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Islamic Childrens Novels in Post-Suharto Indonesia:

A Genre Study
Chris Woodrich

Introduction
Indonesia is the worlds largest majority Muslim nation, with 87 percent of its
237,641,326 registering as Muslims in the 2010 census. The religion, present in the Indonesian
archipelago since at least the thirteenth century, has influenced all aspects of daily life in the
country, from language to schooling to universal (read, generally accepted) Indonesian mores.
However, its position is not monolithic. Traditional scholarship has typically recognized the
abangan (Islam with Hindu and Buddhist influences) and santri (orthodox Islam). Daniels
(2009: 50) writes that the abangan and santri Muslims have long been in competition, both
claiming ideological superiority and regarding the other faction with distrust and, at times, hatred.
Despite this significant divide, Muslim communities from both factions have expressed
concern that Indonesia appears to be abandoning traditional Islamic values for the temptations
of the West, among others godlessness, premarital sex, homosexuality, and consumerism.
Considering themselves as representatives of Islamic virtue, groups have protested various
actions deemed indecent or immoral, including a March 2013 concert by Lady Gaga and viral
video in April of that year which depicted five girls combining the call to prayer with a Maroon 5
song. Although such protests may, as Schaefer (2013) suggests, have roots in various non-
religious aspects of the social structure, the fact that protests against indecency and immorality
have been given a religious face is very telling: it implies that a moral person, one who is well-
accepted by the community, is one who understands Islam.
How has this socio-religious background combined with the high literacy among
Indonesians aged five to nineteen (measured at 89.9 percent in the 2010 census), particularly in
the context of Islamic education? This paper, assuming an effort in childrens education, looks at
thirteen novels all published in Yogyakarta between 2005 and 2009 in an effort to describe a
new subgenre in Indonesian childrens literature which emphasizes Islamic virtues. This
subgenre, tentatively deemed Islamic childrens literature, is here placed in its historical context.
From thence, we describe its current societal influences, forms, and functions, before concluding
with several concerns regarding the new genres possible negative influences on the future.
Theoretical background
Cawelti (1976: 8) defines genre as a literary class that views certain typical patterns in
relation to their artistic limitations and potential, one which may involve culture-specific
formulas patterns of plot or character arising from convention or a more universal archetype
patterns, often thematic, found throughout the world. Works in a particular formulaic genre
share story patterns and effects, which will be repeated to a greater or lesser extent, possibly
with some change in each work in the genre. Considering the cultural aspects of a formulaic
genre recognized by Cawelti, it holds that a genre will also share certain patterns of author- and
readership, with authors and readers sharing the culturally determined symbols used.
From an understanding of a genre one can, Cawelti writes, construct effective
generalizations about large groups of literary works for the purpose of relating literary
production to other cultural patterns (1976: 7). The corollary, that one can use cultural patterns
to understand the large groups of literary works known as genres, we also hold to be true:
through an understanding of sociological factors which influence the formation of a community
which creates a body of literature, one can understand how that body of literature came into
being and how its intrinsic elements are understood within the context of that group. Such an
approach necessitates an understanding of sociological patterns within a society, including those
exemplified by authors and readers, which can then be used to understand elements intrinsic to
works as both texts and physical objects.

History
Written childrens literature has existed in what is now Indonesia since at least 1884,
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when the Bogor-based educator Lie Kim Hok published two books for children, Kitab Edja and
Sobat Anak-Anak. The former, although mainly intended to teach younger children how to read
the vernacular Malay common in trading communities at the time, also included simple poetry
dealing with everyday issues (Lie, 2000); the latter had some short stories. One of the first, if not
the earliest, Malay-language childrens novels was published in 1912: Tjerita Sie Po Giok.
Written by Tio Ie Soei, the novel detailed the life of a young orphan who lived with his uncle and,
despite multiple hardships, ultimately becomes a successful, kind, rich man (Tio, 2000). This

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We have been unable to determine the earliest date for oral childrens literature in the archipelago. Considering
the lack of documentation, an exact one is unlikely to be found. However, it should be noted that Liaw (2011:
11) records published versions of the kancil stories dating back to at least 1879.
early example already showed a trend towards using childrens literature to preach morals:
integrity, the willingness to forgive others, and a drive to study.
Original childrens works by native Indonesian writers were published by Balai Pustaka,
backed by the Dutch colonial government. Unlike the earlier Chinese-written works, these books
used the court Malay found almost exclusively in Sumatra, a language the colonial government
was establishing as a lingua franca for administrative purposes in the Indies.
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These publications
remained highly didactic, again emphasizing the need for morality among children. Unlike the
Chinese works mentioned above, which were either secular or non-denominational (Tio, for
instances, uses the word Allah as a standard term for God, a use common in Indonesian
Christian and Muslim communities alike), an Islamic identity was present in some of these
works. For instance, Aman Datuk Madjoindos Si Doel Anak Betawi, one of the periods
childrens books most familiar to modern audiences, has scenes where the main character Doel is
studying prayer and the Quran under a Hajji (Madjoindo, 2010: 16-28). Although the writer does
emphasize the need to pray (ngaji) and say Bismillah, Doels faith in Islam is not explicitly the
solution to the novels conflict.
Preliminary readings indicate that childrens novels through the first decades of
Indonesian independence varied in their level of emphasis on religion, including Islam, but in
general emphasized the secular aspects of life many emphasized the role of the nation and
ones devotion to it. One such work, B. Nurdin J acubs Kisah Petualang Cilik (1967), was
almost purely nationalist, devoting entire paragraphs to the role of the armed forces (42) and the
state philosophy of Pancasila (51), while religion and God received barely a mention (although a
decidedly Islamic one): Khalikulalam. Allah Maha Besar! (22). Other publications, such as
Aan Merdeka Permanas Terkepung di Gunung Kunci, further pushed religion aside; the main
characters religion is never stated, nor implied using wording specific to a certain religion.
Although values found in Islam were present in these stories, such values were mostly those
found in other religions and belief systems; very little exclusively Islamic was presented in these
novels.
The growth of childrens novels emphasizing the role of Islam, a genre which will be
further described below, coincides with a period of increased interest in adult-oriented works of
Islamic-themed fiction, particularly romances for adults. The most successful such work,

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For further details on language politics behind this decision, consult Maier (1991).
Habiburrahman El Shirazys Ayat-Ayat Cinta, sold 750,000 copies between its first publication
in 2004 and 2008 and is credited with kick-starting the genre (Budianto, 2008). The earliest
Islamic-themed childrens novel recorded here, Dyah Wahyuningsihs Takabur, was released the
following year, and numerous further books in the genre including twelve discussed below
have been published; Islamic themes have also entered more mainstream childrens books,
although in these cases religion and religious teachings is not dominant.
Amrih Widodo (2008) writes that, as a result of this boom, Islam has become a popular
brand names for material, media and cultural products, with the religion used to imbue
material goods with both religious and economic value, a statement which is almost certainly
correct. However, Widodos suggested cause, an unexpected and radical liberalisation of the
media following the fall of Suharto in 1998, appears to be oversimplified. Although the
changing mediascape and greater access to publishers likely played a role, one must also look at
the changing role of Islam in Indonesian society.
It is generally accepted that, during the first twenty-somewhat years of Suhartos
presidency (19671980s), Islam as a political force was pushed aside. Although Indonesians
were required, by law, to follow one of five religions, the political sphere remained secular at
times, such as in Tajung Priok in 1984, to the point of conflict. One much-discussed issue is that
of the headscarf (hijab), which state schools in the 1980s forbade; some students were even
expelled for not complying with this decree (Brenner, 2005: 105). During the early to late 1990s,
however, the Suharto government relaxed its restrictions on Islamic groups political movements.
The ban on headscarves was rescinded in 1991. That same year Suharto took an overtly Muslim
persona, undertaking a much-publicized hajj pilgrimage and adding the name Mohammad to his
own. Meanwhile, the Islamic organizations Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah took back
political power similar to what they had held in the late 1950s. This re-opening of the political
sphere to Islam has only become more pronounced after Suhartos resignation.
Based on author demographics, the writers of Islamic childrens literature discussed in
this paper were children in the highly secular years of the New Order government, before coming
of age in the final years of the administration. We posit that the writers, adults by the mid-2000s
when Islamic fiction became popular, used the open mediascape and its resulting growth in small
publishers to market their own writings for children. Unlike the secular stories from their youth,
these writers emphasized the role of Islam as a form of dakwah, or Islamic preaching, so that
children born after Suhartos resignation could become devout, santri Muslims; in this manner
writers attempt to combat the perceived degradation of society. This argument shall be explored
below, through a look at various aspects of the Islamic childrens literature subgenre, ranging
from the books themselves and their cover art to the contents, to sociological factors such as
writers and audience.

Authors
Authors of Islamic childrens novels are from a variety of backgrounds, and there appears
to be no major gender imbalance; both male and female writers are represented. They are of
varying ages and originate from different socio-economic backgrounds. Some are university
students, others are teachers; one, Muktiar Selawati, is a civil servant stationed with the
Indonesian Army. Despite these variables, there are several similarities apparent from the about
the author pages in the books.
Text-wise, the about the author page of each book is often although, as shown by the
standard format used by Loli and Cita-Cita Si Nok, not always written from the position of a
respected, if polite, elder sibling. These pages address children directly and use words such as
adik [younger sibling] to refer to the reader; writers refer to themselves as kak or kakak
(elder sibling). Writers may use humor as a hook for younger readers, in order to entice them to
read further and thus better advertise the writers and their message; these advertorials, although
indirect, generally focus on the writers other publications and their activities outside of writing.
For instance, in Misteri Hantu Imut the writer starts Adik-adik our writer is named Arif I.Y.
Pranata, just call him Arif. Our kakak was born in Lamongan, precisely on 28 [emphasis in
original] J uly (Come on, who wants to send him a present???)
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before detailing his own
achievements short stories and teaching silat in more standard Indonesian.
Age-wise, the writers of these novels are generally of child-rearing age. In the works
surveyed, most were born in the late 1970s or early 1980s. As such, the average age at time of
publication was 2535, an age when most Indonesians either already have or are considering
having children; none, however, mentioned having children in their biographies. There were
some exceptions, however. Some, such as Afrira of Tirai Kasih Eka, were teenagers at the time
of their works publication. Others, such as Tun Karima of Cita-Cita Si Nok, were in their 50s or

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Original: Adik-adik..penulis kita ini bernama Arif I. Y. Pranata, panggil saja Kak Arif. Kakak kita ini lahir di
kota Lamongan, tempatnya pada 28 Juli (Ayo siapa yang mau ngirim kado???)
Figure 1: Four authors of Islamic childrens literature. Left to right: Rustan Anani Ahmad,
Arif I. Y. Pranata, Dyah Wahyuningsih, and Anis Apriliawati.
60s at the time of publication. We have thus far been unable to locate Islamic childrens novels
written by children or preteens. However, they are active; several short story writers, such as
Salma Arifah and Nusaibah Afiyah in the anthology Akibat Suka Pamer, were aged ten or under
at the time of publication.

The greatest similarity, although by no means startling, is the authors tendency to stress
their Islamic background. Karimas list of works, for instance, includes titles such as A Night in
Mecca and poetic translations of two suras; Ratno Fadillah, meanwhile, names several Islamic
magazines, including Muslimah and Sabili, amongst the works which have published his writings.
Writers who have included their photographs wear clothing which is considered symbolic of
Islam; the men wear skullcaps (kopiah) or blangkon, while the women wear headscarves (jilbab).
These visual cues (visible in Figure 1) serve to further show the writers devotion to Islam,
emphasizing their appropriateness as examples to follow. This further subconsciously shapes the
readers an understanding of what a Muslim should look like, thus promoting a quasi-monolithic
(keeping in mind the different varieties of headgear available) Muslim body image. We have
been unable to locate any non-Muslim writers of Islamic childrens fiction.

Audience
The audience for these publications is Muslim children, mostly those of elementary
school age (712). This is stated explicitly on the cover of each book published by Mitra Bocah
Islam which was surveyed. Beside or within a large banner in which the genre is explicitly stated
(Novel Anak Islami) is an apple, of an unfixed color, with the statement Untuk Usia 7-12
Tahun (for ages 7-12). Persons in this age group are easily impressionable. They are still
forming their sense of identity and more easily swayed to follow a certain point of view. As a
result, readers in this age group are assumed more so than adults to be receptive to dakwah
and willing to follow examples given.
The other two books, both published by Pustaka Kreatif, had disparate covers. Misteri
Hantu Imut did not identify a target age group, although the cover retained a statement of faith
and the content clearly demonstrated an intent to reach younger demographics. The second,
Mengalah Untuk Menang, was targeted at 9-to-14-year-old readers a somewhat older
demographic, excluding Grade 2 and 3 students but including those from junior high school.
Both target demographics are reflected in the books lengths, diction, and themes, which will be
explored further below.

Books
Physically, the works studied are quite similar. Covers are made of firm, laminated paper,
resistant to tears and spills. The texts themselves are printed in a large, easily read font, Arial 13
or similar. The books use thin paper, through which printing remains visible when viewed from
the rear, even without holding the paper up to the light. Such use of material is indicative of low
production costs, which is part of the publishers marketing strategies; books acquired for this
survey cost an average of 10 to 12 thousand rupiah each. Economically speaking, these low
production costs and sales prices less than half that of Mizans Kecil Punya Karya line is
almost certainly to make the books more competitive in the market, particularly considering that
the publishers are smaller and, thus, have smaller networks than their competitors. If analyzed
with the books use for dakwah in mind, such a low cost is also likely meant to allow for wider
distribution, thus allowing for a wider audience to receive the (Islamic) moral lessons contained
within.
In general, the books covers have a full-color (usually quite vibrant) depiction of one or
more scene from within the book (Figure 2), with a black-and-white version (at times simplified)
invariably featuring with the story itself. Of all the books surveyed, only one (Maya, Jangan
Bersedih) did not have a full-color cover, although it did use shades of blue instead of the black-
and-white of interior illustrations. In all but one book surveyed, the cover illustration depicted
the storys main character(s). Only one, Misteri Hilangnya Si Pitung, depicted a minor character,
showing a boy riding his bike Si Pitung; the theft of the bike is the main source of conflict in
the novel.
These cover illustrations, and
those inside the books, are mostly done in
a style which lends itself to broad strokes
and easy coloring. The use of shading
shows influences from J apanese animated
cartoons, although the shape of characters
eyes and overall design is significantly
more realistic. Two of the books surveyed,
Tirai Kasih Eka and Maya, Jangan
Bersedih, had covers in a significantly
different style. Both had lines reminiscent
of sketching, but whereas the former was
colored in afterwards, the latter
illustration used smudging.
The books titles are written in
large, bold, colorful font, one which is not
as plain as Arial or Times New Roman. Some resemble handwriting, some are block writing,
some are highly stylized, and some are rounded. At times key words are written even larger than
other parts of the title, an creative choice meant to draw readers eyes. In Misteri Hantu Imut, for
instance, the titles last two words (meaning the cute ghost, a sensational term) are written
thrice as large as the word Misteri. The authors names, as standard for novels, is written much
smaller than the title itself.
The books vary in length, between 80 (Misteri Hilangnya Si Pitung) and 127 (Suatu Hari
dalam Hidupku) pages, with most between 95 and 105 pages. Each book is further divided into
chapters, between 4 and 19. the beginning of each chapter is a full page with the chapters title
and, sometimes, an illustration, such as the actual length of the text can be significantly shorter
than the number of pages would indicate. The number of pages of actual text is also reduced by
the illustrations, at least three in each book, which take up a full page on their own. Furthermore,
each book has a page with publication information, one for a table of contents, a black-and-white
reprint of the cover illustration, one or two pages discussing the author, a page with an explicitly
didactic quote, and several pages which are intentionally left blank. Thus, a book such as Loli
Figure 2: Covers of some novels studied
(ostensibly 112 pages) has only 68 pages of text dedicated to the story itself. Combined with the
relatively large font size, this allows the books to be read quickly.
The relatively short length of these books is due to the target audience of elementary
school students, who are not expected to read several hundred pages. As these books are
intended as a form of dakwah, efforts have been taken to make them less frightening to younger
readers, who may give up on reading a book of great length. The illustrations, spaced evenly in
the books, likewise maintain the readers interest by depicting scenes from the novels in a
manner deemed interesting to readers.

Diction and style
Novels surveyed used almost entirely Indonesian and foreign loan words already
common in Indonesian (particularly those from Arabic, especially ustadz); although words which
remain markedly foreign are present, much of it is Arabic (discussed below) or from a local
dialect. The Indonesian used is not complicated, with mostly simple sentences and short words.
Polysyllabic words, almost inevitable in Indonesian,
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are common; however, the writers tend to
limit the number of each syllables in each word to a maximum of three. The narratives are
always in semi-formal Indonesian, although at times onomatopoeia (the Tet.. tet.. tettt...
[Pranata, 2010: 36] of a ringing school bell, for instance) or non-formal terms are inserted. The
dialogue is, at times, in semi-formal Indonesian (particularly when children address adults),
while in other cases slang and other non-formal language is used. A representative quote, from
Ustadz Jefri pun Menangis (74), follows:
Dapat banyak, Nak?
Nakhda mengangguk. Lumayan, Nek! Dapat satu karung setengah. Lebih
dari target.
Target? Nenek yang selalu ditemaninya menunggu mobil pengangkut
sampah sambil bercerita, bingung mendengar jawaban dari Nakhda.
(Did you get much, Child?
Nakhda nodded. Not bad, Grandmother. Got one and a half pails. More than
the target.
Target? The old woman whom she always accompanied while waiting for
the garbage truck while sharing stories, was confused after hearing Nakhdas
answer.)

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The writer is unaware of any books written in Indonesian using entirely (or even mostly) monosyllabic words,
and doubts such a feat is possible.
This use of language is not uncommon to childrens literature in general. As children,
particularly younger ones, generally have limited reading comprehension, lengthy words would
render these books inaccessible to the target audience. The emphasis on semi-formal Indonesian
(although not particularly well-written) during the narrative suggests an effort, either conscious
or unconscious, to ensure children have greater language skills, particularly in relation to
grammar.
The contrast in the dialogue is explainable by looking the target audience: children are
expected to speak politely (in many cases, properly) with adults. However, overly formal
dialogue would be pronouncedly unrealistic and unbelievable, more reminiscent of grammar
books than stories, leading readers to have a lack of enjoyment. In order to ensure readers remain
interested, the dialogue should be vivid and interesting, reminiscent of real conversation. In such
cases the non-formal language is more likely to dominate, as children are expected to enjoy the
works more if the young characters speak as actual children would.
As mentioned above, the vast majority of loan words in these books is from Arabic; these,
in turn, are mostly related to Islam. The novels, for the most part, begin with Bismillah (In the
name of God), an invocation which Muslims are supposed to speak before beginning any effort.
Aside from Bismillah, The texts are replete with the greetings/partings As-salam alaykum (peace
be upon you) and Wa alaykum s-salam (and upon you, peace), both in the form given here and
various lengthier ones; the injunction Astaghfirullah (I seek forgiveness from Allah; sometimes
abbreviated astaga); the injunction Alhamdulillah (praise to God), and the invocation Insha'Allah
(God willing); in all cases studied the terms were used by protagonists, either primary or
supporting. These terms, predominantly the domain of Muslims in Indonesia,
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serve to
emphasize the role of ones language in religion. Arabic is, according to Spolsky (2009: 46), a
sacred language for Muslims throughout the world. It is the language of the Quran, the language
of the prophet Mohammad, and the language in which Islam was conveyed to the archipelago.
As such, a child repeatedly using Arabic even as limited as that shown here is suggested to be
closer to God than one who does not use the language; it may even be implied that a Muslim
who speaks no Arabic is not a Muslim.
Aside from the source of their words, the frequent repetition of the terms cited above
emphasizes the belief that all of life, creation, and death are under the power of Allah. The terms

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In other areas of the globe, particularly Arabic-speaking ones, some terms are regularly used by non-Muslims.
Bismillah, Astaghfirullah, Alhamdulillah, and Insha'Allah all reflect the power relationship
between humans and God. It is humans who request Gods forgiveness, grace, or blessings; God,
in Islam, does not request the same from humans. Through repeated use of these Arabic terms,
the characters imply that they both recognize Gods power over them and welcome it. By
associating such terms with protagonists who ultimately succeed at their tasks and are well-loved
by their families and communities, the books imply that recognizing Gods omnipotence is a
prerequisite to becoming a successful person. A similar teaching is made explicitly in some
books. In Takabur, for instance, the main character Linda is repeatedly reminded that she
received her intelligence and capabilities from God, and it is only with Gods grace that she can
succeed; this lesson takes root after Linda suffers from severe diarrhea which threatens a much-
anticipated stage performance.
An interesting phenomenon, particularly in light of the emphasis on Arabic and Islamic
teachings found in these novels, is the complete lack of Quranic verses. One of the novels
included a character reading two suras of the Quran (Ar-Rahman and Ta Ha) aloud as a key plot
point, but did not quote any of the verses, either in Arabic or in Indonesian; for comparison,
Ayat-Ayat Cinta contained multiple quotations from the Quran, some in the original Arabic and
some translated. Based on the important role in which Arabic and the Quran play in Islam, we
presume that this lack of quotes is not meant to imply that children should not avoid reading the
Quran, but to prevent the holy books text from being misread (and, as a result, possibly
damaging the perfection of the Quran) by children who do not have an adults supervision and
correction. Quranic reading is traditionally an important part of a young Muslims religious
development; children start early and are praised for their progress as they are assumed to be
closer to understanding Gods sacred word. Owing to complexities of Arabic, a foreign language
to most if not all Indonesian readers, and the varying quality of transliterations, children
without previous experience in reading the Quran are likely to mangle the pronunciation and
repeat doing so without an adult to correct them.

Characterization
The main characters in these novels are children, either male or female. Most stories
focus only on the main characters at a certain point in time, with the overall plot lasting less than
a year. Others span a period of several years; Cita-Cita Si Nok, for instance, followed the main
character Nok from before she began schooling (age four) to her entry in junior high school (age
twelve). No matter their ages, these children have similar personalities and skills. They are
intellectually gifted, easily reaching the top five ranks in their class. In one case, Mengalah untuk
Menang, the main character Ikhsan wins a national championship, seemingly without effort.
Outside of school these characters may have special skills which they use for their own
betterment, such as drawing in Loli. There are no central characters in these novels who face
significant academic challenges. Morally the main characters generally follow the teachings of
the Quran. They pray regularly, listen to their elders, learn to read the Quran, and attempt to
control their basic instincts and avoid temptation. Character flaws, if present, are used as the
source of conflict in a psychological plot and overcome by the end of the novel.
Antagonists, in books with such characters, are of a similar age as the protagonists. The
child protagonists are not pitted against adults, who children are expected to respect and honor;
even adults with positions controversial to the general public, such as Nakdhas uncle in Ustadz
Jefri pun Menangis who forces his niece to collect discarded cans every afternoon after school,
are treated with deference. The young antagonists are generally in a better financial position than
the protagonist, with easy access to cars and brand-name toys. Although intelligent, they are
incapable of competing with the protagonist at school and, as such, often result to cheating or
attempting to besmirch the protagonists reputation; they do not fight, although they may argue.
In Cita-Cita Si Nok, for instance, the antagonists Tiwi and Anto attempt to frame Nok for the
theft of another students money.
Central female characters who have experienced menarche (or are of an age in which
they would be expected to begin menstruating), without exception, wear the headscarf; most
female protagonists do so as well. Some main characters begin even earlier, while still
prepubescent. The only central female character in books surveyed who did not wear a headscarf
by the end of the novel was Loli, who was still aged ten or eleven at the books conclusion. In
contrast, antagonists in general do not wear the headscarf. Tiwi of Cita-Cita Si Nok and Rina of
Bunga dalam Vas Retak, for instance, are never illustrated as wearing the headscarf or keeping
hijab. Instead they are depicted as freely showing their long hair and wearing knee-length skirts,
part of their school uniforms. Adult women may be depicted with or without the veil, but this is
an exception rather than the rule; many are, in their own way, otherwise flawed according to
conservative Islamic teachings. Raras mother in Bunga dalam Vas Retak, for instance, is a
divorcee, while Dewi in Loli abandoned her obligations as a schoolteacher for several weeks in
order to get married.
This portrayal emphasizes the (socially constructed, considering there is no mention of
headscarves in the Quran [Bloom and Blair, 2002: 46-47]) requirement for females to wear the
headscarf to protect their modesty. By contrasting the (veiled) protagonists with the non-veiled
antagonists, the books suggest that a good person and good Muslim keeps herself veiled. A
person who is not devout and often goes against Islamic teachings, meanwhile, has no reason to
wear the veil. This implicitly suggests that all women who wear headscarves are devout Muslims
who strictly adhere to Islamic teachings, while those who do not wear the veil are more likely to
sin or go against Islamic teachings. Perhaps such a monolithic position is deemed necessary for
children, to make it simpler for them to understand, but it is inherently flawed: those who wear
the veil are still human, and thus subject to the same temptations as all humans.
The same implication, and just as simplified and flawed, can be found in the portrayal of
religious leaders as intrinsically pure and devout. The ustadz and ustadzah, who have central
roles in Misteri Hantu Imut and Sanksi Buat Samsi, are intelligent, patient, and of impeccable
moral standing. Even those with a questionable background, such as the former criminal and
drug addict Ustadz J efri (based on the real-life cleric) of Ustadz Jefri pun Menangis is described
as never returning to sin after finding strength in God. No ustadz are depicted with sinful
thoughts or deeds, such as stealing or committing fornication. However, there have been multiple
cases of religious leaders exploiting their position for financial gain, sexual pleasure, or other
purely worldly needs; in 2008, for instance, allegations over sexual misconduct by Kyai As'ad
Syukur Fauzanni of Surabaya led to extensive protests (Cleric).
One interesting aspect of characterization is the complete lack of explicitly or implicitly
non-Muslim characters. None of books characters had names which are more common among
non-Muslims, such as Christian or Mary. Some, such as Linda of Takabur, did have Western-
style names, but were explicitly Muslim. Others, such as Eka (Tirai Kasih Eka) or Rara (Bunga
dalam Vas Retak), have traditionally Indonesian names which do not imply religion. There are
no symbols of other religions in the homes of secondary characters either, no Hindu swastikas or
Christian crosses. This implicitly suggests an Indonesia in which there are no non-Muslims, a
portrayal which is blatantly incorrect, and because of this lack of non-Muslim characters, themes
such as religious tolerance and respect for other cultures issues highly relevant to the multi-
faith, multi-cultural archipelago are never shown.

Formulas and archetypes
Books surveyed exhibit common plot elements which can be used to establish a formula.
Aside from elements of characterization, discussed above, certain plot points are repeated again
and again. The main characters face challenges which they must either overcome or understand,
be they external ones like an earthquake in Yogyakarta (Kisah Sedih Sahabat Pena), a stolen
bike (Misteri Hilangnya Si Pitung), parents divorce (Bunga dalam Vas Retak), a friend with a
frequently absent parent (Maya, Jangan Bersedih), or internal ones such as guilt after a theft
(Ustadz Jefri Pun Menangis) or an unabashed sense of pride (Takabur). Ultimately these
children succeed. They may do so by their own actions, such as helping earthquake victims,
recovering the stolen bike, or recognizing that the parents will not reunite or that they have their
own flaws. The situation can also be resolved because of another, unexpected event, such as an
accident rendering a mother unable to work.
From the above discussion we can identify two standard formulas used in the genre. In
the situational formula, the main character finds him or herself in a situation which tests his or
her faith or challenges him or her, which ultimately he or she can overcome with a strong will
and faith in God. The formula follows a progression of events as below:
1. A child is introduced, who is of outstanding virtue and skill.
2. The child encounters a challenging situation, either because of natural events or
events caused by other persons (possibly an antagonist).
3. Taking the advice of an adult, the child confronts the situation while never wavering
from his or her virtues.
4. The situation is either resolved through the actions and strength of the child,
neutralized by the childs recognition that it is beyond his or her capabilities to
change, or solved by another event.
5. The antagonist, if present, is neutralized; he or she may become the protagonists
friend.
6. The child lives happily afterwards as a devout Muslim.
These synopses also show a second, psychological formula, one which may be used
instead of the first. These books do not need an antagonist, as the main source of conflict (and
the solution thereof) lies entirely with the protagonist. This formula follows a progression of
events as below.
1. A child is introduced, who is of outstanding virtue and skill but has one flaw in his or
her personality or actions.
2. The child is admonished regarding his or her personality flaw or actions by a
respected adult or friend, but the child ignores this.
3. Following a specific event, the child realizes that he or she has been immoral.
4. The child feels guilty.
5. The child repents and does not repeat his or her earlier flaw.
6. The child lives happily afterwards as a devout Muslim.
The books often combine the two formulas, generally with one more dominant than the
other (Takabur, for instance, focuses on the sin of pride but also portrays Lindas overcoming of
several challenges in order to put on a stage play). In at least one book, however, the two
formulas are of nearly equal prominence: Ustadz Jefri pun Menangis. The story, which revolves
around four main characters, combines situational challenges (Nakdha loses her father then must
scavenge through garbage to make a living; Aslam has to face the fact that his father is sick and
perhaps dying; Danen must face his parents divorce) with psychological ones (Gozy feels guilty
after stealing and lying to others about it). In this case, however, the individual elements in the
formula are not well developed.
Ultimately, these books (no matter what formula used) present the standard archetype of
good triumphing over evil, always with the power of faith in Islam and devotion to its teachings.
A character facing extraordinary circumstances is able to overcome them by simply following
Islamic teachings, attempting to be a good person and follow Quranic teachings. For instance, by
abandoning their belief in supernatural creatures not found in the Quran, particularly ghosts
(considered takhyul), Fadli and his friends in Misteri Hantu Imut find the bravery to discover the
true nature of some ghost sightings. Meanwhile, in stories focusing on psychological conflicts,
the main character embraces the teachings of the Quran, abandoning the evil of sin and
finding that their sense of guilt disappears. In Takabur, for instance, Linda is able to vanquish
her pride by recognizing that she received her skills from God, and ultimately she becomes a
more mature person because of it.

Themes
One of the main themes dealt with in these novels is a didactic one, related to how a
Muslim child should act and feel. They should not steal, an act which only brings grief and guilt
(Ustadz Jefri pun Menangis). Instead Muslim children should be happy to give to those who are
more needy, volunteer their time and money without asking anything in return (Kisah Sedih
Sahabat Pena). Muslim children, according to these books, should work together to solve
problems and not be afraid to share (Maya, Jangan Bersedih). They should not try to take
revenge on people who have wronged them, for instance by teasing them in class (Mengalah
untuk Menang) or framing them for theft (Cita-Cita Si Nok), but forgive those who have
wronged them and if possible attempt to be friends (Misteri Hilangnya Si Pitung).
The children should not only be diligent in their school work, but be happy to study, be it
at a state school or a Muslim one; however, Muslim schools are preferable (Sanksi Buat Samsi,
Cita Cita Si Nok). Even if they find studying easy, and constantly outperform their classmates,
they should not be arrogant and consider it all their own ability; they should instead be humble
and accept their abilities as a gift from God. Studying should not only be limited to school,
however: learning about Islam and conventionally accepted morals needs to be done at home as
well (Takabur). This education should help them overcome their superstitions, so that they do
not believe in takhyul but God (Misteri Hantu Imut). Lessons such as these appear to be the main
focus of the books, considering the prominent role they play in the plot.
Aside from this didactic message, Islamic childrens novels emphasize that life on Earth
is not perfect. In several books the characters have to deal with a bitter divorce. The proceedings
and loss of a parent leaves the main character devastated, and reconciliation proves impossible
even if both parents recognize that they are still in love (Bunga dalam Vas Retak). In another
book, Misteri Hantu Imut, the conflict is sparked by a mans suicide an act which is considered
a grave sin in Islam. Such themes and plot elements appear to be an effort to prepare children to
recognize that life is not perfect, no matter what, and that they must be willing to accept all
challenges life brings. In Takabur, such events are explicitly stated as a way in which God tests
humans and, sometimes, saves them from a greater danger.
Another two themes, both common in all forms of childrens literature, is that of coming
to age. In many cases, particularly those which span the period of several years, the main
characters must deal with becoming older and as a result more mature and independent. This
coming of age is presented in realistic terms, with events which are most people experience;
nothing utterly fantastic is presented. These coming-of-age events can be as simple as
overcoming ones own arrogance (Takabur) or recognizing that all people experience sadness
(Ustadz Jefri pun Menangis) to more life-changing events such as completing elementary school
(Cita-Cita Si Nok) and becoming separated from ones brother after being adopted (Suatu Hari
dalam Hidupku).
The books, through their depictions of popular, moral children, also deal with being
accepted by peers. Without fail these Islamic childrens novels emphasize that morality is a
source of popularity and, in particular, true friendship. For instance, Sanksi Buat Samsi shows
Samsi shunned by the class for stealing money and fruit regaining his popularity after
becoming known as a moral and honest boy. Similarly, although J amli of Suatu Hari dalam
Hidupku is initially alienated for being an orphan after changing schools, he is able to win his
class favor by showing himself as a friendly, honest, humble, and intelligent student. Both J amli
and Ikhsan of Mengalah untuk Menang are able to befriend the antagonists of the stories by
showing themselves to be honest and not vengeful; ultimately these former enemies become
loyal friends.
Considering the age bracket of the target audience, these two themes are highly relevant
and necessary for readers day-to-day lives. Children, particularly as they approach puberty,
undergo rapid changes in their bodies and mindsets, torn between an untold number of social and
biological pressures which attempt to shape their development. They are also particularly
impressionable, as mentioned above, to the point that being able to fit in is one of their main
concerns; they need and thrive on the recognition of their peers, to the point that they search for
it at the risk of serious injury or other negative effects. As such, through dealing with these issues,
the books assist young readers in controlling their development and dealing with their own
concerns about growing up; they also offer an alternative to their possibly self-detrimental efforts
of finding acknowledgement.

Conclusion
Following decades of state-legislated oppression in the political sphere, Islam in
Indonesia has seemingly undergone a revival. In the context of childrens literature, writers have
used this revival to establish a new subgenre, that of the Islamic childrens novel. Characterized
by extensive use of Arabic loanwords related to Islam; conflicts, both internal and external,
solved through faith in Allah and Muhammad and the acceptance of their teachings; brilliant, if
not perfect, children as main characters; and the rejection of values deemed non-Muslim; these
stories serve as a medium for dakwah, preaching orthodox Islam to impressionable children in an
effort to promote the religions further growth in Indonesia. These works, although decidedly
didactic and written with the voice of authority, recognize that not every person will live a life
without sin and be a model Muslim; the books likewise recognize that one cannot find absolute
happiness on Earth.
As of the time of writing there is no indication that Islamic-themed childrens novels will
see a regression. Indeed, such novels may become increasingly mainstream as the Islamic
renaissance in Indonesia gains force. However, such religious fervor particularly when
delivered from a position of authority is increasingly being used to stifle fundamental freedoms,
some guaranteed by the Indonesian constitution or implicit from the national motto Bhinneka
Tunggal Ika (Many but one). Ideals of pluralism, necessary for the continuation of a diverse
and multi-faceted society, were declared haraam (forbidden) by the Indonesian Ulama Council
in 2005 (Preachers told); seven years later the same body forbade the simple greeting Merry
Christmas, considering it akin to confirming the misguided teachings of Christianity
(Muryanto et al, 2012).
In this context, there are some decidedly negative implications of the childrens literature
studied above. The lack of explicitly non-Muslim characters implies that persons who are not
Muslims are non-persons, unworthy of notice, acknowledgement, or recognition, a belief which
greatly eases the marginalization and oppression of these minorities. Furthermore, the depiction
of explicitly Muslim authority figures, particularly ulamas and women wearing hijabs, as always
correct implies that religious leaders are infallible, and as following them will lead to happiness
and success; this idea is decidedly false, as repeatedly shown by religious leaders abusing their
position for worldly gains. We hope that future works of Islamic childrens literature can
incorporate concepts of religious tolerance and recognition of the fallibility of humanity, both of
which are necessary for children to grow into functioning members of a multi-faith society.

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