuso y contundente, el documento de las ltimas voluntades de Isabel
estableca claramente cuales eran sus deseos, con el evidente propsito de inuir en el devenir
futuro de la historia castellana, aunque las circunstancias posteriores demostraran, en ocasio-
nes, lo contrario. Quera evitar, entre otras cosas, que la inestable y compleja casustica que la
encumbr a ella en el trono, para lo cual se haban combinado las alianzas estratgicas con las
probabilidades del azar, se repitiera a su muerte.
Isabel la Catlica vista por sus contemporneos es, sin duda alguna, el ensayo que
ms se aproxima a la realidad de este gran personaje histrico. Se logra acertadamente una
reconstruccin de la gura de la reina, alternando la actividad pblica con el discurrir de la
vida ms privada, y extrayendo, adems, pensamientos y sentimientos. Por tanto, no es slo
una biografa ms: es prosopografa e historia de las mentalidades, todo ello insertado en un
certero retrato de la poca. Este apartado es tambin muy signicativo por el uso que el autor
hace de fuentes escritas de muy diversa procedencia, lo que le permite conseguir el objetivo que
se propone, esto es, reconstruir la impresin generada entre aquellos que tuvieron posibilidad
de conocer, directa o indirectamente, a la reina. Cronistas, viajeros y literatos recogen en sus
palabras una abundante cadena de virtudes acerca de la apariencia fsica de Isabel, pero tambin
de su moral y de su comportamiento en variadas facetas: en la vida matrimonial y familiar,
en el mbito de la religiosidad, o en la prctica del ejercicio del poder. Ladero enumera todos
estos rasgos, reproduciendo literalmente los fragmentos extrados de las fuentes, mediante una
admirable tarea de comparacin de contenidos y autores. Y no slo eso, tambin reexiona y
analiza en estas pginas sobre el alcance y los lmites de los documentos, preguntndose dnde
acababa el relato el y dnde empezaba la intencin propagandstica, dado que la mayora de los
escritores eran castellanos.
El tercer ensayo, Prncipes de Asturias, es ms limitado, tanto en extensin como
en contenido, con respecto al resto. No obstante, era necesario incluirlo, puesto que el acceso
de Isabel a este ttulo se convierte en un ejemplo, premonitorio, de ese azar sucesorio que
determinar la historia de la corona castellana en los ltimos aos del Medievo. El autor vincula
con xito este tema con otro de mayor envergadura, el de los conictos de intereses entre los
sectores enfrentados por en la decisin de quin accedera, nalmente, al trono tras la muerte de
Enrique IV, y muestra la entrada en escena de una nueva fuerza, la nobleza.
En La princesa Juana. Felipe el hermoso, el marco temporal se ampla considera-
blemente, superponiendo al reinado de los Reyes Catlicos las primeras etapas de la vida de su
hija Juana, en un intento de re-descubrir a la infanta. La innovacin del ensayo radica preci-
samente en la atencin prestada a unos aos que quiz haban pasado ms desapercibidos para
la historiografa hasta este momento. Ladero nos presenta a Juana primero durante su infancia
y su adolescencia, mostrndonos aspectos de la vida cotidiana y caractersticas propias de la
educacin en la corte castellana, e insistiendo siempre en que era una mujer cuerda. Prepara
as un escenario donde se presiente la tragedia, precipitada por la aparicin de Felipe tambin
descrito, por separado, en uno de los epgrafes con quien habra de casarse la infanta. Desde la
prctica emptica, Ladero intenta comprender cmo las circunstancias que envolvieron a Juana
durante aquellos aos la indujeron a su estado de locura. Juana fue feliz durante su infancia, es
la armacin categrica del autor, pero luego sufri su pena en la soledad de la corte amenca,
y la sigui acarreando el resto de su vida. Y es entonces cuando en el ensayo se muestra a un
Felipe oportunista, que fomenta esta debilidad de su esposa como la nica va posible de
acceder a un gobierno efectivo y no compartido. Muerta ya la reina Isabel, Fernando, Juana
y Felipe conforman el conictivo tringulo del reparto del poder, lo que nos lleva a recordar
lo estipulado por aqulla en su testamento, donde, en referencia a Juana, haba dejado escrito
que cuando Isabel muera, tomar el ttulo de reina y recibir la misma obediencia [] que se
deben a Isabel, [] y al prncipe don Felipe, como su marido. No poda imaginar la monarca
cun complejo sera el devenir de los acontecimientos.
Los ltimos ensayos estn dedicados a las dos grandes hazaas histricas que siem-
pre se asocian, a modo de acto reejo, al reinado de Isabel y Fernando: la conquista de Grana-
da y su consiguiente incorporacin a la corona castellana, y el descubrimiento y colonizacin
del nuevo continente. Por tanto, se ampla el foco de atencin desde el limitado contexto del
crculo cortesano, a nuevo espacios geogrcos, algunos de ellos desconocidos hasta el mo-
mento.
376 RESEAS
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Con respecto a Granada, dos son los puntos tratados: uno, el proceso de recupe-
racin del territorio, y todas las medidas que facilitaran su pronta insercin en el entramado
poltico-administrativo castellano; y otro, la evolucin de las relaciones con la poblacin mu-
sulmana, tanto en los aos previos a la cada de Granada, como en el periodo posterior, hasta
las primeras dcadas del siglo XVI. Trabajando en la ordenada sucesin de los conceptos de
capitulacin, conversin y expulsin, se ampla nuevamente el marco cronolgico abor-
dado para esta temtica, en un intento de comprobar cules fueron las disposiciones adoptadas
por la reina, de quien adems el autor remarca: la voluntad de integrar al mudjar en la sociedad
cristiana, a pesar del rechazo latente hacia el Islam en los dominios poltico y religioso; y su
efectiva intervencin en la denicin y puesta en prctica del contrato capitular.
Finalmente, el ensayo Las Indias de los Reyes Catlicos guarda relacin de seme-
janza con los dos anteriores por cuanto se describe cmo se lleva a cabo el proceso de agrega-
cin de nuevos territorios, y se demuestra que, en mayor o menor medida, Isabel y Fernando
fueron ecientes gobernantes que apostaron por medidas adecuadas a la singularidad de cada
caso. Se presenta aqu la cara y la cruz del Descubrimiento, subrayando que evangelizacin
y explotacin fueron de la mano, muy a pesar de lo que Isabel haba dejado dispuesto en sus
ltimas voluntades: e no consientan [Juana y Felipe] que los indios reciban agravio alguno en
sus personas ni bienes, mas manden que sean bien e justamente tratados. Fue una disposicin
en vano, que demuestra, una vez ms, el carcter humano y piadoso de la reina.
Podemos concluir, pues, que Ladero Quesada acierta en la seleccin de los ensayos
que componen esta obra aunque, quiz, el orden en que los dispone no sea el ms acertado,
ya que obliga a dar saltos en el tiempo y resta continuidad diacrnica. Aborda en ellos el gobier-
no (reorganizacin administrativa, conictos sucesorios, interrelacin entre poderes de diferen-
te escala); la religiosidad (rdenes religiosas, concepto de Cruzada, creacin de la Inquisicin,
limosnas y actitud piadosa de la reina); la economa (coste de las empresas militares, prdidas
y ganancias de la empresa ultramarina, bienes y patrimonio); la vida privada (educacin, ves-
timenta, mentalidad y sentimientos); y la organizacin social (situacin legal y condiciones de
vida de los musulmanes en la Pennsula, poder y conictos nobiliarios, explotacin del indio y
esclavitud del negro). Con todo ello, conforma un marco incomparable en el que situar a Isabel I,
reina de Castilla, donde se combinan captulos ms biogrcos con otros ms de contexto. Por
tanto, debe felicitarse al autor por no haberse limitado a ofrecer un ejemplo ms de recuperacin
de la vida de la reina catlica, apostando por crear una verdadera obra de referencia de la
historia de la monarqua y la sociedad espaola a caballo entre los siglos XV y XVI.
ISABEL GARCA CAPARRS
Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. Barcelona
Carlos LALIENA CORBERA, Eric KNIBBS, El cartulario del monasterio aragons de
San Andrs de Fanlo (siglos X-XIII), Zaragoza, Universidad de Zaragoza, 2007, 255 pp. (Tex-
tos e instrumentos para la investigacin; 5). ISBN 978-84-96214-89-7.
La abada. Las ruinas del monasterio de San Andrs de Fanlo se encuentran en una
pardina o explotacin rural ubicada al noreste del pueblo oscense de Ipis, localidad hoy da
perteneciente al trmino municipal de Sabinigo. Es un paraje abrupto encajado entre sierras
prepirenaicas y regado por el Gllego en su curso medio. Se supone que la abada fue fundada,
tal vez a comienzos del siglo XI, a consecuencia de las reformas monsticas promovidas por
Sancho III el Mayor, rey de Pamplona (1004-1035), si bien otras opiniones ms tradicionales
remontan sus orgenes a mediados de la centuria anterior. La institucin conoci un gran desa-
rrollo patrimonial y una coyuntura de apogeo durante los aos del abad Banzo (c.1042-1072).
Aunque perdi su independencia a partir de 1093, cuando el rey Sancho Ramrez (1063-1094)
la someti a la obediencia del monasterio-fortaleza de Montearagn, todava a nes del siglo
XIII mantena una importancia respetable en su ncleo de implantacin inicial, la cuenca del
Gllego medio. All acumul un slido dominio seorial y estrech lazos de colaboracin con
la nobleza local. Es en este contexto donde habr que situar y valorar la importancia de su car-
tulario como instrumento de memoria patrimonial y de gestin administrativa.
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Antecedentes. La documentacin de San Andrs de Fanlo fue objeto en 1964 de
una primera edicin a cargo del profesor ngel Canellas, que se bas en notas tomadas del
citado cdice en 1936, en la iglesia de San Pedro el Viejo de Huesca, que lo guardaba por aquel
entonces entre sus fondos del archivo. Desaparecido el manuscrito de dicho templo durante los
azarosos y turbulentos aos de la Guerra Civil lo que impidi a Canellas mejorar y pulir su
trabajo de edicin documental como habra deseado, reapareci dcadas despus y fue adqui-
rido en 1971 en subasta pblica por la Universidad de Pennsylvania, que lo custodia hoy da
en su Biblioteca de Libros Raros y Manuscritos, situada en Filadela. El Grupo de Excelencia
e Investigacin CEMA de la Universidad de Zaragoza decidi reemprender la tarea editora,
aprovechando la vuelta del manuscrito al conocimiento pblico. Asumieron tal labor Carlos
Laliena Corbera, profesor catedrtico de dicha universidad, especializado entre otras lneas de
trabajo en la historia de la sociedad feudal aragonesa en los siglos XI y XII, y por otra parte,
desde los Estados Unidos, el medievalista Eric Knibbs, quien tuvo el mrito de apreciar el
valor historiogrco del cdice. Por tanto, la publicacin actual, que retoma y mejora la labor
de Canellas, se debe en lo fundamental a la consulta de este libro redivivo. Los textos del
propio Cartulario se cotejan, en la medida de lo posible, con versiones procedentes del Archivo
Histrico Nacional, del Archivo Parroquial de San Pedro el Viejo de Huesca y de la Biblioteca
General Universitaria de Zaragoza.
El cdice. Esta pieza manuscrita o mejor dicho, su recuperacin constituye la base
justicativa de la presente edicin. Por ello, conviene dedicarle algunas lneas. El mencionado
cdice est formado en la actualidad por catorce cuadernillos supervivientes a los estragos del
tiempo, los cuales suman 103 folios de 235x165 mm., numerados modernamente en su mayor
parte. La caja de escritura mide por trmino medio 115x110 mm. con 20 lneas de pautado, que
dan lugar a 19 renglones de texto. Ms de una decena de manos lo redactaron en dos fases:
la primera en la dcada de los setenta del siglo XIII; la segunda, en los aos nales de dicha
centuria y quiz a comienzos de la siguiente. En casi todos los folios se recurri a una escritura
gtica textual, que los editores calican de meridional, lo que no excluye algunas formas
ms cursivas, que se observan al nal del manuscrito. Estas y otras caractersticas entre ellas,
algunas notas marginales, iniciales ornamentadas y perforaciones del pautado en los bordes
pueden apreciarse, gracias a la inclusin en la obra de 17 fotografas en blanco y negro corres-
pondientes a otras tantas pginas del cartulario.
Estructura y criterios de la obra. La presente edicin del cartulario de San Andrs
de Fanlo ofrece al lector un slido estudio introductorio relativo a las caractersticas materiales
del cdice, sin olvidar los aspectos histricos stricto sensu, que incluyen desde un balance de
los estudios concernientes al monasterio hasta un bosquejo de su evolucin institucional y pa-
trimonial. Todo ello se acompaa de una breve bibliografa a la que sigue el corpus documental
propiamente dicho. Los autores publican un total de 162 documentos, expedidos desde el 948
hasta nes de siglo XIII o inicios del siglo XIV, si bien en su mayor parte hasta un total de 102
textos corresponden al siglo XI. Si se compara esta obra con la edicin de Canellas, resultan
diez documentos menos. Ello se explicara, en gran medida, por la aplicacin de criterios de
edicin distintos a la hora de individualizar los documentos. Asimismo, la obra actual aade
un documento el nm. 161 no mencionado por Canellas. Se ha de advertir, ante todo, que la
edicin documental se atiene a criterios codicolgicos muy estrictos. Ello implica, por coheren-
cia, varias consecuencias dignas de comentario. En primer lugar, el orden de publicacin de las
piezas documentales es el mismo que se sigue en el propio cartulario, circunstancia que puede
resultar un tanto incmoda para el investigador, que tiende a guiarse en sus consultas por pautas
cronolgicas. Otra consecuencia afecta a las labores de edicin crtica. Incluso cuando se ha
conservado el original o una copia coetnea, en la jacin del texto se ha dado preferencia a
la versin contenida en el propio cartulario identicada convencionalmente con la letra C,
mientras que las variantes de lectura unas de contenido, y otras, meramente fonticas o de pura
moda grca se remiten al aparato de notas. Asimismo, la edicin del texto de cada carta es
precedida por el epgrafe que le anteceda en el cdice. Una tabla cronolgica de documentos,
imprescindible para el manejo de esta obra dado el criterio codicolgico aqu empleado y, a su
vez, un ndice onomstico cierran esta publicacin, facilitando as su consulta.
Caractersticas de la documentacin. Como es de esperar, el investigador encon-
trar en esta obra cartas relativas a la ampliacin y gestin del patrimonio monstico
378 RESEAS
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donaciones, con sus variantes pro anima, post obitum y reservato usufructo, testamentos y
acuerdos hereditarios de inters para la abada, compraventas, permutas y arrendamientos a
censo, as como diplomas alusivos a sus privilegios y exenciones, e incluso a la vida con-
ventual, donde no faltan los contratos de admisin en la comunidad, a veces, de nios obla-
tos. Entre estas piezas se intercalan los autos judiciales sobre vistas y pruebas procesales,
acuerdos entre partes y sentencias. A las cartas propiamente dichas, se aaden los llamados
memoriales en palabras de los editores, instrumentos descriptivos que recogen listas de
rentas, de campesinos de seoro con sus cargas y ciertos resmenes de otras adquisiciones
de bienes por diversas vas. Esta clase de documentos, precisamente, parecen abundar en la
segunda fase de redaccin del cdice. Predominan lgicamente los documentos de proceden-
cia eclesistica, as como los de particulares laicos, mientras que las cartas reales de San-
cho Ramrez (1063-1094) en su gran mayora apenas superan la decena. La documentacin
papal est ausente por completo. La validacin se confa casi siempre a listas testicales, a
las subscripciones de los autores y de los escribanos, en ocasiones acompaada por la repro-
duccin ms o menos estilizada de sus signos respectivos, mientras que se constata un slo
caso de autenticacin por carta partida.
La datacin y su problemtica. Por su parte, no se pueden obviar los problemas
cronolgicos, tpicos de la documentacin medieval. De toda esta masa documental editada,
ms de la mitad de los escritos en concreto 103 textos carecan de data, omitan el ao o
presentaban fechas incorrectas debidas a errores de transmisin textual, lo que ha exigido un
paciente esfuerzo erudito para jar fechas probables, atendiendo a criterios paleogrcos o
histricos los aos de un abadiado, por ejemplo. Algunas veces ha sido posible precisar
el ao concreto, pero en otras ocasiones se ha optado por indicar un intervalo y, cuando se
planteaban dicultades casi insuperables, se seala nicamente el siglo en que pudo expe-
dirse la carta en cuestin. Toda esta labor de reconstruccin cronolgica se justica por lo
general con las notas correspondientes. Segn era habitual en Aragn en esta poca, el ao
se expresa segn el cmputo sobradamente conocido de la Era hispnica, constatado en ms
de sesenta casos. Por su escasez, resulta aqu residual la mencin del Ao del Seor en su
variante del Ao de la Encarnacin. La indicacin del da se atiene a la tradicin romana
de la kalendacin y slo de manera excepcional se recurre a las fechas jas del santoral o al
sistema eclesistico de la feria. Son de notable valor los sincronismos menciones de acon-
tecimientos histricos memorables registrados en algunas cartas, bien en calidad de comple-
mento de la fecha, bien como nico modo de datacin, proporcionando de este modo noticias
de campaas militares, matrimonios regios y nobiliarios, malas cosechas o subidas acusadas del
precio del grano.
Conclusin. En denitiva, cuando Jos ngel Garca de Cortzar renov los estu-
dios sobre los dominios monsticos hispanos con su monografa dedicada a San Milln de la
Cogolla, marc un modelo riguroso y sistemtico de trabajo que muchos otros han seguido con
notables resultados. Espigando algunos ejemplos cercanos, bastara recordar las investigacio-
nes exhaustivas de Luis Javier Fortn para Leire, de Jos Antonio Munita para La Oliva o de
Ana Isabel Lapea para el cenobio pinatense de Huesca. Este esfuerzo historiogrco exige
bases instrumentales adecuadas. La obra que nos ocupa se inserta en esta lnea de trabajo. El
devenir del monasterio de Fanlo resulta de innegable inters para monografas de carcter
regional o comarcal. Es precisamente el estudio comparativo de los resultados de estos traba-
jos los que ayudan a establecer conclusiones generales de gran alcance, a conrmar o refutar
hiptesis de trabajo sobre la historia de las sociedades medievales hispanas en la poca feudal.
Sin duda, la presente edicin de fuentes, cuidada y mimada con el mximo esmero por Carlos
Laliena y Eric Knibbs, ayudar poderosamente a los interesados en tarea tan ardua, meritoria
y necesaria.
JOS NGEL LEMA PUEYO
RESEAS 379
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Jess LORENZO JIMNEZ, La dawla de los Banu Qasi: origen, auge y cada de una
dinasta mulad en la frontera superior de al-Andalus, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investi-
gaciones Cientcas, 2010, 389 pp. + 1 CD-ROM. (Estudios rabes e islmicos, Monografas;
17). ISBN 978-84-00-09164-4.
Jess Lorenzo Jimnez plantea en este libro el origen, el desarrollo y la desaparicin del
linaje mulad de los Banu Qasi, dinasta implantada en el valle del Ebro desde principios del siglo VIII
hasta los aos 920. Y, de entrada, cabe decir que la obra aporta planteamientos novedosos y ofrece una
visin realmente nueva, dinmica y global de los procesos histricos que se dan en el valle del Ebro
durante el emirato. Me uno a la opinin de Maribel Fierro en su introduccin: he sido atrapada en mi
lectura desde el primer momento. La obra sigue un plan cronlogico, desde la poca del conde Casio,
epnimo del linaje, hasta la muerte del ltimo representante de la dinasta, en 929. Si la articulacin
del estudio, en siete captulos que abarcan cada uno una poca de la historia del linaje, sorprende a
primera vista porque tiene pinta de historia-relato caracterstica de la escuela metdica, el contenido
del libro es claramente de carcter interpretativo, haciendo intervenir, al lado de una lectura atenta de
las fuentes, las aportaciones de la antropologa o las de la arqueologa del territorio.
El conde Casio se integra en el aparato de poder andalus mediante una relacin
de wala, situacin muy distinta de la de Teodomiro, que el autor pone de relieve porque sabe
adentrarse en la historia comparada. El linaje logra resistir a la codicia de los conquistadores
no por habilidad poltica sino porque su patrimonio, de recursos limitados, no despierta la
ambicin de los nuevos gobernantes, lo que puede explicar el silencio de las fuentes acerca de
un enclave de dbil importancia (cap. II). Tras largos aos de silencio (cap. III), pues durante
ciento veinticinco aos slo hay cuatro menciones a los Banu Qasi aparece Mus b. Mus en las
fuentes en 839 (cap. IV): el personaje conere a su linaje un protagonismo en la regin cuando
los omeyas reestructuran el territorio con la creacin de una madina en la zona, Tudela. Las re-
petidas rebeliones protagonizadas por Mus b. Mus y sus negociaciones con el emir son claro
indicio del poder alcanzado por el linaje en la regin de Arnedo (cap. V). Sigue la insurreccin
a partir de 872, con los hijos de Mus y hace resaltar el autor el papel de la gente (ahl) de la ciu-
dad en la revuelta, indicio de la presencia de grupos urbanos con capacidad decisoria y aporta-
cin al tema de la gestin de la ciudad por sus propios habitantes (cap. VI). Durante la tna, los
Banu Qasi alcanzan su mayor expansin territorial (cap. VII), mientras empieza el declive del
linaje en 907, que corre paralelo a la reinstauracin del poder del emir en la regin (cap. VIII).
La obra es claramente el resultado de una muy meticulosa lectura de las fuentes; sin
embargo, quiz el autor hubiera podido aadir, ms de lo que hace, a las fuentes ampliamente
citadas en las notas, las aportaciones de trabajos anteriores a los suyos. Para poner un ejemplo,
cuando el autor hace referencia a la actividad en materia de fundacin de ciudades desempea-
da por el omeya Mulammad I (pg. 165, nota 95), no hace referencia a ninguno de los cuatro
artculos publicados por J.A. Souto sobre el tema y slo cita a al-Himyari, segn el cual el emir
funda dos mudun, Talamanca y Madrid, olvidando que al-Razi, compilado por Ibn Hayyan
como hizo constar Mara J. Viguera en un estudio publicado en 1992, indica que el emir fund
Talamanca y Madrid como husun. Igualmente, habra que completar algunas referencias: as,
por ejemplo, no es verdad que solo en dos ocasiones se calica a Tarazona de madina (p. 282,
nota 12); a al-Bakri e Ibn Hayyan citados por Lorenzo Jimnez, cabe aadir por lo menos a
Yaqut (que el autor haba utilizado en su p. 53), Ibn Galib y al-Himyari.
Estas imprecisiones no quitan mrito a una obra que plantea perfectamente bien el tema
de la implantacin de una sociedad nueva, de un poder nuevo, en el valle del Ebro a partir del siglo
VIII. Resultar una obra de consulta imprescindible para los investigadores interesados por la Marca
superior, por las transformaciones posteriores a 711, por la estructuracin del territorio y tambin por
la escritura de la historia: el autor ha conseguido con mucho xito pensar el siglo VIII fuera de la tra-
dicional dicotoma islam-cristiandad que tanto pesa sobre la historiografa y ha llegado a una lectura
muy inteligente de las fuentes, interpretndolas ante todo como fruto de una poca. Y concluye con
suma pertinencia: el norte es amenazador para los cronistas del siglo XI, no para los del X. Los miedos
de Ibn Hayyan y de al-Udri son miedos del XI, no del X, y sospechamos que mucho menos del IX.
CHRISTINE MAZZOLI-GUINTARD
Universit de Nantes, CRHIA
380 RESEAS
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Francesc MASSIP, A cos de rei. Festa cvica i espectacle del poder reial a la Corona
dArag, Valls, Cossetnia, 2010, 238 pp. (Antines; 19). ISBN 978-84-9781-582-3.
La discusin sobre la naturaleza del espectculo en la Edad Media es larga y pro-
lija. Tanto la denicin de espectculo teatral, su naturaleza y nacimiento en la poca medieval,
como la categorizacin de la actividad juglaresca como tal, ha generado numeras investiga-
ciones y publicaciones, a las que Francesc Massip ha contribuido con varios artculos y libros.
En A cos de rei se plantea un ejercicio epistemolgico en el que la concepcin de
espectculo aborda mbitos escenogrcos y dramticos fuera de la concepcin literaria tradi-
cional. A ello hay que aadir una vehemente reivindicacin tanto de la tradicin rabe en nuestro
patrimonio medieval, como de la utilizacin de la escenografa como elemento identitario y de re-
conocimiento del poder. Y todo ello, no solo a partir de la documentacin que tradicionalmente se
designa como de archivo histrico sino de las informaciones que nos aportan tanto la obras lite-
rarias como verdadera muestra del imaginario medieval, imaginario construido normalmente con
intenciones polticas e ideolgicas, y con elementos de tipo tradicional y popular. Son 238 pginas
en que el autor recorre un perodo de la monarqua, pero tambin de la sociedad y de la cultura
catalana (siglos XIII al XVI), con amplia y contrastada informacin, as como de una completa
bibliografa que documenta los aspectos interdisciplinarios presentes en el contenido del libro.
El autor recoge en este libro una serie de trabajos ya publicados en lengua catalana
la mayora, excepto el ltimo en lengua castellana (captulo X, pp. 209-227). Los artculos
versan sobre un espectculo que va ms all de la concepcin moderna de la representacin es-
trictamente teatral basada en un texto literario, para acercarse a otros mbitos sociales en que la
organizacin de aspectos dramticos responde a una intencionalidad social o poltica. Es el caso
de los artculos relacionados con la monarqua catalana: II. El rei i la festa: ritu i espectacle en
lpoca de Jaume I; III. Monstres i bsties en festes i espectacles de la monarquia: segles XIV
i XV; IV. Imaginari antic i propaganda turstica en la frontissa del canvi dinstic: el regnat
epignic de Mart lHum (1396-1410); V. Imatge i espectacle del poder reial en lentronitzaci
dels Trastmara (1414); VI. De ritu social a espectacle del poder: lentrada triomfal dAlfons
el Magnnim a Npols (1443), entre la tradici catalana i la innovaci humanstica; X. Un
quasi espill de vida. Celebracin cvica y esta urbana en la poca de Fernando lvarez de
Toledo: la entrada del emperador a Mallorca (1541).
La metodologa utilizada por el autor responde a una concepcin interdisciplinaria de
las fuentes, por ello se sirve tanto de documentos tradicionalmente denominados como histricos
o de archivo, como de otras fuentes como la literaria para descubrir la relacin entre la representa-
cin, la realidad histrica, y el imaginario de la sociedad catalana, valenciana y aragonesa medie-
val. Buena muestra de ello es el captulo dedicado a la famosa y magnca novela de caballeras el
Tirant lo Blanc, (VII. Poltica, espectacle cavalleresc i context escnic en Tirant lo Blanc).
Si la metodologa y los temas son novedosos, no menos original resulta la incorpora-
cin de un captulo el que abre el libro dedicado a reivindicar las formas teatrales del Al-nda-
lus, y su pervivencia en las formas teatrales y de representacin en la sociedad cristiano-medieval
y posterior catalana e hispnica (I. Formes teatrals de lAl-Andalus: restes del memoricidi). Segn
Massip esta tradicin se ha silenciado desde los mbitos acadmico y poltico, y ello supone una
ocultacin voluntaria tanto de la historia literaria como de la representacin teatral de nuestros
estudiosos con el objetivo de esconder o acallar una realidad indiscutible a partir tanto de los
testimonios documentales como de los conservados en las tradiciones populares. El autor ha in-
vestigado los indicios de teatralidad y su supervivencia en antiguos rituales de las estas agrcolas,
concretamente en los combates de ccin (pp. 15-17) que seran la supervivencia de rituales de
fertilidad en los que se representa la batalla entre las fuerzas de la vida y de la muerte, del verano
y del invierno, de la luz y de la oscuridad.... (p. 16). Tradicin que se extendera en celebraciones
religiosas cristianas como el joc de cavallets presentes en las estas del Corpus Christi.
No poda faltar en este libro un captulo dedicado al espectculo medieval por
excelencia, el de los juglares y bufones (Els joglars i altres professionals de lespectacle,
pp. 31-34) en el captulo II, dedicado al Rei i la festa (pp. 25-44). En este apartado se cita la
obra de Thomas de Cobham (Chobham en el libro, p. 32) sobre los diferentes tipos de juglares.
Hubiese sido interesante contrastar los textos y ejemplos citados por Massip en referencia a los
juglares con la famosa Suplicatio al rey de Castela per lo nom dels joglars, del trovador occi-
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tano Guiraut Riquier, y la respuesta o Declaratio del monarca Alfonso X el Sabio. Se aborda
de nuevo el tema de los juglares en el captulo IX (Riure amb el cos: folls, geperuts i bufons en
lespectacle catal antic, pp. 195-208) y en un apartado del primer captulo del libro dedicado
a la tradicin del Al-ndalus, en el que se trata de los profesionales de la diversin: bailarines,
juglares, bufones, mimos y actores (pp. 18-19). Como vemos, la tradicin rabe y su perviven-
cia tanto en el mundo medieval como en las tradiciones populares es un tema recurrente en
esta obra, tanto en el apartado ya citado como en el tema de la tecnologa (pp. 22-24), aspecto
esencial de la representacin y del espectculo, donde Massip remarca el origen de numerosos
elementos del espectculo tradicional cristiano-medieval y popular en la tradicin rabe del
Al-ndalus: Les danes de cintes, les moresques, els tornejants, danses despases, balls de
cercolets, joc de cavallets, joc de canyes, etc., que perviuen en nombroses festivitats tradicio-
nals hispnes (Corpus, festes patronals, etc.) sembla que cal considerar-les com una herncia
de les cultures semites de lAl-Andalus (p. 24). El autor se interroga constantemente sobre el
origen de ciertas tradiciones y argumentos, y aporta documentos que de algn modo conducen
a sospechar un intenso contacto de la sociedad cristiana con la comunidad rabe como el caso
que cita de Pere ahat, director de una compaa dedicada a la representacin de piezas erticas
y amorosas, y que Massip deduce que es un personaje de origen rabe que ha cristianizado su
apellido, la actividad del cual est cercana a la prctica del kissagu o cuenta-historias rabe, y
que recibe un salvoconducto del rey Pere el Ceremonis en el ao 1338 (p. 24).
El universo de monstruos y animales fabulosos y su presencia en los espectculos
tiene un lugar destacado en la obra (pp. 45-72), que Massip atribuye a una tradicin de los pueblos
de Asia Menor, a partir de la importacin de tejidos con imgenes bordadas, y otros objetos pro-
venientes de Oriente, del mundo bizantino e islmico (p. 45). Todos estos elementos fabulosos
se encuentran en las tradiciones populares de origen medieval, en las celebraciones religiosas o
tambin en la representacin de los smbolos monrquicos.
En la autorepresentacin del poder real, Massip pone de relieve, por una parte,
las relaciones de la monarqua catalana con el papado y la idiosincrasia de los monarcas, as
como sus aquezas (pp. 25 y ss.), y, por otra, la voluntad de la monarqua de autosacralizacin
(pp. 91-92) a partir de la instrumentalizacin de la temtica religiosa (pp. 110-112). En realidad
el objetivo de las representaciones en las que interviene la realeza no es otro que poner de ma-
niesto las relaciones entre gobernantes y gobernados, y la legitimacin amenudo mediante
los smbolos religiosos de su poder. A raiz de la legitimidad, pero tambin en otros apartados,
y con el estilo vehemente que le caracteriza encontramos comentarios ms o menos punzan-
tes a la poca actual: Com ms qestionada o amenaada es trobi aquesta legitimitat, ms
inversi en propaganda i fastos institucionals seran necessaris, i si no xeu-vos com lactual
obsolescncia monrquica s obssessivament contrarestada amb lanual coazo del desle.
Estas menciones a la situacin poltica moderna y contempornea tienen su presen-
cia ms vehemente en el captulo dedicado a la novela medieval Tirant lo Blanc (VII. Poltica,
espectacle cavalleresc i context escnic en Tirant lo Blanc, pp. 149-150), en el que el autor
desarrolla una interesante hiptesis sobre una lectura de la obra en clave poltica a partir de la de-
dicatoria de la obra. Estudia en este captulo el trasfondo espectacular y de articios escnicos
a partir de las ceremonias cortesanas. En este apartado encontramos una crtica encarnizada al
escritor peruano y coautor con Martn de Riquer de un ensayo sobre el Tirant lo Blanc, Mario
Vargas Llosa (pp. 150 y 153). Siguiendo en el mbito monrquico, Massip interpreta que algu-
nas representaciones tienen como objetivo la promocin de lugares para legitimar la presencia
de personajes como la nueva reina de Sicilia, Blanca de Navarra, esposa de Mart el Jove, en
el espectculo Roca de lIlla de Siclia, en un apartado que el autor titula como El paissatge a
escena o la propaganda turstica (pp. 87-91).
Tanto la documentacin aportada como la perspectiva de anlisis de diferentes ma-
teriales interdisciplinarios hacen de esta obra un elemento novedoso que nos introduce en una
nueva dimensin de la sociedad medieval. As mismo aporta nuevas hiptesis para interpretar
tanto las tradiciones religiosas y populares, como las estrategias de poder de la realeza catalana
y su conexin con el mbito religioso y literario.
ANTONI ROSSELL
Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona
382 RESEAS
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Alicia MIGULEZ CAVERO, Gesto y gestualidad en el arte romnico de los Reinos
Hispanos: lectura y valoracin iconogrca, Madrid, 45 s Multimedia, 2010, 567 pp. (Publi-
caciones del Crculo Romnico).
Este libro es el resultado de la investigacin y sntesis de dos trabajos previos de
la autora: por un lado del libro Actitudes gestuales en la iconografa del romnico peninsular
hispano. El sueo, el dolor espiritual y otras expresiones similares, Len, Universidad, Secre-
tariado de Publicaciones, 2007; y por otro de su tesis doctoral (defendida en la Universidad de
Len en el mes de noviembre de 2009, y con la que obtuvo la calicacin de Sobresaliente cum
laude y la Mencin europea, dirigida por la profesora M Etelvina A. Fernndez Gonzlez), de
igual ttulo que la obra aqu analizada.
El tema desarrollado en este volumen resulta sumamente atractivo, por tratar una
cuestin que forma parte del imaginario colectivo con vigencia en algunos casos hasta la
actualidad. La doctora Migulez nos propone un recorrido terico y visual asentado y reforzado
en el rigor cientco que avala su probada trayectoria investigadora en este campo, ya que, aun-
que est centrado en los siglos XI y XII (con justicadas ampliaciones cronolgicas), se plantea
un estudio de los principales gestos humanos desde la Antigedad y con la lgica invitacin a
la continuacin hasta nuestros das.
Las coordenadas espaciales propuestas por la autora se centran en los territorios cristia-
nos de la Pennsula Ibrica, sin aplicar ninguna diferenciacin de tipo administrativo con la vecina
Portugal, por ser voluntad de la autora su consideracin en esta obra como una ms de las regiones
que conforman los territorios hispanos, y con las que mantiene lgicas relaciones de dependencia,
inuencia y diferenciacin mutuas. Puntualmente, tambin se pondrn en relacin las producciones
peninsulares con las surgidas en otras reas europeas, e incluso con las generadas por otras culturas
coexistentes como es el caso de la bizantina y la islmica. En lo que respecta al marco cronolgico,
el estudio se centra en los siglos del romnico aunque no de forma estanca, resultando inevitable
remontarse a la Antigedad y proyectarse a pocas posteriores, para mejor apreciar la continuidad
y pervivencia de la manera de plasmar determinados sentimientos y emociones humanas.
La doctora Migulez se propuso ir ms all de un simple estudio formal del gesto,
para profundizar en el anlisis del concepto, del smbolo y de la representacin del lenguaje
corporal o comportamiento kinsico propio del ser humano. La complejidad del tema requiri
por parte de la autora la previa familiarizacin con el cuerpo humano y su manera de expre-
sarse. Una vez asentadas las bases formalistas y tericas del asunto (algo que demuestra su
probado conocimiento y dominio de las fuentes y tratados tericos e iconogrcos), se acomete
la profundizacin en el signicado de los conceptos fundamentales mediante el anlisis de di-
versos tipos de obras de arte, que son los verdaderos receptculos de esa gestualidad medieval.
La aproximacin al mundo antiguo en sus fuentes y producciones artsticas se hizo ineludible,
pues la pervivencia de las formas grecolatinas se garantiz en la cristiandad por medio de la
adaptacin, superacin o mera continuidad de las mismas.
La aparente complejidad del ndice de Gesto y gestualidad en el arte romnico de los
Reinos Hispanos: lectura y valoracin iconogrca es una garanta de la claridad expositiva del dis-
curso cientco aqu expuesto. La estructura del libro se inicia con los planteamientos tericos arriba
anticipados (historiografa y metodologa, anlisis del concepto e insercin en el proceso comunica-
tivo, clasicacin de los gestos atendiendo a su forma, signicado u origen, relacin gesto-imagen,
anlisis espaciotemporal del gesto en el Mundo Antiguo y en la Edad Media, concrecin en el ro-
mnico hispano). La formulacin de los planteamientos tericos se remonta a las investigaciones
pioneras sobre el lenguaje gestual, documentadas ya en el siglo XVII, con Giovanni Bonifacio y su
LArte de Cenni centrado esencialmente en los gestos utilizados intencionadamente por los oradores,
o con el estudio gestual de John Bulwer y su Chirologia. Ambos autores apuntan a la universalidad
del lenguaje gestual como superacin de la incomprensin sucedida en la Torre de Babel. Diversos
tratados cientcos dedicados a estas cuestiones vieron la luz a lo largo de los siglos siguientes,
destacando los surgidos en el seno de la historia del arte, la losofa o la literatura, aunque al estudio
de la gestualidad dentro del romnico peninsular ha sido bastante deciente (a pesar de contarse con
estudios parciales previos dedicados al tema, a cargo del profesor de la Universidad de Santiago de
Compostela, Nez Rodrguez), haciendo de este trabajo que aqu se presenta un tratado pionero y
abierto a nuevas contribuciones, debido a su profundidad y sistematizacin.
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A este primer captulo, le sigue el nutrido corpus gestual, que es acometido desde
dos puntos de vista bien diferenciados atendiendo a si gestos, maneras y posturas son libres o
estn trabadas. Esta diferenciacin que establece Alicia Migulez se basa en la premisa de si
las partes del cuerpo que se ven involucradas actan de forma aislada o libre (en palabras de la
autora, llevadas a cabo con una o ms partes del cuerpo humano, pero sin establecer contacto
ni entre ellas ni con otro ser humano, y sin ayudarse de ningn recurso objetual), o de forma
relacional o trabada (actos que implican el contacto de las manos o de stas con otra parte del
cuerpo humano). Esta primera sntesis dual resulta simplista, pues la multiplicidad de los ges-
tos, maneras y posturas libres son estudiadas en todas sus variaciones, analizando pormenoriza-
damente si las mismas estn en relacin con la cabeza (ojos y cejas, o boca), con el tronco y las
extremidades (brazos, manos o dedos), o con la implicacin de todo el cuerpo (torsin, exin,
postracin o inmovilidad del cuerpo inerte). En lo que respecta a los gestos, maneras y posturas
trabadas, la doctora Migulez acomete su anlisis introduciendo unos trminos diferenciadores
a modo de subcategoras gestuales divisorias: autoadaptadores, alteradaptadores y obje-
toadaptadores, haciendo referencia el primero a la interaccin de dos o ms partes del cuerpo,
el segundo a la implicacin de dos o ms personas, y el tercero y ltimo a la correspondencia
con elementos ajenos al cuerpo humano. Dentro de cada una de estas subcategoras, la autora
realiza una divisin tripartita multiplicando signicativamente las opciones, atendiendo a si
estn en relacin con la cabeza, el tronco y los miembros superiores, o los miembros inferiores.
Los gestos, maneras y posturas autoadaptadoras se organizan atendiendo a si estn en relacin
con la cabeza (nariz, mejilla, boca, barba, cabello, o cuello), con el tronco y las extremidades
superiores (brazos y manos, u rganos genitales), o con las extremidades inferiores (piernas).
Los alteradaptadores tambin estn divididos atendiendo a las consabidas tres reas corporales:
cabeza (boca, barba o cabello), tronco y extremidades superiores (tronco y brazos, manos u
rganos genitales), o extremidades inferiores (tobillo). Finalmente, se examinan aquellas con-
ductas objetoadaptadoras, es decir, relacionadas con gestos tan signicativos y conocidos como
rasgarse las vestiduras o lanzar determinados objetos como reaccin violenta a determinados
sentimientos. La concrecin conseguida por la autora a la hora de plasmar la diversicacin
gestual llega a lmites insospechados, ya que son examinados en todas sus versiones y variantes
por pequeas que sean. No se conforma con analizar gestos repetitivos o puntuales desde una
ptica formal e iconogrca, sino que los interpreta en sus mltiples versiones realizando un
notable esfuerzo por determinar el punto de partida y la fortuna iconogrca de los mismos.
Por ltimo, la autora acomete la exposicin de las conclusiones alcanzadas, donde
se destaca la importancia que tiene el gesto y la gestualidad en la plstica medieval. Se presenta
a continuacin un generoso aparato grco (voluntariamente reducido a las piezas ms signi-
cativas, debido a las dimensiones totales de la tesis doctoral), precedido por un utilsimo ndice
de guras, concluyendo la obra con una nutrida bibliografa nal.
La doctora Migulez aporta a lo largo de toda la obra un riguroso aparato crtico que
completa y ampla el cuerpo del texto, facilitando a los lectores la comprensin de determina-
dos aspectos y/o la orientacin hacia a una lectura ms exhaustiva y profunda sobre el asunto
tratado. Facilita an ms esta tarea la interpolacin de aquellos pasajes ms iluminadores y
relevantes escritos y citados en esta obra sobre la cuestin que est siendo sometida a anlisis.
Una nutrida nmina de acreditados autores, especialistas en diversas materias y pro-
cedentes de diversos campos cientcos (entre los que se encuentra la antropologa, la lings-
tica, la historia y, por supuesto, la historia del arte antiguo y medieval en todas sus especialida-
des), conforman la valiossima bibliografa nal (actualizada hasta la fecha de la defensa de la
tesis doctoral), organizada alfabticamente y dividida en fuentes primarias y secundarias para
su ms fcil consulta.
Desde el punto de vista de la metodologa empleada y sustentndose en una serie
de planteamientos tericos previos se procede al anlisis de las disciplinas cientcas que se
ocupan del estudio de la gestualidad en todas sus dimensiones. Tras esa primera aproximacin,
se centra la autora en el anlisis de los aspectos ms signicativos sobre los gestos dentro del
marco espaciotemporal prescrito desde el comienzo. A este trabajo terico le sigue una labor de
recopilacin sistemtica de aquellos gestos, maneras y posturas presentes en el arte medieval
hispano, para proceder posteriormente a su estudio formal, semntico y originario, con el sus-
tento de mltiples fuentes literarias, documentales, patrsticas, bblicas y loscas.
384 RESEAS
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Sin nimo de quitarle inters a la lectura de Gesto y gestualidad en el arte rom-
nico de los Reinos Hispanos: lectura y valoracin iconogrca, parece apropiado e inte-
resante destacar algunas de las conclusiones alcanzadas. En primer lugar, se ha propiciado
con este trabajo el reconocimiento de los siglos romnicos como el lgico precedente de
la eclosin expresiva que caracteriza al arte gtico. En segundo lugar, cabe decir que se
ha conrmado la utilizacin de estos repertorios gestuales en mbitos indistintamente re-
ligiosos y profanos, sin importantes diferencias o particularidades hispanas, aunque s que
existe la predileccin dentro del romnico peninsular por la plasmacin del luto con todo el
despliegue de un repertorio de actitudes trgicas de autolesin, lgico reejo de las prcticas
rituales coetneas, tal y como ha quedado reejado en las fuentes escritas. En tercer lugar, la
gestualidad romnica tiene un fuerte carcter primario (segn la clasicacin realizada por
el etlogo ingls Desmond Morris), es decir, responde a un propsito denido de emisin
de un mensaje determinado, que puede variar atendiendo al contexto en que se desarrolla
(gestos multimensajes, en palabras de Morris), y dicultar su interpretacin. Y por ltimo,
se concluye armando que existen conductas universales de igual signicado sea cual sea
el lugar o momento en que se gestan, tal y como ocurre con gestos como la genuexin o
la postracin. La mayor parte de la gestualidad utilizada en los siglos medievales tiene su
origen en civilizaciones anteriores, con el correspondiente proceso de asimilacin, algo que
deni el profesor Morris como relic gestures, reliquias gestuales que han pervivido a las
culturas que las originaron.
Conviene indicar al lector potencial de esta obra, que el tono del libro es sumamente
ameno y dinmico, sin grandes pretensiones discursivas o sosticaciones narrativas, lo que
hace de l un estudio de indudable rigor cientco, pero muy asequible y comprensible para
cualquier pblico que se acerque a l atraido por el inevitable atractivo del tema.
M AITANA MONGE ZAPATA
igo MUGUETA, El dinero de los Evreux. Hacienda y scalidad en el Reino de
Navarra (1328-1349), Pamplona, Gobierno de Navarra, 2008, 692 pp. (Acta vectigalia regni
Navarrae. Serie II, Estudios sobre la Hacienda Real de Navarra). ISBN 978-84-235-3018-2.
Pocas haciendas reales son conocidas con tanto detalle como la navarra durante el
segundo cuarto del siglo XIV. Y ello es debido a la reciente publicacin de esta obra de igo
Mugueta, fruto de su tesis doctoral, desarrollada en la Universidad Pblica de Navarra bajo
la direccin del profesor Juan Carrasco y leda en 2006, en la que analiza sistemticamente
los ingresos y los gastos del reinado conjunto de Juana II y Felipe III, los primeros Evreux
que gobernaron Navarra, entre 1328 y 1349. En este sentido, el alto nivel de precisin alcan-
zado por esta investigacin ha sido posible gracias al estudio pormenorizado de ms de 600
cuadernos o roldes de cuentas de la tesorera real, centrados en seis aos concretos: 1329,
1330, 1334, 1339, 1343 y 1347. Cabe destacar, en relacin con ello, que la mayor parte de
esta documentacin se conservaba en el Archivo General de Navarra, pero ha sido sometida
a una nueva catalogacin, dando a conocer algunas piezas ignoradas hasta al momento. De
aqu que los pasajes ms interesantes de la introduccin (pp. 19-74) sean aquellos destinados
a explicar la seccin Registro de Comptos, fundamental para entender la gestin econmica
de la administracin real.
A continuacin, la primera gran parte de la investigacin, titulada El reino en 1328
(pp. 75-366), aborda la evolucin de los ingresos y gastos ordinarios de la monarqua navarra
no slo durante aquel ao, sino a lo largo de los seis ejercicios mencionados. As, mediante los
registros del tesorero real, se puede comprobar que la principal fuente de recursos para la coro-
na era la pecha, es decir, la renta en dinero o especie impuesta a los campesinos no infanzones
del realengo. Llegaba a suponer hasta un 30% de los ingresos corrientes, a los que caba sumar
las pechas pagadas por las minoras religiosas especialmente los judos, que conformaban en
torno al 15%. Asimismo, tambin eran importantes los rendimientos obtenidos de los bienes
inmuebles del rey, como tierras y edicios, a los que se aadan ciertos pagos por el aprovecha-
RESEAS 385
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miento de sus dominios y otros derechos de carcter feudal. En suma, este conjunto de rentas,
bienes y prestaciones formaba el ncleo central del patrimonio real navarro, ya que llegaba a
constituir unas tres cuartas partes de los ingresos regulares. El resto proceda mayoritariamente
de las regalas, que se traducan en el cobro de numerosas tasas impuestas sobre el trnsito mer-
cantil las ms importantes, la compraventa de productos en los mercados locales, el juego, el
almacenaje de sal, las minas y ferreras, las escribanas o la justicia real. Este variado cmulo
de entradas es desglosado y analizado con todo detalle por igo Mugueta, que, adems, ofrece
su georeferenciacin, lo que permite radiograar las bases econmicas de la monarqua sobre
el propio territorio navarro.
Igualmente, tambin son analizados los gastos ordinarios de la monarqua, es decir,
aquellos que se derivaban del propio funcionamiento de la administracin real y de lo que
Mugueta denomina servicios pblicos y de distribucin social. Entre los primeros, los menos
importantes en torno a un 20% o un 30%, se encontraban los salarios y los desembolsos
generados por los ociales que gestionaban el patrimonio real. Los segundos, por su parte, se
correspondan con los dispendios relacionados con el mantenimiento del orden pblico y la
administracin de la justicia, y con el reparto de las rentas reales entre las personas indicadas
por la corona. De hecho, esta ltima era la partida ms importante en todos los ejercicios, con
niveles que oscilaban entre la tercera parte y la mitad de los gastos ordinarios de la monarqua.
En este sentido, cabe sealar que el autor considera las donaciones del rey en forma de rentas a
particulares o instituciones eclesisticas como servicios comunitarios y los pagos anuales de
baronas y mesnaderas como servicios militares y defensivos. Sin embargo, como l mismo
indica, ms que corresponder a un servicio, aquel elevado volumen de rentas concedidas era,
ante todo, una forma de domesticar a la nobleza del reino en el proceso de aanzamiento del
poder real.
Por otro lado, la segunda parte de la obra, La poltica scal de Juana II y Felipe
III de Evreux (pp. 367-585), invierte las tornas para centrarse en el estudio de los gastos
y los ingresos extraordinarios de aquel reinado. En primer lugar, los principales dispendios
no regulares fueron los derivados del despliegue suntuario de la Casa real en Navarra en
contraste con la anterior realeza ausente y del pago de la dote de la infanta Mara por
su matrimonio con Pedro IV de Aragn en 1338. Menor importancia revistieron los gastos
blicos, ya que la nica gran campaa desarrollada en el exterior fue la de Algeciras, donde
falleci el propio Felipe III. En cualquier caso, el volumen total de aquellos gastos extraor-
dinarios excedi, con mucho, el de las entradas ordinarias, as que los monarcas, aparte de
realizar ciertas modicaciones en su poltica monetaria e introducir mejoras en la gestin
del patrimonio real, dirigieron su mirada hacia el reino para solicitar ayudas scales de los
diversos estamentos. Y, en consonancia con ello, la respuesta fue muy diversa: por una parte,
mientras que la nobleza mantuvo su inmunidad contributiva, el rey se enfrent a la iglesia
para obtener importantes sumas; por otra parte, mientras que los habitantes francos de las
buenas villas accedieron a pagar dos monedajes al principio del reinado, pero se negaron a
conceder nuevos subsidios, las minoras religiosas y los pecheros campesinos, en cambio,
no tuvieron capacidad para ofrecer resistencia al pago de nuevas exigencias extraordinarias
de los monarcas. Con todo, el balance nal fue que durante el segundo cuarto del siglo XIV
no se produjo una revolucin scal en Navarra, ya que la corona no logr imponer el
pago frecuente de impuestos generales que acabaran creando un sistema estable de nuevas
contribuciones.
Como colofn, Mugueta naliza su investigacin con unas conclusiones a modo
de recapitulacin, un anexo relativo a los pesos, medidas, monedas y precios observados a lo
largo del perodo analizado, otro sobre la geografa de las pechas reales, y un ndice de nombres
propios (pp. 586-692).
VICENT BAYDAL SALA
386 RESEAS
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Josena MUTG I VIVES, El monestir benedict de Sant Pau del Camp de Barcelona
a travs de la documentaci de cancelleria reial de lArxiu de la Corona dArag, Barcelona
(1257-1510), Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera, 2008, 324 pp. (Textos i documents; 42). ISBN
978-84-9779-718-4.
Publicado en el ao 2008, el volumen que nos ocupa es una monografa sobre el mo-
nasterio benedictino de Sant Pau del Camp de Barcelona, desde nales del siglo XIII a inicios
del siglo XVI. Su autora, Josena Mutg, es investigadora cientca del Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Cientcas, en el Departamento de Estudios Medievales de la Institucin Mil
i Fontanals de Barcelona desde hace ms de veinte aos, y una especialista en historia de la
Barcelona bajomedieval.
El planteamiento metodolgico de la obra est fundamentado en el anlisis de 156
registros de la cancillera real referentes a este monasterio masculino conservados en el Archi-
vo de la Corona de Aragn, que muestran un carcter heterogneo a travs del cual el lector
puede realizar un mapa mental de la administracin del monasterio en un sentido amplio, que
veremos ms adelante. La obra consta de dos bloques diferenciados: uno analtico, dividido en
subapartados temticos, y otro, a modo de apndice, donde se ofrecen transcritos los documen-
tos utilizados en el estudio.
En la breve introduccin, la autora hace referencia a los orgenes del monasterio,
que se remontan al siglo X. Siguiendo los trabajos de Antoni Pladevall, Jordi Vigu y David
Dalmases, se establece un pequeo recorrido sobre la historia del cenobio hasta 1287, de la que
destacaremos su dependencia del gran monasterio de Sant Cugat del Valls, si bien conservando
grandes espacios de actuacin autnoma, y la conguracin de un importante patrimonio terri-
torial hacia nales del siglo XII, perodo en el que se construye la iglesia del cenobio.
El primer, segundo y tercer captulo presentan la gestin econmica, scal y territorial
del cenobio que puede elaborarse a partir de la documentacin tratada. De entrada, puede verse
que tanto el monasterio con sus ocupantes, como las tierras, bienes y personas que dependan de l
estaban bajo la proteccin real, sobre todo a partir de los privilegios otorgados por Jaime II. Como
otras instituciones eclesisticas medievales, Sant Pau estaba liberada del pago de impuestos, pero
la autora revela que, aunque pudieron negociar la exencin de importantes tributos como la cena
o el bovatge, no consiguieron impedir que los monarcas les exigieran aportaciones dinerarias en
determinadas situaciones (el matrimonio del infante Juan o la celebracin de un jubileo conme-
morativo de los 50 aos de reinado de Pedro el Ceremonioso, sin olvidar las dcimas reclamadas
para nanciar la guerra con Castilla). Por ltimo, la autora reexiona sobre las 14 autorizacio-
nes de capbrevaci documentadas, obtenidas a partir de 1358 y elabora el mapa patrimonial de
Sant Pau del Camp. Este conjunto de territorios comprenda ncas rsticas y urbanas en el entorno
del monasterio, la ciudad de Barcelona y su territorio y diversas posesiones situadas en las actua-
les comarcas del Valls Oriental y Occidental, el Baix Llobregat y el Peneds.
Por otra parte, se analiza la documentacin derivada de litigios en los que el monas-
terio era parte interesada en pleitos frente a terceros (captulo cuarto), todas aquellas evidencias
documentales que giraban en torno a los problemas de competencia jurisdiccional con la mo-
narqua (captulo quinto) y la relacin mayoritariamente epistolar que los reyes mantuvieron
con el papado acerca de la designacin del cargos de Sant Pau (captulo sexto). Sobre esta
ltima cuestin, la autora resalta la paulatina evolucin que, a partir de principios del siglo XIV,
puede evidenciarse en la documentacin, evolucin que lleva a los monarcas tratar las cuestio-
nes de los nombramientos de obispos y abades directamente con el papado.
El sptimo captulo pretende dar un poco de luz acerca de la propia comunidad
de Sant Pau. Segn la documentacin, este cenobio nunca cont con un nmero elevado de
monjes, ni tampoco aparecen mencionados con sus nombres propios en demasiadas ocasiones.
Teniendo como punto de referencia el priologio elaborado por Antoni Pladevall, la autora ha
podido identicar a algunos de los cargos del monasterio, como los priores Berenguer de So-
licrup, Berenguer Riu o Pere Ferran; y algunos monjes que gestionaban las compra-ventas del
monasterio, como fra Guillem Busquets o fra Marc Portell. En algunas ocasiones incluso se ha
establecido que un monje encargado de la enfermera aos ms tarde obtuvo el cargo de prior.
Adems, han podido identicarse algunos camareros y sacristanes, ofreciendo una imagen nor-
malizada del funcionamiento interno de la comunidad.
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Por ltimo, la autora agrupa en el octavo captulo cinco documentos en los cuales
los diferentes priores de Sant Pau fueron llamados por el monarca (y la reina) a su presencia.
Parecen ser misivas en las que se est pidiendo el consejo sobre acontecimientos que afectan a
la corona, como es el caso del documento de 1394 en el que Juan I peda hablar con el prior Pere
sa Illa sobre el interdicto que el obispo de Barcelona haba conseguido contra la ciudad, por el
tema de la liberacin de los esclavos que el Consell de Cent se negaba a acatar.
La valoracin de los contenidos de la documentacin se completa con un riguroso
apndice en el cual estn transcritos los 156 registros que han servido de soporte documental
para el presente estudio.
Las conclusiones que podemos extraer de la lectura del libro son varias: por un
lado, los registros de la cancillera real referentes a Sant Pau del Camp nos aportan numerosa
informacin sobre aspectos fundamentalmente administrativos y de gestin del territorio, por
los que son una fuente privilegiada para conocer los mecanismos de control sobre los bienes
patrimoniales que ejercan las instituciones monsticas en el contexto bajomedieval. Asimis-
mo, nos ayudan a identicar qu aspectos de esta gestin eran fuente de conictos y qu papel
tena la monarqua en la resolucin de estos litigios. La autora, sabiendo que utiliza un corpus
documental muy concreto, analiza la documentacin de la que dispone intentando extraer de
ella lo mximo posible, sin efectuar conjeturas o hiptesis que, si bien podran demostrarse
confrontando otras fuentes, no se puede dilucidar del anlisis de los registros de cancillera. Es
por tanto, un libro que adems de presentar unos temas de estudio, tambin sugiere otros para
futuras investigaciones con otras fuentes.
Uno de los mayores mritos del volumen es el apndice documental, que tantas
veces falta o se presenta fragmentado en algunos estudios similares, y tan necesario resulta
para poner en conocimiento de la comunidad cientca, no slo un trabajo de anlisis, que por
s mismo ya tiene valor, sino adems el estudio profundo de la documentacin per se. En este
sentido, el presente volumen es un ejemplo de claridad y rigor, algo imprescindible para la
correcta difusin del patrimonio documental de nuestros archivos.
ARACELI ROSILLO LUQUE
Jos Manuel NIETO SORIA (dir.), Conicto en escenas: la pugna poltica como re-
presentacin en la Castilla bajomedieval, Madrid, Silex, 2010, 368 pp. (Silex Universidad).
ISBN 978-84-7737-250-9.
El equipo de investigacin dirigido por el profesor Nieto Soria ha efectuado en los
ltimos aos numerosas contribuciones al estudio de las estructuras polticas de la corona de
Castilla durante la Baja Edad Media, partiendo de innovadores planteamientos metodolgicos,
que han incorporado a la investigacin de esta materia nuevas temticas, como el estudio de
las ceremonias, la propaganda o la opinin pblica, que sobre todo han contribuido a poner
de maniesto las mltiples e interesantes conexiones existentes entre poltica y cultura. Con-
tinuando con esta fructfera lnea de investigacin, nueve medievalistas miembros de dicho
equipo nos ofrecen en este libro otros nueve breves trabajos de investigacin con los que se
proponen profundizar en el anlisis del fenmeno de la conictividad poltica en el marco de la
corona de Castilla bajomedieval, en esta ocasin para dar cuenta de las mltiples formas de
representacin de dicho conicto a las que se recurri con objetivos diversos, aunque siempre
estrechamente relacionados con el desenvolvimiento del propio conicto. Ciertamente cada
uno de los miembros del equipo realiza una contribucin muy personal a esta empresa colecti-
va, y para percibir el sustrato comn existente entre todos los trabajos hace falta realizar un no-
table esfuerzo de abstraccin, como el que lleva a cabo el propio director del equipo en la breve
presentacin con que se inicia el libro, en la que trata de poner de maniesto en pocas palabras
las lneas argumentales bsicas que vertebraran el conjunto del libro, conriendo unidad a lo
que a primera vista puede parecer afectado por la dispersin.
En cualquier caso, al margen de que resulte ms o menos fcil para el lector dotado
de cierta capacidad de abstraccin detectar un comn sustrato que conera unidad a la obra que
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reseamos, lo cierto es que todas las contribuciones que rene ofrecen inters por s mismas,
consideradas independientemente las unas de las otras. Y por ello nos vamos a detener a realizar
un breve comentario sobre cada una de ellas.
La primera corre a cargo del director del equipo, y de la publicacin, el profesor Nie-
to Soria, quien diserta sobre la creciente dimensin cultural que fue adquiriendo el tratamiento
del conicto poltico en la Castilla bajomedieval, como consecuencia de la creciente necesidad
experimentada por los actores de la vida poltica de generar un estado de opinin pblica favo-
rable, que les llev a recurrir al uso sistemtico de la retrica con nes legitimadores y propa-
gandsticos. Profundizando en la caracterizacin de las tradiciones culturales que coexistieron
en Castilla durante el bajo Medievo advierte cmo propiciaron el desarrollo de tres grandes
modelos bsicos de monarqua, la absoluta, la caballeresca y la populista urbana, en el marco
de los cuales se han de interpretar las formas de representacin no slo de la confrontacin, sino
tambin del consenso, a las que se recurri, y de las que ofrece unos cuantos ejemplos.
La profesora Quintanilla Raso estudia los conictos que se plantearon entre los
miembros de la alta nobleza, los llamados grandes, durante el perodo del reinado de los Reyes
Catlicos, tomando como referencia dos casos regionales en particular, en concreto el sector
nororiental del reino de Len, colindante con Galicia, por un lado, y la Andaluca Btica, con
especial atencin al reino de Crdoba, por otro. Con un importante aporte de documentacin
se esfuerza por demostrar que tras el acceso al trono de los Reyes Catlicos los conictos in-
ternobiliarios no desaparecieron del escenario poltico castellano, aunque adquirieron nuevos
matices como consecuencia del hecho de que el centro de gravedad del poder nobiliario se
traslad desde el mbito urbano a los grandes estados seoriales.
La profesora Asenjo Gonzlez aborda la problemtica de la representacin del con-
icto, ofrecindonos algunos ejemplos que ponen de maniesto los procedimientos mediante
los que en la Castilla del siglo XV determinados acontecimientos histricos fueron delibera-
damente tergiversados en el momento de su representacin para alcanzar objetivos propagan-
dsticos o legitimadores. Se centra para ello en el anlisis detallado de tres ejemplos concretos
de representacin de conictos, presentes en documentos de los aos 1420, 1425 y 1441, des-
tacando muy en particular este ltimo como paradigma de manipulacin de un acontecimiento
con nes de propaganda poltica.
Jorge Daz Ibez se propone poner de maniesto la importancia que las prcticas
representativas tuvieron como instrumentos de legitimacin en los procesos de confrontacin
social y poltica que tuvieron lugar en la Castilla bajomedieval en los que estuvieron implicados
miembros del estamento clerical. Pasa revista para ello a una amplia gama de elementos cere-
moniales, simblicos, retricos e iconogrcos que se utilizaron como forma de representacin
en procesos conictivos de todo gnero.
Mara Rbade Obrad nos informa sobre la visin negativa que de algunos persona-
jes judeoconversos que haban prosperado al servicio de la monarqua en la Castilla del siglo
XV se ofrece en algunas obras, escritas por autores que procuraron deliberadamente el despres-
tigio de dichos personajes, utilizndolas como un instrumento ms en la lucha poltica, en el
convencimiento de que tambin se podan ganar decisivas batallas en el resbaladizo terreno del
moldeamiento de la opinin pblica. Pero no deja de reconocer que no era tanto su condicin
de judeoconversos la que explicaba que se ofreciese una visin negativa de ellos, sino ms bien
el hecho de que los autores de las obras analizadas eran sus declarados enemigos polticos.
scar Villarroel centra su atencin en el estudio de las ceremonias como formas de
representacin de ideas y hechos polticos, con funciones propagandsticas. Elige para ello una
muestra relativamente amplia y variada de actos de deposicin que se sucedieron en Castilla en
los siglos XIII, XIV y XV, en unos casos de reyes, y, en otros, de cargos de cierto relieve como
los de condestable, maestre de orden militar o arzobispo. Lleva a cabo un interesante anlisis
comparativo de todos estos actos, para llegar a algunas sugestivas conclusiones, entre las que
cabe destacar la constatacin de un incremento con el transcurso del tiempo de la ritualidad y
de la presencia de formas simblicas en las ceremonias, que responde a una creciente toma de
conciencia, tanto entre los reyes como entre sus opositores, del valor propagandstico de dichas
ceremonias, y de su utilidad de cara a la consecucin de objetivos polticos.
Ana Arranz aborda la compleja temtica de la utilizacin de la excomunin por las
autoridades eclesisticas en la corona de Castilla a lo largo del perodo bajomedieval como
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instrumento de castigo a los infractores de las normas del derecho cannico, centrndose en dar
cuenta de los conictos con las autoridades seculares a los que dio lugar dicha prctica. Utiliza
como principal fuente informativa para la identicacin de estos conictos, y de los factores
que los propiciaron, las peticiones que el estamento eclesistico y el de las ciudades hicieron
al rey en Cortes en los tres ltimos siglos del Medievo, constatando la persistencia del mismo
tipo de problemas a lo largo de todo el perodo, lo que demostrara que apenas se avanz nada
en su resolucin.
Luis Fernndez Gallardo reconstruye la evolucin del gnero de la crnica real en
Castilla a lo largo de los siglos XIV y XV. Es decir, se centra en aquellas crnicas que se es-
cribieron en el entorno cortesano, por encargo regio, con el propsito de ofrecer una historia
ocial que respondiese a las estrategias de propaganda y legitimacin adoptadas en cada
momento por la monarqua, y de institucionalizar la memoria colectiva, conforme al modelo
francs. Parte para ello de la Crnica Particular de San Fernando y concluye con la gura de
Hernando del Pulgar, cronista de los Reyes Catlicos, dando cumplida noticia de todas las obras
que cabe inscribir dentro de este gnero que fueron elaboradas a lo largo de los siglos XIV y
XV, y destacando los rasgos ms singulares de cada una de ellas, en un recorrido que nos ofrece
una til visin sinttica del gnero.
Por n, David Nogales Rincn trata de demostrar la importancia que tuvo durante el
perodo bajomedieval la memoria funeraria como mbito privilegiado para el despliegue de las
estrategias de representacin de la monarqua, con nes legitimadores, en contextos de confron-
tacin poltica. Se detiene en la identicacin de los variados recursos de carcter ceremonial,
iconogrco y simblico a los que se recurri, destacando la capacidad que capillas funerarias
y panteones regios tuvieron para atender la necesidad representativa de la monarqua, no slo
desde la perspectiva religiosa sino tambin desde la poltica. Desde esta perspectiva ofrecen
especial inters las consideraciones que propone acerca de la utilizacin de estos recursos por
parte de monarcas cuyo acceso al trono haba tenido carcter irregular.
Stphane PQUIGNOT, Au nom du roi. Pratique diplomatique et pouvoir durant le
rgne de Jacques II dAragon (1291-1327), Madrid, Casa de Velzquez, 2009, 640 pp. + CD
ROM (Bibliothque de la Casa de Velzquez; 42). ISBN 978-84-96820-29-6.
Questo studio dedicato alla diplomazia di Giacomo II dAragona (1291-1327), frut-
to di una vasta ricerca documentale nei fondi dellArchivio della Corona dAragona di Barcel-
lona, viene a colmare il vuoto storiograco relativo alla diplomazia dei re dAragona e si pone
sulla scia dei lavori pioneristici che Heinrich Finke realizz nei primi decenni del XX secolo,
in particolare dei suoi Acta Aragonensia. Se vero, infatti, che si deve gi a Finke una sorta di
riabilitazione delle abilit diplomatiche di Giacomo II, bisogna tuttavia tener presente che dagli
anni Cinquanta del secolo scorso prese il sopravvento la problematica dellespansione della Co-
rona dAragona, nellambito della quale la diplomazia fu ridotta essenzialmente a strumento
al servizio della politica e dei progetti espansionistici della Corona. In questo senso Salavert
y Roca considerava che sarebbe stato lideale di espansione marittima del re a inuenzare la
sua psicologia, il suo spirito, il suo ideale politico, il suo pensiero diplomatico e il suo stato
danimo. Un approccio rischioso, questo, perch portava a considerare la diplomazia come
sola espressione della volont del re, tralasciando il suo carattere efmero e trascurando aspetti
essenziali: da una parte i rapporti di potere interni al regno dAragona, ossia la relazione tra il
monarca e i suoi sudditi, quella con le citt, la nobilt e gli ecclesiastici; dallaltra che lazione
condotta con i sovrani stranieri comportava un rapporto dinamico di elaborazione di metodi,
strategie, rappresentazioni. Pquignot rende allora limmagine di una diplomazia catalanoara-
gonese in tutta la sua articolazione, leggendola non solanto come strumento politico di nego-
ziazione interna e esterna al regno, ma anche come via per elaborare la memoria e la legittimit
del potere e come forma di creare legami personali tra il re e quello che sarebbe diventato il suo
pi stretto circolo.
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Lautore sceglie come osservatorio privilegiato sulla diplomazia un regno caratteriz-
zato dal succedersi di numerose guerre e, in particolare, restringe un campo che sarebbe altri-
menti stato ancora pi vasto (ma probabilmente ingestibile), analizzando le ambasciate rivolte
ai potentati cristiani. Si sceglie quindi unepoca in cui la capacit di gestione dei negoziati e
delle negoziazioni per usare una parola grata allautore (mi riferisco al volume Ngocier au
Moyen ge), furono insieme al diritto la forma preferenziale di ricercare la pace anche per
lincapacit, soprattutto economica ma data anche dalla fragilit politica causata dalla presenza
di rivolte interne, impediva al re di usare la via delle armi. Queste necessit diedero allora se-
guito allinvio di numerose ambasciate, a un modo nuovo di gestirle e pensarle e alla rispettiva
elaborazione di una grandissima quantit di documentazione.
Ci troviamo di fronte a unopera importante, densa, la cui lettura per facilitata
dalla grande chiarezza espositiva e dalla piacevolezza della narrazione. Questa di articola in tre
parti. E bisogna subito ammettere che se in un primo momento si ha la tentazione di pensare
che ci si trovi di fronte a due diverse monograe, una a carattere diplomatistico-documentale
e una di analisi storica vera e propria, procedendo con la lettura del testo diventa sempre pi
chiaro il loro intimo legame e si scorge il lo rosso che accompagna il lettore gradualmente
dentro la complessit della diplomazia regia, per comprenderne peculiarit, meccanismi, rituali,
signicati e mutazioni.
La prima parte Instruments et moyens de la diplomatie royale dedicata
allelaborazione, confezione, classicazione e catalogazione dei documenti, intesi come
mezzi attraverso cui si sviluppava lazione diplomatica. A buon diritto si dedica pi di una
terza parte di questo lavoro a unanalisi meticolosa della produzione documentaria e alle
sue forme di registrazione e conservazione nellarchivio regio, elementi utili insieme per il
loro signicato politico e per la possibilit di comparare queste pratiche a quelle delle grandi
cancellerie europee in questa medesima epoca. Queste, fra le altre cose, condividevano in-
fatti lutilizzazione di un vocabolario e di una documentazione specializzata comunemente
riconosciuta, il valore di risorsa degli archivi e la pratica di graticare i corrieri che portano
i messaggi allestero. Ci nonostante, e in mancanza di studi pi approfonditi su altre di-
plomazie europee nella stessa cronologia, la documentazione scritta utilizzata e conservata
da Giacomo II appare particolarmente ampia e variata. Messi al servizio della diplomazia
regia i documenti, le informazioni e il denaro necessitano di un lavoro importante dellam-
ministrazione regia che contribuisce a modicare metodi e pratiche. La sperimentazione ,
dunque, ci che pi sembra caratterizzare questo regno. I fondi conservati nellarchivium
del re aumentano rispetto al regno precedente, gli scribi della cancelleria riuniscono per la
prima volta i documenti diplomatici in registri specializzati in cui leconomia interna si fa
oggetto di esperienze molteplici, i metodi di ricerca della documentazione si perfezionano, le
procedure di controllo dei documenti e degli uomini sincrociano e si moltiplicano, tanto che
le risorse necessarie allazione portata avanti allestero a nome del re obbligano a una grande
inventiva nanziaria. La diplomazia del re costituisce un fermento di sperimentazione che
modica la pratica delle istituzioni centrali della Corona (la cancelleria, gli archivi, il tesoro)
senza per tradursi nella costituzione di unamministrazione consacrata soltanto a questo
scopo. La diplomazia portata avanti in nome di Giacomo II appare allora un affare profon-
damente tecnico, basato sullarchivio del re, fondato sulla rete dinformatori, consolidato e
controllato dalla scrivania della cancelleria. E daltronde quello che oggi resta di questo pro-
cesso, la grande massa documentale conservata nellArchivo de la Corona dAragona, attesta
la volont di costruire unimmagine forte e degli strumenti cui attingere per la preparazione
delle ambasciate.
Nelle lettere di credenziale, nelle istruzioni e nelle procure, gli ambasciatori gura-
no come rappresentati del re, agiscono sempre in suo nome au nom du roi come recita il titolo
dellopera e non in quello della Casa dAragona o della Corona. Le legationes di Giacono
II ci appaiono come il risultato di un mandato diretto del re che dispaccia un ambasciatore
presso una universitas o un sovrano stranieri. Nelle istruzioni viene, infatti, espressa la parola
del re, a volte direttamente, a volte nella grazia a loro concessa alle loro qualit interpretative.
Oltre che strumento di legittimazione del proprio potere, questi registri specializzati servono
come forma di controllo dellesercizio dellattivit diplomatica, per conservare nella memoria
amministrativa una traccia autentica di atti confezionati in nome del re che costituiscono un
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patrimonio cui attingere per gestire le relazioni interne e esterne alla Corona. La documenta-
zione cos organizzata e ordinata, sarebbe poi stata preparata per le ambasciate e per sostenere
le argomentazioni della politica regia e ovviamente larchivio sarebbe stato utilizzato cos dai
successori di Giacomo II con lo scopo di difendere i diritti e le prerogative della casa reale.
Una volta archiviati i documenti diplomatici rappresentavano una memoria attiva del potere
regio, costantemente riscritta dallamministrazione degli affari diplomatici aragonesi, una me-
moria che permetteva al re di avere discussioni pi precise con gli ambasciatori stranieri che
si presentano alla corte.
Questa documentazione pragmatica contribuisce a modellare limmagine del re e
dei suoi sudditi agli occhi delle altre potenze europee e mediterranee, fomenta la costruzione
di un linguaggio politico proprio del monarca, ma condiviso con gli altri interlocutori europei
in uno scambio dinamico che formula limmagine degli attori in un continuo dialogo, e che le-
gittima il potere del re e le sue iniziative di conquista nella penisola iberica e nel Mediterraneo.
Dopo aver messo laccento sullimportanza dellarchivio del re come deposito delle
informazioni del passato, Pquignot affronta la questione delle notizie fresche qui denite con
i termini usati nelle fonti nova, ardits, rumores e coses secretes, da cui la diplomazia dipendeva
largamente. I canali dinformazione del re sono costituiti dalle sue reti di fedelt, dai suoi uo-
mini: ambasciatori, spie, mercanti, ufciali, personaggi appartenenti a corti straniere, stranieri
presenti nella Corona dAragona. poi posto laccento sul ruolo dei soggetti specializzati nella
trasmissione delle informazioni, i messaggeri di corte, la cui rilevanza emerge dalle gratica-
zioni che ricevono in cambio al loro servizio.
Ma come si nanziano le missioni degli ambasciatori, il soggiorno di quelli stranieri
a corte, i viaggi dei messaggeri e gli incontri reali? La dispersione fonti porta alla difcolt di
ricostruire tutti i pagamenti effettuati ai vari ufciali regi e impedisce di scoprire pienamente
comerano nanziati questi incarichi, di valutarne i costi complessivi e stabilire se si ricorresse
alla creazione di sussidi straordinari, elementi di problematicit che non impediscono allautore
di fare un tentativo di bilancio attraverso tre diversi metodi.
La seconda parte Le roi et ses ambassadeurs invece dedicata al re e alla scelta
dei suoi ambasciatori. Dopo aver trattato i documenti e le informazioni, si passa agli uomini,
che insieme allarchivio sono ci che d continuit alla diplomazia regia della Casa dAragona
ben oltre il regno di Giacomo II. Lavoro tecnico, pratica politica per la quale il controllo del
segreto diventa essenziale, la diplomazia del re mobilita un gran numero dindividui. Mes-
saggeri di corte, spie, portatori puntuali di missive, accompagnatori di cavalli, corrispondenti
stranieri, membri della sua camera, notai, maggiordomi, uomini della cancelleria e ufciali
di frontiera, mercanti delle ville e cavalieri che si spostano, religiosi in viaggio e pellegrini, a
titoli diversi, tutti i soggetti e alleati di Giacomo II sono suscettibili di partecipare allazione
diplomatica portata avanti a nome del sovrano, rimanendo tuttavia principale il ruolo degli
ambasciatori.
Dopo una prima sezione sulle riessioni teoriche medievali relative alla pratica
diplomatica, Pquignot passa ad analizzare la scelta degli uomini, il loro rango sociale, la
formazione universitaria, la conoscenza delle lingue, la partecipazione nelle istituzioni della
Corona, i legami personali con il re. Questanalisi si fonda su un dizionario degli amba-
sciatori che si trova nel CD allegato al libro. Si tratta di 349 voci ordinate alfabeticamente,
in cui ogni scheda tratteggia le traiettorie degli uomini del re, raccogliendo dati sulluomo,
la famiglia, lo status, la provenienza geograca, il patrimonio, le alleanze matrimoniali e
le reti di amicizia, la carriera previa rispetto al servizio del re ecclesiastica o nella politica
cittadina eventuali attivit mercantili e la formazione, lelaborazione di produzioni lettera-
rie. Inne si scende nel dettaglio della natura del servizio prestato al re e alla famiglia reale,
in modo da comprendere la prossimit dellambasciatore al potere regio. Questo apparato si
rivela fondamentale per fondare le affermazioni che Pquignot fa in questa seconda parte e
anche nella successiva.
Lautore rileva allora la presenza, bench non esclusiva, di specialisti della diplo-
mazia, qui deniti happy few, uomini desperienza che scendono in campo per le missioni
pi cruciali del regno. Si tratta in gran parte di consiglieri del re, familiares o alti responsabili
nellamministrazione regia, oltre a qualche grande ecclesiastico e nobile appartenenti a grandi
e potenti famiglie che in cambio ottengono dal re ricompense e privilegi. la vicinanza al re a
392 RESEAS
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fare la differenza e a portare alla specializzazione di un gruppo ristretto di soggetti, specializza-
zione che rivela allo stesso tempo la preoccupazione di garantire una concreta ununit dazione
negli affari diplomatici.
Il margine di manovra degli ambasciatori allestero varia considerevolmente e di-
pende della prossimit di questi col re. Anche se il prolo degli ambasciatori cambia le nego-
ziazioni sono effettuate secondo metodi comuni. Tutte sono concepite come una messa in gioco
della parola e dellonore del re, una presa di rischio necessaria per difendere gli interessi e il
diritto del monarca. Una tale concezione restringe pertanto il campo di ci che pu essere trat-
tato. Con lo scopo di inquadrare questa pratica pericolosa della negoziazione e prevedere tutte
le possibili pieghe che potr prendere lambasciata, il re e i suoi uomini fanno un considerevole
sforzo di scrittura preliminare, a cui si aggiunge la capacit di controllo e maestria di parole
pronunciate a nome del re. Questa seconda parte si chiude con la signicativa ricostruzione
della traiettoria di uno di questi happy few: Pedro Fernndez de Hjar.
Emerge allora un nuovo elemento rispetto a quanto noto no ad oggi, la presenza
di una diplomazia personale del re, e soprattutto di specialisti della diplomazia, gi a cavallo
fra Due e Trecento. La manipolazione delle scritture, la coscienza dei segreti, limportanza
attribuita alle informazioni che secondo la storiograa sono quello che, insieme alla comparsa
dellambasciatore residente, determinano la cesura tra Medioevo e modernit, si ritrovano gi
nella diplomazia di Giacomo II.
La terza e ultima parte Le pouvoir en diplomatie ha come oggetto il tema com-
plesso del rapporto tra potere e diplomazia. La messa in atto dellazione diplomatica regia
non costituisce una semplice manifestazione della volont del sovrano, ma prodotto e parte
integrante dei rapporti di potere interni alla Corona e della relazione tra re e sudditi, attraverso
quelle forme che consentono il saldarsi di un dialogo politico specico. Vi sono poi i poteri
urbani, che tentano dal canto loro di utilizzare e di piegare ai loro scopi la diplomazia del re e i
suoi legami. Ancora sono considerati gli accordi puntuali o generali stretti con i membri degli
ordini religiosi o militari, nella loro duplicit di uomini della chiesa e uomini del re. In questa
sezione trova poi spazio lanalisi degli incontri reali, apogeo della pratica diplomatica, in cui
si manifesta la competizione di prestigio tra le corti e di onore tra sovrani. Sono qui trattati i
matrimoni dinastici, che lasciano emergere il legame che unisce la famiglia del re a numero
considerevole di soggetti della Corona dentro una comunit di destino. Inne si considerano
alcune delle azioni che contribuiscono nellambito di questa monarchia composita ad affermare
il ruolo preminente del potere regio nella Corona, a darne unimmagine dinanzi alle potenze
straniere e ai sudditi consolidando cos la propria legittimit, come negoziazioni di pace e trat-
tati di commercio realizzati in nome del re.
Gli uomini ormai sono lontani, ma gli archivi restano, pressoch intatti, eccezional-
mente ricchi, resistono al tempo, testimonianza di questa complessa evoluzione nella diploma-
zia di Giacomo II e del suo sforzo di elaborazione e organizzazione. difcile per lautore, alla
ne di questa grande opera, assegnare al momento Giacomo II un posto preciso nella storia
pi generale della diplomazia del Medioevo occidentale, in quanto i punti di comparazione
sono ancora troppo poco numerosi, particolarmente nella Penisola Iberica, per arrivare a con-
clusioni denitive. E certo complesso prendere come punto di paragone la diplomazia delle
repubbliche italiche del Quattrocento, una realt che deve essere intesa nella sua specicit e
che pi che modello pu essere considerata eccezione. Nonostante ci lirruzione di una parola
istruita per iscritto nella pratica diplomatica, tra XIII e XIV secolo, la congiunzione di uninten-
sicazione degli usi pragmatici dello scritto amministrativo e di una coscienza delle sde, come
del pericolo delle parole del re e dei suoi rappresentanti, favorisce nella Corona lemergere di
una diplomazia temperata in cui tutto previsto, calibrato e meticolosamente negoziato. Que-
sto studio allora apporta elementi nuovi, oltre che una grande ricchezza di informazioni utili,
che contribuiranno ad alimentare il dibattito storiograco e che potranno costituire un nuovo
e imprescindibile punto di partenza per le future ricerche sulla diplomazia europea nel basso
Medioevo.
MARIA ELISA SOLDANI
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Gian Luca POTEST, El tiempo del Apocalipsis. Vida de Joaqun de Fiore, Traduc-
cin de David Guixeras, Madrid, Trotta, 2010, 452 pp. (Coleccin Estructuras y procesos. Serie
Religin). ISBN 978-84-9870-008-5.
El tiempo del Apocalipsis. Vida de Joaqun de Fiore di Gian Luca Potest segna
un momento molto importante nel panorama della storiograa gioachimita. Si tratta infatti del
primo studio che, attraverso unattenta lettura dellintera opera dellabate, ne ricostruisce il
percorso biograco e intellettuale dando ampio risalto allintricata dialettica tra eventi vissuti,
scelte monastiche, orientamenti politico-ecclesiastici e approdi teologici. Questa visione mette
in crisi limmagine di un Gioacchino da Fiore apocalittico e profeta solitario per restituire la
statura di un esegeta, teologo e riformatore critico e ricettivo nei confronti degli orientamenti
intellettuali ed ecclesiali a lui poco precedenti e contemporanei, e di un osservatore attivo e
partecipe degli eventi politici e delle strategie perseguite da Impero e Papato nei loro rapporti
reciproci e nei confronti di eretici, ebrei e Saraceni.
Lopera si compone di dodici capitoli che, a parte il primo, di natura prefatoria e
dedicato agli obiettivi, al metodo e alle fonti della ricerca, seguono uno schema cronologico
essibile in cui la biograa di Gioacchino, la sua riessione, e la sua opera, si legano ai luoghi,
ai contesti e a i personaggi da lui frequentati e incontrati, e agli eventi da lui vissuti o conosciuti
e partecipati. La Calabria e lesperienza monastica benedettina, Casamari e lambiente cister-
cense, la frequentazione della curia ponticia a Veroli, poi a Verona, inne a Roma, i rapporti
con la cultura ebraica, la caduta di Gerusalemme e la minaccia dei Saraceni, la fondazione di
Fiore e il messianismo eremitico, Messina e lincontro con Tancredi, Riccardo I dInghilterra e
Filippo II Augusto di Francia, Napoli e lincontro con Enrico VI, le relazioni con questultimo
e Costanza, le vicende e le questioni relative al rapporto tra Impero e Papato, i loro rispettivi
contatti con lImpero bizantino e la Chiesa orientale, i diversi orientamenti dei Ponteci verso
ebrei ed eretici, lasciano tutti tracce importanti nellopera di Gioacchino. Ad essi si lega infatti
la tensione tra il presente mutevole e la percezione della ne che, insieme alla volont di pren-
dere parte attiva nellultima fase della storia della Chiesa, segna la lettura concordistica delle
Scritture e la ricerca dellazione della Trinit nella storia. Attraverso questa lettura dinamica,
Potest riesce ad individuare proprio nella complessit della storia le intime connessioni tra la
teologia trinitaria di Gioacchino, il suo metodo esegetico e le aspirazioni riformatrici, e il mu-
tare delle loro prospettive ed equilibri reciproci. Collocandosi in questo panorama, i problemi
fondamentali della storiograa gioachimita, quali loscillazione tra schema binario e schema
ternario, la scoperta del periodo sabatico intraterreno, e il terzo status e i suoi protagonisti, assu-
mono una nuova dimensione e rivelano una compenetrazione di schemi ermeneutici apparente-
mente contrastanti e il loro adattamento alla uidit degli eventi contemporanei. Appaiono cos
pi chiare le ragioni dei continui mutamenti dei protagonisti del duplice sistema settenario delle
persecuzioni, delle prospettive sul ruolo dellImpero e del Papato nelle fasi nali della storia, e
della teologia dellAnticristo, ricostruiti no allintroduzione della gura salvica del giovane
sovrano degli ultimi tempi, inserita da Gioacchino nello Psalterium un anno prima della morte.
Muovendosi con grande destrezza e acume nellaccidentata tradizione manoscritta,
nella straticazione dei testi e nellintricata tipologia dei testi-contenitore, nelle connessioni tra
testi e diagrammi, Potest individua ed esplora i momenti di svolta e i loro contesti offrendo
nuovi elementi di datazione e nuove interpretazioni. Un esempio notevole costituito dalla
sua lettura della lettera testamentaria del 1200 che, attraverso il rilevamento di unallusione
dellincipit allapologia di Abelardo Universis ecclesie sancte liis, assume cos il tono di pre-
occupata difesa dellortodossia dinanzi alla cultura scolastica di Innocenzo III. Questa conclu-
sione avallata dallanalisi parallela del terzo Tractatus super quatuor evangelia, precedente
di pochi anni, in cui lautore coglie molti punti di dissenso nei confronti del milieu cultura-
le del nuovo Pontece, delle sue scelte politiche e strategie anti-ereticali e la consapevolezza
dellabate di trovarsi di fronte ad un approccio teologico ed ecclesiale difcilmente concilia-
bile con il suo.
Allo stesso modo, lindagine dei rapporti di Gioacchino con le fonti e lesegesi
tradizionale conduce alla scoperta dei modelli e delle strategie letterarie, come per esempio
nellinterpretazione che Potest offre delle due visioni di Pasqua (Psalterium) e Pentecoste
(Expositio). Mentre altri hanno dibattuto su datazione, cronologia e veridicit dellesperienza
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mistica, lautore, accogliendo la formula della difesa estatica proposta da Lerner, individua
un vero e proprio lone letterario in cui la visione ha la funzione di porre un sigillo divino
allopera, mettendone le innovazioni al riparo da possibili critiche. Inoltre, mentre la visione di
Pasqua enfatizza la novit dellinterpretazione e il valore ermeneutico attribuiti da Gioacchino
alla vita di san Benedetto, con la visione di Pentecoste labate afferma di ripetere lesperienza di
Giovanni, confrontandosi con la gura del sommo teologo e proponendosi come suo epigono.
Il lavoro di Potest costituisce un testo imprescindibile per chiunque voglia intra-
prendere lo studio dellopera di Gioacchino da Fiore e del suo tempo. Grazie alla completezza
e alla profondit dellanalisi dellopera dellabate e la sua contestualizzazione, lautore infatti
riuscito nellimpresa di restituire con grande chiarezza il lungo e travagliato percorso di ricerca
compiuto da Gioacchino per scorgere lazione di Dio nella storia attraverso le Scritture, la li-
turgia, e lesperienza monastica, e comprendere il suo ruolo e quello dellImpero e della Chiesa
romana nellimminente tempo dellApocalisse.
MICHELINA DI CESARE
Universit La Sapienza de Roma
Roser SABANS I FERNNDEZ, Els concilis ilerdenses de la provncia eclesistica
tarraconense a lEdat Mitjana (546-1460), Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera, 2009, 338 pp. (Estu-
dis; 52). ISBN 978-84-9779-843-3.
Aquest llibre s una edici en catal de la tesi doctoral que lautora defens a la
Facultat de Dret Cannic de la Universitat Pontifcia de Salamanca, sota la direcci dAntonio
Garca y Garca, professor emrit en aquesta mateixa universitat.
Es tracta dun estudi monogrc sobre els dotze concilis de la Tarraconense cele-
brats a Lleida entre els segles VI i XV: el primer data de lany 546, i s el quart duna llarga
srie dassemblees conciliars, el punt darrencada de les quals es troba en aquest mateix segle.
La resta ja sn dpoca prpiament medieval: 1155 poc desprs de la conquesta de la Lleida
andalusina, 1173, 1190, 1229 en aplicaci de les reformes introdudes al Concili Lateranense
IV (1215), 1237, 1246, 1257, 1293, 1294, 1418 i 1460. Aix doncs, a banda de lesmentat con-
cili visigtic, nhi ha tres del segle XII, sis del XIII i dos del XV. Si fa no fa, sn les mateixes
tes cronolgiques que trobem recollides en el llibre de Manuel Guallar, Los concilios tarra-
conenses celebrados en Lrida (siglos VI-XV), publicat per lInstituto de Estudios Ilerdenses i
el CSIC el 1975. Atesa la prctica coincidncia de la temtica abordada, gaireb esdev obligat
establir comparacions de cara a poder inferir qu aporta de nou lestudi de Sabans.
Dantuvi, lautora que estem ressenyant sembla tenir molt present lobra de Guallar,
ns al punt de seguir pautes bastant similars. A propsit daix, Guallar procur no fer un s
indiscriminat del terme concili i en alguns casos ns i tot opt per la denominaci ms laxa:
assemblea eclesistica. En la seva introducci, Sabans passa revista al concepte de concili
en la seva accepci ms general i, dacord amb diversos autors, classica aquests en generals i
particulars, dins els quals sinclouen els provincials. La reuni de prelats per discutir de temes
interns de lEsglsia solia donar lloc a la promulgaci de constitucions, una bona part dels quals
foren recollides a la famosa compilaci de larquebisbe Joan dArag de 1330, a la que Pons
Guri dedic un extens estudi. Ara b, el carcter conciliar dalgunes de les assemblees docu-
mentades no sempre est prou clar, daqu que, en alguns casos, hom recorri a denominacions
alternatives (assemblees eclesistiques o episcopals, reunions o juntes de prelats...), per sense
mostrar cap intenci de posar en qesti letiqueta de conciliar. La principal objecci ve donada
pel fet que, en alguns casos, es tracta de reunions mixtes, a les quals tamb hi assist el rei amb
els seus barons, per la qual cosa socuparen ms aviat de qestions de caire poltic o judicial.
Aix, lassemblea de 1246 tract de laixecament de la pena dexcomuni al rei Jaume I, mentre
que la de 1257 hauria coincidit (?) amb la celebraci dunes Corts. A propsit daix, la mateixa
autora alludeix a la pgina 34 a una possible relaci de la prctica conciliar amb el naixement
daquesta instituci politicoestamental, per b que no aporta cap consideraci, ni tan sols bibli-
ogrca (en relaci, posem per cas, amb els treballs de Bisson i de Gener Gonzalvo sobre les
assemblees de Pau i Treva), que hauria estat dinters per als lectors del seu llibre.
RESEAS 395
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Un altre aspecte t a veure amb el nombre de concilis estudiats. Si fem una ullada a
les llistes publicades en algunes obres de sntesi (per exemple, a la de J. Ravents, La sinodali-
tat a Catalunya, publicat el 2000 o, igualment, a larticle signat pel mateix autor al Diccionari
dHistria eclesistica de Catalunya, vol. I, p. 606), hi ha registrades dues assemblees ms
celebrades a Lleida. Efectivament, el susdit autor, a la pgina 40 del seu llibre, basant-se en
un dels treballs de Valls Taberner, esmenta dos concilis ilerdenses: el primer (1211) en temps
del metropolit Benet de Rocabert; el segon (1214) en ocasi de la vinguda del legat papal
Pere de Benavent. Ni Guallar fu cap esment a aquestes dues assemblees, ni tampoc ho fa
Sabans, encara que noms sigui per poder-les descartar de la corresponent llista. Ambds
llibres coincideixen en la llista que ofereixen: si de cas, Sabans aconsegueix esmenar la plana
a determinades dates que Guallar anotava com a incertes, si ms no, pel que fa als concilis de
1246, 1293 i 1294.
Per damunt de tot, caldria preguntar-se quina importncia t el fet dhaver escollit
Lleida en comptes daltres seus per haver estat pres com un criteri primordial destudi dels
concilis provincials de la Tarraconense? Lgicament, la seu habitual de celebraci daquestes
assemblees fou Tarragona, capital de la provncia eclesistica, la qual cosa no imped lelecci
daltres seus episcopals (a part de Tarragona i Lleida, sen documenten a Barcelona, Girona,
Tortosa...) per circumstncies diverses i raons de caire, a vegades, purament conjuntural. Inde-
pendentment del lloc escollit, tals reunions clericals no semblen haver tingut un funcionament
diferenciat del que solien tenir els concilis de la Tarraconense, en el sentit que tots, qui ms qui
menys, tingueren per objectiu primordial promoure la reforma moral i disciplinria del clergat,
aix com tamb incidir en els costums i normes de conducta dels laics, al marge, per altra banda,
de la defensa aferrissada de les anomenades llibertats de lEsglsia. Aix, si seguim la relaci
desdeveniments que presidiren cada una daquestes assemblees, nhi ha que tractaren qes-
tions dinters general per a tot el clergat de la provncia, i noms algunes socuparen daspec-
tes ms directament referits a lmbit lleidat, com, per exemple, el concili de 1257, on el rei
savingu a raticar els drets tradicionals de lEsglsia de Lleida. Per altra banda, labsncia de
concilis a Lleida durant ms dun segle (entre 1294 i 1418) podria tenir una explicaci dordre
poltic, social i eclesial, tal com apuntava el prologuista del llibre Xavier Salinas, per al llarg
de lobra no arribem a escatir una explicaci convincent, ni tan sols a lapartat titulat Un segle
sense concilis provincials a Lleida (pp. 293 i ss.). A lhora de cercar una explicaci, ms aviat
caldria tenir en compte la qesti del desmembrament de la provncia eclesistica arran de la cre-
aci de larquebisbat de Saragossa (1318), qesti a la qual noms shi alludeix a la Introducci
a ttol merament recordatori. Sigui com sigui, la srie dels concilis ilerdenses salta al segle XV;
desprs de 1460, ja mai ms es tornaria a celebrar cap altre concili provincial en aquesta ciutat.
Malgrat tot, Sabans t el mrit dhaver posat al dia lobra de Guallar, mitjanant
una aproximaci molt ms documentada de cada assemblea conciliar, aplicant, en cada cas, un
mateix esquema danlisi. Aix, a banda de fer un reps al context histric de cada assemblea
pel que fa a la situaci poltica, social, econmica i religiosa de lpoca, sexposen els segents
aspectes: convocatria, prelats participants, temes tractats i normativa aprovada. Els temes que
shi tractaven solen versar sobre litrgia i sagraments, predicaci (en els epgrafs que lautora
ha titulat La Paraula de Du), moralitat, disciplina del clergat, defensa del patrimoni i rendes
eclesistiques en relaci sobretot amb el cobrament del delme, i daltres.
Ara b, les fonts sn limitades, per tal com noms es coneixen les actes de cinc
daquests concilis (546, 1173, 1229, 1293 i 1294); de la resta, segons es comenta, noms sen
tenen notcies histriques. Si ms no, labsncia dactes per a alguns daquests concilis porta a
lautora a hipotetitzar sobre els possibles temes que shi devien tractar; per exemple, pel que fa
al concili del 1190, que es vincula a la lluita contra la heretgia per terres lleidatanes. A banda
daix, dalguns concilis sols es coneixen alguns cnons, ladscripci cronolgica dels quals
no sempre est prou clara. Hom t fora present que alguns daquests cnons sn expressi de
les normes dictades en els concilis generals, sobretot quan es tracta dassemblees intervingudes
pels legats ponticis, lautoritat dels quals estava per damunt de la dels arquebisbes. Lestudi
de Sabans no incorpora cap Apndix documental, per b que ha optat per intercalar els textos
dalguns cnons, aix com fragments extrets de la producci historiogrca.
Al marge de la conservaci o no de les constitucions conciliars, hi ha disponibles
altres fonts importants, sobretot pel que fa als concilis del segle XV: aix, tocant al de 1418,
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sha conservat el magnc dietari del canonge giron Dalmau Raset; i respecte al de 1460, hi ha
disponible linteressant protocol notarial que don a conixer J.M Madurell en un treball que
lautora es limita a resumir.
La bibliograa podria semblar fora completa (no en va, ocupa nou planes), per
si sexamina ms al detall, trobem a faltar-hi algunes referncies ms o menys destacades;
per exemple, entre les obres clssiques, la de J.D. Costa, Collectio novissima constitutionum
provincialium tarraconensium (Barcelona, 1866); i, pel que fa a sntesis modernes, la de J.M
Marqus, Concilis Provincials Tarraconenses. Introducci i traducci (Barcelona, 1994). Mal-
grat citar diversos autors alemanys, no shi inclou J. Grohe (Die Synoden im Bereich der Krone
Aragn von 1418 bis 1429, Paderborn-Mnchen-Wien-Zrich, 1991, pp. 5-87), cosa que hauria
estat convenient en relaci amb lassemblea de 1418, igual que larticle de J.M Marqus, El
snode de Lleida de 1418, dins les Jornades sobre el Cisma dOccident (Barcelona 1988).
Tampoc hi trobem cap referncia a la producci de Santiago Bueno Salinas, autor que hauria
dhaver estat citat almenys quan es toquen temes de tributaci eclesistica. Aix mateix, trobem
a faltar els estudiosos de les visites pastorals, entre daltres, Llus Monjas, autor duna altra tesi
doctoral publicada per la Fundaci Noguera amb el ttol: La reforma eclesistica i religiosa de
la provncia eclesistica Tarraconense al llarg de la baixa edat mitjana (a travs dels qestio-
naris de visita pastoral, Barcelona, 2008; s a travs daquesta altra font (o dels corresponents
qestionaris estudiats pel referit autor) que hom pot conixer ns a quin punt es don compli-
ment a les disposicions aprovades en aquelles assemblees eclesistiques.
Per altra banda, trobem a faltar un ndex de noms, que tan til seria per localitzar
rpidament alguns dels nombrosos personatges i llocs que surten mencionats al llarg de lobra.
Finalment, sorprn la inexistncia dun apartat de conclusions, amb ms ra pel fet
de tractar-se dun treball dorigen acadmic. Malgrat tot, lestudi de Sabans no pot ser passat
per alt; tothom que estigui interessat en la temtica conciliar lha de consultar (hom pot fer-ho
tamb a la segent adrea electrnica:
http://www.fundacionoguera.com/libros/52-CONCILIS%20ILERDENSES.pdf.
JORDI MORELL BAGET
Philippe SNAC, Los soberanos carolingios y al-ndalus (siglos VIII-IX), Granada,
Universidad de Granada, 2010, 265 pp. ISBN 978-84-338-5177-2.
El medievalista francs Philippe Snac aborda en este libro el estudio de una cuestin
muy mal conocida de la historia del sector occidental de la cuenca mediterrnea durante los
oscuros siglos VIII y IX. Fue entonces cuando tuvo lugar el sometimiento al poder musulmn de
una parte importante de este espacio geogrco, que previamente haba estado todo l integrado
en un mismo mbito de civilizacin, el de raz romana y cristiana, y que a partir de entonces
qued escindido en dos espacios adscritos a dos modelos de civilizacin diferentes, que durante
siglos se disputaron su dominio, y que todava lo siguen haciendo en la actualidad, aunque de
una forma diferente. Se propone en concreto este autor profundizar en el anlisis de las relacio-
nes polticas y diplomticas que mantuvieron durante estos dos siglos los soberanos francos del
linaje de los carolingios con los gobernantes musulmanes de la Pennsula Ibrica, situndolas en
un contexto ms amplio, y valorando la incidencia que sobre las mismas tuvo la propia evolucin
de las relaciones de esos mismos soberanos con otros poderes como el bizantino, y el de los mu-
sulmanes de Oriente, con los que, pese a su mayor alejamiento, tambin mantuvieron contactos.
Se trata, sin duda de una temtica difcil, por la escasez de las fuentes de informacin
disponibles para abordar su estudio. El autor lleva a cabo, sin embargo, una encomiable labor de
sistemtico rastreo de dichas fuentes, tanto en el mbito cristiano como en el musulmn, gracias
a lo cual logra ofrecernos un cuadro relativamente detallado, no exento de incertidumbres, de
los acontecimientos militares y diplomticos que jalonan la historia de las relaciones entre el
mundo cristiano franco y el musulmn en los dos primeros siglos de coexistencia de ambos en
el mbito de la cuenca mediterrnea occidental. En dicho cuadro ocupan un lugar importante
las sucesivas expediciones militares que se emprendieron en los dos sentidos desde que los
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musulmanes ocuparon las tierras del sur de la Galia a comienzos del siglo VIII. As se nos in-
forma con detalle de las expediciones militares emprendidas por los musulmanes de al-Andalus
al otro lado de los Pirineos, y con ms detenimiento todava de los grandes hitos que marcaron
el proceso de resistencia y posterior avance territorial de los francos hacia el sur, de entre los
que cabe destacar la clebre batalla de Poitiers, de 732, convertida en un autntico mito por
la historiografa francesa decimonnica, la conquista de Narbona por Pipino el Breve, o la de
Barcelona en 801 por su hijo Carlomagno. Por supuesto, tambin se presta atencin a las expe-
diciones fallidas, como la realizada a Zaragoza por el propio Carlomagno en 778, y sobre todo
se pone buen cuidado en demostrar que hubo muchas en los dos sentidos, y con frecuencia sus
consecuencias inmediatas se limitaron a la destruccin y captura de botn. Al mismo tiempo,
no obstante, Snac insiste en recordarnos que las relaciones entre carolingios y musulmanes tu-
vieron otra importante vertiente, la diplomtica. Para demostrarlo proporciona noticia detallada
de las embajadas que fueron intercambiadas por los primeros, ya desde el reinado de Pipino el
Breve, con los califas abases y con distintos gobernantes de al-Andalus. Se trata de noticias
en muchos casos curiosas que nos ponen en contacto con una faceta de la historia europea de
estos siglos que habitualmente ha encontrado escaso hueco en las grandes obras de sntesis.
Como simple ejemplo ilustrativo destacaremos la relativa al intercambio epistolar entre Luis
el Piadoso y los vecinos de Mrida que se haban rebelado contra el poder cordobs, a los que
prometi pleno apoyo. Consideramos de sumo inters sta y otras noticias relativas a contactos
mantenidos por los soberanos francos con los dirigentes de los focos rebeldes a las autoridades
musulmanas de Crdoba, traducidos en el intercambio de embajadas y en la organizacin de
diversas expediciones militares, con resultados muy dispares. Y otra destacable aportacin de la
obra la encontramos en la periodizacin que propone, diferenciando varias fases en la evolucin
de las lneas maestras de la poltica puesta en prctica por los soberanos francos en sus relacio-
nes con los musulmanes de la Pennsula Ibrica, tanto con los rebeldes de las comarcas ms o
menos prximas a la frontera como con los gobernantes de Crdoba. En concreto consideramos
muy sugerente la vinculacin que establece entre los cambios que se advierten en dicha poltica
y la evolucin de las relaciones mantenidas con otras instancias de poder del entorno, en espe-
cial con los bizantinos y con los califas abases.
En suma nos encontramos ante una monografa de lectura obligada para cuantos
estn interesados en la historia poltica de la Espaa altomedieval, pues aborda de forma sis-
temtica una cuestin que hasta ahora la historiografa slo haba tratado de forma parcial e
inconexa, y a la que, por otra parte, los historiadores espaoles haban prestado muy escasa
atencin, muchos de ellos inuidos por el prejuicio ideolgico de que los carolingios eran
extranjeros a los que ningn papel caba atribuir en la historia de Espaa, o de Catalua o de
Vasconia, segn la perspectiva de anlisis que se adoptase.
Instituto de Historia, CSIC. Madrid.
Jess ngel SOLRZANO TELECHEA, Beatriz ARZAGA BOLUMBURU (eds.), La go-
bernanza de la ciudad europea en la Edad Media, Logroo, Instituto de Estudios Riojanos,
2011, 619 pp. (Ciencias Histricas; 18). ISBN 978-84-9960-010-9.
El concepto de gobernanza disfruta en el momento actual de buena salud, gracias
a la profusa utilizacin que del mismo se ha venido haciendo en determinados medios de co-
municacin de masas, sobre todo en algunos peridicos de los calicados como de reconocido
prestigio. Nada de extrao tiene, pues, que haya sido escogido como concepto clave para el
ttulo de la obra colectiva que vamos a comentar, en la que se renen breves trabajos monogr-
cos que abordan una amplia gama de cuestiones relativas al pensamiento poltico, las institu-
ciones de gobierno y los modos de gestin de la res publica que se pusieron en prctica en los
mbitos urbanos de Europa durante el perodo medieval. Se trata de los textos, reelaborados y
ampliados, como es costumbre, con aparato crtico, de las ponencias y comunicaciones que por
medievalistas de muy diversos pases europeos, entre los que predominaban los espaoles, fue-
ron presentados a una reunin cientca organizada por el ayuntamiento de Njera, la sptima
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edicin de los llamados Encuentros Internacionales del Medievo, que tuvo lugar en esta ciudad
riojana en el verano del ao 2010.
Como es habitual en este tipo de obras miscelneas los textos ofrecen unas carac-
tersticas muy heterogneas, por lo que resulta muy difcil emitir un juicio de carcter global
que no resulte en exceso simplicador, cuando no abiertamente deformador. S es obligado, no
obstante, dejar constancia de la gran variedad de espacios geogrcos objeto de consideracin,
que van desde Escandinavia hasta la actual repblica de Croacia, circunstancia que justica la
recomendacin de este libro a todos los que estn interesados en ampliar sus horizontes histo-
riogrcos y adentrarse en el difcil terreno de la historia comparada, recomendada por muchos
pero por muy pocos efectivamente puesta en prctica.
Por no disponer de espacio para dar cuenta pormenorizada del contenido de todos
y cada uno de los trabajos, nos limitaremos aqu a destacar algunas de las contribuciones en
las que, desde nuestra personal perspectiva, hemos encontrado aportaciones ms originales,
innovadoras o sugerentes. Pero, dado que se trata de una seleccin totalmente subjetiva, reco-
mendamos a los lectores que no se dejen inuir por ella, y acudan directamente al libro, porque
muy probablemente encontrarn en l cuestiones que sean de su particular inters, y a las que
por la imperiosa necesidad de seleccionar no hemos podido aludir aqu.
En primer lugar destacaramos algunos trabajos que llaman la atencin sobre deter-
minadas peculiaridades detectables en aquellos mbitos de Europa donde el fenmeno urbano
alcanz sus mximos niveles de desarrollo en poca medieval, es decir, el Norte de Italia y
Flandes. A este ltimo mbito dedica su trabajo el profesor Marc Boone, quien nos propone in-
teresantes consideraciones acerca del desarrollo de una singular cultura poltica en sus mbitos
urbanos durante el perodo bajomedieval, que propici la gestacin de ideas prerrepublicanas,
reejadas en un importante nmero de textos. Y llama la atencin sobre la importancia que todo
este proceso tuvo para el futuro no slo de los Pases Bajos sino de toda Europa, por cuanto esta
cultura poltica fue la que inspir a los rebeldes que se levantaron contra Felipe II, sentando as
las bases para la constitucin de la primera repblica soberana de Europa, formalmente recono-
cida en la Paz de Westfalia de 1648.
A las ciudades italianas estn dedicados varios trabajos, entre los que destacaramos el
de Lorenzo Manzini, que nos pone en contacto con un elemento muy original de sus entramados
institucionales, como eran las grandes asambleas, de las que entraban a formar parte un nmero
elevadsimo de vecinos, las cuales asumieron como funcin principal la de legitimar y convalidar
decisiones que eran elaboradas en otras instancias, donde resida el ejercicio efectivo del poder. El
trabajo de Gualtieri sobre Pistoia resulta interesante como ilustracin de un interesante fenmeno
de la historia urbana de la Italia medieval, el de la incorporacin a las estructuras sociopolticas
urbanas de los nobles seores de vasallos de los territorios circundantes, que abri el camino para
el sometimiento de dichos territorios al dominio poltico de las ciudades, que dio como resulta-
do nal la consolidacin de las llamadas ciudades-Estado. Por esta misma razn tambin cabe
recomendar la lectura del trabajo de Davide Caff, que incide en el tratamiento de este mismo
tema, desde una perspectiva muy concreta, la del anlisis de la de puesta en prctica por algunas
ciudades de una poltica de atraccin de la poblacin de los lugares de su territorio circundante, es
decir su contado, mediante la concertacin de acuerdos de concesin de vecindad.
De entre el grupo de trabajos dedicados a las ciudades del mbito hispano destaca-
ramos por su originalidad y el carcter innovador de sus propuestas metodolgicas el de Jara
Fuente. Propone en l una sugerente hiptesis para explicar el modelo de ejercicio del poder
vigente en la ciudad de Cuenca a lo largo del siglo XV, esforzndose por demostrar que el grupo
dominante trat de fundamentar en este perodo su posicin de dominio mediante el estable-
cimiento de una relacin con el resto de la poblacin urbana basada en el consenso. Para ello
dicho grupo asumi unos principios de actuacin poltica ligados a objetivos jados en funcin
de la persecucin de lo que se llamaba bien comn, gracias a lo cual logr construir un ideal
de comunidad poltica participada por todos, que le permiti mantener la conictividad en unos
niveles muy bajos. No cabe duda de que se trata de una hiptesis original y sugerente, que se
aparta de las visiones habituales en los estudios del rgimen de gobierno de las ciudades caste-
llanas. Pero entendemos que habra de ser sometida a una comprobacin ms rigurosa y de ca-
rcter ms sistemtico, tomando en cuenta el abundante material documental disponible, pues
las interpretaciones que este autor propone de ciertas formulaciones presentes en la documenta-
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cin por l seleccionada resultan en ocasiones bastante discutibles, o en exceso forzadas. Y no
resultara difcil encontrar en esta misma documentacin, o en la de otras ciudades, elementos
discursivos que den pie a interpretaciones de signo totalmente contrario. A nuestro entender
habra que esforzarse por contextualizar este tipo de elementos, a los que tanto inters les estn
prestando los medievalistas en los ltimos tiempos, tratando de determinar con ms rigor hasta
qu punto tienen o no un carcter meramente retrico. Pero con frecuencia los historiadores,
seducidos por el afn de proponer novedosas hiptesis explicativas, no llevamos a sus ltimas
consecuencias este principio metodolgico, y extraemos del anlisis del lenguaje empleado en
determinados documentos, previamente seleccionados, una serie de conclusiones que chocan
con muchos aspectos de la realidad que el conjunto de la masa documental disponible nos per-
mite reconstruir. En cualquier caso, se est o no de acuerdo con las conclusiones a las que Jara
Fuente llega en su trabajo, entendemos que merece un juicio muy positivo, por su indiscutible
contribucin al enriquecimiento de la discusin historiogrca, fundamental para el progreso
del conocimiento histrico.
Por la temtica abordada nos ha resultado interesante el trabajo de Mara Bonet,
dado que no se dispone de muchos estudios que analicen de forma sistemtica la poltica terri-
torial puesta en prctica por las ciudades catalanas del Medievo, en contraste con lo que ocurre
en el mbito de la corona de Castilla, o en menor medida en el reino de Aragn. Pero en honor a
la verdad hay que decir que esta autora trata la cuestin de una forma bastante supercial, y en
ocasiones confusa. Resultan de inters las noticias que proporciona sobre el caso de Barcelona,
ciudad que puso en prctica una sistemtica poltica encaminada a reforzar su capacidad de
dominio poltico sobre territorios ubicados mucho ms all de sus murallas, a travs de la sin-
gular institucin del carreratge y de las inversiones en compra de lugares puestos a la venta por
seores en dicultades nancieras. Pero no encontramos en su exposicin apenas aportaciones
novedosas en torno a esta cuestin, pues se limita en gran medida a resumir los resultados de
los trabajos de la profesora Ferrer i Mallol.
Entre los numerosos trabajos dedicados a otros mbitos del continente europeo des-
tacaramos, por n, dos por razn de sus innovadoras propuestas metodolgicas. El primero es
el de Christian Liddy, en el que nos informa sobre la utilizacin de los libelos como instru-
mento de comunicacin poltica en los medios urbanos de la Inglaterra bajomedieval, a la vez
que plantea interesantes consideraciones sobre la necesidad de abordar tambin en esta poca
el estudio de los procedimientos a los que se recurri para tratar de moldear la opinin pblica,
como factor no desdeable en la lucha poltica. El segundo corre a cargo de Sofa Gustafsson,
que nos ofrece un interesante anlisis comparativo de las instituciones de gobierno urbano en
las ciudades de tres mbitos de la Europa occidental, muy diferentes entre s: Inglaterra, Ale-
mania y los pases escandinavos. Y lo hace con el propsito de poner de maniesto la utilidad
de este tipo de estudios comparativos, que a su juicio contribuyen a poner de maniesto los nu-
merosos elementos comunes que hubo en las estructuras poltico-institucionales de gran parte
de las ciudades europeas medievales, prueba irrefutable a su entender de la existencia de una
comn cultura urbana en todo el mbito de civilizacin europeo occidental durante el Medievo.
Todos los dems trabajos ofrecen por supuesto contribuciones originales y de in-
ters desde una u otra perspectiva, pero dado su elevado nmero hemos preferido centrar los
comentarios en unos pocos, remitiendo a los interesados por hacerse una idea ms precisa del
contenido del libro a la lectura de los resmenes en versin bilinge que de todos los trabajos
se incluyen al nal del mismo.
En una valoracin de conjunto, para concluir, no cabe sino emitir un juicio muy
positivo sobre la obra, pese a que el panorama que en ella se nos presenta tiene ms de impre-
sionista que de sistemtico y global. Su lectura resulta sin ninguna duda estimulante porque nos
pone en contacto con un amplio abanico de situaciones muy variadas, cuyo conocimiento puede
dar pie al planteamiento de innovadores estudios comparativos. Pero quien est interesado en
obtener una visin ms completa y equilibrada de las formas de gobierno vigentes en las ciuda-
des de los distintos mbitos geopolticos de la Europa medieval debera dirigir su atencin hacia
obras de sntesis, que lamentablemente abundan poco en el mercado bibliogrco.
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Fabrizio TITONE, Governments of the Universitates: Urban Communities of Sicily in
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Turnhout, Brepols, 2009, 320 pp. (Studies in European
urban history (1100-1800); 21). ISBN 978-2-503-52757-4.
En la presente obra, Fabrizio Titone pone de relieve el papel jugado por las ciudades
en la vertebracin poltico-institucional del reino de Sicilia en la Baja Edad Media. En medio
de un panorama historiogrco bastante consolidado y que ya haba conseguido sacar el caso
siciliano de la insularidad, el autor acomete la tarea de revisar la decisiva relacin entre la mo-
narqua y los gobiernos municipales. Como se expone en la introduccin, el mtodo principal
consiste en un estudio integrado de los diversos centros urbanos, a partir de la combinacin de
la documentacin central (en esencia de la cancillera real) con los fondos locales. Se persigue
un enfoque de larga duracin, aunque se admite, desde un principio, que el perodo tratado con
mayor profundidad es el de los reinados de Martn I y Alfonso IV el Magnnimo, en especial
este ltimo.
En primer lugar, se ofrece una panormica de la evolucin institucional experimen-
tada por Sicilia desde las Vsperas y el desembarco de Pedro II el Grande en 1282 hasta el aan-
zamiento, a nales de la dcada de 1390, del rey Martn el Joven tras las rebeliones nobiliarias
que siguieron la llamada etapa de los virreyes, posterior a la muerte de Federico IV en 1377.
Titone inere que bajo la dominacin de la dinasta aragonesa no se experimentaron cambios
profundos respecto al perodo previo de la casa de los Anjou. Sin embargo, vislumbra un au-
mento del poder de las comunidades urbanas y una mayor concrecin de los ocios ligados a
ellas con respecto al aparato de la administracin real. Asimismo, desde el punto de vista scal,
a lo largo de los reinados de Federico III y Federico IV, observa que las ciudades tendieron a
controlar toda una panoplia de recursos especcos que combinaba los impuestos indirectos con
el recurso a la tasacin directa en situaciones extraordinarias. Esta situacin podra haber cam-
biado tras la muerte de Federico IV. No obstante, el autor considera que, entre 1377 y 1392, los
centros urbanos conservaron su identidad ante el creciente intervencionismo seorial.
A continuacin, la obra se centra en los reinados de Martn I y Alfonso IV, des-
plegando tres campos de anlisis principales, a saber: las estructuras del gobierno local, los
sistemas scales municipales y la composicin social de dichas instituciones. Con el conven-
cimiento de que el trmino jurdico de universitas no se reduce a una mera abstraccin, Titone
pone de relieve el impulso que supuso para la consolidacin de los privilegios de las comuni-
dades urbanas el restablecimiento del poder real en los aos de Martn el Joven. El retorno al
realengo de muchos dominios favoreci la conrmacin de prerrogativas de todo tipo y la
recuperacin de organismos que no haban desaparecido del todo pero que caba reforzar. En
especial a partir del Parlamento de Siracusa de 1398, se consolid, segn Titone, el carcter
electo de muchos cargos, como el del baile, an sin tener en todas las localidades el mismo
protagonismo. Tampoco se constata excesiva uniformidad en el resto de ociales que estaban al
frente del gobierno local, a saber: el capitn, los jueces y el colegio de regidores o iuratia. Por
lo que respecta a los iurati, se les documenta una amplia variedad de competencias en el seno
de la administracin municipal.
A propsito de dicha administracin, se dedica un apartado a los mtodos electora-
les, en especial durante el reinado del Magnnimo. El autor se ja, sobre todo, en la posibilidad
de que el consejo colaborara con los ociales reales en la designacin de los cargos y, asimismo,
en los casos en los que el soberano nombraba un individuo de una lista previamente elaborada
por la comunidad. En apariencia, estos procedimientos contrastaran con los ejemplos de con-
cesiones graciosas de ocios por parte del monarca, aunque Titone interpreta que no represen-
taban una gran injerencia desde el momento en que se trataba de concesiones temporales y que
no dejaban de beneciar a individuos de los crculos del poder local.
Con el n de evaluar el grado de autonoma de los concejos desde otra perspectiva,
en el epgrafe subsiguiente se abordan las negociaciones entre el rey y las autoridades muni-
cipales, formulndose un par de hiptesis ms o menos desarrolladas en captulos ulteriores.
Por un lado, se juzga improbable que los ociales reales controlaran ntegramente todos los
mecanismos polticos de la comunidad. Por el otro lado, se inere que en la conformacin de las
asambleas era necesario asegurar la mayor representacin posible de todos los grupos sociales
para inducir reacciones rpidas y favorables a las demandas scales.
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Posteriormente, el anlisis ms pormenorizado de los ociales reales delegados en
las diversas localidades durante el reinado de Alfonso el Magnnimo lleva al autor a realizar
otras observaciones complementarias. Titone reexiona, ante todo, sobre la base de la existen-
cia de un sistema de equilibrios entre los distintos ocios gubernamentales, al mismo tiempo
que sobre la evidencia de que, en un principio, se hallaban notables diferencias institucionales
entre los distintos centros urbanos. A modo de ejemplo, el baile no tena el mismo papel en las
grandes ciudades, como Palermo o Catania, que en los ncleos de menor entidad.
Aun as, el autor detecta una tendencia a la unicacin de los procedimientos judi-
ciales a lo largo del perodo entre 1420 y 1440, especialmente visible en la obtencin de exen-
ciones jurisdiccionales por parte de la mayora de comunidades urbanas as como de un juez de
apelacin local. Estas concesiones, sin embargo, tendentes a reforzar los privilegios y libertades
de las distintas poblaciones, no fueron bice para que durante el reinado del Magnnimo se su-
cediera el envo de comisarios especiales por parte del monarca. El autor relaciona estos envos
no nicamente con las tensiones polticas en el seno de los municipios que pudieron motivarlos,
sino tambin con el recurso de la corte a las penas y composiciones para cubrir sus necesidades
nancieras. Asimismo, se hace alusin al uso, ya mencionado ms arriba, del otorgamiento
ex gratia de ocios, una prctica que Titone vincula con la necesidad de la corona de establecer
una red de eles colaboradores a lo largo y ancho de la isla que, adems, sirvieran de punto de
conexin y de canal para el dilogo entre ambas instancias, el gobierno central y las ciudades.
El cuarto captulo, que constituye la segunda esfera de anlisis apuntada, se centra
en los sistemas scales municipales como reejo del equilibrio de poderes entre la corona y las
universitates a lo largo del siglo XV. Segn se explica, la reorganizacin del patrimonio real con
la llegada del rey Martn I a Sicilia supuso un aumento de la presin scal y la creacin de nue-
vas formas tributarias. Sin embargo, a lo largo del reinado de Alfonso el Magnnimo, sin men-
guar las exigencias, se dej un margen de maniobra cada vez mayor a los municipios acorde con
las relaciones polticas existentes entre la corona y las ciudades. Una mayor autonoma, de
todas formas, no supuso el n de los impuestos ligados al sco real. En ese sentido, Titone hace
hincapi en el carcter mutante de las gabelle o tasas sobre productos o mercancas y en el he-
cho que esta forma de scalidad indirecta no estuvo nunca claramente repartida entre los ocia-
les reales y las autoridades municipales, pues acostumbr a ser una carta ms de la negociacin
entre dichas instancias. En consecuencia, el autor se reere al arriendo o consignacin de dichos
impuestos por parte de la monarqua a individuos concretos (dando lugar a redes clientelares) y,
paralelamente, a concesiones temporales a los municipios. Sea como fuere, se arma que esta
modalidad scal se articul respetando la uidez del comercio interior y mediante un aparato
tarifario que poda ser adaptado rpidamente a los cambios que se presentaran.
A propsito del endeudamiento de los municipios, Titone apunta que la scalidad
indirecta fue uno de los principales sustentos de las nanzas locales y, de hecho, considera que,
gracias a la exibilidad del sistema de las gabelle, se evit, por contraste con la mayora de mu-
nicipios de la Corona de Aragn, la necesidad de emitir deuda a inters. Sin embargo, se admite
que en ciertas circunstancias muchas comunidades optaron por una exaccin extraordinaria
con el elocuente trmino de maldenaru, al mismo tiempo que se aplicaron formas de tasacin
directa basada en repartos proporcionales a la riqueza de cada vecino, aunque no se conserva
documentacin para determinar los criterios observados. Con todo, el autor concluye que el
sistema se apoyaba sobre todo en la scalidad indirecta y que las derramas slo respondieron a
las demandas puntuales de ciertos grupos sociales.
Finalmente, desde la visin integradora de las nanzas reales y las locales que pro-
pone Titone, incluye como recursos scales al alcance del soberano las enajenaciones de patri-
monio real, redimibles a corto o medio plazo. Se ja, en primer lugar, en la concesin de cargos
a discrecin del monarca durante un cierto tiempo. En opinin del autor, dichas concesiones
estaban perfectamente reglamentadas durante el reinado de Alfonso el Magnnimo y los mu-
nicipios pudieron evitar que se llegara a la patrimonializacin de ciertos ocios. Se relaciona
con el mismo fenmeno el empeo de la jurisdiccin sobre ciertas poblaciones. Se contabilizan
21 ejemplos de dicha operacin en la etapa del Magnnimo. Tambin segn la interpretacin
que se hace de ello, el proceso de redencin, habitualmente previsto de antemano, permita a
las comunidades aanzar sus privilegios y libertades. Adems se asegura que las poblaciones
enajenadas podan acabar pagando, para el retorno al patrimonio real, incluso menos de lo que
402 RESEAS
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habran desembolsado a favor de las arcas regias los primeros compradores o beneciarios del
empeo.
En cualquier caso, Titone cierra el apartado dedicado a los sistemas scales destacan-
do su consolidacin en el mbito de los municipios a la altura de 1420, un fenmeno que enlaza
con el tercer y ltimo eje temtico de la obra: la estraticacin social de las comunidades y las
vas abiertas para la participacin poltica en sus gobiernos. Para el estudio de esta estratica-
cin, el autor centra buena parte de su atencin en las designaciones o ttulos que acompaaban
las menciones de individuos en diversos documentos. Asimismo, se analizan numerosas listas
de persones elegibles elaboradas anualmente (segn unos procedimientos que el autor compara
con la insaculacin de los territorios peninsulares) para la ocupacin de cargos municipales de
distintas localidades, identicando la frecuencia con la que se repiten los apellidos. Titone dice
haber registrado ms de 7.000 sujetos. Y con los resultados obtenidos (en el apndice quedan
parcialmente reejados en cuadros correspondientes a varios centros urbanos) asegura poder
demostrar la diversidad de grupos sociales representados y el nmero insignicante de nobles,
un fenmeno para el que ofrece varias explicaciones. En general, segn apunta, los datos reco-
pilados ofrecen una imagen de apertura y de concurrencia electoral sin obstculos. Adems, el
autor insiste en la necesidad de romper con la idea de que los artesanos no tenan voz ni voto
en los gobiernos municipales y de examinar siempre los motivos de posibles exclusiones en
ciertos cargos, los cuales no se registran nicamente en comunidades donde se proceda a las
elecciones con listas cerradas de candidatos. Titone aboga, en denitiva, por una interpretacin
de los espacios de poder de las ciudades que rehya la idea de una oligarqua inquebrantable.
A la luz de todo lo expuesto, la obra propone varias conclusiones acerca de las rela-
ciones entre la corona y las ciudades sicilianas. En primer lugar, subraya la importancia de los
centros urbanos en la poltica monrquica. Asimismo, hace hincapi en la amalgama de casos
que representaba el conjunto de localidades de la isla, sujetas a circunstancias dispares, aunque
pudieran darse muchos procesos de emulacin. De todos modos, se pretende destacar el grado
de autonoma conseguido por los municipios, en especial en materia scal. En cuanto a la estra-
ticacin social de las comunidades, el autor concluye que los mecanismos electorales reejan
la existencia de continuas negociaciones entre los grupos urbanos y la monarqua que, a su
vez, condicionaban muchas iniciativas reales y concedan a las universitates un protagonismo
decisivo en su denitiva implementacin poltica.
El Governments of the Universitates es, sin lugar a dudas, un trabajo audaz, con pro-
psitos ambiciosos que no se esconden (en sntesis, to overcome misinterpretations that have
generally characterized research on Sicilian cities). Sin embargo, antes de entrar a comentar
algunos de los resultados o interpretaciones, parece razonable hacer algunas aclaraciones pre-
vias. Pensando en un lector acostumbrado a la riqueza de los archivos municipales catalanes o
valencianos, que custodian series documentales con abundancia desde mediados del siglo XIV
y que pueden cruzarse perfectamente con los de la cancillera real, debe advertirse que Sicilia
es menos privilegiada desde este punto de vista y que slo se conservan libros de privilegios
o actas aisladas en algunos casos como Palermo, Malta u otros centros de menor importancia.
Quizs sin tener en cuenta estas limitaciones puede sorprender, por ejemplo, que, para estudiar
el equilibrio de poderes entres los ociales reales y los magistrados locales, el autor se je
nicamente en los destinatarios nominales de varias provisiones o letras reales. Adems, segn
se desprende de varios pasajes de la obra que nos ocupa, se hallan monografas slo para unas
pocas ciudades.
As las cosas, siempre desde una posicin ventajista que nada tiene que ver con las
fatigas del investigador, el lector pueda pensar que tal vez hubiera sido ms coherente un es-
tudio que no pretendiera abordar todas las comunidades urbanas del reino siciliano, sino un
conjunto de casos bien seleccionados (por supuesto aquellos con mejores fondos archivsticos
y que fueran ms representativos de distintos perles demogrcos, econmicos o polticos).
A pesar de que el autor, con el n de justicar el mtodo adoptado, alude en ms de una oca-
sin a procesos de imitacin entre los distintos centros y a la posibilidad de que la peticin de
una localidad al rey pudiera traducirse en concesiones casi idnticas a otros municipios, ello
seguramente implica partir de una hiptesis (sin duda muy sugerente) que todava no ha sido lo
sucientemente demostrada. Mucho menos cuando al mismo tiempo se constata an con ms
pruebas que, ante todo, existan enormes diferencias entre los distintos ncleos urbanos en las
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circunstancias y el desarrollo de sus estructuras polticas y concreciones institucionales. En
consecuencia, sin aspirar a una visin global y totalizadora del reino de Sicilia, es posible que
los argumentos del autor hubieran parecido ms coherentes con el uso de secuencias (documen-
tadas hasta donde las fuentes lo permitan) de la evolucin de los rganos de gobierno o de los
sistemas scales de municipios especcos, y no con el recurso a mltiples episodios y casos
que al hilo de la lectura de la obra parecen demasiado aislados o faltados de contexto.
El lector tambin es probable que se muestre exigente en el anlisis del ltimo cap-
tulo, a propsito de la composicin social de los gobiernos municipales. An teniendo siempre
en cuenta las limitaciones de la documentacin municipal disponible, tal vez hubieran sido
necesarias reexiones ms profundas sobre las denominaciones sociales o profesionales que
acompaan los individuos registrados en el desempeo de algn cargo y que el autor utiliza
para demostrar la heterogeneidad de grupos profesionales representados en las estructuras de
gobierno. Asimismo, podran complementarse las observaciones con las que ya han realizado
varios autores anglosajones o de la propia Corona de Aragn dedicados, en especial, al estudio
de sectores especcos de la poblacin urbana como el de los mercaderes. Y, puestos a pedir,
tambin podra haberse restringido el estudio a unos cuantos casos bien documentados, am-
pliando el seguimiento de determinados individuos ms all de las meras relaciones de cargos
o repeticiones de apellidos, o sea adentrarse en aproximaciones prosopogrcas a partir de los
fondos notariales conservados en algunas poblaciones sicilianas.
En cuanto a otros aspectos ms bien formales, el lector quizs hubiera agradecido un
mayor afn didctico a la hora de emplear ciertos trminos, nombres de ocios o guras impo-
sitivas. Habida cuenta de la coleccin donde se publica el trabajo, destinada a la historia urbana
europea entre los aos 1100 y 1800, seguramente no hubieran sobrado, adems del captulo
que ya se dedica a repasar la evolucin poltica de la isla en la Baja Edad Media, descripciones
sintticas de las formas de gobierno o de los sistemas scales (sobre todo con aclaraciones de
conceptos y vocablos) antes de dar la rplica a propuestas historiogrcas precedentes. De esta
manera, el lector tal vez hubiera conseguido una imagen ms precisa de las diferencias (sin
duda siempre difciles de identicar, cambiantes, pero a n de cuentas existentes) entre la admi-
nistracin real ancada en la isla, apoyada en varias delegaciones en los territorios o localidades
de realengo (pensamos en cortes para la administracin de justicia, el control del orden pblico,
la vigilancia del patrimonio regio u otras funciones similares), y los cargos surgidos de las
dinmicas de participacin de los vecinos o habitantes de las ciudades en el gobierno de stas.
Pese a todo, y por encima de cualquier observacin que pudiera hacer el lector, hay
que destacar el enorme esfuerzo de comparacin que hace Titone as como los puentes cons-
tantes que tiende con investigaciones acerca de las administraciones locales y sus nanzas del
principado de Catalua, el reino de Valencia o el de Aragn, amn de otros reinos hispnicos.
Ello favorece la integracin de la obra en un marco ms amplio de estudio como sera la Corona
de Aragn bajomedieval y por ende, a partir de ahora podrn recorrerse en sentido opuesto los
puentes tendidos por el autor a la hora de efectuar comparaciones desde los mbitos peninsulares.
Por otra parte, vale la pena observar que el empleo que hace y el partido que puede
sacar el autor de la historiografa disponible acerca de cuestiones como, por ejemplo, la ver-
tebracin institucional de los municipios catalanes cuatrocentistas (entre otros aspectos rela-
cionados, los mecanismos de eleccin de cargos o el grado de injerencia de la administracin
central en las ciudades) supone una buena ocasin para calibrar el estado de la cuestin del
propio tema.
En denitiva, Governments of the Universitates es una obra que invita a pensar y, al
mismo tiempo, a repensar cuestiones establecidas. Y es que nos encontramos ante un estudio
que arroja nuevas luces sobre la compleja cuestin de la relacin entre la monarqua y las ciu-
dades en un caso ineludible tanto para el conjunto de territorios que durante un cierto perodo
estuvieron bajo el dominio de los reyes de Aragn como para el marco global mediterrneo. Ti-
tone, en un ejercicio audaz, ofrece para ello varios planteamientos e hiptesis que, seguramente,
el lector considerar em algunas ocasiones ms aanzadas que otras. En todo caso, contamos ya
con una referencia a partir de la cual seguir trabajando.
ALBERT REIXACH SALA
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M Isabel UBIETO ARTUR, Los centros de documentacin histrica y sus bibliotecas
especializadas. La biblioteca de Antonio Ubieto Arteta, medievalista aragons del siglo XX,
Zaragoza, Ibercaja, 2008, 303 pp. ISBN 978-84-8324-279-7.
La obra y su edicin. El variado material bibliogrco que compone la biblioteca del
ilustre medievalista y profesor D. Antonio Ubieto Arteta, fallecido en 1990 y que cul min su di-
latada vida acadmica en la Universidad de Zaragoza, tras pasar tambin por Santiago de Com-
postela y Valencia, fue donado por sus herederos al Centro de Documenta cin Iber caja Zarago-
za-Palacio de Larrinaga para su mejor conservacin, mayor difusin y mxima contribucin al
desarrollo del futuro de la investigacin histrica. Este muy amplio arsenal bibliogrco, que
supera las dos mil publicaciones ya slo entre libros, revistas y separa tas ha sido catalogado
por M Isabel Ubieto Artur, producto de cuya labor es el volumen que aqu se resea, publica-
do en la serie: Los Centros de Documentacin Hist rica y sus bibliotecas especializadas. Por
lo tanto, el lector en general o el investigador en particular que consulten esta obra, encontrarn
en sus pginas una herramienta muy til para acercarse a los contenidos del legado bibliogrco
de una de las plumas ms prolcas del medievalismo hispano del siglo XX. Al margen de ello,
quien pueda contar con el pri vile gio de haberle tratado personalmente en mi caso he de remon-
tarme al Colloque historique sur les communications dans lHistoire de la pninsule Ibrique
(Pau, 28 y 29 de marzo de 1980) dar de inmediato con dos evidencias: la velocidad sideral
con que pasan los aos de madurez de su muerte hace ya ms de veinte aos!; as como,
el valor de los maestros que precedieron a quienes nos ocu pamos ahora de la formacin de los
jvenes universitarios, siendo aquella una generacin difcil de supe rar y a la que, desde luego,
debe mucho hoy el actual mundo acadmico. Tengo bastante claro que medievalistas de la talla
de D. Jos Mara Lacarra para Navarra, de D. Julio Valden y D. Jos Luis Martin para Casti lla
y Len, o bien, del propio Antonio Ubieto para Aragn, fueron los impulsores de gran des afectos
y vocaciones por la Edad Media. Hay otros que, por suerte, todava viven.
Organizacin y contenidos de la obra. Superados los captulos iniciales del libro, su
presentacin (a cargo de Mara D. Cabanes), prembulo e introduccin, el lector se encuentra
con una lgica y ordenada articulacin compuesta por otros cinco apartados.
Como resulta obligado en este caso, el contenido de la obra parte con la semblanza
de D. Anto nio Ubieto Arteta (31.03.1923 / 01.02.1990). En cuatro densas pginas la autora,
M Isabel Ubieto Artur y a la vez su hija, recapitula lo esencial del currculum de su padre
y nos ilustra con detalle acerca de su trayectoria acadmica. No obstante, su labor no se limita
a una mera y fra sucesin de logros, sino que obras en mano, con acceso a las dedicatorias
y dems anotaciones del propio autor nos acerca a la singular personalidad de D. Antonio, al
que se le dene como: activo defensor de la Historia y luchador, que disfrutaba con su ocio/
acin, a la vez que era un trabajador incansable, respetado y admirado por sus alumnos como
profesor/maestro cercano, con tiempo para ejercer de editor y librero, as como para ser un
viajero y descubridor de la Historia sobre el terreno (p. 21).
El tercer captulo de la obra se detiene en la Biblioteca legada, incidiendo entre otros
aspec tos en asuntos tales como: su seleccin y adquisicin, la coleccin, los autores, los temas,
etc. En cualquier caso, toda biblioteca particular reeja la personalidad, gustos y aciones de
su dueo, por lo cual la mayor parte de sus ttulos se entroncan, de uno u otro modo, con la
Historia Medieval de la Pennsula Ibrica, con preferencia eso s de la etapa altome dieval, el
acopio de fuentes cronsticas y documentales, y, en cuanto a su temtica, intere sado siempre por
mltiples aspectos de aquellos siglos oscuros: temas polticos, legales y jurdicos, sociales y
econmicos, etc. de los reinos hispanocristianos.
El cuarto captulo se dedica a la reconstruccin de una biobibliografa de los aos
1945-2006, distinguiendo los textos publicados de los inditos. Los publicados bajo su autora,
ya fuera en solitario o de forma compartida, ascienden a un total de 226 ttulos, entre libros
y artculos, a los que se han de sumar no menos de una docena de obras conser vadas hoy en
su formato original. En este sentido hemos de indicar que, todava, parte de su obra cientca
permanece indita, completada con centenares de folios, muchos de ellos manus critos, donde se
condensan muchas de sus conferencias y clases magistrales imparti das en su quehacer docente
y divulgador sobre las entraas histricas de su tierra aragonesa, o bien, siguiendo la ruta jaco-
bea al encuentro de las huellas del Cid o del mismsimo Roldn.
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El grueso de la obra se ocupa propiamente con el Catlogo, lo que viene a ser el
captulo quinto en toda su integridad, donde en un total de 132 pginas se registran 2.155 en-
tradas bibliogrcas entre monografas (1.858), ttulos de revistas (105), separatas de artculos
(123) y folletos (69), estos dos ltimos con Antonio Ubieto Arteta como autor. Queda todava
pendiente de catalogar un amplio material depositado en la Biblioteca Jos Sinus de Ibercaja,
forma do por todo aquel otro legado grco que el profesor Ubieto reuni en su larga trayectoria
acadmica como docente e investigador (tesis doctorales y tesinas de licenciatura, separatas de
autora ajena, mapas y planos, fotografas, facsmiles, etc.).
Finalmente, como sucede con los buenos catlogos, esta obra cuenta con unos ndi-
ces apropiados que facilitan la consulta ordenada a cualquier lector interesado en estas mate-
rias, ya que, por su naturaleza, no se trata de una publicacin destinada a una lectura comn y
lineal, ms propia de un relato discursivo. Se garantiza as una ecaz utilizacin del cat logo
en labores heursticas propias del investigador. Tales ndices permiten la entrada por autores
secundarios, materias, ttulos, as como por el ISBN de las publicaciones.
Colofn a la obra de un ilustre medievalista. Aunque, como en este caso, la edicin
de un catlogo bibliogrco es una herramienta precisa y preciosa para uso de los estudio sos,
comparto con Mara de los Desamparados Cabanes cuando arma en sus palabras de presen-
tacin que: los libros no son slo un material informativo fungible, meros soportes transmiso-
res de ideologa y/o de difusin del conocimiento histrico, sino que para el avezado lector
ser un cauce que le llevar a conocer la personalidad del antiguo propieta rio que form esta
coleccin; el cual, a medida que avanza en la lectura, va adquiriendo corporeidad (p. 9). En
denitiva, no puedo menos que sealar ms an siendo hoy 19 de marzo, que se trata de un
buen homenaje y recuerdo de una hija hacia con su padre, algo en s mismo muy loable y que
sin duda redundar en benecio de todo el medievalismo.
JOS ANTONIO MUNITA LOINAZ
Arnau de VILANOVA, Tractatus de Humido Radicali, Michael R. MCVAUGH (ed.),
Chiari CRISCIANI, Giovanna FERRARI (intr.), Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia, v. 2,
Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera - Universitat de Barcelona, 2011, 636 pp. ISBN 978-84-9975-
076-7.
Laparici del volum 2 de les Arnaldi de Villanova Opera Medica Omnia, ens ofe-
reix una ocasi ms per felicitar als qui encapalen una iniciativa intellectual daquesta magni-
tud i categoria, aix com tamb als propis autors del volum. Una vegada ms, la tria encertada
dels especialistes ens obsequia amb un treball impecable, des de lestudi introductori de dues
autores de contrastada experincia com Chiaria Crisciani (Universitat de Pavia) i Giovanna
Ferrari (ensenyant en una Scuola Superiore pblica a Mil), com sempre ple derudici del ms
alt nivell sostingut en una bibliograa amplssima, com tamb la pulcra i acurada edici del
text a crrec del prestigis historiador nordameric, professor emrit de la universitat de North
Carolina at Chapel Hill, i un dels directors del projecte AVOMO des del seus inicis, Michael
McVaugh.
El llibre, per tant, es divideix en un complet text introductori que es presenta en una
edici bilinge en catal i itali, la llengua de les autores, i ledici crtica del tractat arnaldi
sobre el De humido radicali. Culmina amb un ndex onomstic i de mots especcs, sempre de
gran utilitat en aquest tipus dobra.
En el seu primer perode com a ensenyant a Montpeller, Arnau de Vilanova va es-
criure el seu De humido radicali. El debat entorn daquest concepte va ser extraordinriament
fecund i complex, comenant a Montpeller unes dcades abans de laproximaci que en fu
Arnau, un nucli clau, el montpeller, en el procs de producci cientco-mdica i docent del
nostre metge. La discussi escolstica va produir un caos teric de tals dimensions que Ar-
nau va voler desfer-lo fent el que ning havia gosat ns aquell moment, a s, dedicar-li un
llibre complet. Certament, els autors de referncia com Gal, Avicenna o Isaac Israel havien
manipulat el concepte amb una ambigitat considerable, de tal forma que quedava obert a les
406 RESEAS
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innombrables interpretacions dels hereus daquella tradici. Donar resposta a les confusions i
errades dels lsofs i metges que ho havien tractat era bsic per a Arnau, i, de fet, va denunciar
ls del Cnon dAvicenna que havien fet tots aquells, els quals havien arribat a uns extrems
que ell no podia acceptar.
Per el concepte va ser emprat i interpretat no solament per metges, sin tamb per
individus amb interessos fora diversos, per amb punts convergents, com foren els lsofs,
predicadors, telegs i alquimistes. Per aix, Arnau volgu escriure un llibre que no era de medi-
cina sin ms aviat de losoa natural. Encara que, com armava al prleg, estava dedicat als
collegues i alumnes metges, acab sent una interpellaci als lsofs, que segons Arnau havien
malinterpretat conceptes fonamentals. Les preguntes a les quals volgu donar resposta foren:
Qu s la humitat radical i quin s el seu origen? Si es pot restaurar o no mitjanant lalimenta-
ci? Qu s la mort natural i si pot ser diferida amb els instruments de la medicina?
Cal emmarcar la redacci del De humido radicali en la dcada de 1290, fora pro-
ductiva en la seua obra, quan Arnau es va escarrassar per aclarir qestions fora complexes que
es debatien en lentorn mdic. El punt com daquestes obres no fou altre que el diferent nivell
de veritat en qu se situen la losoa i la medicina (la via medicorum i la via philosophorum),
aspecte tamb com al seu De intentione medicorum. Per tal de copsar la complexitat de lobra
dArnau ha calgut un intens esfor, perceptible en la lluda introducci analtica.
Lestudi introductori ha estat articulat entorn de vuit captols. Al primer sestudien
els contextos en els quals va tenir lloc el debat sobre el concepte de la humitat radical. Tamb
com es va generar i formar el concepte. El segon introdueix com els telegs afrontaren la humi-
tat radical. Per a una religi transcendent com la cristiana aclarir conceptes com la vida, la mort
i les seues causes resultava fonamental, com tamb la resurrecci. En realitat, des del segle XII
els telegs i lsofs havien buscat en el funcionament del cos, la salut i la malaltia, en denitiva
tot all que atenyia a la medicina, un espai intellectual on trobar explicacions sobre la veritas
humanae naturae o identitat corpria individual. Eren preguntes sobre els processos procrea-
tius, nutricionals i digestius i de creixement del cos hum en les diverses etapes del seu cam de
salvaci, per tamb la realitat dels cossos ressuscitats. Shavia produt el que podrem anome-
nar una medicalitzaci dels debats teolgics. Per la seua banda, els predicadors hi trobaren un
pou on traure analogies. La humitat radical representava un itinerari vital cap a la salvaci. Tal
com havien fet els telegs, el lsofs es veieren tamb fascinats per les possibilitats daquest
concepte. Per aix, en el tercer captol les autores han abordat com els lsofs, i especialment
Albert Magne, varen abordar les preguntes tpiques al voltant de la humitat radical. s ac on
es posen ms clarament de manifest els punts de fricci entre la tradici losca i mdica.
El quart captol aborda ja concretament el tractat dArnau. Es fa una contextualitza-
ci a Montpeller i a tota la resta del mn universitari occidental. Tamb sestudien els destinata-
ris, el moment en qu es degu redactar el tractat, tot acudint a la resta dels seus escrits i les al-
lusions al De humido radicali. Sanalitza la seua estructura i les fonts que varen ser utilitzades
per a la seua redacci. I ac s on apareix en tot el seu esplendor la inuncia i el coneixement
dAristtil que tenia Arnau. Tanmateix, el punt de les fonts resulta especialment opac per a la
investigaci, ja que Arnau a penes va fer cap esment explcit.
Arnau va articular el seu discurs a partir de la introducci de dues variables la
relaci entre complexio i anima, i entre complexio i proportio, aix com sobre la incertesa del
coneixement mdic. Segons ell, la mort natural depenia de la proportio entre la calor respecte
de la humitat, una relaci basada en tants factors que era incalculable i noms estava a labast de
Du. Quan la calor no era capa de regenerar la humitat aleshores esdevenia la mort natural,
que derivava de la proportio natural. El metge valenci estava convenut que noms Du podia
conixer amb precisi la prdua i la restauraci de la humitat a cada part i instant del cos. Les
altres causes remotes, accidentals, eren aquelles de les quals es podien ocupar els metges. Arnau
va establir un lmit clar a la medicina en negar al metge la possibilitat dintervenir enfront de la
mort natural, ja que noms podia actuar sobre la complexio.
Al captol cinqu sanalitza labordatge posterior del tema fet per dos autors de gran
inuncia, Bernat de Gord, company a la universitat i rival aferrissat dArnau, i Pere dAbano,
ambds impellits per linters com per la possibilitat de lallargament de la vida. Gord es
va situar en una ptica diferent, i pot ser va escriure el seu text mogut per la seua oposici a
lopini arnaldiana, perqu per a Gord s es podia conversar la calor natural amb un rgim que
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neutralitzs lescurament de la vida. Gord es mostra convenut que els lmits siolgics sn
manipulables i es pot allargar la vida. Per banda dAbano, lallargament de la vida es posa en
relaci amb qestions astrolgiques, concretament en la inuncia dels astres sobre la longevi-
tat de les persones. Tanmateix, Arnau noms mostr un inters tard per les estrelles en la part
ja darrera de la seua obra.
El captol sis demostra la difusi amplssima que va assolir el debat entorn a lhu-
mitat radical. Un bon grapat de metges en el tombant dels segles XIII al XIV li varen dedicar la
seua atenci. Per les dicultats per abordar el tema sn complexes per la dispersi dels textos.
En aquest sentit, les autores de la introducci elaboren propostes tot reconeixent que la recerca
encara es troba lluny en aquest mbit, el de les qestions que va suscitar entre els autors aquest
problema.
El captol set fa un acostament a una srie de tractats molt allunyats de labordatge
donat pels metges. Es tracta dels textos sobre prolongevitat (De retardanda). Endarrerir larri-
bada de la vellesa, el seu alentiment, com el de la mort eren els seus objectius. Els seus autors
buscaren com podien intervenir sobre la humitat i la calor per aix allargar la vida. En aquests
textos predomina un lxic poc tcnic, sobretot en explicacions teriques, aix com ls danc-
dotes, amb ls de secrets medicinals ocults i ls de lor potable.
Finalment el captol vuit va dedicat als alquimistes i metges alquimistes. Per a
aquests la humitat radical fou un component concret, visible i que es podia allar i mesclar
materialment, manipulable a la prctica en les operacions dels alquimistes. Aquest va jugar un
paper fonamental en els processos alqumics, com ara lextracci de lelixir vital (calor unida
a la humitat radical). Lalquimista fou considerat el veritable i perfecte metge, perqu lelixir
aplegava tota la sanitat. El concepte dhumitat radical rebria una notable accentuaci del seu
paper i importncia en el segle XIV, en el sentit de ser part dun procs, resultat o nucli impul-
sor. Per aix les autores de lestudi introductori dediquen una especial atenci al Pseudo Llull i
el Pseudo Arnau que descriuen lelixir.
Fet i fet, aquest volum no solament contribueix duna forma notable al coneixement
de lobra dun autor de la inuncia que tingu Arnau de Vilanova, sin que lenllaa amb tot un
conjunt de sabers de lpoca, el contextualitza admirablement i ens ajuda a comprendre millor
la intricada trama dautors i debats que va tenir lloc en aquells temps tardomedievals en el marc
de les universitats europees i amb larsenal metodolgic de lescolasticisme vigent.
CARMEL FERRAGUD
Universitat Miguel Hernndez dElx
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 409-430
ISSN 0066-5061
RESEAS CONJUNTAS
CINCO LIBROS SOBRE JAIME I EL CONQUISTADOR:
HISTORIOGRAFA, SOCIEDAD, ICONOGRAFA, COMERCIO Y LEGISLACIN.
En el ao 2008 se celebraron los 800 aos del nacimiento del rey Jaime I, conocido
como el Conquistador. Para esta resea conjunta hemos seleccionado cinco libros publicados
entre 2008 y 2009 que tratan diversos aspectos relacionados con el monarca y sus reinos: histo-
riogrcos, sociales, iconogrcos, comerciales y legislativos.
Germ COLN DOMNECH; Toms MARTNEZ ROMERO (eds.), El rei Jaume I. Fets,
actes i paraules, Castell, Fundaci Germ Coln Domnech - Barcelona, Publicacions de
lAbadia de Montserrat, 2008, 502 pp. (Collecci Germ Coln destudis lolgics; 4). ISBN
978-84-8415-925-4.
Publicada con motivo de los 800 aos del nacimiento del rey Jaime I, la obra El rei
Jaume I. Fets, actes i paraules aporta diversas perspectivas en torno a los estudios sobre Jaime I
y el contexto histrico de su reinado. La obra est dividida en cuatro secciones y compuesta
por veinte estudios de especialistas prestigiosos en el tema, escritos tanto en castellano como
en cataln. Todos los artculos presentan tambin una riqusima lista de fuentes y bibliografa
consultada, hecho que corrobora la labor y la calidad del trabajo. Adems, al nal del libro, hay
una seccin de resmenes en cataln y en ingls y tambin un ndice.
Los cinco artculos de la primera seccin, La Corona dArag a lpoca de Jaume I,
abordan cuestiones referentes a la expansin y formacin de la Corona de Aragn. En el prime-
ro, Josep Torr (pp. 13-32) diserta sobre la perspectiva general de la formacin del reino de Va-
lencia, desde la conquista por parte de Jaime I hasta las acciones posteriores a l debidas, como
la administracin y la herencia del reino. El artculo describe, desde el punto de vista militar, la
campaa valenciana, con la conquista de Burriana, la asamblea de Monzn, donde la conquista
asumi un carcter de Cruzada, y la conquista del Puig de Santa Mara. Despus de la conquis-
ta del reino musulmn, el rey se propuso como siguiente objetivo la de Jtiva y Biar deseo
compartido con el rey de Castilla, Alfonso X, que ha sido vista, tradicionalmente, como una
secuencia de fciles rendiciones. Otra cuestin destacada en el artculo es la complejidad en la
formacin del reino, con la creacin de los cargos de justicia, jurats, bayles, y de la cancillera
real. El reino insular de Mallorca es el argumento del segundo artculo, debido a Pau Cateura
(pp. 33-51). En la misma lnea que el trabajo anterior, el autor recorre la trayectoria histrica
determinante en la conquista de la isla, desde el establecimiento de las Cortes en diciembre de
1228 hasta el nal del reinado de Jaime I. Su atencin se centra, inicialmente, en los prepara-
tivos de la conquista, abordando aspectos tales como la adjuncin del carcter de Cruzada y la
cantidad de hombres que participaran. Uno de los documentos analizados, la Carta de la Fran-
quesa, estableca los aspectos polticos, de propiedad, administrativos, judiciales y comerciales
que sirvieron para reglamentar la organizacin del reino. Otro documento citado es el Llibre del
Repartiment, en el que se establecen las divisiones territoriales. El autor recuerda la coexisten-
cia de diferentes gobernantes del reino durante la poca del Conquistador, esto es, adems del
propio rey, el infante Pedro de Portugal y el infante Jaime II. Cerrando la perspectiva rey-reinos,
el artculo de Juan F. Utrilla (pp. 53-73) presenta las relaciones del Conquistador con el reino
de Aragn, destacando, en primera instancia, el carcter individual de este reino y sus particu-
laridades. De entre las fuentes narrativas de las que parte, se detiene en el Llibre dels Feyts, que
sirve para recordar las relaciones entre el rey y el reino aragons; a partir del estudio de sta y
otras fuentes, hace hincapi en el vnculo entre el monarca y el reino de Aragn, principalmente
en relacin con las visitas reales a las ciudades de mayor importancia, como Zaragoza, Lrida o
Huesca. De acuerdo con el autor, se pueden establecer tres momentos en los cuales la presencia
410 RESEAS CONJUNTAS
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del rey se hizo efectiva en el territorio aragons: el primero, constante, hasta 1238; el segundo,
espordico, hasta 1260; y el tercero, excepcional hasta 1264. La conclusin de Utrilla sobre la
administracin del reino de Aragn por parte del rey Jaime I sirve para el resto de la Corona:
el rey organizaba sus reinos de manera peculiar, respetando las identidades polticas de cada
uno de ellos y propiciando cambios estructurales profundos en cada uno de los territorios de
la Corona, dotndolos de instituciones privativas y de administraciones autnomas (p. 61).
La propuesta presentada por Carles Rabassa Vaquer (pp. 75-114) es el anlisis del carcter pa-
radigmtico de la villa de Castelln para comprender algunas de las cuestiones del reinado de
Jaime I, como las formas de conquista y control militar, las relaciones con los musulmanes, el
repartimiento de las tierras, la inmigracin cristiana, la formacin de nuevas villas y el paisaje
agrario. Su artculo es, por tanto, un estudio de un ejemplo de conquista, repoblacin y organi-
zacin de un territorio, extrapolable a muchas otras localidades. A travs del caso de Castelln
se puede observar la construccin del reino por parte del rey, sobre todo respecto al proceso
de poblacin del territorio. Como colofn a la primera parte, el artculo de Josep Perarnau i
Espelt (pp. 115-127) ayuda a reexionar sobre la formacin histrica de la Corona de Aragn,
detenindose en algunos de sus momentos decisivos. El foco de atencin del artculo se dirige
hacia el perodo de la expansin mediterrnea de la Corona de Aragn impulsada por Jaime I;
asimismo, se destaca de modo especial la formacin de les tres entitats poltiques sobiranes
(tres estats) en una sola naci (p. 119), como marco para la accin desde Pedro el Grande hasta
Jaime II de Aragn.
La segunda seccin, que lleva como ttulo Context i panorames, se inicia con la
contribucin de A. Rubio Vela (pp. 129-156) sobre la gura de Jaime I en el reino de Valencia
de los siglos XIV y XV, donde era visto como un rey de buena memoria, conquistador, santo y
legislador, y en todos estos aspectos tratado con un afecto reverencial en la produccin histo-
riogrca valenciana (p. 130). En el artculo se destaca la atencin prestada al monarca siglos
despus de la conquista, considerndolo como el padre de la patria (p. 136) y honrndose
su memoria como a la de un santo, tal como hicieron evidente, sobre todo, el Consell y los
jurats de Valencia (p. 139). Seguidamente, Miguel ngel Prez Priego (pp. 157-166) presenta
un estudio sobre el monarca en la literatura medieval castellana, basndose en las Cantigas
de Santa Mara, en las obras de Don Juan Manuel y en la traduccin del Libro de los He-
chos, y centrndose, sobre todo, en las leyendas relacionadas con el rey. Rafael Alemany Ferrer
(pp. 167-184) realiza un estudio comparativo entre la literatura castellana y la catalana respecto
a las personalidades intelectuales singulares Alfonso X y Ramn Llull y los gneros repre-
sentativos de este perodo, como la produccin lrica, la historiografa, la narrativa de ccin
y la literatura didctica, en un contexto de renacimiento cultural en la Pennsula Ibrica. Joan
Santanach i Suol (pp. 185-201) analiza el Llibre del gentil i dels tres savis, destacando el valor
literario y apologtico de la obra luliana y explicando cmo, en el discurso narrativo de sta,
la interaccin entre el gentil y los tres sabios que se produce en el transcurso de la discusin
acerca del desconocimiento de la divinidad por parte del gentil. Desde una perspectiva musical
en Catalua, Xos Avioa (pp. 203-220) nos ofrece un breve panorama general relacionado con
el tema central de la obra (pp. 210-211). El autor describe cmo en la liturgia, en el teatro, en el
baile, en los instrumentos y en la msica profana de la poca, se vio reejado el esplendor de
la actividad poltica de Jaime I. El ltimo artculo de la seccin, presentado por Vicent Garcia
Edo (pp. 221-253), se ocupa de la construccin legislativa del reinado del Conquistador; tras
contextualizar, mostrando el estado de la cuestin con respecto a Aragn, Catalua, Valencia,
Mallorca, la iglesia y los musulmanes, Garcia Edo dedica una especial atencin a los privile-
gios, las cartas de poblacin y los fueros instituidos por Jaime I, que se erigieron en modelo y
como tal fueron utilizados en reinados posteriores.
Cinco artculos componen la tercera seccin, titulada El Llibre dels Fets i la Histo-
riograa Medieval. Josep M. Pujol (pp. 257-286) aborda el estudio de la tcnica narrativa del
Llibre dels Feyts tomando como punto de partida datos anteriores a las versiones latina y cata-
lana para acometer, a continuacin, un anlisis detallado de la obra. Stefano Maria Cingolani
(pp. 287-312) estudia la utilizacin del Llibre dels Feyts por Bernat Desclot en la composicin
del Llibre del rei en Pere e els seus antecessors passats (p. 291) y analiza las diferencias y
similitudes entre ambas crnicas. Germ Coln Domnech (pp. 313-334) examina la edicin
del Llibre dels Feyts de 1515 en el Aureum Opus, mostrando el contraste gramatical, tanto en
RESEAS CONJUNTAS 411
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aspectos morfolgicos como sintcticos, entre las ediciones del libro (1515 y 1557). Llcia
Martn Pascual (pp. 335-348) se ocupa de la tradicin manuscrita del Llibre dels Feyts; en el
breve comentario que elabora sobre cada manuscrito existente, toma como base el artculo
publicado al respecto por ngel Aguil. Para cerrar esta seccin, Toms Martnez Romero
(pp. 349-362) estudia los primeros captulos del Llibre dels Feyts; en su trabajo, el autor destaca
la presentacin del rey como un nou messies, los pronsticos de su madre, Mara de Montpe-
llier, y el juego entre noticias contrapuestas, as, por ejemplo, la descripcin de la pobreza
del reino en los primeros tiempos del rey frente a la expansin debida a todo lo que conquist
despus. Adems, Martnez Romero compara la forma de utilizar la cronologa en sta y en
otras crnicas, como las de Desclot y Muntaner (pp. 357-358).
La ltima parte hace referencia a los estudios de la lengua del siglo XIII y se com-
pone de cuatro artculos. En el primero, Jordi Bruguera (pp. 365-392) destaca las caractersticas
respecto al gnero literario y lingstico que singularizan el Llibre dels Feyts. En este sentido,
el autor estudia la grafa, la fontica, la morfosintaxis, el vocabulario y la sintaxis oracional. Al
nal, su conclusin es que esta obra presenta un elevado grado de oralidad en su composicin.
Llus Gimeno Bet (pp. 393-425) analiza textos como los Usatges de Barcelona, el Llibre dels
Feyts, las Vides de Sants Roselloneses, la Crnica de Bernat Desclot, los Furs de Valncia, los
Dilegs de Sant Gregori, el Llibre del gentil e dels tres savis y los Costums de Tortosa, con la
intencin de presentar, por medio del anlisis fontico de tales textos, las principales caracters-
ticas de la lengua catalana del siglo XIII. Al nal de su artculo, hay una riqusima conclusin
sobre los procesos fonolgicos que se desarrollaron durante este siglo. Jaume Corbera Pou
(pp. 427-458) busca describir la situacin de la lengua en el reino de Mallorca durante el siglo
XIII. Para ello, rastrea en la historia de la isla el origen de sus colonizadores y constata que
stos procedan, en su mayor parte, de las comarcas orientales de Catalua, es decir, de la
Catalua Vieja (p. 430), aunque tambin destaca la pervivencia mozrabe (con el estudio de
los topnimos) y su inuencia lingstica. La conclusin, para Corbera Pou, es que la lengua
hablada en la isla en los aos posteriores a la conquista era el cataln oriental de la poca (p.
438). Joan Mart i Castell (pp. 459-486) presenta en el ltimo artculo del libro diversas obras
lulianas, como el Llibre de les meravelles y la Doctrina pueril, para estudiar especcamente
las oraciones condicionales amb si.
Para concluir, hay que poner de maniesto la riqueza y diversidad de aportaciones
que esta obra la cuarta en la Collecci Germ Coln destudis lolgics presenta, a partir de
variados estudios y perspectivas (la histrica, la contextual, la historiogrca y la lingstica)
sobre el reinado de Jaime I.
Mara de los Desamparados CABANES PECOURT, Documentos de Jaime I relacio-
nados con Aragn, Zaragoza, Institucin Fernando el Catlico (CSIC), 2009, 291 pp. (Fuentes
Histricas Aragonesas; 50). ISBN 978-84-9911-033-2.

La obra de Cabanes Pecourt rene una coleccin variada de documentos del rey
Jaime I relacionados con el reino de Aragn, procedentes de diversos archivos y en la mayor
parte de los casos ya publicados. A la coleccin documental sigue una seccin de bibliografa,
un ndice toponmico y un ndice onomstico de gran ayuda para la bsqueda de informacin
y referencias.
En los documentos recopilados se puede observar el desarrollo de la vida y la obra
de Jaime I en relacin con el reino de Aragn, reejado en aspectos como son los ttulos rea-
les, la organizacin de su cancillera, la poltica nanciera y sus relaciones con las rdenes
militares. La concesin y venta de aldeas y castillos, la enajenacin de salinas, la relacin con
los judos, la consolidacin de tierras fronterizas, el funcionamiento de la vida municipal y la
regulacin de las ferias y de los mercados tambin forman parte de los temas tratados.
Para hacerse una mejor idea de la riqueza y diversidad de las cuestiones correspon-
dientes al perodo comprendido entre los aos 1218 y 1276, de las que da muestra la documen-
tacin recogida, cabe mencionar las siguientes: concesin del rey a ganaderos de la potestad
de juzgar a ladrones de ganado; conrmacin de circulacin de monedas; ordenamientos sobre
fabricacin de tejidos; regulacin del pago de diezmos por parte de los sarracenos; conrmacio-
nes de posesin de castillos y villas; autorizacin para la constitucin de juntas para la defensa
ISSN 0066-5061
territorial; conrmacin de fueros, costumbres y franquicias; concesin de castillos y villas que
seran conquistados en tierras musulmanas; autorizacin para la construccin de hornos; exo-
neracin de la responsabilidad en un homicidio; concesin de prados, hierbas y pastos para
ganados; recepcin del vasallaje de ricohombres; concesin de mercado a una ciudad; jacin
de la frontera entre Aragn y Catalua; tributacin de ganados; conrmacin de donaciones; re-
gulacin del ejrcito, cabalgadas, redenciones y dems servicios reales; castigo establecido para
los que cometan homicidios; entrega de un castillo en feudo; concesin a los judos para cerrar
la judera entre el Jueves Santo hasta la maana del Sbado de Gloria; peticin de permiso para
acuar moneda para sufragar gastos de guerra; venta de castillos y villas; concesin para la cele-
bracin de un mercado semanal; reduccin de la tributacin cobrada por judos; nombramiento
de personas para cargos pblicos; liberacin de diversos sarracenos cautivos; conrmacin de
impuestos a judos; regulacin sobre la eleccin de jurados; concesin de licencias para construir
puentes; concesiones para la construccin de un molino; conrmacin de privilegios; concesin
de licencia para importar alimentos y vino; conrmacin de la divisin de trminos.
El volumen se convierte as en una importante contribucin para los estudios refe-
rentes a las relaciones entre el rey y su reino, tanto por la variedad de las temas y cuestiones
documentados como porque ayuda a divulgar aspectos particulares de la vida de Jaime I en
relacin con el reino de Aragn. La publicacin, por tanto, resulta muy til para quien desee
aproximarse, mediante documentacin de la poca, a la faceta aragonesa de la poltica del rey
Conquistador.
Marta SERRANO COLL, Jaime I el Conquistador. Imgenes medievales de un reina-
do, Zaragoza, Institucin Fernando el Catlico (CSIC), 2008, 311 pp. (Institucin Fernando el
Catlico; 2791). ISBN 978-84-7820-946-0.
En esta obra se presenta el reinado de Jaime I estudiado desde la perspectiva de los
testimonios iconogrcos. Se trata de la visin que se puede extraer del anlisis del corpus
iconogrco relacionado con el rey a partir de los ceremoniales, la numismtica, la sigilografa,
los aspectos jurdicos y las crnicas, facetas que son exploradas como una forma diferente de
acercamiento a la gura del monarca.
En el primer captulo (pp. 11-30), la autora aborda los aspectos ceremoniales, cen-
trando su atencin en la coronacin y la muerte del rey, es decir, en el principio y el nal de su
reinado. Para la coronacin, la autora analiza la imagen que ofrece el Llibre de franqueses i pri-
vilegis del regne de Mallorca y, para la muerte, elige la Crnica de Bernat Desclot, la Crnica
de Ramon Muntaner y la Crnica de San Juan de la Pea, destacando sobre todo la atencin
dispensada al monarca por el rey Pedro el Ceremonioso.
En el captulo segundo (pp. 31-57), la imagen del rey se analiza a partir de los datos
que aportan la numismtica y la sigilografa, dos mbitos de difusin de la imagen real que
alcanzaban a una innumerable cantidad de personas. Respecto a la numismtica, se pone de
relieve la tarea unicadora destinada a los territorios conquistados, la creacin de una nueva
moneda barcelonesa y los cambios introducidos en la moneda aragonesa. En cuanto a la sigilo-
grafa, sta cambia de acuerdo con el avance de las conquistas y, de hecho, se convierte en un
claro reejo de la actividad conquistadora del monarca.
En el tercer captulo se aborda el buen gobierno del rey (pp. 59-118); uno de los
aspectos que se destacan es la reunin de imgenes iconogrcas sobre Jaime I en diversas
actitudes: entronizado, en pie, en reunin con sus consejeros, vasallos y hombres prximos,
ejerciendo la justicia, como seor de sus vasallos y como rey u hombre misericordioso. Cabe
destacar el anlisis minucioso que Marta Serrano realiza de las imgenes de los cdices, de
modo que identica inuencias francesas e italianas en las representaciones del rey, as como
tradiciones iconogrcas que existan dentro y fuera del territorio cataln.
En el cuarto captulo, la autora demuestra la preeminencia de la devocin regia en la
iconografa (pp. 119-143): el soberano aparece o en actitud de oracin o siempre en un mbito re-
ligioso, como por ejemplo representado junto a la Virgen. Adems, destaca tambin la utilizacin
poltica de algunas imgenes, las cuales, realizadas siglos despus de la muerte del Conquistador,
serviran para legitimar acciones del momento en que fueron creadas, como por ejemplo en el
Liber instrumentorum, donde se representa el rey al lado de un obispo del siglo XV.
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El interesante quinto captulo presenta la iconografa en las crnicas medievales
(pp. 145-160), principalmente en los dos primeros manuscritos que componen la cronstica
catalana. La atencin de la autora se centra en el anlisis de las actitudes del monarca en las capitu-
lares, donde aparece en posicin devota y representando la dignidad real, siempre con la corona
de oro. Una de las imgenes analizadas es el banquete que precede a la conquista de Mallorca,
localizada en el folio 27 del ms. 1 de la Biblioteca de la Universidad de Barcelona, en la cual
Marta Serrano identica a los diversos personajes que estn presentes en la narrativa del Llibre
dels Feyts, de acuerdo con sus gestos y comportamientos. La otra imagen que es objeto de an-
lisis, referente a la conquista de Valencia, se encuentra en el ms. 69 tambin de la Biblioteca de
la Universidad de Barcelona, f. 63r: representa a Jaime I en conversacin con Hugo de Fullar-
quer y Blasco de Aragn, iniciando las negociaciones para la conquista de Valencia.
En el captulo sexto (pp. 161-226), la autora se ocupa de una de las facetas ms
relevantes de Jaime I, la guerrera, y una de las obras que analiza son las pinturas del Palacio
Aguilar. Dentro de esta obra, una de las ms importantes representaciones iconogrcas sobre
la conquista de Mallorca, actualmente el Museu Nacional dArt de Catalunya, se presta una
especial atencin a la tercera parte, donde se representa el asalto a la ciudad y el campamento
de los cristianos. Adems, Marta Serrano no solamente analiza con detalle esta pintura mural,
sino que busca tambin las razones por las que, probablemente, fue realizada: en primer lu-
gar, la conmemoracin de la conquista de Mallorca, que se conoca por medio de los relatos
picos; en segundo lugar, las relaciones establecidas entre los reyes de la Corona de Aragn
y de Mallorca a nales del siglo XIII, cuando empez a plantearse la cuestin del juramento
de vasallaje que deba prestar el monarca mallorqun al rey de Aragn. Otra pintura mural
que tambin se analiza es la que decoraba el Palacio Real Mayor de Barcelona y que hoy se
encuentra en el Saln del Tinell. Particularmente atractiva es la tentativa de identicacin de
los personajes que aparecen en la escena, sobre todo el intento de dilucidar si uno de ellos es
el rey Jaime I o no. Otro objeto de anlisis son las imgenes del complejo pictrico del castillo
de Alcaiz, donde se intenta identicar los personajes a travs de sus seales herldicas, sus
vestimentas, sus posiciones y gestos en la pintura. La autora tambin estudia la escena de
la entrada real de Jaime I en la ciudad de Valencia, una de las ms conocidas del conjunto.
Respecto a las imgenes analizadas en este captulo, es muy destacable la importancia que se
les da como medio de difusin de las gestas militares del rey de Aragn, gestas en las cuales
se le presenta amparado por las fuerzas divinas, sobre todo por san Jorge. El Retablo de San
Jorge o del Centenar de la Ploma (1410-1420), el Retablo de San Jorge de Jrica (1432) y
la Predela del retablo de San Jorge de Pere Nisart (1470) reproducen la ayuda que los santos
prestaban a los reyes, especcamente al rey Jaime I, ilustrando as la imagen de conquistador
amparado por la divinidad. En ese sentido, hay que detenerse especialmente en la ltima obra
citada, la nica que recoge la ayuda del santo al rey en la conquista de Mallorca y en la que
Marta Serrano identica al monarca en medio de la multitud y confusin generada por la
representacin de la batalla.
El ltimo captulo (pp. 227-253) trata de un tema muy presente en la vida del rey,
principalmente en la literatura: el linaje. La comparacin entre Pedro el Ceremonioso y Jaime I
respecto al simbolismo de la ceremonia de coronacin reeja la constante poltica de emulacin
del Conquistador por parte del primero, subrayando as la importancia de Jaime I en el linaje
de los condes de Barcelona como reyes de Aragn. El anlisis se detiene tambin en el Aureum
Opus o Privilegiorum Regni Valentiae, en el cual est representada la dinasta de Aragn des-
de Jaime I hasta Pedro el Ceremonioso. De acuerdo con la autora, es en la representacin del
origen de la estirpe regia valenciana donde Jaime I es asimilado al rey David. Otra interesante
aportacin se reere a la serie de egies que decoraban la Sala del Consell del ayuntamiento
de la ciudad de Valencia, una autntica y amante galera de los reyes de Aragn. A travs de
comparaciones con otras regiones, en las cuales tambin se encuentran estas imgenes, se pone
de maniesto la adaptacin de la Corona de Aragn a este culto a los grandes hombres y tam-
bin a la imagen de preservacin, en el sentido de establecer un vnculo entre los soberanos
aragoneses representados y el gobierno de Valencia, destacando as la supremaca del linaje
fundador de la Valencia cristiana. La egie de Jaime I en el Rollo genealgico de Poblet forma
parte de la serie de retratos que recalcaba el valor de la dinasta de los reyes de Aragn y que
serva para recordar el linaje a que perteneci el Conquistador.
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En las pginas de las consideraciones nales se recogen algunos puntos que merecen
ser subrayados: el primero, la rearmacin de las realizaciones legislativas del Conquistador,
representadas en la iconografa y la sigilografa; el segundo, su dignidad regia, mostrada
por medio de la indumentaria y las insignias, y tambin de las representaciones en las que se
encuentran las jerarquas laicas y jurdicas; el tercero, su carcter devocional, sobre todo res-
pecto a la Virgen, a la cual constantemente solicitaba ayuda e intercesin ante Cristo; el cuarto,
su carcter conquistador, representado por las imgenes relacionadas con sus conquistas,
principalmente Mallorca y Valencia; no hay que olvidar tampoco su carcter santo debido a
la miticacin de su gura a partir del siglo XIV y principalmente a su representacin en las
imgenes donde se encuentra san Jorge.
En su conclusin, Marta Serrano resume la relevancia del rey Jaime I como pre-
cursor en todos los mbitos que ocuparon su vida y destaca la utilizacin que hicieron de su
imagen sus sucesores, que se sirvieron, constantemente, del recurso de establecer vnculos con
l. Adems de lo que el estudio de la autora tiene de novedoso, hay que recalcar, asimismo, el
valor de la bibliografa que aporta (pp. 261-293), pues constituye un importante referente para
consultas especcas sobre el tema. Adems, las lminas presentes en las pginas nales del li-
bro (pp. 297-310) sirven no slo para ilustrar lo que atenta y cuidadosamente ha sido discutido y
analizado en las pginas precedentes, sino tambin como invitacin a emprender otros estudios
artsticos e iconogrcos sobre uno de los reyes ms emblemticos de la Corona de Aragn.
Francisco J. APELLNIZ RUIZ DE GALARRETA et al., Un mar de lleis. De Jaume I a
Lepant, Barcelona, Institut Europeu de la Mediterrnia, 2008, 240 pp. ISBN 978-84-393780-8.
Si en la obra anterior nos movamos en el reino de las imgenes, nos adentramos
ahora en el reino del mar. Gracias a la lectura de Un mar de lleis. De Jaume I a Lepant descubri-
mos todo el mundo Mediterrneo en la Edad Media a travs de una bella publicacin resultado
de la exposicin homnima, que incluye 14 artculos y varias imgenes.
El libro est dividido en tres partes. En la introduccin de Daniel Duran i Duelt
(pp. 15-25), el objetivo que se persigue es presentar la lnea argumental de la obra, es decir, la
expansin territorial de la Corona de Aragn y la actividad comercial en el Mediterrneo como
consecuencia de esta expansin. Pero se pretende describir tambin la conguracin geoes-
tratgica del Mediterrneo, donde, junto a la Corona de Aragn, actuaban potencias como las
repblicas italianas, Francia, los Anjou, y ms tarde los otomanos. Una de las armaciones ms
destacables del autor al respecto es que el contexto poltico fue fundamental para el desarrollo
de la actividad martima, pues delimit las formas en las cuales sta pudo tener lugar. En ese
sentido, hay que mencionar, asimismo, las actividades mercantiles y la cultura comercial, ca-
racterizada por el uso de tcnicas e instrumentos comerciales, prcticas comerciales, jurdicas
e institucionales, as como la huella dejada por el Llibre del consolat de mar, que inuy en los
primeros cdigos nacionales del siglo XIX.
La primera parte del libro Jaume I i la Mediterrnia contiene tres artculos. En
el primero, Antoni Furi (pp. 29-40), despus de describir con precisin la conguracin pol-
tica y comercial del Mediterrneo en la poca de Jaime I, analiza el Llibre dels Feyts y trata la
conquista de Mallorca (en lo que se reere al dominio de la navegacin, el mantenimiento de
la conquista y la comunicacin entre la isla y el continente), de Valencia (el auxilio de los mer-
caderes catalanes) y la frustrada tentativa de expedicin a Tierra Santa, subrayando sobre todo
la dimensin mediterrnea de la Corona de Aragn. Antoni Riera Melis (pp. 41-62) investiga la
participacin de los catalanes, mallorquines y valencianos en la primera expansin comercial
cristiana en el Mediterrneo. Entre otros aspectos, el autor se detiene en el favor prestado por
la dinasta condal a los mercaderes barceloneses a la hora de competir con otros comerciantes;
en la aprehensin de la tcnicas comerciales para la circulacin de las mercancas; en la trans-
formacin de la ciudad de Barcelona en un emporio martimo mediterrneo; en la relevancia
de los inmigrantes y de las naves extranjeras en la introduccin de la capital catalana en el
comercio. Adems, Antoni Riera conrma la importancia que tuvo el establecimiento de una
red de consulados con el objetivo de atender a los catalanes y la inuencia que ejerci en el
comercio con el Magreb. En el ltimo artculo de esta primera parte, su autora, Maria Barcel
Cresp (pp. 63-79), se plantea qu funcin desempe el reino de Mallorca en las diferentes
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rutas comerciales existentes: la ruta del Levante, la ruta de Berbera, la ruta hacia el norte, la ruta
de Poniente y el caso de Canarias. Destaca la intensa circulacin de mercaderes, marineros y
objetos de valor que lleg a desarrollarse, el comercio de esclavos, el contacto con el litoral
mediterrneo francs y la importancia que adquiri la isla como punto de escala para las rutas
hacia Flandes. Adems, pone de relieve la infraestructura portuaria del reino insular, creada
para que sirviera como escala para estas rutas.
La segunda parte del libro Un mar de navegants i mercaders consta de seis
artculos que versan sobre temas relacionados con la navegacin, la peregrinacin, el comercio
y la cultura mercantil. El primero, de Marcel Pujol i Hamelink (pp. 83-100), es una descripcin
del mundo de la construccin naval y de su importancia en el Mediterrneo en la poca de
Jaime I, descripcin en la que muestra, sobre todo, la gran variedad de embarcaciones existen-
tes en la poca y en la que presta una especial atencin a la revolucin naval y nutica que se
produce con la apertura del Atlntico y la ruta hasta Flandes. En este mar de comercio tambin
tuvieron lugar las peregrinaciones cristianas, judas y musulmanas, tema del artculo de Maria
Teresa Ferrer i Mallol (pp. 101-118). A travs del estudio de casos como el del noble valenciano
Ramon de Riu-sec y el de Bernat Sanuy podemos saber lo que costaba el viaje hasta Tierra
Santa. Adems, la peregrinacin juda, realizada por Benjamn de Tudela entre 1165 y 1173,
constituye un relato detallado de cmo eran las ciudades en que estuvo. Tambin las peregri-
naciones sarracenas son estudiadas en el artculo, donde se muestra que eran ms difciles de
realizar debido a las prohibiciones para comerciar con el sultanato mameluco durante el primer
tercio del siglo XIV hecho que cambi en la segunda mitad de ese mismo siglo, aunque
algunas veces se consegua la licencia real para viajar. El comercio es el tema tratado por Maria
Elisa Soldani (pp. 119-132), que analiza el caso catalano-aragons entre los siglos XIII y XVI.
Llama la atencin, en las primeras lneas del artculo, el empleo de las expresiones vocacin
mediterrnea e imperio martimo relacionadas con la actividad mercantil de los reinos de la
Corona de Aragn. Gracias a esta vocacin, en la ciudad de Barcelona era posible encontrar
gran variedad de productos procedentes de diferentes zonas del Mediterrneo de un abanico
que abarcaba desde Italia hasta Oriente, as como de pases del norte, por ejemplo, Inglaterra.
Otro punto importante en el estudio de Soldani tiene que ver con los principales ncleos del
circuito comercial catalano-aragons, las ciudades de Barcelona, Mallorca y Valencia, las dos
ltimas importantes centros de conexin con el Magreb. La aparicin de la taula de canvi,
primer banco pblico europeo, sirvi para gestionar depsitos y controlar la moneda; se debe
destacar tambin, en este contexto, la frecuente utilizacin de la letra de cambio y el prstamo
martimo. Enrique Cruselles Gmez (pp. 133-146) analiza las prcticas y culturas mercantiles
en la Corona de Aragn y arma que nunca hubo un programa de la instruccin en las destrezas
mercantiles. Los hijos de los ciudadanos, por ejemplo, iniciaban el aprendizaje en la tienda
paterna o en la empresa de un familiar; despus continuaban la prctica en el extranjero, donde
podran quedarse poco o mucho tiempo, para despus volver hacia la tierra natal. En cambio,
el camino que seguan los hijos de los artesanos o de los campesinos era otro, pues, al carecer
de proteccin, su itinerario resultaba, forzosamente, ms incierto. El objetivo del artculo es
subrayar la importancia de la circulacin de los hombres que se dedicaban al comercio y su
adquisicin de una cultura y prctica mercantiles que era conocida en todo el Mediterrneo.
Francisco J. Apellniz Ruiz de Galarreta (pp. 147-154) presenta un interesante artculo sobre
Galip de Ripoll, un mudjar de Valencia dedicado al comercio en el Mediterrneo. Los hechos
acontecidos en relacin con este personaje permiten hacerse una idea de cmo se articulaban la
redes de comercio entre el ndico y el Mediterrneo. Dominique Valrian (pp. 155-167) cierra
esta segunda parte con un estudio sobre el comercio en Buga y la presencia de mercaderes
latinos en esta ciudad. Resulta interesante el hecho de que los propios califas almohades facili-
taran la presencia latina, sobre todo porque su actividad era una fuente de ingresos importante.
Importantes tambin son los personajes que se documentan en este escenario, como por ejem-
plo el cnsul, esto es, la persona que ejerca como jefe de la comunidad latina y que actuaba de
intermediario con las autoridades musulmanas.
En la tercera parte Unes lleis per al mar cuatro artculos versan sobre derechos,
instituciones y contratos martimos. En el primero, debido a Hassan S. Khalilieh (pp. 171-184),
se estudia el derecho martimo islmico entre los siglos IX y XII en el Mediterrneo. La con-
clusin del autor es que, en la legislacin islmica de esta poca, las cuestiones martimas se
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desarrollan con mayor detalle que en las leyes cristianas. Adems, el autor sugiere que, para
determinar el peso de la inuencia islmica sobre las leyes martimas cristianas, deben compa-
rarse las tradiciones musulmanas anteriores al siglo XII con las normas cristianas establecidas a
partir del siglo XIII. A este estudio sigue el trabajo de Aquilino Iglesia Ferreirs (pp. 185-194)
sobre el ius maritimum en el Mediterrneo, que analiza la elaboracin de las costumbres del
mar y su aplicacin en la Corona de Aragn, sobre todo por lo que respecta al Llibre del conso-
lat de mar, y tambin a los Costums de Tortosa, los Costums de mar y las Ordinacions de cors.
Daniel Duran i Duelt (pp. 195-214) estudia las instituciones particulares de los mercaderes y
de los hombres del mar, centrndose en las guras del cnsul de mar, del cnsul nutico y de
los cnsules ultramarinos, e intentado precisar el momento en que surgen en la documentacin,
as como en qu consistan sus funciones. Por ltimo, Manuel J. Pelez (pp. 215-229) estudia
los contratos martimos medievales, prestando especial atencin al ete. Se debe apuntar que
esta ltima modalidad contractual tena caractersticas y deniciones muy diversas, hecho
que conrma la complejidad de relaciones comerciales existentes en aquella poca. Otras ins-
tituciones estudiadas por el autor son la societas maris, el pilotaje, los prstamos martimos y
el seguro martimo.
Al nal del libro, entre las pginas 233 y 240, se hallan las referencias bibliogr-
cas utilizadas en la confeccin de la obra. Una obra que reeja la complejidad de los asuntos
martimos que incumban a los reinos y regiones del Mediterrneo, cuando ste era visto como
el mundo en el que la Corona de Aragn, a partir de las conquistas de Jaime I, se haba ex-
pandido.
Jaime I, Legislador. El Reino de Valencia, Valencia, Generalitat Valenciana, 2008,
278 pp. ISBN 978-84-482-5051-5.
El reino de Valencia, autntica creacin del Conquistador, es el principal objeto de
estudio del ltimo libro aqu presentado. Dividido en cuatro partes, la primera de ellas incluye
un discurso pronunciado por Rafael Narbona Vizcano y Mara Encarnacin Furi Martnez
(pp. 15-43) sobre la construccin del reino de Valencia, especcamente relacionado con la
accin legisladora de Jaime I. En estas primeras pginas se hace referencia, por tanto, a los
privilegios, los fueros, las Cortes, las ocialas reales, el notariado, los Jurados y el Consell,
el Justicia, as como a toda documentacin que legitimara la existencia de las magistraturas,
competencias, derechos y facultades de los organismos polticos, institucionales y administrati-
vos del reino. Asimismo, en este discurso inicial, se describe la exposicin que se organiz con
el mismo ttulo, de la que se recogen varias reproducciones de importantes documentos y que
estuvo dividida en cinco partes: los vnculos que unieron a Jaime I con Valencia; el proyecto
de conquista y la realidad de la colonizacin; las leyes e instituciones creadas por Jaime I; una
seleccin bibliogrca sobre el derecho foral; y una ltima parte sobre el testimonio de la con-
memoracin de la conquista de Valencia.
La segunda parte del libro reproduce el catlogo de los documentos que representan
la relacin entre Jaime I y Valencia, la conquista y colonizacin del reino valenciano, las leyes
e instituciones, y la celebracin del nueve de octubre, todo ello mediante una serie de valiosos e
importantes testimonios que retratan la historia del reino conquistado y despus creado por
Jaime I.
La tercera parte del libro contiene cinco estudios, en los que se tratan aspectos his-
tricos, jurdicos, econmicos y monetarios sobre la ciudad de Valencia. As, Josefa Pascual y
Javier Mart (pp. 153-166) estudian la visin de Madinat Balansiya antes de la conquista en el
1238, recreando el paisaje que posiblemente encontr el ejrcito de Jaime I antes de la capitula-
cin de la ciudad. La descripcin minuciosa de los detalles que componan el paisaje en el ao
de la conquista transporta al lector al momento del asalto. Seguidamente, el artculo de Pedro
Lpez Elum (pp. 167-181) recrea las condiciones jurdicas de la Valencia medieval al analizar
el Costum de Valencia, desde su promulgacin y evolucin a partir de la versin primitiva hasta
la posterior reforma que origin los Furs. Entre otros aspectos, Lpez Elum analiza la fecha
aproximada de la promulgacin del Costum y llega a la conclusin de que ste se realiz des-
pus de la entrada del rey en la ciudad. El artculo siguiente se ocupa de la labor de los notarios.
Para ello, Jos Maria Cruselles Gmez (pp. 183-195) analiza la presencia del notariado en el
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reino valenciano, destacando que su institucionalizacin, llevada a cabo por el rey Jaime I,
muestra notables diferencias si se compara con la de otros territorios de la Corona, como Cata-
lua. Paulino Iradiel Murugarren (pp. 197-205) describe las caractersticas de la economa de la
ciudad valenciana en relacin con la demanda internacional de bienes y servicios que se pro-
dujo despus de la conquista e integracin del territorio. Asimismo, las actividades comerciales
locales tambin son objeto de estudio en su artculo, en el que destaca cules fueron los diver-
sos tipos de actividades desarrolladas, por ejemplo, la de los vendedores de paos (drapers) o
la de los tintoreros. La serie de estudios se cierra con el trabajo de Enrique Cruselles Gmez
(pp. 207-221), que nos presenta las monedas y medidas utilizadas en el mercado valenciano en
la poca de Jaime I. Antes de centrarse en el tema especco del artculo, el autor se ocupa de la
coyuntura histrico-monetaria de la Corona de Aragn en su periodo inicial, para abordar, sobre
todo, la del reinado de Jaime I. El ao 1247 es, por lo que se reere al reino valenciano, clave
para la comprensin de las actuaciones del monarca, pues los privilegios otorgados en aquel
momento y durante los aos siguientes (1248, 1266 y 1271) por Jaime I fueron importantes para
la creacin y mantenimiento del aparato monetario valenciano.
En suma, Valencia fue un reino que Jaime I conquist y cre, un ejemplo de conquis-
ta y colonizacin en la Edad Media. Los diversos documentos presentados en esta obra objeto,
como se ha dicho, de una exposicin representan el camino jurdico instaurado entonces por el
reino y seguido, despus, durante siglos mediante actos como la creacin de leyes, institucio-
nes y derechos, o la celebracin de su conquista. Ha sido voluntad de los autores del volumen el
reejarlo en sus artculos, as como tambin ha sido fruto de su voluntad recrear lo cotidiano
del reino a travs de sus trabajos sobre privilegios reales, comercio, paisajes y aspectos concre-
tos de carcter jurdico o monetario.
LUCIANO JOS VIANNA
Universidad Autnoma de Barcelona
CORRISPONDENZA DEGLI AMBASCIATORI FIORENTINI A NAPOLI
1
La segunda serie de la coleccin dirigida por el profesor Mario Del Treppo, Fonti
per la storia di Napoli Aragonese, dedicada a la Corrispondenza degli ambasciatori orentini
a Napoli, bajo la coordinacin cientca del profesor Bruno Figliuolo, ha recibido un impulso
decisivo que lo acerca a su nal, a falta de publicarse el tercer y el octavo volumen que la
concluir. No me extender en exceso puesto que ya realic un anlisis ms profundo sobre
la estructura y la metodologa empleadas para la edicin cuando se present la coleccin a
partir de la publicacin de los volmenes editados por Elisabetta Scarton (AEM 36/1, 2006).
Sin embargo, s cabe recordar que en el Archivo de Estado de Florencia, cuyo corpus diplo-
mtico constituye el ncleo principal de la coleccin, se ha conservado toda la documentacin
producida por la actividad de los embajadores de la Repblica del Arno en el transcurso de
sus misiones, y que las relaciones epistolares con las distintas instituciones de la patria
de origen estn completas, sin contar adems el hecho de que, con frecuencia, los diplom-
ticos mantenan de forma paralela correspondencia con Lorenzo de Medici, incluida por su
obvio inters cuando as resulta oportuno. Para mayor abundamiento, las noticias recogidas se
1
Patrizia Meli (ed.), Corrispondenza degli ambasciatori orentini a Napoli. IV. Francesco Valori
e Pietro Vettori (agosto 1487-giugno 1489), Battipaglia, Laveglia & Carlone, 2011, LII+534 pp.
(Fonti per la storia di Napoli aragonese. Serie 2; 4). ISBN 978-88-86854-29-0.
Francesca Trapani (ed.), Corrispondenza degli ambasciatori orentini a Napoli. V. Paolo Antonio
Soderini (luglio 1489-ottobre 1490), Battipaglia, Laveglia & Carlone, 2010, XXVII+400 pp. (Fonti
per la storia di Napoli aragonese. Serie 2; 5). ISBN 978-88-86854-46-7.
Bruno Figliuolo (ed.), Corrispondenza degli ambasciatori orentini a Napoli. VII. Piero Ala-
manni e Bartolomeo Ugolino (maggio 1492-aprile 1493), Battipaglia, Laveglia & Carlone, 2012,
XXVI+313 pp. (Fonti per la storia di Napoli aragonese. Serie 2; 7). ISBN 978-88-86854-32-0.
ISSN 0066-5061
complementan con otras procedentes de los Archivos de Estado de Miln, Mdena, Mantua
y Siena, as como la Biblioteca Marciana de Venecia y la Biblioteca Nacional Central de Flo-
rencia, al objeto de ofrecer el panorama ms exhaustivo posible al investigador que consulte
los volmenes.
Todos los volmenes comienzan con una escueta aunque suciente nota biogrca
sobre los embajadores protagonistas de los volmenes, para ofrecer despus estudios intro-
ductorios que delinean el cuadro histrico en el que se enmarca la documentacin, as como la
evolucin de la defensa de los intereses orentinos. No se trata de investigaciones exhaustivas
que agoten las posibilidades de los documentos publicados, antes bien orientan al investigador
sobre el contenido del volumen, aspecto excelentemente complementado con los ndices que
facilitan la bsqueda de informaciones concretas. No falta tampoco el estudio diplomtico in-
eludible en toda edicin de fuentes que se precie.
As, en el primero de ellos, cuarto de la serie, editado por la Dra. Meli, se trata de la
controversia entre Inocencio VIII y Ferrante de Npoles y la crisis entre Florencia y Miln, para
seguir con una mirada sobre el mundo musulmn, centrada fundamentalmente en la expansin
turca y las relaciones con el Imperio otomano, y concluir con los problemas sucesorios deriva-
dos de la muerte de Jacobo II de Chipre y las vicisitudes del reino chipriota durante la regencia
de Caterina Cornaro, hasta la entrada de la isla bajo soberana veneciana.
En el quinto volumen, obra de la Dra. Trapani, se encuentran noticias sobre la situa-
cin poltica italiana con gran detalle, habida cuenta el papel de Ferrante en la pennsula y el
inters de Florencia en conservar el difcil equilibrio mantenido desde la paz de Lodi. Ms frag-
mentarias son las informaciones sobre las dicultades de la sucesin hngara tras la desapari-
cin de Matas Corvino, yerno del monarca napolitano. Las noticias sobre el mundo musulmn
se dividen entre el nal de la guerra de Granada, los intercambios con el vecino reino de Tnez
y el avance, siempre inquietante, de los turcos en el Mediterrneo oriental. La historia de la
moda y las costumbres tambin encuentra sitio en la descripcin de los ceremoniales de corte,
de los que se encuentran detalles preciosos.
El sptimo y ltimo volumen, de la mano del coordinador de la serie, el profesor
Figliuolo, no incluye la correspondencia de Dionigi Pucci (abril de 1493-septiembre de
1494), inicialmente prevista, ahora agrupada en lo que ser el octavo volumen de la serie,
con el epistolario de varios embajadores de los aos 1493 y 1494, editado por el propio
Figliuolo. El cuadro poltico-diplomtico abarcado incluye la eleccin del nuevo pontce
tras el fallecimiento de Inocencio VIII, Alejandro VI Borgia. No faltan las habituales in-
formaciones sobre el avance del peligro turco y la crisis hngara, ni los contactos con los
Reyes Catlicos, a caballo entre negociaciones para alianzas matrimoniales y la dispora
hebrea, las noticias especcas sobre el reino de Npoles y su corte, la praxis cancilleresca
y el sistema postal.
Como se puede ver, la documentacin editada supera ampliamente el marco italiano
del que emana, para proporcionar informaciones preciosas sobre la poltica internacional del
momento, con la sombra de Fernando el Catlico cada vez ms alargada a travs de su asuncin
de un papel hegemnico en la pennsula itlica, que culminar con la conquista de Npoles en
1504.
En denitiva, como en las ocasiones anteriores, los nuevos volmenes de la serie
se presentan con todas las garantas como para asegurar, al menos en lo que se reere a la co-
rrespondencia de los embajadores orentinos (pero no slo), el acceso a un material extraordi-
nario sin tener que desplazarse hasta la fuente de origen, lo que la convierte en un instrumento
precioso para el investigador. Esperemos que el tercer volumen con el epistolario de Bernardo
Rucellai (octubre de 1486-agosto de 1487), preparado por Patrizia Meli y que se encuentra listo
para publicar, pueda ver pronto la luz.
RAL GONZLEZ ARVALO
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UN NOU PAS EN LA RECUPERACI DE LA DOCUMENTACI ALTMEDIEVAL CATALANA:
LEDICI DELS DIPLOMES DE LARXIU COMTAL DE BARCELONA
FINS A RAMON BERENGUER IV
2
Novament la Fundaci Noguera, que tan excellent tasca est duent a terme en favor
de posar unes bases ben fonamentades de la nostra histria i cultura, ens ofereix una molt im-
portant collecci diplomtica de textos altmedievals. Es tracta ara de ledici dels documents
servats a lArxiu Reial de Barcelona des del temps del comte Ramon Berenguer II als de Ra-
mon Berenguer IV, continuaci de ledici dels diplomes del segle IX i X que ja fa ms de mig
segle ens ofer el Dr. F. Udina, que, malauradament, ens acaba de deixar fa uns mesos. s una
obra denvergadura, de la qual han tingut cura tres reputats medievalistes, el Dr. I.J. Baiges, el
Dr. G. Feliu i el Dr. J.M. Salrach, acompanyats, en aquesta avinentesa, per la competent col-
laboraci de P. Benito, R. Conde, V. Farias, P. Galceran, M. Pons, N. Sadurn i A. Torra, tot
un equip despecialistes, garantia, per ell mateix, dun treball slid i de qualitat. No s estrany,
doncs, que el resultat assolit satisfagui els ms exigents lectors, que, com sol passar en les
publicacions daquesta mena, poden ser de molt variats interessos. Tal s el prot i valor de
ledici dels diplomes, fonament i base principal dels coneixements del nostre passat. I la que
em disposo a comentar abraa 1149 documents, la majoria originals, per b que alguns, com
s natural, tamb cpies, entre daltres raons perqu ja dantic calgu reparar algun instrument,
com un dantico corroso que in parte delere incipiebat propter nimiam uetustatem (doc. 75).
s cert, per, que cada vegada que apareix una nova publicaci de documents altme-
dievals, el lector, particularment al nostre pas, per no sols aqu, reviu la necessitat duna major
unitat de criteris en la presentaci i edici duns textos, normalment de naturalesa paraliterria,
per textos, a la , i, per tant, necessitats de dels transcripcions paleogrques i de curoses
edicions lolgiques. Noms aix resultaran tils a tota la comunitat cientca, sigui quin sigui
linters cultural de qui shi atansi. I, en aquest sentit, cal encara un debat entre especialistes i,
sobretot, un acord ms genereralitzat entre editors (no sempre, ai las!, sucientment capacitats).
I, justament, un dels valors, no menor, de lobra que ara comento em sembla que s
la clara voluntat de qu fa gala doferir una edici rigorosa des de tots els punts de vista, que
va des duna delitat textual exigent a una puntuaci meditada, i que, ats lalt mestratge dels
qui la signen, est destinada a ser model de noves publicacions del mateix tenor. Cal revisar,
doncs, els distints apartats de qu es compon el diplomatari i veure, per aquest motiu, amb ulls
especialment crtics, com resolen aquests estudiosos les dicultats que cada una de les parts
duna col.lecci diplomtica presenta.
Diguem de primer que aquesta notable edici ve precedida ja duna important in-
troducci, on es ressalten alguns dels aspectes paleogrcs i diplomtics ms remarcables dels
documents editats, tal com fa, amb la seva acostumada aptitud, I.J. Baiges; i tamb sn desta-
cades les notcies de carcter histric que aporta el diplomatari, resumides per la competncia
habitual de J.M. Salrach. El llibre no podia comenar millor.
Introduts ja en el diplomatari, cal reduir, en primer lloc, les dates antigues dels
documents a la calendaci actual. Aquesta tasca, certament, no s gens fcil; no pas per la di-
cultat de les operacions matemtiques en elles mateixes, s clar; sin per la necessitat prvia
descatir el tipus doperaci adequada que hi hem daplicar, perqu, si som sincers, hem de
reconixer que, actualment, ho fem ms desma i per tradici, que no pas seguint un sistema
que hgim trobat coherent i irrefutable. Daqu que, quan un diploma s datat per cronogrames
diversos, manta vegada no hi ha coincidncia en la reducci dels distints clculs si apliquem en
la seva resoluci els criteris actuals; el que ens indica, amb levidncia dels fets, que no estem
en el bon cam. Prou es veu, per exemple, en el document 138 de la present col.lecci, datat
VII idus ianuarii, anno Incarnationis Christi millesimo LXXX III, inditione VII, regni Philippi
regis XXIII, el que fa comentar als editors: Lany 23 del rei Felip I correspon a lany 1083 de
2
Ignasi J. Baiges, Gaspar Feliu, Josep M. Salrach (eds.), Els pergamins de lArxiu Comtal de
Barcelona, de Ramon Berenguer II a Ramon Berenguer IV, 4 vols., Barcelona, Fundaci Noguera,
2010, 2057 pp. (Diplomataris, 48, 49, 50, 51). ISBN 9788497799584.
ISSN 0066-5061
lEncarnaci pel sistema pis i a lany 1084 pel orent. A aquests dos anys els corresponen
les indiccions primera i segona i no la setena, com indica el document. O en el doc. 482, datat,
al seu torn, aix: notum diem V feriam, quod est III kalendas iulii, epacta XI, concurrentes VII,
luna XXII, indictione XV, regnante Lodouico rege in anno suo decimo, eodem comes Ermen-
gaudus in Balagario et in Urgellum, cosa que tamb obliga a explicar: Prenem lany X del rei
Llus VI com lelement cronolgic per a datar aquest document, malgrat la profusi delements
que presenta la clusula de dataci i que lepacta XI, la lluna XXII i la indicci XV ens situen
al 1122, any en el qual, a ms, el dia 29 de juny va ser dijous.
Quan hi ha discrepncia entre el clcul dels reis francs i el de lEncarnaci, unes
vegades els editors opten per donar per bona la data del regnat franc (doc. 684), per daltres
prioritzen la de lEncarnaci (doc. 722) i, ns i tot, la de lera hispnica (doc. 741), el que
augmenta la confusi; ms perqu, segons que sembla, al nostre pas aquesta calendaci no
comenava lany 38, sin el 39 a.C. De fet, si comptem que lera tenia 39 anys en lloc de 38,
podrem considerar el doc. 722 de l11 dagost de 1137, i el doc. 741, del 27 dagost del mateix
any i no de 1138, cosa que sembla ms raonable.
I, tanmateix, malgrat la constataci constant de no estar en el bon cam, seguim en
ell, com he dit, per conformisme, per comoditat i per manca, avui per avui, duna alternativa
convincent. s una tasca urgent, doncs, la destudiar el sistema cronolgic emprat en la do-
cumentaci medieval catalana, cosa que cal fer de manera global i rigorosa. No sols els anys
dels reis francs presenten dicultats, sin els mateixos del Senyor o de lEncarnaci. I, ns i
tot, diria que caldria revisar si la indicaci dels dies del mes es feia, en els temps medievals,
sempre segons lestil clssic, amb referncia als dies anteriors a les calendes, nones o idus, o
si, almenys en algunes ocasions, remetien als dies posteriors de la data esmentada, segons que
sembla que succeix, per exemple, en alguns diplomes lleonesos.
Per altra part, no sn pocs els documents que no porten data i que cal deduir de dades
internes o de caracterstiques formals, cosa que els autors fan sovint amb encert. Per aix no
sentn que, alguna vegada, no lin ms prim. Per exemple, els documents 514, 515 i 516, que
sn diversos juraments de delitat prestats a Ricard Guillem sense data expressa, els daten entre
1075 i 1119, s a dir, segons els editors, entre la data del primer document conegut de Ricard
Guillem i el primer document on consta com a difunt. Per si mirem el doc. 503, un establiment
entutic del 5 de juliol de 1118, ja hi trobem esmentada la vdua del citat Ricard Guillem...
s costum dindicar el lloc dexpedici del document quan la data s tpica, cosa
que els editors fan normalment, per no sempre, com en el doc. 908, una denici posada per
escrit a la casa dels templers de Barcelona (doc. 908).
Certament cal aplaudir la bona idea dintroduir els regestos amb lespecicaci de
la tipologia documental a qu pertany el text, que pot ajudar, per exemple, a ulteriors utilitza-
cions informtiques de la publicaci. Daqu, per, que calgui mirar-shi molt i que no pugui
compartir alguna denominaci proposada; aix creuria preferible de parlar doblaci abans que
de la genrica donaci per al document 384 i de denici per al document 385, per limitar-me
a dos nics casos.
Els regestos no solen oblidar res dessencial i sajusten amb precisi al contingut
del text. Noms hom hauria desitjat una mica menys de laconisme en lexposici de les sen-
tncies, com la de 1143 (doc. 814), i una mica ms de regularitat en el cas dels resums de les
darreres voluntats i de les adveracions testamentries. s evident que, en aquests casos, no es
pot fer un extracte complet del contingut si no es fa una traducci total. Per s crec possible
una uniformitat en el criteri de les dades bsiques que es poden donar dins un diplomatari, la
nalitat del qual determinar, naturalment, el tipus de notcia que cal ressaltar en el regest. En
un recull diplomtic generalista com el present, al meu parer, simplement caldria triar uns punts
dinformaci bsics, per, aix s, constants. Les variants que es veriquen, per exemple, en els
regestos dels testaments n 614 i 649, no ajuden a orientar el lector, ni crec que puguin servir
de model per a futures edicions.
Daltra banda, en els regestos, hom palesa alguna petita distracci, com la que fa
de la mare de Guadall Guadall i de Berenguer Guadall, Dispsia, lesposa daquest darrer
(doc.147), o el que converteix el vescomte de Cardona en comte (doc. 696). O algun regest poc
precs, com el que explica la concessi de Ramon Berenguer III a quatre jueus, Moss, Jaa,
Bonn i Abotaib, del privilegi que ning del comtat de Barcelona, que no siguin ells mateixos,
ISSN 0066-5061
no dugui cap sarra o sarrana a Espanya per al seu rescat, i que cap cristi ni jueu no navegui en
llurs naus per mercadejar sense llur consentiment (doc. 356). Tampoc no sembla sucientment
exacte el regest que recull una concessi del comte Bernat II de Besal a Ramon Berenguer III
de Barcelona, car el que crec que shi diu s que, si hi ha algun ll bar del comte de Besal i
de la seva esposa, la lla de Ramon Berenguer III, la donaci sols valdr ns que el susdit ll
compleixi els quinze anys (doc. 371). Semblantment, la venda que el germans Pere, Berenguer i
Pon de Fonollar feren al Temple el 1149 cost un cavall valorat en 40 morabatins, no un cavall
i 40 morabatins (doc. 891). I potser no hauria estat de ms indicar que, el 1157, el vescomte
Reverter ja era difunt (doc. 1011), tal com encertadament es fa ms endavant (doc. 1035); el
mateix hom podria dir de Pon de Cervera, tamb difunt aquell any (doc. 1025).
ntimament relacionada amb la presentaci del regest est la problemtica de ladap-
taci al catal actual dels antropnims i, eventualment, dels topnims medievals. Tamb en
aquest punt caldria una ms gran coincidncia de criteris, entre daltres motius, per facilitar
futures i desitjables indexacions informtiques introdudes en la xarxa. Pel que fa a aquesta
apartat, no s si Guilareny no seria millor que Gilareny (doc. 58); si Guarner no seria preferible
a Gorner (doc. 88), si Bompar no s la forma correcta de Bonpare (doc. 307), Juiol la de Juliol
(doc. 981) i Llodric la de Leteric (doc. 997) daltra banda, per qu unes vegades hom diu
Guilhem Leteric (docs. 997 i 1102) i altres Guillem Leteric (docs. 1076 i 1086)?. Tamb em
semblaria ms adequat Guiu que no pas Gui (doc. 310) i ms exacte Palol que Palou per traduir
Palaciolo (doc. 409). Resulta incongruent danomenar lesposa del francs Tecel unes vegades
Or (doc. 128) i altres ria (doc. 187), o dir la muller de Pere de Montpa en una ocasi Alet
(doc. 644) i en una altra Adelaida (doc. 688), aix com parlar en uns casos de Guillem Ramon
de Castellv de Rosanes (doc. 388) i en daltres de Guillem Ramon de Castellvell (doc. 390).
El Guillem Bernat de Mesleu cal entendrel de Manlleu (doc. 622). Minclinaria per mantenir
la forma dels noms Arseu i Arseua per al matrimoni que apareix el 1126, en comptes de donar
a tots dos el nom femen Arsn per al marit i la variant Arsenda per a lesposa (doc. 589). Dis-
crepo, evidentment, de la graa Mger en comptes de Mier, tal com, daltra banda, apareix a
loriginal de 1084 (doc.151). La graa g en lloc de i en els passatges originals en qu es troba
Mager s, al meu albir, una hipercorrecci pels casos en qu una mateixa pronunciaci de la g
i de la i feia escriure, per exemple, ienitor en comptes de genitor, graa abundosament testi-
moniada en el nostre diplomatari i en daltres. Basti un parell dexemples daquesta confusi:
bagulia per baiulia (doc. 154) i ieneri per generi (doc. 203). El mateix cal dir de Fruga en
comptes de Fruia, que em sembla versi preferible (doc. 387) o de Magena en lloc de Maiena,
tal com, daltra banda, apareix en el text original (doc. 709) i tal com algunes vegades apareix al
regest per a major desconcert del lector (docs. 659, 660). Penso, a ms, que lesposa de Ramon
Bonll es deia, prpiament, Jovany i no Joana (doc. 189) altrament altres Jovany sn traduts
sistemticament en els regestos per Joan (docs. 346, 352).
Laparat heurstic, sempre molt complet, ve encapalat, com s normal, per lorigi-
nal o originals quan aquests sn mltiples, per als quals hom reserva la lletra de referncia A.
En alguna ocasi, per, sembla que no es mant aquest bon criteri i saplica la A tamb a un
trasllat (doc. 543 o doc. 618).
Per la part ms important del llibre s, evidentment, ledici dels documents. I aqu
la transcripci dalguns noms propis deixen en el dubte. Ja en el doc. 1 llegim un Deofato, que
fa pensar en la possibilitat dun Deodato; un Dinardus, que evoca un ms versemblant Bernar-
dus; un Vinsindus, que no s si podria ser un Wisindus, o un Vivaizane, que tal vegada podria
correspondre a un Winzane. Qui sap si lesposa dHeribert, anomenada Alia, no podria dir-se,
en realitat, Guilla, escrit Gilia (doc. 4); com lescrivent Guiliadus suggereix un Guiliardus, o
Guisadus o b Guisandus, lectura que proposaria per al Gasandus del doc. 9. Al document que
porta el n 7, seguit dun altre sense numerar per evident error tipogrc, no s si Belesme pot
correspondre a Belesine (doc. 73), tal com un improbable Antoni sembla remetre a Atoni (doc.
262). I esmenaria igualment Ioxbert per Iozbert (doc. 131), Guerrera per Guerreta (doc. 254),
Hunc per Huc (doc. 300), i potser tamb Ietonis per Letonis (doc. 710) i un Perro per Petro
o, possiblement millor, per Peiro (doc. 948). Tamb gosaria corregir Giuliae per Guiliae
(doc. 951) i, probablement, Gantelmus per Gaucelmus (doc. 1147).
En el present aplec documental, hom constata de nou que alguns antropnims eren
presos de topnims importants, especialment en el cas de noms femenins, com Barcelona el
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1079 (doc. 97), Corduuane el 1126 (doc. 582), Lombarda el 1129 (doc. 622) o Narbona el 1160
(doc. 1082).
Poden resultar interessants per als estudis donomstic i, dhuc, per als de genealo-
gia els exemples de Guillelmus Bernardi, qui uocor Bernardus Adalberti de Nauata, del 1070-
1107 (doc. 376), i el de Deusde sacer, quem nuncupant Arnallus Arnalli, del 1109 (doc. 390).
Si no hi ha error en la transcripci del testament de Ramon Berenguer III, dictat, pel
que sembla, el 1131, un cavall seu es diria Danc, tot i que la proximitat de la seva menci amb la
dun altre cavall negre, fa pensar en la possibilitat que Danc sigui, en realitat, blanc (doc. 631).
Entre els antropnims hom troba alguns malnoms simptics, fruit de la viva ima-
ginaci popular, que em permeto de ressenyar, com Vives Bocha de Oca el 1079 (doc. 97);
Christiano Templa de Ocha cap al 1079 (doc. 98); Gerbert Caput Molsor, Bernard Torna Coies
(entenc Tornacoces), Salamon Erumir Quarta Part, Bonilio Latro, Bocha Deuina, Ponc Cab
de Oca circa 1079 (doc. 99); Sanla Dominico qui uocant Caput Rost el 1080 (doc. 111); Pere
Bechet, Eliards de Mal Pestel o Bonilii Barba el 1081 (doc. 119); Guillem Magre el 1094
(doc. 258); Compang Auricula entre 1047 i 1098 (doc. 312); Raimundi Poncii Maleagno el 1110
(doc. 405); Ramon de Chor Saui el 1117 (479); Mud el 1109-1117 (doc. 491); Bucintor el
1119 (doc. 511); Formad el 1119 (doc. 513); Pere de Mala Cara el 1120 (doc. 523); Berengarii
de Cuil Sech el 1122 (doc. 543); na Calua el 1126 (doc. 577); Kauaroches tamb el 1126 (doc.
581 i doc. 582, on apareix escrit, sense necessitat, separat Caua Rrocas); Guillem Belabarba,
Pere Grass, Pere Trentalabres, Guillem Trosseler, Bernad Maluestid, Cantador el 1137 (doc.
728); Oliuario que uocant Ross el 1139 (doc. 750); Raimundus Burdo o Iohannis Ventreland
el 1141 (doc. 789); Iohannis Bragad, Berengarii Capud Bouis, Poncii Capud Ferri i Tafurel el
1142 (doc. 793); Berengarii Cocti (si no es tracta de Cocci, que no s igual ser qui cuina que
ser el cuinat) el mateix any (doc. 802); Porcelet el 1146 (doc. 847); Guillelmo Capite Mallei,
Arnallo Banud, Dalmacio Conilii i Martino Trumpela el 1147-1151 (doc. 948); Babot de Plani
el 1154 (doc. 972); Petri Prementis Clauem el 1159 (doc. 1043); Maiasendis de Poliniano que
uocant Malsignata el 1159 (doc. 1046); Bernardus Murrut el 1161 (doc. 1086); Barbaroga en
data indeterminada (doc. 1131) i tamb en data imprecisa Pontius Malerba, Giraldus Malauxor,
Sibaldus Paneminuto, Porcellitus Paleagrossa, Rostagnus Intermontes (doc. 1145) o Lanbertus
Mirapes i Inguilbertus Nebladus (doc. 1147). s justament la presncia sovintejada daquests
malnoms el que em fa pensar que cal considerar com a tal i, per tant, escriure en majscules,
Ermesen Sorde de Pocc del 1131 (doc. 644).
Els topnims, daltra banda, tampoc no es lliuraven de les denominacions populars,
com Nas de Quarn testimoniat el 1081 (doc. 119), el mas de Canta Corbis, el de Guarda-ten,
la vila Canina o lalou de Pela Mors el 1088 (doc. 192), Carro Fractum el 1112 (doc. 423), la
terra quam uocant de Capite Male Iornalade el 1126 (doc. 581), el mas de Chaies Mort el 1128
(doc. 614), el mol de Ligal Bene el 1128 (doc. 616), el Riuo Putente el 1133 (doc. 661), Orelud
el 1134 (doc. 677), el riu Merdica el mateix any que no pas Medica (doc. 679), la parellada
de Mar Morta el 1117-1137 (doc. 729), el bosc de Pedra Mala el 1142 (doc. 797), Bacha Mor-
ta el 1150 (doc. 900), Aqua Putida el 1154 (doc. 969), el mas de Cantapassers el mateix any
(doc. 973), el mas de Mal Niz el 1155 (doc. 993), el mulner VII Eimines el 1159 (doc. 1045),
Hora Bona el 1160 (doc. 1082) o Chagalosos en data indeterminada (doc. 1137). El 1093 es
testimonia una Paratam luporum, que escriuria en majscula (doc. 245). Resaltem tamb un
Arnall Mir de Kasa de Ladrons el 1112-1124 (doc. 565), un Berengarius de Pellafollis el
1134 (doc. 671), un Arnalli de Maltorrent el 1142 (doc. 790), un Petrus de Qualdeprim el 1145
(doc. 840), un Petrus Guillelmi de Malo Consilio entorn de 1160 (doc. 1065) i un Raimundus
de Pelagals el 1161 (doc. 1087).
Sn relativament freqents altres expressions prpies del llenguatge popular, com
les frases fetes. En les queixes presentades contra Berenguer de la Bleda, entre 1139-1162,
hom conta que aquest digu: Hoc facio et faciam uobis per ius, sicut de mora chuc. I, ns
i tot, no manquen exemples de llenguatge groller; en aquest mateix diploma hom llegeix:
et Prebert tenuit cartam clam et ille respondit certum stare per comitem quam per anum
pet (doc. 1094). Tamb en el judici que, el 1160, enfront Ramon Berenguer IV i el veguer
Berenguer, el comte de Barcelona es queix quod ad contemptum comitis, in faciem eius,
protulit hec uerba ipse Berengarius: quod ego accipio et teneo non graticor uobis unum
petum (doc. 1056).
ISSN 0066-5061
No puc compartir el criteri deditar textos anteriors a la reforma de Petrus Ramus
(Pierre de la Ram) amb v quan la u tenia valor consonntic, oims quam sopta per no intro-
duir la j en aquells casos en qu la i tenia el mateix valor, anacronisme que obliga a presentar,
en un mateix text, per exemple, vinditrice i ienitore o iure (doc. 5); i, ms encara, Jouan i a
continuaci Iohannis (doc. 275). A ms, per qu llavors sescriu viuolarium i no vivolarium
(doc. 851)?
S que aplaudeixo, per, la introducci de comes que separen un subjecte plural en el
cas de les signatures, per b que no comprenc que, de manera sistemtica, shagi mantingut en
majscula llavors el mot signum desprs de coma. Malauradament, per, no es mant tampoc
en tots els casos el bon s de les comes. Aix, el passatge de carcter narratiu que introdueix
el doc. 581, de lany 1126, posat per escrit pel prevere Guillem, el consideraria millor puntuat
si, entre Bisullinensis monete i hanc donationem, shi poss una coma i no un punt, que deixa
sense verb principal loraci introduda per Sed audiens.
Contrriament, hom diria que entre nichil exinde non remansit i est manifestum (doc.
11), que segueix, hi aniria b un punt; com tamb al doc. 80 i en molts altres casos semblants.
Ni cal dir que em sembla ben correcte tamb descriure inpropter i inantea, present
al doc. 5, per exemple, tot i que en algunes casos sha optat per in propter (aix al doc. 11 lle-
gim in propter precium solidos XXXV en lloc de inpropter precium solidorum XXXV) i in antea,
incongruncies fcilment explicables per la notable diversitat dautors que han intervingut en
ledici. De manera semblant, al document que, sense nmero, segueix el 7, hi llegim in avan-
tea en comptes de inauantea i vel ut en lloc de uelut; potser tamb caldria esmenar, en aquest
mateix document, de meo iuro en de meo iure. Aix mateix seria partidari descriure abincebs
en lloc de ab incebs (doc. 157), depost en comptes de de post (doc. 577), perhonorabitum i no
per honorabitum (doc. 760), igual que deues i no de ves (doc. 787) o Eapropter i no Ea propter
(doc. 82), pernimium i no per nimium (doc. 856), extunc i no ex tunc (doc. 905). Diria tamb
que aud eam s audeam (doc. 73), que non dum s nondum (doc. 164) i que semiuiuas s mi-
llor que no pas semi vivas (doc. 1094). Pel contrari, proposaria que similes caldria llegir-lo si
miles (doc. 52); de la mateixa manera que Ex qua re em sembla preferible a Ex quare (doc. 83),
diligam te a diligante (doc. 85) i in uigilem a invigilem (doc.1050). I s que la incorrecta uni
o separaci de sllabes dna origen, en algun cas allat, a frases del tot inintelligibles, com
fatalica supreventus, que caldria interpretar, al meu semblant, fatali casu peruentus (doc. 14).
La necessitat demprar lletres majscules o minscules no sempre s clara en els
textos paraliteraris. Per, en el present cas, escriuria en mnscula i no en majscula chintana
(doc. 342), almunia (doc. 355), moncium (doc. 475), militis (doc. 519), puelle (doc. 633), lo-
ger que, lgicament, caldria treure dels ndexs onomstics (doc. 692), ueterem (doc. 761),
hera (doc. 1026), cotellarius (doc. 1027), ordei (doc. 1092). Pel contrari, considero nom propi
i, per tant, que sha descriure en majscula in Balle (doc. 273), ad Dominico (doc. 491),
de Rege (doc. 520), in Escala (doc. 580), Historia (doc. 609), suptus Ripa Grossa (doc. 1088).
No sentn, daltra banda, per qu al doc. 281 els editors escriuen primer Adalbertus francigena
i desprs Adalberti Francigena, o al doc. 517 Turrim que uocant Almazcor i al doc. 518 turrem
que uocant de Aff.
En el cos del text constato alguns mots i frases que deixen en el dubte de la seva
exacta literalitat. Aix debito corpus meum deu ser dubito (doc. 245), com absque ullius minis,
ui deu correspondre a absque ullius nimis ui (doc. 268). Diria igualment que ordinate s ordi-
nante i mouetur, monetur (doc. 291). Proposaria tamb les segents esmenes: habeat potestate
sine engan, no habet (doc. 334) i, pel contrari, que hodie habes en lloc de habeas (doc. 635);
ad obitum nostrum ibi sepulturam abeamus, no ad obitum nostrum in sepulturam abeamus
(doc. 384); absque ullius persone reclamatione, no reclamationis (doc. 486); tenuimus, no te-
niumus (doc. 547); afrmauit no astirmavit (doc. 876), seruire uolumus, no nolumus (doc. 1094).
No s si Serta sha dentendre serra (doc. 1026) i si adest mulum cal interpretar-ho aud I mulum
(doc. 1074). La frase tos gradienzs arnes sine forca potser caldria corregir-la amb el mot armes,
plural darma, derivat danima com en occit, la qual cosa estalviaria de conjecturar lesmena
proposada danimos o nims (doc. 1122).
Alguna abreviatura no sembla del tot correctament resolta, com en adnihileter
(doc. 64), que caldria desenvolupar adnihiletur. O abuerint uobis restitutum, que diria que s
abuerim (doc. 159). O in Riuipollentis, que sembla in Riuipollenti (doc. 320), com diria que
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tamb caldria esmenar Bearnensi en lloc de Bearnensis (doc. 970), sicut conveniam en sicut
conueniat (doc. 996) i, possiblement, solidos C denarios en denariorum (doc. 840).
Algun altre dubte de transcripci daquesta mena es presenta al lector. Aix no s
si Bernardus quod (doc. 49) sha dinterpretar Bernardus qui. Per no sembla, en canvi, que
calgui dubtar que labreviatura de P, aplicada a un nom propi, correspongui a Petrus o Pere
(doc. 1138) o la de G a Guillelmus o Guillem (doc. 1140).
Les tres lletres que hom diu que manquen a ad ipsa chosta de [...]alego (doc. 31),
no s si podrien correspondre a <Mal>alego. Semblantment les dues que falten a [...]iriundus
(doc. 76), potser correspondrien, amb lesmena m en lloc de iri, a Raimundus. El formulari del
jurament de delitat de 1117-1130 (doc. 638), penso que es pot completar en algun punt: neque
te [...] nec tibi uetent ho entenc neque te uetam nec tibi uetent; i que cal esmenar lleument al-
guna altra frase: dicipiam te prephatum comitem nec tuum lium tali tuum honorem dimisseris
potser seria decipiam te, prephatum comitem, nec tuum lium tali modo ut tu tuum honorem di-
misseris; i em decidiria per homo uel homines en lloc de homine. Tamb completaria cons<ul>
i no pas comes en una carta del vescomte Reverter, igual que el document anterior, que, una i
altra, podien haver rebut segurament una millor puntuaci (doc. 759). Daltra banda, duici[]
ho creuria diuci<us> (doc. 829).
Interpreto que Ac ista conueniencia in mense iunio del doc. 123 sha dentendre
Ac<ta> per omissi de la sllaba ta per haplograa motivada per la proximitat de ista. Si s
que falta la e en el text, tamb la posaria en qui se tenet iuxta ipsa ecclesia en comptes de quis
tenet (doc. 614).
Hom diria que no sha esmenat algun error que hi ha en la cpia de diplomes no con-
servats en la forma original. Aix, entre els signataris del doc. 177, consta un suposat Iohannes
Borrelli qui uocant lio Awolualit, mentre que, pel doc. 128, sabem que es tracta, en realitat,
de dues persones distintes, Joan i Borrell, uterque fratres, ambds lls, en efecte, dAwalualit.
Quan un mot corrupte per distracci evident de lescriba s restitut en la seva forma
correcta, em semblaria ms apropiat deixar en el text principal la versi esmenada i remetre a
laparat crtic la graa rebutjada; just el contrari de com ho fan els editors en el cas, per exem-
ple, de incondulsa, que, en efecte, tal com ells veuen, sha dexpurgar en inconuulsa (doc. 432).
Els editors, en canvi, no segueixen el seu propi criteri quan corregeixen malas personas en
comptes de malas presones (doc. 596), lectura que, dit sigui de passada, em sembla la correcta
i, per tant, sense necessitat de retoc.
Hom constata alguna incongruncia tamb en la posici de ls de lapstrof en
la transcripci de breus passatges en catal. Aix trobem escrit te nenganar i desprs men
absolvrs (doc. 17). Daltra banda, suprimiria del tot lapstrof en sen uostre engan i hi veuria
sen (doc. 205).
En aquest punt cal dir que la riquesa de veus i passatges ja en catal s ben notable
en el present aplec, cosa que el fa especialment prots no sols per a un millor coneixement del
nostre llat medieval, sin tamb dels primers testimonis preliteraris de la nostra llengua, que
disposa de documents tan arromanats com el 765, de lany 1140. Sense oblidar algun text en
aragons (doc. 365), i els relativament abundants afegitons en hebreu i rab.
En aquest punt no s si s bona idea la dintroduir laccentuaci grca en les pa-
raules escrites ja en catal en el cos del text llat, per que no la porten originriament, sobretot
quan no ss constant en el procediment. Aix, al doc. 635, per exemple, hi llegim tenr, per
acaptaras en lloc dun esperable acaptars, i al doc. 992 resulta equvoc, llavors, no accentuar
exads <exaders>.
Pel que fa al lxic del llat medieval ressaltem un nou testimoni del mot, escassament
testimoniat, esum, que apareix entre 1066 i 1076 (doc. 66). Interessant resulta tamb a aquest
respecte laparici del mot patria, que cal entendre, en general, com a sinnim de comtat, com
ben clar queda en el testament de Ramon Berenguer III, del 1122, on, entre altres llegats, deixa
al seu ll Berenguer Ramon omnem honorem meum Prouintie et illum quem habeo in Rotu-
nensi patria (doc. 537; vegeu tamb els docs. 631, 1014 i 1070). Amb tot, en el present recull
tamb trobem aquest mot com a equivalent a vescomtat. En efecte, en el testament dErmesn,
vescomtessa de Besal, atorgat el 1120, shi llegeix: In primis dimitto Deo et Sanctae Mariae
Riuipullensi corpus et animam meam ut ibi sepeliat si in omni hac patria me mori contigerit
(doc. 520). Aquest mot tamb sembla que satansa al sentit de ptria petita en una convinena
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signada, el 1118, entre Ramon Bernat dOlost i Berenguer Guilabert de Sentfores sobre el cas-
tell dOl, car shi diu: Et si iamdictus Berengarius non fuerit in patria sua, uidelicet, de ipsa
Clusa usque ad Ceruaria (doc. 499). Semblantment, en una altra convinena del mateix any,
aquesta entre Berenguer de Montcada i Carbonell de Castellet sobre el castell de Vacarisses,
sespecica tamb: Et faciat ei corts et kaualcades et placitos et sequiis et alia seruicia infra
patria, sicut homo debet facere suo meliori seniori (doc. 500). I hem de reconixer que, en una
lletra adreada pel comte Ramon Berenguer IV al gran mestre del Temple entorn de 1143, tam-
b sesmenta omnis patrie Yspaniensis clerus (doc. 820), de la mateixa manera que, en una do-
naci del mateix comte al Temple el 1143, tamb hom parla de in regione Ispaniae (doc. 822).
Com no s inhabitual tamb apareix en la nostra documentaci alguna glossa. En
una infeudaci de 1124 posada per escrit pel sacerdot Pere, hi llegim: exactiones, quas uocant
kestas (doc. 555); en la carta de poblament de Tortosa del 1149 escrita per Pon, hi apareix
cucurbitam, hoc est, cuguz (doc. 894) i en la conrmaci duna donaci de 1152 redactada pel
sacerdot Ramon, shi escriu nundinas, que uulgo uocantur ra (doc. 952). Aix mateix en una
memria de greuges, de redacci annima entre 1157-1166, que present Guillem de Castel-
llvell contra Berenguer de Castellvell, que, pel que es veu, tenia afecci a prctiques usuals avui
en el mn del futbol, aquest no sols minatur laboratoribus oculos eruere i multociens minatus
est homini qui directos tenet illius honoris pro suo seniore caput amputare et cum digito uenit in
faciem eius ut erueret occulos eius, sin que tamb consta que, en una altra ocasi, fere occulos
traxerat, quod dicitur scarabotare (doc. 1104).
Entre els aspectes de carcter cultural que es troben en la documentaci arreplegada,
ultra la presncia de sants com els bisbes urgellesos Ermengol i Ot, o larquebisbe Oleguer
sobre els quals hom descobreis noves i interessants dades, hom testimonia personatges del
mn de la cultura i lensenyament, com el clebre gramtic Renall. Tamb hi apareix el cabiscol
de la catedral de Barcelona Guillem Bernat testimoniat el 1075 (doc. 54) o una bona represen-
taci dels canonges de la susdita seu el 1077 (doc. 71). Igualment el gramtic, dit poeta, Ricolf,
que sabem que era diaca el 1080 (doc. 107), i el cabiscol Joan, esmentat entorn de 1079, aix
com un Bernat Ramon magister, tots de Barcelona (doc. 99). Tamb era cabiscol de Barcelona,
el 1092, el diaca Guillem (doc. 238); el 1093 ho era igualment el levita Berenguer (doc. 257), no
s si el mateix que amb igual nom apareix el 1122 (doc. 544); diferent em sembla, per, el diaca,
cabiscol i jutge Berenguer de 1123, potser de Girona (doc. 553), identicable amb lesmentat
el 1130 (doc. 633). Tamb a Vic hi hagu un cabiscol anomenat Berenguer abans del 1130
(doc. 631) i un primicer dit Guillem el 1150 (doc. 906) i el 1157 (doc. 1016); el 1160 tamb era
primicer Pere (doc. 1056). El 1142 el cabiscol de Barcelona es deia Pere (doc. 803), que potser
s el mateix primicer esmentat amb aquest nom el 1143 (doc. 815) i el 1152 (doc. 949). El 1124
era cabiscol de Sant Feliu de Girona Ramon, que, fent sinnims els termes cabiscol i coraula,
va signar rtmicament: Hoc letabundus/ conrmo coraula Raimundus (doc. 557). El 1093 tenim
testimoniat com a cabiscol de Girona el diaca i jutge Bernat Guifred (doc. 245), encara actiu el
1096 (doc. 291). El 1094 hom esmenta un altre cabiscol, Bernat (doc. 262) i, el 1107, el jutge
i cabiscol Pere (doc. 370). Ja el 1150 consta com a cabiscol de Girona Guillem (doc. 906). Del
1133 coneixem el gramtic Guillem (doc. 667). Lescolstic Alerand pos per escrit un docu-
ment del 1083 (doc. 140), i el tamb escolstic Guerau Ramon fu el mateix el 1098 (doc. 308)
i el 1101 (doc. 328), ambds de Santa Maria de lEstany. Tamb actu com a rogatari lesco-
lstic Joan el 1121 (doc. 536); i el lector Pere, que fu el mateix el 1088 (doc. 189), aix com
lescriba doctus Mir, autor duna convinena opistgrafa el 1088 (doc. 200). Lautor dun
trasllat del 1201 fou un Ramon litteratus (doc. 1054) i el dun altre de 1214 fou un Pere tamb
litteratus (doc. 955). El diplomatari, en , ens permet de conixer dos lectors de Santa Maria
de lEstany de 1088, Guillem i Berenguer (doc. 202).
No manquen, daquests personatges, alguns exercicis literaris, com ls de signa-
tures rtmiques amb rima lleonina, com la que acabem de veure del cabiscol giron Ramon.
Tal s el cas, a ms, de Berengarius sacerdos et paraphonista/ hic adsunt sua scripta, de 1083
(doc. 146); de Ut res monstrauit/ sic Poncius ista notauit, de 1111 (doc. 409) la variant, pel
que sembla, ita notauit del 1132 (doc. 651), cal esmenar-la, naturalment, en ista notauit; de
Hoc signauit ita/ Bernardus et leuita, de 1126 (doc. 582) i, el 1133, Hoc signauit ita/ Bernardus
et archileuita (doc. 667); Ista suprascripta (millor que no pas superscripta)/ Bernardus rmo
sacrista el 1130 i 1133 (docs. 633 i 659); Quod scripto resonat,/ signis Guillelmus adornat (on
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cal un punt de puntuaci davant el quod inicial) el 1130 (doc. 633) i el 1133 amb la variant
sembla signis hoc Guillelmus adornat (doc. 667); Geraldus scriptis/ faued archidiachonus
istis el 1133 (doc. 667) i 1150 (doc. 906) i, pel que sembla, Guillelmus scriptis/ fauet (no favei)
archidiaconus istis el 1154 (doc. 973) i el 1157 (doc. 1016); Hec ea que laudat/ Guillelmus
carmine rmat el 1138 (doc. 744) i el 1157 (doc. 1016, on caldria separar eaque en ea que);
Petrus adest testis/ conrmans scripta delis el 1145 (doc. 829) i el 1154 (doc. 973); Scripta
libens ista/ Petrus conrmo sacrista el 1150 (doc. 906), el 1154 (doc. 973), el 1157 (doc. 1017)
i el 1160 (docs. 1058 i 1070), que sabem que es deia Pere Berenguer i que era, a ms, jutge, al-
menys el 1154 (doc. 968). Ls daquesta mena de signatures s el que obliga, sovint, a puntuar
de manera diferent aquestes signatures si no es vol trencar el ritme i dicultar-ne la comprensi.
Tamb crec que cal veure una signatura de ritme dactlic en els segents casos:
Scripsit et hoc posuit signum qui dictus Isarnus, del 1084 (doc. 151); Scripsit et hoc posuit
signum Bernardus presbiter, del 1089 (doc. 218); Iudex Bernardus conrmat legibus istud,
del 1092 (doc. 236); Scripsit et hoc posuit signum qui dictus est Ranimirus sacer, del 1094
(doc. 263); Hoc primicherius rmauit nomine Petrus, del 1130 (doc. 633), el 1133 (doc. 667)
o el 1160 (doc. 1056), per b que no ho fa aix el 1135 i el 1139 (docs. 689 i 691) i un altre pri-
micer homnim, diaca, que sembla de Barcelona (doc. 754); Hoc letabundus scripsit clericus
uocabulo Bernardus, del 1139 (doc. 746), i Bissullonensis probat hoc leuita Guielmus el 1150
(doc. 906).
Nhi ha que es deixen dominar tamb per un to potic en el cos del text. Aix el
sacerdot Guillem que, el 1134, escriv les darreres voluntats de Berenguer de Montcada, a
qui fa dir: sicut christianorum hominum est consuetudo, testamentum meum scribere iubeo
(doc. 672). O en la variatio sermonum amb qu sesmenten les afrontacions duns masos. Tal el
prevere Arnau, que, el 1099, escriv: Habet affrontationes iamdicta omnia a parte unde Febus
oritur ubi uocant Abbella, de mesimbrie (meridie?) ad ipsa turre qui iam fuit condus de Sunner,
de occidentali uero parte ubi uocat (uocatur?) Pug Gross, de circi uero plaga in termineo de
Chastro Bellich (doc. 318). Hi ha algun altre escrivent annim, que, entre 1157 i 1166, tamb
recorre a un ciceroni Quid plura dicam? (doc. 1104).
No deixen de ser presents en el recull tampoc algunes lletres, ben escrites, com
la del cardenal legat Reiner adreada als bisbes de Girona, Vic, Urgell, Elna i Barcelona, per la
qual cosa proposaria un comenament Renerius... legatus uenerabilibus episcopis... salutem
(doc. 227). O lenviada a larquebisbe de Tarragona desprs del 1130, que crec que, per aquest
motiu, hauria danar encapalada Tarraconensi archiepiscopo salutem; aix mateix hom podria
completar permittente Domino i corregir religiosi uiri i parrochianos (doc. 639).
El 30 de setembre de 1090, labat del monestir de Lavaix, Grimall dict tamb en
bona prosa un text posat per escrit pel diaca Altemir, que recollia la donaci de Mir Ramon
del castell dAguilar al predit monestir quia intellexi me culpabilem esse de omnibus peccatis
et criminibus quibus potest homo carnalis et fragilis peccare. Et quia de his omnibus iustam
emendacionem non poteram facere, uolui, cum consilio omnium amicorum meorum et mihi
bona (bene?) querentium, hoc munus omnipotenti Deo offerre, adquisitum, teste omni patria,
meo summo labore. I aquesta donaci fou feta anno ab incarnatione Domini millesimo nonage-
simo, mense septembrio, pridie kalendas octobris, luna II, imperante romanis Heinrico, francis
Philippo, castellanis Aldefonso (doc. 224).
I s que no manquen textos que podem qualicar de literaris, com la narraci an-
nima de la troballa del cos de sant Cugat, del 1079 (doc. 96), per b que sn ms freqents
els, simplement, ben redactats, alguns de carcter narratiu, com una denici del castl dOl,
posada per escrit per Pon amb certa agilitat i grcia. Diu aix:
Sciatur ab ominibus cunctis, tam presentibus quam et futuris, quia
Gaunalgaudus, quidam presbiter, et lius eius, Raimundus Gaunalgaudi,
cum uxore sua, nomine Em, donauerunt se Domino Deo et Beatae Mariae
Stagnensis cum omnem suum alaudium, quem abebant uel abere debe-
bant in terminio uel in parrochia Sancti Felicis Terraciola (sic) ut aberent
in predicto loco uictum et uestitum in omni uita sua, quod tenuerunt et
possederunt habitatores predicti loci sine ulla inquietudine per annos
plurimos. Post aliquo uero tempore insurrexerunt uiri quidam lingosi,
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susurrantes in auribus Alberti, speculatoris Olonensis castri, atque dicen-
tes ei, menciendo, quia antecessor eius accipiebat de ipsa terra, quam
appellant Insulas, tascham, quod utique falsa dicebant, quia pater eius
numquam ibi aliquid accepit preter I parilium gallinarum.
Predictus autem Arbertus, per uerba uel consilia iniquorum ominum, em-
parauit et abstulit Beatae Mariae tascham predicti alaudi et tenuit per
annos aliquos. Prior autem predicti loci, nomine Guillelmus, et clerici,
sub patrocinio Beatae Mariae constituti, querimoniauerunt predictam
tascham multo tempore, ostendentes per cartas corroboratas uel per tes-
tes suum esse directum. Predictus autem Arbertus, uidens nullum abere
directum in predictas Insulas exceptus I parilium de gallinas, dimissit et
deniuit eas (doc. 651).
Aquest bon prembul ser recordat i, com sesdevenia de vegades, es convertir en
un model literari, en una frmula, emprada ms endavant en una denici semblant de lany
1156, posada ara per escrit per un sacerdot anomenat Bernat (doc. 1000).
El 1140 un altre sacerdot, Ramon, era capa dexpressar-se tamb amb desimboltu-
ra, com es veu en el seu redactat duna denici, en favor de Sant Joan de les Abadesses, dun
mas i feu que dos germans per uiolentiam et rapinam diu tenuerant iniuste. Aquests germans,
Pere i Pon de Milany,
fecerunt autem hanc recusationem, sicut dictum est, de manso et feuo,
infra claustrum, praesentibus eiusdem ecclesie fratribus, et difnierunt
quicquid sub hac rapina, quolibet modo et malo ingenio, iuris supradicte
ecclesie tenuerant et habuerant. His itaque factis, quia nouerant apud
Deum nullum malum impunitum <esse>, uoluntariam de sua iniusticia
confessionem agentes, ut sibi indulgeretur quod deliquerant, ab abbate et
fratribus humiliter ueniam poposcerunt ac deuotissime pro emendandis
se eidem ecclesie obtulerunt (doc. 771).
Lautor annim dun memorial de greuges de cap a 1147-1151 narr tamb els fets
amb claredat i precisi. Aix cont del batlle comtal a Caldes de Malavella i Llagostera, Arnau
de Perella, fets com els que segueixen:
Quando domnus comes perrexit Almeriam et missit Arnallo nuncios suos
ut iret secum ncxit se inrmum, quod non erat, et noluit ire ad eum.
I encara: Postquam racemi incipiunt maturescere, exeunt de domo sua
duo baculares cum singulis panistris et uadunt per uineas rusticorum et
cotidie deferunt eos plenos racemis ad domum illius ad comedendum.
Hoc faciunt quousque homines faciunt uinum nouum. Quando decit ui-
num uetus, ipse facit uindemiare uineas in quibus aecclessie Sancte Ma-
rie et Sancti Stephani de Kalidis habent decimas, et accipit taschas et cum
illis tascis adiungit de aliis uineis taschas et decimas et facit inde uinum
nouum, quod bibit cum sua familia. Postquam ueniunt espleti uindemie
rusticorum ad tinarium comitis, facit I aut II uexellos uini albi et bibit
illud deliter cum amicis et senioribus ac parentibus suis nisi euenerit
quod familia domini comitis faciat inde aliquando transitum et bibat inde.
Facit de bono uino rubeo II aut tres uexellos et expendit illud in suis
actibus, quod solebat Raimundus, eius antecessor, comutare pro cibario
et habebat inde IIII aut V modios. Prescriptus Raimundus solebat dare
domino comiti, cui Deus omnia peccata sua dimittat, sollidos CCL aut
CC aut C, et Arnallus de Perella non dat domino nostro comiti solumodo
denarium I.
No s estrany que amb un personatge com laqu descrit,
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numquam fecit terra nisi peiorare et uminari (fulminari?) lapidibus
atque grandinibus et males nobules, et non est ibi medietas hominum
quos inuenit in uilla illa quando malo eorum uenit super eos. Erant inter
Kalidas et Lacustariam C iuuenes inter lios rusticorum et testores et
alios magistros et baculares, qui habebant denarios et annonam et aco-
modabant inde senioribus atque genitoribus et uicinis, et modo non est ibi
unus solus qui habeat aliquid boni, sed fugiunt in alios honores nobilium
militum ubi melius se habent (doc. 948).
Al costat daquests clergues capaos dexpressar-se amb notable correcci gramati-
cal, tamb hom troba eclesistics analfabets o, potser millor, semialfabetitzats, com el Raimun-
dus sacerdos de 1076 (doc. 64), nesciens scribere. Per conixer millor el nivell dalfabetitzaci
de la societat sobre el qual, dit sigui de passada, no cal esperar sorpreses, car la mateixa docu-
mentaci ens recorda que no signar de prpia m era un mos laichorum (doc. 84) i, ms encara,
un mos huius patriae (doc. 141) est b que els editors hagin decidit dindicar les signatures
autgrafes. Per el diaca Guifr del doc. 67, el clergue Ramon del doc. 68 o el jutge Guillem
del doc. 304, per exemple, i fora altres eclesistics que signen en documents originals, no ho
feren de prpia m? Assenyalem tamb que algun laic, ja del segle XII, com un tal Arnau, pos
per escrit un diploma sencer (doc. 640).
Daltra banda, sobre el valor donat a lescriptura el clergue Bertran, el 1108, prou
ens recorda que Omnis ordinatio uiuentium siue morientium per litterarum seriem ad noticiam
transmituntur (transmittitur?) succedentium (doc. 381).
Com s habitual en textos de naturalesa jurdica, abunden citacions del Liber iudi-
cum, com als docs. 62, 93, 150, 166, 179, 189, 234, 246, 261, 268, 289, 303, 318, 322, 324,
334, 348, 390, 423, 430, 440, 443, 457, 497, 568, 578, 664, 689, 1014 i 1037, entre altres. Per
tamb hom troba citacions daltres textos, en primer lloc, com s lgic desperar, dels bblics,
com al doc. 348, que no hauria estat de ms indicar identicant-los.
Aquestes citacions, ms o menys literals, testimonis indirectes de la circulaci de
llibres, certament molt pocs en lpoca i, encara, de temtica repetida i essencialment litrgica,
sacompanyen dalgun esment a la seva possessi material, com els llibres que, de manera
genrica, sesmenten al testament del bisbe de Barcelona Arnau Ermengol, dictat el 18 de de-
sembre de 1142 abans demprendre un viatge a Jerusalem; llibres que lleg a la seva prpia
catedral, com era freqent de fer per part dels bisbes i dels canonges, costum que contribua
a enriquir les petites col.leccions bibliogrques de les catedrals, ms que no pas la suposada
activitat descriptoris, inexistents aquests si els entenem com a locals destinats especcament
a la cpia de llibres (doc. 803).
Diguem tamb que comencen a testimoniar-se els molins drapers preparant el
cam del paper com a nova matria escriptrica, ja des de 1151 (doc. 926; vegeu tamb
el doc. 956).
Algunes notcies interessen, sens dubte, a la histria de lart. En el seu testament
dictat el 13 de gener de 1093, el clergue Bernat Joan, senyor dOgassa i de la Clusa, deix entre
daltres bns ipsa mea mula melior ad opera aecclesiae Sancti Iohannis. Et ciphos argenteos
cum anulo ad restaurandam crucem Sancti Iohannis. Et ipsos gradals dimitto Sancto Iohanni
ut sint patene ad corpus Domini (doc. 245). Ladveraci de les darreres voluntats del comte
Ramon Berenguer III del 19 dagost de 1130, ens assabenten, al seu torn, que cenobio Sancti
Cucuphatis dimissit omnes suas franchedas quas habebat infra suum honorem pro emendacio-
ne ipsius tabule quam inde habuit (doc. 633). En aquest apartat, tamb pot resultar escaient de
resenyar que, entre 1098 i 1100, Valena de Tost, vdua del comte Ramon V de Pallars Juss,
deix un calze dargent a Santa Maria de Mur (doc. 398).
Aix mateix trobem esmentats objectes i mobiliaris de la vida quotidiana. En el seu
testament, Adalet deix, el 10 de desembre de 1107, tabulam unam de fusto cum suis pedis
(sic) in qua sustinet a Santa Maria del Mar, i lleg els seus vestits, brosalla I de linteum cum
gonnela I et mantello I cum correg I atque guadenga I, a la seva serventa Bonalla, a qui
don tamb archa I et cannada I et forres de ferro, scilicet, pastera I cum sedaz I, pila I de
petra. I tamb deix a Maria de Torta rastello I de ferre et fusto cum padela I de eramno et
ampulla I de uitreum (doc. 374).
ISSN 0066-5061
Interessantssim s linventari de bns de la cambra de Ramon Berenguer III dreat
poc desprs de 1134 (doc. 681) o el duna casa dArraona, sense data (doc. 1110).
En aquest punt tamb resulta interessant el testament del sacerdot Arnau, del 9 de fe-
brere de 1108, que deix ad sacerdotem qui tenebat (jo diria tenebit) sacerdotium quod ego tenui
in uita mea... letica una et guadenges II et capa I de nadiuo et pelles unas de agnnos (doc. 377).
Un inventari de robes usuals ms complet encara hom pot trobar al memorial de
greuges de Bernat Pere entorn de 1132 (doc. 654).
Un arns de cavaller queda resumit en el testament de 1155 de Ramon dOlost, on
llegim: Et dimitto ad Militiam Iherusalem meam loricam et espazam meliorem et balistas et
quadrellos et omnes armas meas (doc. 993).
I de notable inters resulta tamb la relaci dornaments de lesglsia de Sant Mart
dEstopany, entre els quals hom menciona diversos llibres: Et I missale paruum et alterum
missalem maiorem et I librum storialem et alium sanctoralem et I epistolarium et I ofcium go-
deesc et I responsorium et I psalterium, que, juntament amb unus liber quem Petrus Guillelmi
accomodauit Vincencio (doc. 1002), constitueix un bon exemple del que era una biblioteca, o,
millor, la petita collecci de llibres duna esglsia parroquial, que no deixava de guardar llibres
vells, com lesmentat ofcium godeesc.
De prot, tant per a conixer millor les eines de la vida quotidiana, com per a enriquir
els nostres repertoris lexicogrcs, resulta lesment duna tona messeguera, com la tonnam I me-
liorem quam dicunt messegariam, que, el 1132, lleg Guerau Pon al seu ll homnim (doc. 650).
La petita histria quotidiana es fa present en els nostres textos, com en el drama
familiar dun matrimoni format per Galceran i Adalgarga, que, el 1088, es veieren impulsats
a vendre un alou pro necessitate famis (doc. 191). O en els memorials de greuges, ja estudiats
per Th. Bisson, que ens recorden que sempre han tingut bec les oques, amb la relaci daccions
tan colpidores com les del castl de Terrassa Dudat, que trenc una dent a la mare de Guillem
Genovard, obr el cap a Ramon Oldric i a Ramon de Canet, i peg a la muller de Pere Guillem de
Bruguera (doc. 911).
Com ns de variable la fortuna prou clar queda tamb en la narraci dels greuges de
qu fou acusat Arnau de Perella entre 1147 i 1151, en el qual relat es menciona Arnau Granell,
qui erat diues et modo est pauper, i el pags Bernat Vives, qui tunc erat pauper et modo est
diues; alhora que es descriu la naturalesa humana, fcilment oblidadissa dun passat pens i poc
solidria amb els qui shi queden, car aquest mateix pags esdevingu bonus acusator misero-
rum hominum et facit multas malicias in terra cum Arnallo, seniore suo (doc. 948).
En la carta de poblament de Balaguer, concedida pel comte Ermengol VI dUrgell
de com acord amb el vescomte Guerau i el bisbe sant Ot, del 29 de juny de 1117, hom recorda,
amb gratitud, el patiment sofert pels habitants de Balaguer, qui portarunt pondus et estus, fame
et sitis, captiuitatem et rancuras multas, et tenuerunt Balaguer ad honorem Dei et christianita-
tis et ad honorem et seruicium suorum seniorum in de (segons nova puntuaci que proposo),
el nom dels quals hom esmenta immediatament desprs (doc. 482).
Petites notcies de carcter histric tamb sescampen a i lla: en la donaci del com-
te Ermengol VI dUrgell a Ramon Arnau de la torre dAlmassor, del 15 de febrer de 1120, hom
recorda, pel que es veu en sintaxi ben brbara, quod ab antiqui tempus auii de me, Ermengau-
dus comitum, qui obiit a Gerb, fecit dono in uita sua ad Arnallo Dalmacii, pater tuus, quando
Linerola fuit decepta a christianis et pagani captiuus (doc. 517). El mateix dia tamb li donaren
la torre dAf, quomodo auuii de me, Ermengaudus comitum, de Gerb fecit dono ad pater tuus
illo tempus quando fuit presa illum kastrum de ipsa Rapita (doc. 518).
En un reconeixement de deute dels germans Guillem Ramon i Ot de Montcada,
sens informa duna espadam I quam amisit predictus Bernardus Ermengaudi quando fuit capti
(-tus ?) mecum ante gradum de Malguiro, intus mare, et captiuauit nos decanum (-nus?) de
Poscheres (Porcheres?) (doc. 704).
Ms inters histric t, certament, la narraci de la separaci dels regnes de Navarra
i dArag, on, malauradament, els aspectes textuals com el pas de lestil indirecte al directe
no sn prou ressaltats i algunes lectures ens deixen en la incertesa (doc. 702).
El territori de Barcelona queda ben delimitat en el testament de Ricard Guillem, de
1115, ab ipsis montibus usque ad mare et a umine Lupricati usque ad umen Bisocii (doc. 471,
i vegeu tamb doc. 267).
ISSN 0066-5061
Hom troba equivalncies monetries: entorn de 1050 dues-centes unces dor valien
deu mil sous, cosa que signica que luna valia llavors 50 sous (doc. 26); daltra banda, el 1147
una marca dargent era computada en 43 sous (doc. 859).
Tamb disposem daltres valors, com dalguns animals: entre 1017 i 1067 un mul
jove podia valer tres unces dor (doc. 43), s a dir, 150 sous, i un mul sense especicaci dedat,
100 sous el 1142 (doc. 795) i el 1145 (doc. 840); una mula valia de 20 a 30 morabatins el 1157-
1166, s a dir, de 140 a 210 sous (doc. 1103), i assolia les sis unces, o 300 sous, en data inde-
terminada (doc. 1143); el 1078 i el 1096 un cavall, arribava a les quatre unces 200 sous
(docs. 86 i 291) i als 40 morabatins 280 sous el 1149 (doc. 891), i encara podia arribar a preus
molt ms alts: als 100 morabatins 700 sous el 1157-1166 (doc. 1103) ) i als 1000 sous el 1130,
preu aquest pel qual estava empenyorat un cavall negre del comte Ramon Berenguer III (doc.
631). ). Un ross, per la seva banda, cost 15 morabatins 105 sous el 1157-1166 (doc. 1103).
Un ase valia 30 sous; una burra, 15, i un bou, 20 i una vaca, 30 el 1147-1151 (doc.
948) o 20 sous el 1131-1162, moment en qu un bou cost set morabatins 49 sous; una burra,
30 sous; una egua, 50 sous i un cavall, una semujada de terra (doc.1092).Un bou tamb poda
valer 20 morabatins 140 sous, i una vaca un morabat i mig uns 10 sous en data indeter-
minda (doc. 1134).
El 1084 un porc valia un sou (doc. 154), el 1129 podia arribar als 16 diners
(doc. 519), el 1138-1139 nhi havia de ns a tres sous (doc. 753), com el 1151 (doc. 927), el
1159 (doc. 1044) i el 1160 (doc. 1071), any en qu tamb podien valer-ne quatre (doc. 1069),
i arribar als quatre argenos el 1148 (doc. 870); entorn de 1138, un pernil podia costar 10 o 12
diners (doc. 753) i, el 1160, 18 diners (doc. 1054) o 15 diners el 1161 (doc. 1087); tamb nhi
havia de tres malles en data imprecisa (doc. 1136).
Quatre mujades de vinya foren empenyorades el 1087 per cent sous de plata, dins els
quals es comptaven 25 sous dinters (doc. 182); una mujada de vinya cost el 1093 tres unces
dor de Valncia (doc. 255); una parellada estava empenyorada el 1130 per 50 morabatins (doc.
631); el 1159 hom empenyor un farraginar per cinc morabatins (doc. 1047).
Unes cuirasses del bisbe Garcia de Jaca valgueren 600 sous de plata el 1096 (doc. 293).
Una llana cost 40 auris en data indeterminada (doc. 1134); i una espasa, dos morabatins el 1157-
1166, i una sella, 50 sous el mateix any (doc. 1103). Un alzina era valorada en 50 sous el 1145-1150
(doc. 911). Un dret dalberga podia equivaler a tres sous el 1151 (doc. 933) i per un conductum
o aprovisionament duna persona hom poda pagar 70 mancusos en data imprecisa (doc. 1143).
Un anell dor valia, el 1151, 112 morabatins (doc. 940). Un palli podia valer
15 morabatins 105 sous el 1153 (doc. 963) i tres unces 147 sous en data imprecisa
(doc. 1134). Malgrat que sigui en data indeterminada coneixem el preu tamb de diverses robes:
un tegumento ad pelleas, que sembla un abrigall de pell per a una dona, vuit morabatins; una
tnica blanca i unes calces de bruneta, 10 morabatins; un capot, supertunicale, 14; una tnica
per a dona, nou; una tnica i unes calces masculines, vuit; una capa, vuit mancusos; unes cal-
ces, sis mancusos; una tnica, cinc mancusos (doc. 1134). Un teixit o vestit dit ciclat valia 30
mancusos en data indeterminada (doc. 1143).
Un recipient o vaixell valia quatre sous el 1147-1151 (doc. 948), i una tona fou ve-
nuda per 20 sous el 1131-1162 (doc. 1092).
Una quartera de vi valia el 1156-1157 cinc diners (doc. 1019). En data indetermina-
da un sester de blat cost 16 mancusos i una aimina del mateix cereal, sis mancusos (doc. 1134).
Un barril podia tenir una cabuda de cinc cassos el 1107 (doc. 374) i un cavalatge
era cent garbes de forment el 1151 (doc. 927).
Coneixem el sou dels caps dels ballesters de Ramon Berenguer III o IV que podia
anar de 50 mancusos anuals a dues unces (doc. 1114).
En denitiva, ja es veu que lobra que ens ocupa entra, per mrits propis, en la cate-
goria de les ptimes; no de les perfectes ni de les denitives, que no nhi ha cap que ho sigui, i,
per tant, malgrat alguns peccata minuta, cal saludar amb joia laparici daquest nou lliurament
i desitjar que els mateixos estudiosos ens ofereixin ben aviat la continuaci duna documentaci
nica a Europa, ledici de la qual tots esperem amb candeletes.
JESS ALTURO I PERUCHO
Universitat Autnoma de Barcelona
PUBLICACIONES RECIBIDAS
42/1, enero-junio de 2012, pp. 433-437
ISSN 0066-5061
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CIFUENTES I COMAMALA, Llus; CR-
DOBA DE LA LLAVE, Ricardo, Tintorera
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COLLETTA, Pietro, Storia, cultura e
propaganda nel Regno di Sicilia nella
prima met del XIV secolo: la Cronica
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il Medio Evo, 2011, 344 pp. (Fonti per la
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CROSS, Richard (ed.), The opera
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CUELLAS CAMPODARBE, Robert (ed.),
El Llibre de costums, privilegis i ordi-
nacions de la ciutat de Balaguer, Lleida,
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DI BENEDETTO, Arnaldo, Dante e
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FALCN PREZ, Mara Isabel, Alteracio-
nes en Zaragoza en los aos que precedi-
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FERRER, Vicent, Quaestio de
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FERRER I MALLOL, Maria Teresa (dir.);
ROIG ROSICH, Josep Maria (coord.),
Histria de la Generalitat de Catalunya:
dels orgenes medievals a lactualitat, 650
anys, Barcelona, Generalitat de Catalunya
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446 pp. (Monograes de la Secci
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84-393-8750-3 (Generalitat), 978-84-
9965-061-6 (IEC).
FERRER I MALLOL, Maria Teresa (ed.),
Jaume I: commemoraci del VIII centenari
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FIGLIUOLO, Bruno (ed.), Corrisponden-
za degli ambasciatori orentini a Napoli.
Piero Alamanni (12 maggio 1492-21
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veglia & Carlone, 2012, 313 pp. (Fonti per
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FIGLIUOLO, Bruno (ed.), Corrisponden-
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GARCIA-OLIVER, Ferran; APARISI,
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Hug de Cardona, Collecci diplomtica
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GARRIDO I VALLS, Josep David,
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GRAU TORRAS, Sergi, Ctaros e
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XII-XIV), Madrid, Ctedra, 2012, 471 pp.
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la Edad Media hispnica, XXI Semana
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MELNDEZ CABO, Marina; VEGA
VZQUEZ, Isabel; CORRAL DAZ, Esther
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Francesco Valori - Piero Vettori (agosto
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2011, 531 pp. (Fonti per la storia di Napoli
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MELONI, Maria Giuseppina, Il santuario
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MOYA, Silvano G.A.; NAVARRO, Andrea
(coords.), Servir a Dios y servir al
Rey. El mundo de los privilegiados en
el mbito hispnico (ss. XIII-XVIII),
Salta (Argentina), Mundo Grco Salta
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PARDO DE GUEVARA Y VALDS,
Eduardo, De linajes, parentelas y grupos
de poder. Aportaciones a la historia social
de la nobleza bajomedieval gallega,
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PIEDRAFITA PREZ, Elena, La cocina de
la Corona de Aragn en la poca medie-
val, [Zaragoza], Academia Aragonesa de
Gastronoma, 2012, 81 pp.
POTEST, Gian Luca, El tiempo del
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I LLUCH, Roser (coords.), Catalua y
Navarra en la Baja Edad Media, Pamplona,
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Cultura Catalanes - Universitat de Girona,
2010, 84 pp. ISBN 978-84-8458-364-6.
RUIZ GMEZ, Vicen, Homines de
Terracia. Cultura escrita i hegemona
feudal (Terrassa, ca. 950-1150), Barcelona,
Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de
Cultura, 2011, 303 pp. (Collecci arxius i
societat: quaderns de divulgaci histrica;
6). ISBN 978-84-393-8791-6.
RUIZ DE LOIZAGA, Saturnino, Iglesias,
santuarios y ermitas dedicados a Santa Ma-
ra en los pueblos de Espaa segn docu-
mentacin de los registros del Archivo Va-
ticano (siglos XI-XV), Zamora, Monte Casi-
no, 2011, 457 pp. ISBN 978-84-615-2141-8.
SABAT CURULL, Flocel (dir.); BRUFAL,
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SABAT CURULL, Flocel, Vivir y sentir
en la Edad Media: el mundo visto con ojos
medievales, Madrid, Anaya, 2011, 126 pp.
(Biblioteca bsica de historia). ISBN 978-
84-667-9409-1.
SABAT CURULL, Flocel; GUILLER,
Christian, Morphologie et identit sociale
dans la ville mdivale hispanique,
Chambry, ditions de lUniversit de
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1035): histria, art, culte i devocions,
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SILLERAS FERNNDEZ, Nria, Power,
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Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo: tratado sobre
la divisin del reino y cundo es lcita
la primogenitura, Logroo, Instituto de
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STANCATI, Tommaso (trad.), Progno-
sticum futuri saeculi. Il preannuncio del
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denza degli ambasciatori orentini a
Napoli. Paolo Antonio Soderini (Iuglio
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la cultura catalana medieval, Barcelona,
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VALRIAN, Dominique (dir.),
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407 pp. (Bibliothque historique des Pays
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VILLANUEVA MORTE, Concepcin;
CASTN ESTEBAN, Jos Luis (eds.),
Acontecimientos que han sucedido en
el Mundo. Relacin de los naufragios,
calamidades, desaventuras y miserias de
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NDICES
NDICE ALFABTICO DE AUTORES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO
Pgs.
ALTURO I PERUCHO, Jess
Un nou pas en la recuperaci de la documentaci altmedieval catalana: ledici
dels diplomes de lArxiu Comtal de Barcelona ns a Ramon Berenguer IV ............. 419-430
BAYDAL SALA, Vicent
igo Mugueta, El dinero de los Evreux. Hacienda y scalidad en el Reino de
Navarra (1328-1349) ............................................................................................. 384-385
BIZZARRI, Hugo O.
Sermones y espejos de prncipes castellanos / Sermons and Castilian mirror of
princes .................................................................................................................... 163-181
CANTERA MONTENEGRO, Margarita
Guillermo Nieva Ocampo, Silvano G.A. Benito Moya, Andrea Navarro
(coords.), Servir a Dios y servir al Rey. El mundo de los privilegiados en el mbito
hispnico (ss. XIII-XVIII) ....................................................................................... 330-331
Saturnino Ruz de Loizaga, Iglesias, santuarios y ermitas dedicados a Santa
Mara en los pueblos de Espaa segn documentacin de los registros del Archivo
Vaticano (siglos XI-XV) .......................................................................................... 334-335
CASAS NADAL, Montserrat
Sant Ermengol, bisbe dUrgell (1010-1035). Histria, art, culte i devocions ... 335-336
COURBON, Lonard
Lucien Faggion, Laure Verdon (dirs.), Qute de soi, qute de vrit: du Moyen
ge lpoque moderne ........................................................................................ 358-359
DEBBY, Nirit Ben-Aryeh,
Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine churches / Retrica visual:
imgenes de sarracenos en iglesias orentinas ..................................................... 7-28
DI CESARE, Michelina
Gian Luca Potest, El tiempo del Apocalipsis. Vida de Joaqun de Fiore ........ 393-394
442 NDICES
ISSN 0066-5061
DIAGO HERNANDO, Mximo
Jean Flori, Las Cruzadas................................................................................... 319-320
Francisco Garca Fitz, La Reconquista ............................................................. 322-323
Klaus Herbers, Pilger Ppste Heilige. Ausgewhlte Aufstze zur europischen
Geschichte des Mittelalters .................................................................................... 365-367
Jos Manuel Nieto Soria, Conicto en escenas: la pugna poltica como repre-
sentacin en la Castilla bajomedieval ................................................................... 387-389
Philippe Snac, Los soberanos carolingios y al-Andalus (siglos VIII-IX) ....... 396-397
Jess ngel Solrzano Telechea, Rodrigo Snchez de Arvalo: Tratado sobre la
divisin del Reino y cundo es lcita la primogenitura ................................................ 336-337
Jess ngel Solrzano Telechea, Beatriz Arzaga Bolumburu (eds.), La gober-
nanza de la ciudad europea en la Edad Media ............................................................ 397-399
ECHEVARRA, Ana
Isabella Ianuzzi, El poder de la palabra en el siglo XV: fray Hernando de
Talavera ................................................................................................................. 325-326
ESQUILACHE MART, Ferran
Rafael Bentez Snchez-Blanco, Juan Vicente Garca Marsilla, Norberto Pi-
queras Snchez (eds.), Entre tierra y fe. Los musulmanes del reino cristiano de
Valencia (1238-1609) .............................................................................................. 304-306
Enric Guinot, Sergi Selma, Les squies de lHorta Nord de Valncia: Mes-
talla, Racanya i Tormos .......................................................................................... 324-325
FERRAGUD, Carmel
La cetrera en los ejemplos, smiles y metforas de san Vicente Ferrer /Falcon-
ry in the examples, similes and metaphors of saint Vincent Ferrer ....................... 273-300
Arnau de Vilanova, Tractatus de Humido Radicali, Michael R. McVaugh
(ed.), Chiari Crisciani, Giovanna Ferrari (intrs.), Arnaldi de Villanova Opera
Medica Omnia, v. 2 ................................................................................................ 405-407
FERRER I MALLOL, Maria Teresa
Lus Vicente Daz Martn, Pedro I el Cruel (1350-1369) ................................. 312-313
Ana Echevarra Arsuaga (ed.), Biografas mudjares o la experiencia de ser
minora: biografas islmicas en la Espaa cristiana ........................................... 354-358
GAMERO IGEA, Germn
Jos Damin Gonzlez Arce, Gremios y cofradas en los reinos medievales de
Len y Castilla, siglos XII-XV ............................................................................... 323-324
NDICES 443
ISSN 0066-5061
GARCA CAPARRS, Isabel
Miguel ngel Ladero Quesada, Isabel I de Castilla. Siete ensayos sobre la
reina, su entorno y sus empresas ........................................................................... 374-376
GARCA GARCA, Francisco de Ass
Xavier Barral i Altet, Le dcor du pavement au Moyen ge. Les mosaques
de France et dItalie ............................................................................................... 343-346
GARCA HERRERO, Mara del Carmen
Gemma Teresa Colesanti, Una mujer de negocios catalana en la Sicilia del
siglo XV: Caterina Llull i Sabastida. Estudio y edicin de su Libro Maestro 1472-
1479........................................................................................................................ 346-347
GMEZ-CHACN, Diana Luca
Francesca Espaol, Francesc Fit (eds.), Hagiograa peninsular en els segles
medievals ................................................................................................................ 313-316
GONZLEZ ARVALO, Ral
Luisa DArienzo, La presenza italiana in Spagna al tempo di Colombo ......... 350-353
Bruno Figliuolo (ed.), Corrispondenza di Giovanni Pontano, segretario dei
dinasti aragonesi di Napoli (2 novembre 1474-20 gennaio 1495). ....................... 318-319
Antonio Malpica Cuello, Rafael G. Peinado Santaella, Adela Fbregas Garca
(eds.), Historia de Andaluca. VII Coloquio .......................................................... 328-330
Corrispondenza degli Ambasciatori Fiorentini a Napoli ................................. 417-418
HANSKA, Jussi
Preachers as historians.The case of the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD /
El predicador como historiador. El caso de la destruccin de Jerusaln en el
70 DC .................................................................................................................... 29-52
ILAN, Nahem
Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consideration of rabbi
Joseph Ben Shoshans polemic in his Avot commentary

/ Entre sermn oral y co-
mentario escrito: una reexin sobre la polmica del rabino Joseph Ben Shoshan
en su comentario sobre el Avot .............................................................................. 183-199
IRANZO ABELLN, Salvador
Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradicin ma-
nuscrita, edicin crtica y traduccin / Justus of Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL
1092): study of his manuscript tradition, critical edition and translation ............ 229-251
444 NDICES
ISSN 0066-5061
JONES, Linda G.
Islam al-kar fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of indels to Is-
lam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt / Islam al-kar fi hal
al-jutba: sobre la conversin de los ineles al Islam durante el sermn del
viernes en el Egipto mameluco .............................................................................. 53-75
Presentacin del monogrco ........................................................................... 3-6
LAFUENTE GMEZ, Mario
Guillermo Toms Faci, Libro de rentas y feudos de Ribagorza en 1322 .......... 337-338
LARREA, Juan Jos
Jos ngel Garca de Cortzar y Ruiz de Aguirre, Estudios de Historia Me-
dieval de La Rioja .................................................................................................. 361-363
LEMA PUEYO, Jose ngel
Ramn Ches Lapea, Collecci diplomtica de Sant Pere dger ns
1198 ........................................................................................................................ 306-308
Carlos Laliena Corbera, Eric Knibbs, El cartulario del monasterio aragons
de San Andrs de Fanlo (siglos X-XIII) ................................................................. 376-378
LINEHAN, Peter
Rafael Conde y Delgado de Molina (ed.), De Barcelona a Anagni para hablar
con el Papa. Las cuentas de la Embajada del Rey de Aragn a la Corte de Bo-
nifacio VIII (1295) ................................................................................................. 312
MAJO TOM, Beatriz
Ernesto Garca Fernndez, Federico Verstegui Cobin, El linaje de la casa de
Murga en la historia de lava (ss. XIV-XVI) ......................................................... 320-322
MART ARAU, Albert
Josep M Gironella i Grans, Els molins i les salines de Castell dEmpries
al segle XIV. La mlta de cereals, el batanatge de teixits i lobtenci de sal en una
vila catalana baixmedieval .................................................................................... 363-365
MARTN, Jos Carlos
Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradicin ma-
nuscrita, edicin crtica y traduccin / Justus of Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincentio (CPL
1092): study of his manuscript tradition, critical edition and translation ............ 229-251
MARTNEZ GIRALT, Alejandro
Marcello Vindigni, I Cabrera, conti de Modica tra Catalogna e Sicilia: 1392-
1480........................................................................................................................ 339-341
NDICES 445
ISSN 0066-5061
MAZZOLI-GUINTARD, Christine
Jess Lorenzo Jimnez, La dawla de los Banu Qasi: origen, auge y cada de
una dinasta mulad en la frontera superior de al-Andalus ................................... 379
MIRANDA GARCA, Fermn
Elena E. Rodrguez Daz, Antonio Claret Garca Martnez (eds.), La escritura
de la memoria: Los Cartularios. VII Jornadas de la Sociedad Espaola de Cien-
cias y Tcnicas Historiogrcas ............................................................................ 333-334
MOLINA LPEZ, Laura
Mara Victoria Chico Picaza, Laura Fernndez Fernndez (eds.), II Jornadas
complutenses de Arte Medieval.............................................................................. 308-312
MONGE ZAPATA, M Aitana
Alicia Migulez Cavero, Gesto y gestualidad en el arte romnico de los Rei-
nos Hispanos: lectura y valoracin iconogrca .................................................. 382-384
MORELL BAGET, Jordi
Joan Papell i Tardiu (ed.), Compendium abreviatum. Cdex del monestir de
Santa Maria de Santes Creus dels segles XV i XVI, de fra Bernat Mallol i fra
Joan Salvador ........................................................................................................ 331-332
Roser Sabans, Els concilis ilerdenses de la provncia eclesistica tarraco-
nense a lEdat Mitjana (546-1460) ........................................................................ 394-396
MUESSIG, Carolyn
Roberto Caracciolos sermon on the miracle of the stigmatization of Francis
of Assisi / El sermn de Roberto Caracciolo sobre el milagro de los estigmas de
Francisco de Ass ................................................................................................... 77-93
MUGUETA MORENO, igo
Vronique Lamazou-Duplan (dir.), Anne Goulet, Philippe Charon, Le cartu-
laire dit de Charles II roi de Navarre .................................................................... 326-328
MUNITA LOINAZ, Jose A.
M Isabel Ubieto Artur, Los Centros de Documentacin Histrica y sus bi-
bliotecas especializadas. La Biblioteca de Antonio Ubieto Arteta, medieva lista
aragons del siglo XX ............................................................................................ 404-405
OLIVERA SERRANO, Csar
Carlos J. Galbn Malagn, A Guerra dos Irmandios (1465-1469) ................. 320
446 NDICES
ISSN 0066-5061
OLMOS DE LEN, Ricardo M.
La cetrera en los ejemplos, smiles y metforas de san Vicente Ferrer /Fal-
conry in the examples, similes and metaphors of saint Vincent Ferrer ................. 273-300
PALLARS JIMNEZ, Miguel .
Juan Abella Samitier, Seleccin de documentos de la villa aragonesa de Sos
(1202-1533) ............................................................................................................ 303
PAULINO MONTERO, Elena
Concepcin Cosmen Alonso, M Victoria Herrez Ortega, Mara Pelln G-
mez-Calcerrada (coords.), El intercambio artstico entre los reinos hispanos y las
cortes europeas en la Baja Edad Media ................................................................ 347-350
PELAZ FLORES, Diana
Miguel ngel Ladero Quesada, La Hacienda Real de Castilla. 1369-1504 .... 371-374
PLUCHOT, Nicolas
Claude Denjean, La loi du lucre. Lusure en procs dans la Couronne dAragon
la n du Moyen Age ............................................................................................ 353-354
QUETGLAS, Pere J.
Laura Trias Ferri, ndex lxic i conceptual dels Orgenes histricos de Ca-
talua de Josep Balari i Jovany ........................................................................... 339
QUTBUDDIN, Tahera
The sermons of Ali ibn Abi Talib at the conuence of the core Islamic tea-
chings of the Quran and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos of seventh century
Arabia / Los sermones de Ali ibn Abi Talib en la conuencia entre las ensean-
zas islmicas del Corn y la tica cultural basada en las tradiciones orales sobre
la naturaleza de la Arabia del siglo VII ................................................................. 201-228
RAMREZ VAQUERO, Elosa
Jon A. Fernndez de Larrea Rojas, Jos R. Daz de Durana (eds.), Memoria
e Historia. Utilizacin poltica en la Corona de Castilla al nal de la Edad Me-
dia .......................................................................................................................... 359-361
Jos Antonio Jara Fuente, Georges Martin, Isabel Alfonso Antn (eds.), Cons-
truir la identidad en la Edad Media. Poder y memoria en la Castilla de los siglos
VII a XV ................................................................................................................... 367-369
REIXACH SALA, Albert
Josep PERARNAU I ESPELT, Beguins de Vilafranca del Peneds davant el tri-
bunal dInquisici (1345-1346): De captaires a banquers? .................................. 332-333
NDICES 447
ISSN 0066-5061
Fabrizio Titone, Governments of the Universitates: Urban Communities of
Sicily in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries ................................................... 400-403
RENEDO, Xavier
Tres notes sobre lArs predicandi populo de Francesc Eiximenis (autoria, da-
taci i contingut) / Three notes on the Ars predicandi populo of Francesc Eixime-
nis (authorship, date and content) ......................................................................... 253-271
ROSILLO LUQUE, Araceli
Josena Mutg i Vives, El monestir benedict de Sant Pau del Camp de Bar-
celona a travs de la documentaci de cancelleria reial de lArxiu de la Corona
dArag, Barcelona (1257-1510) ........................................................................... 386-387
ROSSELL, Antoni
Francesc Massip, A cos de rei. Festa cvica i espectacle del poder reial a la
Corona dArago ..................................................................................................... 380-381
SALICR I LLUCH, Roser
Presentacin del volumen ................................................................................. XI
SAPERSTEIN, Marc
The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of expulsion / El carcter
del liderazgo rabnico en la generacin de la expulsin ....................................... 95-118
SERRANO LARRYOZ, Fernando
Nelly Labre (coord.), tre table au Moyen ge ........................................... 369-371
SOLDANI, Maria Elisa
Stphane Pquignot, Au nom du roi. Pratique diplomatique et pouvoir durant
le rgne de Jacques II dAragon (1291-1327) ....................................................... 389-392
TO FIGUERAS, Llus
Joan Ferrer i Godoy, Diplomatari del monestir de Sant Joan de les Abadesses
(995-1273) .............................................................................................................. 317-318
TOMS FACI, Guillermo
Sandra de la Torre Gonzalo, El cartulario de la encomienda templaria de
Castellote (Teruel), 1184-1283............................................................................... 338-339
VIANNA, Luciano Jos
Cinco libros sobre Jaime I el Conquistador: historiografa, sociedad, icono-
grafa, comercio y legislacin ................................................................................ 409-417
448 NDICES
ISSN 0066-5061
VIDAL FRANQUET, Jacobo
Beatriz Arzaga Bolumburu, Jess . Solrzano Telechea (eds.), Construir la
ciudad en la Edad Media ....................................................................................... 303-304
WALKER, Paul E.
Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shis and Sunnis, Fa-
timids and Abbasids / La predicacin litrgica islmica (jutab) en un terreno de
confrontacin: chies y sunes, fatimes y abases ................................................. 119-140
ZARRI, Gabriella
Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa veneziana Chiara Bugni
(1471-1514) / Preaching and pastoral care. The Sermoni of the Venetian Claris-
san nun Chiara Bugni (1471-1514) ....................................................................... 141-161
ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES, 42/1, enero-junio 2012, p. 449
ISSN 0066-5061
NDICE DE ILUSTRACIONES DEL PRIMER FASCCULO
Pgs.
Nirit Ben-Aryeh DEBBY, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine
churches / Retrica visual: imgenes de sarracenos en iglesias orentinas ....... 7-28
Fig. 1. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475 (phot.
Alinari) .................................................................................................................. 11
Fig. 2. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475: The Trial
of the Sultan (phot. Alinari) .................................................................................. 13
Fig. 3. Benedetto da Maiano, The Pulpit in Santa Croce, 1472-1475: The
Martyrdom of the Franciscans in Morocco (phot. Alinari) ................................... 14
Fig. 4. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis, Spanish Chapel, Santa Maria Novella,
Florence (phot. Alinari) ......................................................................................... 21
Fig. 5. Andrea da Firenze, Via Veritatis: Detail, Spanish Chapel, Santa Maria
Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby) ...................................................................... 21
Fig. 6. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas, Spanish Chapel, Santa
Maria Novella, Florence (phot. Alinari) ............................................................... 23
Fig. 7. Andrea da Firenze, The Triumph of Thomas: Detail, Spanish Chapel,
Santa Maria Novella, Florence (phot. N. Debby) ................................................. 23
NORMATIVA DE LA REVISTA
Envo de originales, procesos de evaluacin y de publicacin
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primero, de carcter monogrco, aparece en el mes de junio. El segundo, miscelneo, aparece
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el ao, a la direccin electrnica aem@imf.csic.es, en chero digital formato .doc o .odt.
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en un plazo mximo de dos meses.
Tras su aceptacin a trmite, los textos recibidos iniciarn el proceso de evalua-
cin externa a doble ciego. Cada trabajo contar, al menos, con dos evaluaciones de expertos
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Los autores recibirn un ejemplar en papel del fascculo en el que sea publicada
su colaboracin, adems de una separata del artculo en formato .pdf.
Pueden remitirse tambin propuestas de fascculo monogrco, que sern evalua-
das por la direccin y el Consejo de Redaccin de la revista. Las propuestas, presentadas por su
posible coordinador/a, incluirn el ttulo del monogrco, una memoria explicativa de hasta 3.000
caracteres y un ndice de artculos y autores que indique su aliacin institucional. Si lo considera
oportuno, el coordinador/a del fascculo podr adjuntar, igualmente, un resumen del contenido de
los artculos propuestos, que sern un mximo de catorce. Los fascculos monogrcos debern
acompaarse de una introduccin del coordinador/a, quien, adems, deber facilitar una imagen
de portada adecuada a la temtica del fascculo. Una vez aprobado el monogrco, cada uno de
los artculos que lo integren ser sometido, individualmente, al mismo proceso de evaluacin que
el resto de originales enviados para su publicacin en los fascculos miscelneos.
Normas generales
Los textos remitidos para su posible publicacin deben referirse a temas de poca
medieval y tienen que ser originales e inditos. Sus autores debern comprometerse, adems, a
no haberlos sometido, en paralelo, a evaluacin en otra publicacin.
452 NORMATIVA / GUIDELINES
Las lenguas ociales de la revista son el cataln, castellano, ingls, francs, ita-
liano y portugus.
Los artculos a publicar no podrn superar, en ningn caso, la extensin de 95.000
caracteres (notas, espacios y bibliografa incluidos).
Los autores de los textos sometidos a evaluacin debern remitir, adems, en
pgina a parte, sus datos personales, indicando por lo menos su nombre, direccin de correo
electrnico, aliacin institucional, direccin postal, telfono y, si lo estiman oportuno, direc-
cin particular. La aliacin institucional de los autores aparecer en el listado de colaboradores
del fascculo donde se publiquen sus artculos.
Estructuracin de los textos
Los ttulos de los artculos deben indicarse en la lengua del artculo y en ingls,
en letras maysculas y centrados. Los artculos en ingls deben acompaarse del ttulo en cas-
tellano.
La autora debe sealarse despus del ttulo, alineada a la derecha. Los nombres
y apellidos se escribirn en una primera lnea, en letras versalitas. La institucin de pertenencia
se indicar en una segunda lnea, en letra redonda.
Los textos deben ir precedidos de un resumen / abstract indicativo (de entre 80 y
150 palabras) en la lengua de redaccin del trabajo y de una traduccin del mismo al ingls. Los
textos redactados en ingls deben aportar la traduccin del abstract al castellano.
Los textos deben acompaarse, adems, de palabras clave / keywords en la len-
gua de redaccin del trabajo y de una traduccin de las mismas al ingls. Los textos redactados
en ingls deben acompaarse de la traduccin de las palabras clave al castellano. Se aconseja
escoger entre 5 y 7 palabras. Tanto en el idioma del trabajo como en ingls, las palabras clave
se escribirn en minscula, separadas por punto y coma y con punto nal.
Los artculos irn precedidos de un sumario recopilatorio de todos los apartados
que integren el trabajo, y que incluir el apartado de bibliografa citada nal.
Los diversos apartados en que se divida un artculo llevarn los ttulos en versali-
ta minscula. Los subapartados se titularn en negrita. Apartados y subapartados se numerarn
en arbigos. No se utilizarn nmeros romanos ni letras.
Las citas textuales incluidas en el texto irn en cursiva y, si superan dos lneas de
longitud, irn en cuerpo menor, letra redonda, centradas y con doble sangra. En las notas, las
citas textuales irn siempre entre comillas y en letra redonda.
Apndices documentales
El Anuario de Estudios Medievales no publica apndices documentales. Slo
se admitirn si son breves y en casos muy justicados y excepcionales. Su pertinencia ser
sometida a consideracin de los evaluadores. En cualquier caso, el Consejo de Redaccin se
reserva el derecho de rechazarlos.
Ilustraciones, mapas y cuadros
Las ilustraciones, mapas y cuadros debern enviarse en cheros independientes,
en formato .tiff o .jpg. Su pertinencia ser sometida a consideracin de los evaluadores. En
cualquier caso, el Consejo de Redaccin se reserva el derecho de rechazarlos.
Todas las ilustraciones, mapas y cuadros debern aportar un pie de foto o ttulo
identicativo, y sern numeradas en arbigos.
Los autores de los textos se responsabilizan de los derechos de autor asociados a
las imgenes, de los que la revista queda eximida.
Abreviaturas utilizadas
Todas las abreviaturas utilizadas debern incluirse en una primera nota, num-
rica, asociada al nal del ttulo, precedidas de la indicacin Abreviaturas utilizadas:. La
nota deber listar alfabticamente todas las abreviaturas utilizadas en el texto o en las notas
a pie de pgina. Las abreviaturas del listado irn separadas por punto y coma. Se indicar,
NORMATIVA / GUIDELINES 453
en primer lugar, la abreviatura, que ir seguida del signo = y del desarrollo o equivalencia
de la misma.
Los puntos de las siglas se suprimirn siempre (ACA, no A.C.A.).
Las menciones de fondos archivsticos se harn siempre en letra redonda.
Los folios se abreviarn siempre f. / ff. (o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin
del artculo publicado en el Anuario de Estudios Medievales).
Las citas de originales foliados indicarn siempre el recto o verso de los mismos,
empleando r, v o r-v tras el nmero del folio, sin usar espacios ni signos de puntuacin.
Cuando se seale ms de un folio, se emplear el guin corto sin espacio. Ejemplos: f. 14r, f.
14v, f. 14r-v, ff. 14v-15r.
Las pginas se abreviarn siempre p. / pp. En caso de necesidad, se podr emplear
y ss. (o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado en el Anuario de
Estudios Medievales).
Remisiones internas
Si se considera necesario, para localizar las remisiones internas podr emplearse,
adems de vaseo vanse (o de su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publi-
cado en el Anuario de Estudios Medievales) cf., supra e infra.
Notas a pie de pgina
En el texto, las referencias numricas de las notas a pie de pgina (en superndice)
se colocarn antes de los signos de puntuacin.
Citas bibliogrcas en notas a pie de pgina
Las citas bibliogrcas en las notas a pie de pgina se harn, directamente, de
forma abreviada y sin puntos suspensivos. La cita completa se incluir slo en el apartado
nal de bibliografa citada.
En las notas a pie de pgina, se indicar nicamente la inicial o iniciales del
nombre de los autores y, preferiblemente, slo su primer apellido, escrito en letra redonda.
Si hay ms de un autor, y hasta tres, sus nombres se separarn con coma. Si son ms de tres, se
indicar slo el nombre del primero, seguido de coma y de et al. (en cursiva).
Los ttulos de las monografas, captulos de libro o artculos de revista se citarn,
desde su primera aparicin, de forma abreviada. Irn en letra cursiva o itlica y sin puntos
suspensivos.
Las citas en las notas remitirn nicamente a la pgina o pginas pertinentes de
captulos de libro y artculos de revista, mediante las abreviaciones p. / pp. En caso de necesi-
dad, se podr emplear y ss. (o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado
en el Anuario de Estudios Medievales). La cita de la paginacin completa se reservar para
la bibliografa nal.
Cuando se citen obras de ms de un volumen, se indicar vol. y el nmero del
mismo en nmeros romanos. Si tras la mencin del volumen fuera necesario indicar un tomo,
se sealara tras guin corto (sin espacios) y en arbigos (vol. II-1).
Cuando se quiera mencionar el editor, coordinador, director, etc. de una obra, su
nombre gurar en primer lugar, como si se tratara de un autor, seguido de la indicacin ed.,
dir., coord. entre parntesis.
nicamente se podrn emplear, cuando corresponda y para evitar prolijidades o
reiteraciones innecesarias, las indicaciones idem y eadem (en letra redonda) y et al. para refe-
rirse a autores, e ibidem, en latn (cursiva sin acentuar), para remitir a la referencia completa
inmediatamente anterior. Si se considera oportuno, tambin podr emplearse passim. No se
utilizarn nunca, en cambio, indicaciones como op. cit., loc. cit. o vid. (en todo caso, se emplea-
r vase o vanse o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado en el
Anuario de Estudios Medievales).

Apartado nal de bibliografa citada
Toda la bibliografa citada en el artculo deber agruparse en un apartado nal,
numerado en arbigos siguiendo el orden de los dems apartados, que se titular Bibliografa
citada (o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado en el Anuario de
Estudios Medievales).
La Bibliografa citada agrupar nicamente la bibliografa citada en las notas a
pie de pgina. Se ordenar por orden alfabtico de apellidos de autores. En caso de varias obras
de un mismo autor, stas se enumerarn por orden cronolgico. Y, en caso de varias obras de
un mismo autor y ao, por orden alfabtico de ttulo. Cada entrada repetir, por completo, los
apellidos y nombres de los autores, sin recurrir nunca a idem, eadem ni al uso de guiones.
En la bibliografa citada nal, se indicar el apellido o apellidos del autor, segui-
do de coma y de su nombre desarrollado, en letra redonda. Si hay ms de un autor, sus nom-
bres se separarn por punto y coma. A diferencia de las notas a pie de pgina, en la bibliografa
nal se indicarn y desarrollarn los nombres de todos los autores (no se emplear et al.).
Todos los ttulos se indicarn de forma completa, en cursiva o itlica.
Las monografas indicarn, tras la mencin de la autora, del ttulo y de una
coma, el lugar de edicin de la obra (en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado en el
Anuario de Estudios Medievales), la editorial y el ao de edicin. Si hubiera ms de una
editorial, sus nombres se separarn con guin corto, precedido y seguido de espacio.
Los captulos de libro indicarn, tras la mencin de la autora, del ttulo y
de una coma, en (o su equivalente en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publicado en el
Anuario de Estudios Medievales), seguido de la informacin bibliogrca completa de la
monografa (autora, ttulo, lugar de edicin en la lengua de redaccin del artculo publica-
do en el Anuario de Estudios Medievales, editorial y ao de edicin) y las pginas (pp.)
correspondientes. Si es necesario hacer mencin de volmenes, se indicar vol. y el nmero
del mismo en nmeros romanos entre el ao de edicin y las pginas. Si tras la mencin del
volumen fuera necesario indicar un tomo, se sealara tras guin corto (sin espacios) y en
arbigos (vol. II-1).
La mencin de congresos, homenajes, miscelneas, etc. ir en letra cursiva o it-
lica (tras el ttulo de los mismos, si lo tuvieran).
Todo ello ir siempre separado por comas, y acabar en punto nal.
Los artculos indicarn, tras la mencin de la autora (en letra redonda), del ttu-
lo (en letra cursiva o itlica) y de una coma, el nombre de la revista entre comillas redondas,
el nmero del volumen, en arbigos, el ao de publicacin (entre parntesis) y la paginacin
completa del artculo. Los fascculos de las revistas se sealarn con inclusin del signo / tras
el volumen correspondiente, sin separacin de espacios.
Cuando se cite literatura gris (tesis doctorales, informes, memorias, etc.) se fa-
cilitarn todos los datos que contribuyan a localizarla, siguiendo el modelo sealado para la
bibliografa ordinaria. En el caso de tesis doctorales, se indicar el nombre del autor, el ttulo
de la tesis, el lugar de lectura, la institucin acadmica en la que se ley, y el ao de lectura.
Ejemplos de bibliografa nal:
Dufourcq, Charles-Emmanuel, La vie quotidienne dans les ports mditerranens au
Moyen ge, Pars, Hachette, 1975.
Battelli, Giulio, Suppliche al Papa di Giacomo II, re di Maiorca, e di Giacomo II, re
dAragona, Anuario de Estudios Medievales 31/1 (2001), pp. 3-32.
Tangheroni, Marco, utile studiare i documenti di cancelleria? Un interessante
esempio sardo, en Sardegna, Mediterraneo e Atlantico tra Medioevo ed Et Moderna. Studi
storici in memoria di Alberto Boscolo, Roma, Bulzoni Editore - Deputazione di Storia Patria
per la Sardegna, 1993, vol. I, pp. 267-282.
Cita de documentos electrnicos
Todos los documentos electrnicos que contengan DOI (Digital Object Identier)
se citarn utilizando este localizador en detrimento de su direccin URL, y sin indicar la fecha
de consulta.
Los documentos electrnicos que no contengan DOI se citarn indicando su di-
reccin URL y su fecha de consulta entre corchetes [consulta: dd/mm/aaaa].
Reseas
El Anuario de Estudios Medievales publica, en cada fascculo, una seleccin de
notas, reseas y comentarios bibliogrcos de los libros que se reciben en la redaccin.
Los libros para resea deben enviarse, por partida doble, a Anuario de Estudios
Medievales, Institucin Mil i Fontanals, CSIC. C/ Egipca ques, 15.- 08001 Barcelona.
El Anuario de Estudios Medievales da cuenta, en cada fascculo, en la seccin de
Publicaciones recibidas, de todos los libros que se reciben en la redaccin. Asimismo, se
encargan y publican notas bibliogrcas (de hasta 2100 caracteres) y reseas crticas (de has-
ta 6300 caracteres) de una seleccin de las publicaciones recibidas. Pueden publicarse tambin
comentarios bibliogrcos conjuntos de dos o ms obras de temtica o de autora comn (de
hasta 10.500 caracteres).
* * *
La normativa actualizada y toda la informacin relacionada con la revista Anuario
de Estudios Medievales puede consultarse de forma permanente en http://estudiosmedievales.
revistas.csic.es/
* * *
Los originales de la revista AEM, publicados en papel y en versin electrnica, son
propiedad del Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientcas, siendo necesario citar la proce-
dencia en cualquier reproduccin parcial o total.
GUIDELINES OF THE ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES
Sending manuscripts, assessment and publication processes
The Anuario de Estudios Medievales is published annually in two fascicles.
The rst, monographic in nature, appears in June. The second, miscellaneous, appears in
December.
Manuscripts for the miscellaneous fascicle may be sent, throughout the year, to
the email address aem@imf.csic.es, in digital le format (.doc or .odt).
The editor of the journal and the Editorial Board reserve the right to reject
any manuscript that, for reasons of quality, or for formal or editorial criteria, they consider
unsuitable, it thus being unnecessary to begin the review procedure. The authors will be notied
of this decision in a maximum period of two months.
After being accepted, the texts received will begin the process of external double-
blind peer review. Each work will be reviewed at least twice by external experts who are not on
the Editorial Board. Authors will be informed of the result of the reviews and of the acceptance
or rejection of their articles in a maximum period of six months.
If articles pass the review process, authors must revise their texts and incorporate,
where appropriate, any changes suggested by the review report. Moreover, they must thoroughly
adapt manuscripts to the journals guidelines. If they do not, the editor of the journal reserves
the right to return the manuscripts to the authors, and not to publish them until the guidelines
are observed.
In miscellaneous fascicles, articles will be published in strict order of reception.
However, in the event of a text being profoundly restructured, the editor of the journal reserves
the right to subject it to a further process of review or approval before publishing it.
Authors should correct the rst proofs of their articles, but they will not be able to
introduce any signicant changes to the text. They may only correct misprints and typographical
errors, or update, with justication, those specic points or questions that have to be brought
up to date as a consequence of the time that has passed between the acceptance of the text and
its publication, as long as they do not signicantly alter the composition and the conditions of
reproduction of the publication.
Authors will receive a printed copy of the fascicle in which their contribution is
published, plus an offprint of the article in .pdf format.
Proposals for a monographic fascicle can also be sent, and they will be
reviewed by the editor and the Editorial Board of the journal. The proposals, presented by their
possible coordinator, should include the title of the monograph, an explanatory report of up to
3,000 characters and an index of articles and authors, indicating their institutional afliation.
If he/she considers it appropriate, the coordinator of the fascicle may also attach a summary of
the content of the proposed articles, a maximum of fourteen in number. Monographic fascicles
must be accompanied by an introduction by the coordinator, who, moreover, must supply an
appropriate cover photograph for the subject dealt with in the fascicle. Once the monograph
has been approved, each of the articles included in it will be individually subjected to the same
peer review process as all the other manuscripts submitted for publication in miscellaneous
fascicles.
General guidelines
Texts submitted for possible publication must refer to subjects related to the
mediaeval period and must be original and unpublished. Their authors must also declare that
they have not submitted them for review in another publication at the same time.
The ofcial languages of the journal are Catalan, Spanish, English, French, Italian
and Portuguese.
Under no circumstances may published articles exceed the length of 95,000
characters (spaces, footnotes and bibliography included).
The authors of the texts submitted for review must also send, on a separate
page, their personal details, stating, at the very least, their name, email address, institutional
afliation, postal address, telephone number and, if they think it appropriate, private address.
The institutional afliation of the authors will appear in the list of contributors to the fascicle in
which their articles are published.
Structure of the texts
Titles of articles must be written in the same language as the article and also in
English, in uppercase letters and centred. Articles in English must include the title in Spanish.
The authorship must be stated after the title, aligned on the right. Names and
surnames should be written on a rst line, in small capital letters. The institution they belong to
will then be stated on a second line, in Roman type.
Texts must be preceded by an indicative abstract (of between 80 and 150 words)
in the language the work was written in, along with a translation of it into English. Texts written
in English must supply a translation of the abstract into Spanish (resumen).
Texts must moreover be accompanied by keywords in the language the text was
written in and by a translation of them into English. Texts written in English must include a
translation of the keywords into Spanish (palabras clave). It is advisable to choose between
ve and seven words. In both the language of the text and in English, the keywords should be
written in lowercase letters, separated by semi colons and ending with a full stop.
Articles must be preceded by a compilation summary of all the sections the work
consists of, which should include the nal bibliography section.
The titles of the various sections into which the article is divided should be in
small capitals. The sub-sections should be headed in bold. Sections and sub-sections should be
numbered in Arabic numerals. Neither Roman numerals nor letters must be used.
Direct quotes included in the text should be in italics and, if they are more
than two lines long, they must be in a smaller point size, in Roman type, centred and with
double indentations. In notes, direct quotes should always be in quotation marks and in
Roman type.
Documentary appendices
The Anuario de Estudios Medievales does not publish documentary appendices.
They will only be admitted if they are short, and in exceptional, highly justied cases. Their
suitability will be submitted for consideration by the reviewers. In any case, the Editorial Board
reserves the right to reject them.
Illustrations, maps and boxes
Illustrations, maps and boxes must be sent in separate les, in .tiff or .jpg format.
Their suitability will be submitted for consideration by the reviewers. In any case, the Editorial
Board reserves the right to reject them.
All illustrations, maps and boxes must have an identifying caption or heading, and
should be numbered in Arabic numerals.
Authors of texts must take responsibility for the copyright associated with the
images, from which the journal is exempted.
Abbreviations used
All abbreviations used must be included in a rst numerical note attached to the
end of the title, preceded by the indication Abbreviations used:. The note must list all the
abbreviations used in the text or the footnotes alphabetically. The abbreviations in the list must
be separated by semi colons. Firstly, the abbreviation is given, followed by the sign = and its
full form or equivalence.
Full stops should always be removed from initials (ACA, not A.C.A.).
Archive material should always be cited in Roman type.
Folios should always be abbreviated as f. / ff. (or the equivalent in the language
that the article published in the Anuario de Estudios Medievales was written in).
Citations of foliated originals should always indicate their recto or verso, using
r, v or r-v after the folio number, without spaces or punctuation marks. When more than
one folio is cited, a hyphen should be used without a space.
Examples: f. 14r, f. 14v, f. 14r-v, ff. 14v-15r.
Pages should always be abbreviated p. / pp. If necessary, and the following, et
seq., ff. may be used (or its equivalent in the language the article published in the Anuario
de Estudios Medievales was written in).
Internal references
If it is considered necessary, besides see (or the equivalent in the language the
article published in the Anuario de Estudios Medievales was written in), cf., supra and infra
may be used to locate internal references.
Footnotes
In the text, the numerical references of footnotes (in superscript) should be placed
before punctuation marks.
Bibliographical citations in footnotes
Bibliographical citations in footnotes should be made directly in abbreviated
form without ellipsis. The complete citation will only be included in the nal bibliography
section.
In footnotes, only the initial or initials of the authors names should be given and,
preferably, only their rst surname, written in Roman type. If there is more than one author,
and up to three, their names should be separated by commas. If there are more than three, only
the name of the rst author should be stated, followed by a comma and et al (in italics).
Titles of monographs, book chapters or journal articles should be cited, from the
rst time they appear, in abbreviated form. They should appear in italics, without ellipsis.
Citations in the notes must refer only to the relevant page or pages of book chapters
and magazine articles, using the abbreviations p. / pp. If necessary, and the following, et
seq., ff. may be used (or its equivalent in the language the article published in the Anuario
de Estudios Medievales was written in). Citation of the complete pagination is reserved for
the nal bibliography.
When works of more than one volume are cited, the volume should be written as
vol. followed by its number in Roman numerals. If after mentioning the volume it is necessary
to indicate a book, it should be given after a hyphen (without spaces) in Arabic numerals (vol.
II-1).
When mentioning the editor, coordinator, director, etc., of a work, their name
should appear rst, as if it were an author, followed by the indication ed., coord., dir., in brackets.
The indications idem and eadem (in Roman type), et al. to refer to authors, and
ibidem (in italics, unaccented), to refer to the immediately preceding complete reference,
should only be used where appropriate, in order to avoid unnecessary details or repetitions. If
it is considered appropriate, passim may also be used. On the other hand, indications like op.
cit., loc. cit. or vid. must never be used (in all cases, vase or vanse should be used, or its
equivalent in the language the article published in the Anuario de Estudios Medievales was
written in).
Final bibliography
All the bibliography cited in the article must be grouped together in a nal
section, numbered in Arabic numerals following the order of the other sections, to be entitled
Bibliography (or its equivalent in the language the article published in the Anuario de
Estudios Medievales was written in).
The Bibliography should include only the bibliography cited in the footnotes.
It must be in alphabetical order of authors surnames. In the case of several works by the
same author, these should be listed in chronological order; in the case of several works by
the same author and in the same year, in alphabetical order of title. Each entry must repeat,
in full, the surnames and names of the authors, never resorting to idem, eadem or the use
of dashes.
In the nal bibliography, the surname or surnames of the author should be
stated, followed by a comma and his/her full name, in Roman type. If there is more than
one author, their names should be separated by a semi colon. Unlike the footnotes, in the nal
bibliography the names of all the authors must be mentioned in full (et al. must not be used).
All titles must be indicated in full, in italics.
After the authorship, the title and a comma, monographs should indicate the
place where the work was published (in the language the article published in the Anuario de
Estudios Medievales was written in), the publishing house and the year of publication. If there
were more than one publishing house, their names should be separated by a hyphen, preceded
and followed by a space.
After the authorship, the title and a comma, book chapters must be followed
by in (or its equivalent in the language the article published in the Anuario de Estudios
Medievales was written in), followed by complete bibliographical information about the
monograph (authorship, title, place of publication in the language the article published in the
Anuario de Estudios Medievales was written in, publishing house and year of publication)
and the corresponding pages (pp.). If it is necessary to mention volumes, this should be written
as vol., followed by its number in Roman numerals between the year of publication and the
pages. If, after the volume, it is necessary to indicate a book, it is given after a hyphen (without
spaces) in Arabic numerals (vol. II-1).
Congresses, tributes, miscellanies, etc., should appear in italics (after their titles,
if they have them).
All of this must always be separated by commas and end in a full stop.
After the authorship (in Roman type), the title (in italics), and a comma, articles
must state the name of the journal in quotation marks, the number of the volume, in Arabic
numerals, the year of publication (in brackets) and the complete pagination of the article.
Fascicles of journals should be given with the inclusion of the sign / after the corresponding
volume, without separation by spaces.
When grey literature is cited (doctoral theses, reports, etc.) any and all details
that help to locate it should be provided, following the model stated for ordinary bibliography.
In the case of doctoral theses, the authors name, the title of the thesis, the place it was read, the
academic institution in which it was read, and the year it was read must be given.
Examples of nal bibliography
Dufourcq, Charles-Emmanuel, La vie quotidienne dans les ports mditerranens au
Moyen ge, Paris, Hachette, 1975.
Battelli, Giulio, Suppliche al Papa di Giacomo II, re di Maiorca, e di Giacomo II, re
dAragona, Anuario de Estudios Medievales 31/1 (2001), pp. 3-32.
Tangheroni, Marco, utile studiare i documenti di cancelleria? Un interessante
esempio sardo, in Sardegna, Mediterraneo e Atlantico tra Medioevo ed Et Moderna. Studi
storici in memoria di Alberto Boscolo, Rome, Bulzoni Editore - Deputazione di Storia Patria
per la Sardegna, 1993, vol. I, pp. 267-282.
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and the date of consultation in square brackets [consultation: dd/mm/yyyy].
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COLECCIN ANEJOS DEL
PUBLICACIONES DEL DEPARTAMENTO DE CIENCIAS
HISTRICAS-ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES,
DE LA INSTITUCIN MIL I FONTANALS
CSIC (BARCELONA)
1. Pilar YEZ CIFUENTES, El monasterio de Santiago de Len, Len-Barcelona,
1971. 320 pp., 5 mapas (9,02 euros).
2. Luisa GARCA CALLES, Doa Sancha, hermana del Emperador, Len-Barcelona,
1972. 190 pp. (6,01 euros).
3. Camen BATLLE GALLART, La crisis social y econmica de Barcelona a mediados
del siglo XV, Barcelona, 1973. 2 vols. 680 pp. (18,03 euros).
4. Jos M MADURELL MARIMN y Arcadio GARCA SANZ, Comandas comerciales
barcelonesas de la Baja Edad Media, Barcelona, 1973. 244 pp. (agotado).
5. Jaime SANTACANA TORT, El monasterio de Poblet (1151-1181), Barcelona, 1974.
XXX+778 pp. (agotado).
6. Jos Luis MARTN RODRGUEZ, Orgenes de la Orden Militar de Santiago (1170-
1195), Barcelona, 1974. 540 pp., 2 mapas (agotado).
7. Jaime SOBREQUS CALLIC, Catlogo de la cancillera de Enrique IV de Castilla,
Seor del Principado de Catalua, Barcelona, 1975. 508 pp. (9,02 euros).
8. Pierre BONNASSIE, La organizacin del trabajo en Barcelona a nes del siglo XV,
Barcelona, 1975. 240 pp. (9,02 euros).
9. La pobreza y la asistencia a los pobres en la Catalua medieval. Volumen mis-
celneo dirigido por Manuel RIU, Barcelona, 1980. 390 pp., 2 grfs. 19 cuadros (9,02 euros).
10. Miguel GUAL CAMARENA, El primer manual hispnico de mercadera (siglo
XIV), Barcelona, 1981. 323 pp., 6 lms. (9,02 euros).
11. Manuel RIU (dir.), La pobreza y la asistencia a los pobres en la Catalua medie-
val, Barcelona, 1981-1982. 414 pp., 6 mapas, 33 grfs., 10 tablas (9,02 euros).
12. Jos M FONT RIUS, Cartas de poblacin y franquicia de Catalua, II, Madrid-
Barcelona, 1983. 823 pp. (agotado).
13. Jos TRENCHS y Regina SINZ DE LA MAZA, Documentos ponticios sobre
Cerdea de la poca de Alfonso el Benigno, Barcelona, 1983. 214 pp., 6 tablas (12,02 euros).
14. Antonio RIERA MELIS, La Corona de Aragn y el reino de Mallorca en el primer
tercio del siglo XIV, Madrid-Barcelona, 1986. 360 pp. (15,03 euros).
15. Milagros RIVERA GARRETAS, La encomienda, el priorato y la villa de Ucls en
la Edad Media (1174-1310), Madrid-Barcelona, 1985. 558 pp. (18,03 euros).
16. Maria Teresa FERRER I MALLOL, Els sarrans de la Corona catalano-aragonesa
en el segle XIV. Segregaci i discriminaci, Barcelona, 1987. 427 pp. (15,03 euros).
17. Josefa MUTG VIVES, La ciudad de Barcelona durante el reinado de Alfonso el
Benigno (1327-1336), Madrid-Barcelona, 1987. XLI+371 pp. (agotado).
18. Maria Teresa FERRER I MALLOL, La frontera amb lIslam en el segle XIV. Cris-
tians i sarrans al Pas Valenci, Barcelona, 1988. XXXII+533 pp., 2 mapas (18,03 euros).
19. Maria Teresa FERRER I MALLOL, Les aljames sarranes de la governaci
dOriola, Barcelona, 1988. XXIV+338 pp. (agotado).
20. Alimentaci i societat a la Catalunya medieval, Barcelona, 1988. XVI+314 pp.
(15,03 euros).
21. Mara Blanca BASEZ VILLALUENGA, La aljama sarracena de Huesca en el
siglo XIV, Barcelona, 1989. XXII+275 pp. (13,22 euros).
22. Maria Teresa FERRER I MALLOL, Organitzaci i defensa dun territori fronterer.
La governaci dOriola en el segle XIV, Barcelona, 1990. XXX+631 pp. (24,04 euros).
23. Regina SINZ DE LA MAZA LASOLI, La Orden de San Jorge de Alfama. Aproxi-
macin a su historia, Barcelona, 1990. XXIV+499 pp. (22,24 euros).
24. Pere el Cerimonis i la seva poca, Barcelona, 1990. VI+360 pp. (15,63 euros).
25. De al-Andalus a la sociedad feudal: los Repartimientos bajomedievales, Barce-
lona, 1990. V+153 pp. (7,21 euros).
26. Josena MUTG I VIVES, Laljama sarrana de Lleida a lEdat Mitjana. Aproxi-
maci a la seva histria, Barcelona, 1992. XXX+425 pp. (27,05 euros).
462 "ANEJOS" DEL "ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES"
27. Manuel SNCHEZ, Estudios sobre renta, scalidad y nanzas en la Catalua
bajomedieval., (Comp.), Barcelona, 1993. VII+510 pp. (29,17 euros).
28. Andrs DAZ BORRS, Los orgenes de la piratera islmica en Valencia. La
ofensiva musulmana y la reaccin cristiana, Barcelona, 1994. XXIII+335 pp. (20,42 euros).
29. Regina SINZ DE LA MAZA LASOLI, El monasterio de Sijena. Catlogo de do-
cumentos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragn, I (1208-1348), Barcelona, 1994. XXV+374pp.
(20,22 euros).
30. Roser SALICR I LLUCH, El trc de mercaderies a Barcelona segons els comptes
de la lleuda de Mediona (febrer de 1434), I, Barcelona, 1995. XIV+432 pp. (17,34 euros).
31. Mara Dolores LPEZ PREZ, La Corona de Aragn y el Magreb en el siglo XIV
(1331-1410), Barcelona, 1995. X+968 pp. (28,90 euros).
32. Regina SINZ DE LA MAZA LASOLI, El monasterio de Sijena. Catlogo de
documentos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragn, II (1348-1451), Barcelona, 1998. VIII+204
pp. (11,56 euros).
33. Roser SALICR I LLUCH, El sultanat de Granada i la Corona dArag, 1410-
1458, Barcelona, 1999. IX+560 pp. (20,22 euros).
34. Roser SALICR I LLUCH, Esclaus i propietaris desclaus a la Catalunya del segle
XV. Lassegurana contra fugues, Barcelona, 1998. 225 pp. (14,45 euros).
35. Manuel SNCHEZ MARTNEZ (ed.), Fiscalidad real y nanzas urbanas en la
Catalua Medieval, Barcelona, 1999. 400 pp. (29,17 euros).
36. Maria Teresa FERRER; Damien COULON (eds.), LExpansi Catalana a la Medi-
terrnia a la Baixa Edat Mitjana, Barcelona, 1999. X+208 pp. (11,56 euros).
37. Roser SALICR I LLUCH, Documents per a la histria de Granada del regnat
dAlfons el Magnnim (1416-1458), Barcelona, 1999. 573 pp. (23,11 euros).
38. Maria Teresa FERRER; Josena MUTG (eds.), De lesclavitud a la llibertat. Es-
claus i lliberts a lEdat Mitjana (Actes del Colloqui Internacional celebrat a Barcelona del 26
al 29 de maig de 1999), Barcelona, 2000. XII+751 pp. (23,11 euros).
39. Pascual ORTEGA, Musulmanes en Catalua. Las comunidades musulmanas
de las Encomiendas Templarias y Hospitalarias de Asc y Miravet, Barcelona, 2000. 192 pp.
(11,56 euros).
40. Mara Teresa FERRER MALLOL, Los corsarios castellanos y vascos en el Medite-
rrneo medieval, Barcelona, 2000. 352 pp. (11,56 euros).
41. Pere ORTI I GOST, Renda i scalitat en una ciutat medieval: Barcelona (segles
XII-XIV), Barcelona, 2000. 736 pp. (20,37 euros).
42. Maria Teresa FERRER I MALLOL; Josena MUTG I VIVES; Manuel RIU I RIU
(eds.), El mas catal durant lEdat Mitjana i la Moderna (ss. IX-XVIII). Aspectes arqueolgics,
histrics, geogrcs, arquitectnics i antropolgics (Actes del Colloqui celebrat a Barcelona
del 3 al 5 de novembre de 1999), Barcelona, 2001. XVI+659 pp. (22,25 euros).
43. Jordi MORELL I BAGET, Fiscalitat i deute pblic en dues viles del Camp de
Tarragona: Reus i Valls, segles XIV-XV, Barcelona, 2001. 1007 pp. (44,50 euros).
44. Andrs DAZ BORRS, El miedo al Mediterrneo: la caridad popular valenciana
y la redencin de cautivos bajo poder musulmn, 1323-1539, Barcelona, 2001. 366 pp. (18,49
euros).
45. Josena MUTG I VIVES, Pergamins del monestir benedict de Sant Pau del
Camp de Barcelona, de lArxiu de la Corona dArag (segles XII-XIV), Barcelona, 2002.
364 pp. (18,49 euros).
46. Andrs DAZ BORRS, El ocaso cuatrocentista de Valencia en el tumultuoso
Mediterrneo, 1400-1480, Barcelona, 2002. 435 pp. (24,19 euros).
47. Daniel DURAN I DUELT, Manual del viatge fet per Berenguer Benet a Romania,
1341-1342. Estudi i edici, Barcelona, 2002. 500 pp. (28,85 euros).
48. Esther REDONDO GARCA, El fogatjament general de Catalunya de 1378, Barce-
lona, 2002. 528 pp. (29,42 euros).
49. Daniel DURAN DUELT, Kastellrizo, una isla griega bajo dominio de Alfonso el
Magnnimo (1450-1458). Coleccin documental, Barcelona, 2003. 158 pp. (9,81 euros)
50. Manuel SNCHEZ MARTNEZ, Pagar al rey en la Corona de Aragn durante el
siglo XIV, Barcelona, 2003. 582 pp. (33,98 euros).
51. Pere BENITO I MONCLS, Senyoria de la terra i tinena pagesa al comtat de
Barcelona (segles XI-XIII), Barcelona, 2003. 831 pp. (41,53 euros).
52. Josep HERNANDO DELGADO, Els esclaus islmics a Barcelona: blancs, negres,
llors i turcs. De lesclavitud a la llibertat (segle XIV), Barcelona, 2003. 787 pp. (41,97 euros).
"ANEJOS" DEL "ANUARIO DE ESTUDIOS MEDIEVALES" 463
53. Carles VELA I AULESA, Lobrador dun apotecari medieval segons el llibre de
comptes de Francesc Canes (Barcelona, 1378-1381), Barcelona, 2003. 399 pp. (24,04 euros).
54. Josena MUTG VIVES, Poltica, urbanismo y vida ciudadana en la Barcelona
del siglo XIV, Barcelona, 2004. XII+427 pp. (25,00 euros).
55. Pere VERDS I PIJUAN, Per o que la vila no vage a perdici. La gesti del deu-
te pblic en un municipi catal (Cervera, 1387-1516), Barcelona, 2004. 559 pp. (35,77euros).
56. Josep BAUCELLS REIG, Vivir en la Edad Media: Barcelona y su entorno en los
siglos XIII y XIV (1200-1344). Volumen I, Barcelona, 2004, pp. 1-1024. (50 euros)
57. Josep BAUCELLS REIG, Vivir en la Edad Media: Barcelona y su entorno en los
siglos XIII y XIV (1200-1344). Volumen II, Barcelona, 2005, pp. 1025-1813. (42,31 euros).
58. M.T. FERRER; J. MUTG; M. SNCHEZ, (eds.), La Corona catalanoaragonesa i
el seu entorn mediterrani a la Baixa Edat Mitjana (Actes del Seminari celebrat a Barcelona el
27 i 28 de novembre de 2003) (Barcelona, 2005. XIV+414 pp. (25,96 euros).
59. Maria Teresa FERRER MALLOL, Entre la paz y la guerra. La Corona catala-
noaragonesa y Castilla en la Baja Edad Media, Barcelona, 2005. 662 pp. (42,31 euros).
60. Vctor HURTADO, Llibre de deutes, trameses i rebudes de Jaume de Mitjavila i
companyia (1345-1370), Barcelona, 2005. 652 pp. (42,31 euros).
61. M.T. FERRER; J.-M. MOEGLIN; S. PQUIGNOT; M. SNCHEZ (eds.), Negociar en
la Edad Media / Ngocier au Moyen ge (Actas del Coloquio celebrado en Barcelona los das
14, 15 y 16 de octubre de 2004) Barcelona, 2005. 593 pp. (42,31 euros).
62. El Llibre del Consell de la ciutat de Barcelona. Segle XIV: Les eleccions
municipals. Inclou: Estudi histric del Llibre del Consell, per C. Batlle; Evoluci duna
famlia de la Barcelona medieval: els Gualbes, per C. Batlle; Una famlia de navegants: els
Marquet, per M.T . Ferrer; Altres famlies i membres de loligarquia barcelonina, per M.T .
Ferrer; Corpus documental, per M.C. Ma; J. Mutg; S. Riera; M. Rovira, Barcelona, 2007.
912 pp. (56,71 euros).
63 y 64. Josep BAUCELLS REIG, Vivir en la Edad Media: Barcelona y su entorno en
los siglos XIII y XIV (1200-1344). Volmenes III y IV, Barcelona, 2006-2007. pp. 1815-3314
(43,27 y 32,69 euros, respectivamente).
65. Gemma Teresa COLESANTI, Una mujer de negocios catalana en la Sicilia del
siglo XV: Caterina Llull i Sabastida. Estudio y edicin de su Libro Maestro 1472-1479, Barce-
lona, 2008. 900 pp. (43,27 euros).
66. Francisco Javier APELLNIZ RUIZ DE GALARRETA, Pouvoir et nance en M-
diterrane pr-moderne: Le deuxime tat mamelouk et le commerce des pices (1382-1517),
Barcelona, 2009. 301 pp. (27,88 euros).
67. Max TURULL RUBINAT, El gobierno de la ciudad medieval. Estudio sobre la ad-
ministracin y nanzas en las ciudades medievales catalanas, Barcelona, 2009. 492 pp. (34,62
euros).
68. Manuel SNCHEZ MARTNEZ, (ed.), La deuda pblica en la Catalua bajomedie-
val. Barcelona, 2009. 495 pp. (27,88 euros).
69. Maria Elisa SOLDANI, Uomini daffari e mercanti toscani nella Barcellona del
Quattrocento, Barcelona, 2010, 672 pp. (35,58 euros).
70. Llus CIFUENTES I COMAMALA, Ricardo CRDOBA DE LA LLAVE, Tintorera y
medicina en la Valencia del siglo XV. El manual de Joanot Valero, Barcelona, 2011, 332 pp.
(23,08 euros).
* Los precios indicados no incluyen el IVA.
PEDIDOS A:
Depto. de Publicaciones del CSIC. C/ Vitruvio, 8. 28006 Madrid (Espaa)
Tlf. 34 91 5629633; Fax: 34 91 5629634.
correo-e: publ@orgc.csic.es. Pgina web: http://www.publicaciones.csic.es:8080/CSIC/inicio.html
Librera Cientca del CSIC. C/ Duque de Medinaceli, 6. 28014 Madrid (Espaa)
Tlf. 34 91 3697253. correo-e: csic_libreria@csic.es
Delegacin del CSIC en Catalua. C/ Egipcaques, 15. 08001 Barcelona.
Tlf. 34 93 4426576. correo-e: lvalls@dicat.csic.es Tlf. 34 93 4426576. correo-e: lvalls@dicat.csic.es

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Volumen 42 N 1 enero-junio 2012 484 pgs. ISSN: 0066-5061 Volumen 42 N 1 enero-junio 2012 Barcelona (Espaa) ISSN: 0066-5061
www.publicaciones.csic.es CONSEJO SUPERIOR DE INVESTIGACIONES CIENTFICAS
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Sumario
MONOGRFICO:
EN EL MEDITERRNEO
Jones, Linda G., Presentacin.
Debby, Nirit Ben-Aryeh, Visual rhetoric: images of Saracens in Florentine churches.
Hanska, Jussi, Preachers as historians. The case of the destruction of Jerusalem in
70 AD.
Jones, Linda G., Islam al-kar fi hal al-khutba: concerning the conversion of indels
to Islam during the Muslim Friday sermon in Mamluk Egypt.
Muessig, Carolyn, Roberto Caracciolos sermon on the miracle of the stigmatization
of Francis of Assisi.
Saperstein, Marc, The quality of rabbinic leadership in the generation of expulsion.
Walker, Paul E., Islamic ritual preaching (khutbas) in a contested arena: Shiis and
Sunnis, Fatimids and Abbasids.
Zarri, Gabriella, Predicazione e cura pastorale. I Sermoni della clarissa veneziana
Chiara Bugni (1471-1514).
Bizzarri, Hugo O., Sermones y espejos de prncipes castellanos.
Ilan, Nahem, Between an oral sermon and a written commentary: a consideration of
rabbi Joseph Ben Shoshans polemic in his Avot commentary.

Qutbuddin, Tahera, The sermons of Ali ibn Abi Talib at the conuence of the core
Islamic teachings of the Quran and the oral, nature-based cultural ethos of seventh
century Arabia.
Martn, Jos Carlos; Iranzo Abelln, Salvador, Justo de Urgel, Sermo de s. Vincen-
tio (CPL 1092): estudio de su tradicin manuscrita, edicin crtica y traduccin.
Renedo, Xavier, Tres notes sobre lArs predicandi populo de Francesc Eiximenis (au-
toria, dataci i contingut).
Ferragud, Carmel; Olmos de Len, Ricardo M., La cetrera en los ejemplos, smiles
y metforas de san Vicente Ferrer.
MONOGRFICO:

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