HISTORY OF THE ARTIST

General M.D. Shirinzda and the Gaza Sisters When Mr Shirindza was groing up he came across famous mu
composer, Daniel Marivate. He was duly and thoroughly impressed by his music. Many of DC Marivate's m
composed while he was at war (World War II), eg 'Hayi famba Jarimani, hayi famab le vafana.'. Mr Shirindz
name -Daniel- from the famous Daniel Marivate.

Mr Shirindza began his music career in

1961. His passion for music was further
inspired/ infused by a certain musician
and composer from Mozambique. This
musician is credited with composing -A
ndzi dlayiwi kule ndzi hela kwala, Jenerala MD Shirindza
xivandzanyongeni.-. Mr Shirindza also
took a liking to the music of Fransisco
Ndlovu Mkhonto. When the radio for At that time radio was only about news/ current affairs and Xitsonga
Vatsonga-Machangana was established rarity. MD Shirindza's music grew in popularity up to the point whe
in 1962, MD Shirindza made his first with such world-renowned overseas artists as Paul Simon. The objec
record with timbila. of his music is to educate, guide and reprimand both young and old,
Mjaji", and others.
 Department of Communications Enterprise promotion agency Umsobomvu Department of Health National electronic media insit

View Xitsonga Version Of This Page

The four seasons
History SMM
Spring E
* Origin At the seasons that is called ximun"wana in Xitsonga,
Literature the little heat, when warm weather begins, trees
* Folklore become covered with leaves and the woman pick up
* Reviews their hoes. This is the beginning of agricultural year. Cultu
* Writers re
Summer
Culture The Vatsonga call summer Ximumu a time to begin
* Food sowing when the rains commence.
* Art Autumn Healt
* Religion This season which the Vatsonga call Xixikana/nhlovo h
* Fashion sees nature rich and bountiful, producing a
* Rites of passage cornucopia of ripened grains, mielies, beans, squash
* Music and root vegetables, many of which last well in to the
winter months.
* Tradition
* Clans In African rural tradition, those were hungry found
Language work harvesting the corn for others-and was paid
* Dictionary generously with baskets full of corn.
* Development Winter
* Dialects Winter known in Xitsonga as Vuxika/xixaka was a
* Idioms-Proverbs time after the harvest. April heralds a time of
Family Nhlangula or "shaking off the dust" when people can
go within, repent and purify. When the harvest has
* Norms-Values been filled, then begins the happy times of winter, of
* Structure beer drinking, vunanga,playing and paying visits.
Xitsonga Forums
Image Gallery The task of the men
Xitsonga Links In former times the man was the warrior, the
stockowner, the hunter and constructed huts.

It was important for a man to own a cattle (tihomu) for

its religious value (as sacrificial animals) as well as its
social value (as marriage goods). They were selected
on the basis of appearance rather than of quality.
Goats (timbuti) rather than cattle were used as food
and were tended to by the young boys. As the boys
grew older they became responsible for the cattle.
They spent their days in the veld, where they made
flutes (tinanga) from horns or reeds, which were
played when the cattle were chased.

Women were not allowed to come in contact with the

cattle, but they did tend the pigs and poultry.
Chickens (tihuku) have always been important for the
Vatsonga not only as part of their diet, but also for
religious purposes.

A woman"s tasks
Woman played an important role in the economy,
since they were responsible for the agriculture,
fishing collecting food from the veld, manufacturing
technological artefacts and salt productions.

During periods of large-scale agricultural activity a

woman would organize a working party (tsima),
inviting all her neighbours and relatives to come and
help. As the hostess she provided with beer and food
and she worked with them. The normal procedure
was for the working party to do the rounds of all the
fields in the area, so that each woman had the
opportunity to act as important as the work was done.

A woman grew a variety of crops for her family.

Initially cassava (ntsumbula) was grown on a large
scale and grain sorghum (n" wahuva) was the most
important staple food. Later maize (mavele) became
increasingly important as a staple food in addition to
sorghum today different types of beans and
groundnuts, as tomatoes, onions, sweet potatoes and
pumpkin are also grown to eat as relishes. Every
park of the pumpkin (xiphamasa/xipharhama,
kwembe, rhanga, gwadi na kalavatla) can be used "
the greens are cooked with porridge, the young fruits
stewed, and the flowers and the seeds are fried and
served with cereals. Calabashes (rhanga) are also
planted fort making household articles, containers
(ndheko) and spoons. Amber cane is grown as a
snack and use in making beer. Pineapple, mango,
banana, and pawpaw trees are being planted more
and more in settlements.

Porridge - when you cook

porridge you first boil water
and then pour "dini"(mealie
powder that has been mixed
with water and left to
ferment) and leave to boil.
After boiling you gradually
add mealie powder/ mealie
meal as you stir to thick. You
then leave to simmer and
serve afterwards.

Miroho/African
traditional spinach- it is
an allyear round kind
of small green-leafed
vegetable or plant. It
is called "mixiji". In
preparation, you first
wash it and pour it in
the pot where you pour
fat/oil and tomatoes at
once and allow to boil
together. This kind of
vegetable is commonly
abundant in summer.

Ground nut- is a ground

vegetable fruit which is dug.
They can be cooked with
water where salt is poured,
and they can be fired.

Pumpkins- they are

summer products, they
are cooked and poured
sugar
Water melon - they are
summer products
Xighwimbhi/ "nuty
pumpkin" - it"s cooked
using pumpkin,
crushed ground nuts
and salt is added,
plenty in summer.
xiendla hi vomu" - it is a
stamp=like porrige that is
cooked using half ripe beans
and half ripe mealies, found
mostly during summer.

Mealie-cob - it is a fruit
of a plant that is
usually planted in
summer, can be
cooked half-ripe and
called a cob, some
wait until they are dry,
its grains can be
crushed into powder
that is used to make
porridge.

Sweet reeds - these are

sweet reeds planted in
summer, they are like sugar
canes but they preserve a
green colour even when they
are ripe.
Sweet potatoes - these
are ground vegetables
that can be planted
and digged for when
ready, they are
washed and cooked in
water.

Maxonja"/ Mopani worms -

these are black worms in a
butterfly life-cycle, found in
treesmostly during summer.
They are boiled and added of
salt

Tihove" - cooked
mealie grains mixed
with crushed ground
nuts and a certain kind
of ground
nuts(uncrushed).
Smashed pumpkin - cooked
with pumpkin, mealie powder
and sugar
Beans - found in
summer, can be
planted. you pour them
in the pot with water
 and salt until they are
ready.
Nuty paste - fried mealie
grains and ground nuts are
crushed to form this kind of
paste.
Mitsumbula" - can be
planted and digged
when ripe, washed and
cooked.

Depart Enter Dep

ment prise artm National
Ums
of prom ent electronic media
obo
Comm otion of insitute of South
mvu
unicati agen Heal Africa
ons cy th

THE TABOOS

Taboos are precious informal education maintained by our ancestors through which they
guided their children even adult people. Taboos are used as imagery to colour the language.
The elderly people used taboos to instill good behaviour by telling people that if they do such
and such things a misfortune will be fall them. In other words, taboos would remind people of
the dangers that can happen to the individual or to the nation as a whole. Such things were
supposed to be taken serious so that no one should make any mistake about it.

TYPES OF TABOOS

Children Taboos

Children as tomorrow's nation were required to live under the guidance of the parents or
adults, and they in turn had to follow all instructions without ignoring any one.

Examples: You must never sit upon a stone used to support a cooking pot, it is taboo.

These kinds of taboos were created to make precaution that children may not burn their
buttocks.
- You must never count the stars at night, it is taboo.

This Taboo was aimed at preventing children from wasting their time counting stars because
they are countless, they can run mad.
Don't ever give stories during the day, it is taboo.

-This taboo was said if you do that, your parent would die.
The aim with this taboo was to alert children that they may not waste their time in reciting
stories and forgot about they duties or tasks. They would say if you do that, you would
encounter calamities.

-Don't sit on the cross roads, it is Taboo.

The aim of this taboo is to make children avoid accidents. They said that one will encounter
calamities.

- Jump over the fire, it is taboo.

- They said if you jump the fire you will become a thief. The aim was to prevent children
from injury, because they might fall into the fire end burn seriously.

-Don't eat raw fruits, it is taboo.

They said if you eat raw fruits/berries you will become deaf. The whole aim was to inform
them that raw fruits will cause stomach pains to children.
- Don't carry a half-full Calabash/bucket, it is taboo,

- They said that if you carry a half-full Calabash of water, you will give birth to a child with
gorged eyes. This was aimed at teaching girls to fetch a bucket full of water, instead of half-
full one.
- Never get married to your blood sister, it is taboo.
- This taboo teaches people about respect. They said if you get married to your sister, you
will give birth to disabled children.
- This taboo teaches people to respect one another.
- Don't cut your hair in public, it is taboo.
- This taboo teaches people about hygiene to prevent diseases. Children were told that if they
do such things, their hair will never grow again. Our ancestors by so doing prevented people
from littering their hairs all over.

Taboos for old people

Do not cry over an ill or sick child, it is '

- This ' especially rebukes women not to cry over an ill or sick child because he/she may be
paralyzed. The objective is to groom the women to be strong even when things are tough,
they should know that there is no child who cannot be ill or sick.

Do not push firewood further into the fire from all sides using your legs, it is '
- The Tsongas say that if it happens, your legs will swell. The objective of this ' is to avoid
unsystematic turning over of burning firewood that can burn other people who are sitting
around the fire.
Do not be involved in sexual activities when there is illness in the family, it is '
- It means that should it happen, you will give birth to mentally retarded kids. The objective
is to try to eliminate illnesses.

Do not dig your own grave when you are still alive, it is '
- Should you do that, all your relatives will die. The main objective is to make people realize
the importance of helping each other and working together.

Do not stand on top of a grave, it is '

View Xitsonga Version Of This Page

art
The pottery manufactures
History SMM
E
* Origin The Vatsonga women are responsible for
Literature the manufacturing of clay pots. Any
* Folklore women who want to learn the skill are
* Reviews welcomed. The skill of pottery Cultur
* Writers manufacturing was taught by the mother e
Culture and is still done so today. In historic
* Food context, the production of pottery was
* Art highly specialized.
Healt
* Religion h
* Fashion Professional pottery manufacturers,
* Rites of passage vavumbi, did not participate in other
* Music economic activities such as cultivating
* Tradition fields, harvesting, etc. They concentrated
* Clans only on the manufacturing of pottery, and
Language supplied every one in the area with
pottery. In exchange for this, the other
* Dictionary
women would work on the pottery
* Development
manufacturers' fields, and delivered other
* Dialects
services to them.
* Idioms-Proverbs
Family Time and place of manufacturing
* Norms-Values
* Structure The pottery industry is not restricted by
Xitsonga Forums seasonal change. During the winter
Image Gallery months the manufacturing of pottery
increases due to the limited amount of
Xitsonga Links
work done on the fields. The weather was
the only factor that had influence, mainly
due to the fact that the sun and wind dried
out the clay. Usually during favourable
weather conditions, women would work
outside under the shade, although some
would prefer to work inside their huts.
Wet, cool conditions were always
preferable. Large pots would always be
manufactured inside a hut, since they are
difficult to move and therefore could dry
out easily. Rain only had an influence on
the baking process.

How clay was obtained?

The technical aspects of clay can be
concluded in the following passage:
The term �clay� here applied to the
material used in the manufacture of
pottery and had no mineralogical
significance. The conditions which the
material had to satisfy are:
- That is plastic and malleable when wet;
- That it retains the shape in which it is
formed when it dries;
- That it undergoes metamorphosis at low
temperature

The clay source

Clay is a very valuable natural resource
and is handled with respect. The collection
of clay is therefore associated with many
ceremonies/ rituals.

The Vatsonga women in the former

Gazankulu obtained their clay from
trenches near larger rivers; this is however
not commonly found in the former
homeland. They never used clay from the
termite heaps or any other replacement. In
many instances women had to walk
kilometres to obtain the required clay. One
of the most important rites that is still
practiced takes place as a pottery
manufacturer goes to collect her clay. She
picks up small sticks and at the place
where the clay is collected the heap of
sticks are firstly offered to the clay spirits
in a special manner. The ancestors of the
Bandau people are called upon. The
Balembe are also mentioned in the prayers
since it is believed that they worked there
in the past. These offerings to the spirits
are done to ensure that the pots do not
crack during the baking process.

Collection of the clay

After the spirits have been honoured, the
pottery manufacturer loosen the clay with
a hoe (xikomu). Wet and dry clay is
collected, but most of the time the clay is
dry and hard. The clay is not found near
the surface of the trenches or holes, but at
a depth of approximately 30cm to 75cm.
The clay is traditionally carried home in a
xirhundzu basket.

The quality of clay depends on how many

pots the manufacturer wants to make, how
much clay she can carry and the distance
to the clay source.

The preparation of the clay

At home the wet clay is dried in the sun.
A pestle or stone is used to break the clay
up and grind it. All the impure pieces are
removed, such as sticks and stones and the
clay powder (that is a byproduct) is placed
on the side. The clay is sorted out very
carefully. Clay with a coarse texture is
used in making the large pots, while the
fine clay is used in making ordinary pots.

After the clay powder has been obtained

and purified, it is mixed with water to
obtain the correct elasticity. The clay is
mixed well with the use of the pestle and
then stored. Traditionally a hole
(xivumbelo) was made in the ground and
plastered with clay from an ant heap
(xitshuka/xirhuva). The clay was stored in
this hole and the opening was covered
with a large bowl (nkamba) in order to
keep the clay moist. When the
manufacturer needed clay she took it out
of the hole. These days the clay is kept in
drums and plastic bags.

Tools and equipment

A base is needed on which the pot can be
manufactured and this base has to be
mobile. Traditionally potsherds
(xivumbelo) were used for this purpose.
Other items that could also be used are
wooden plates, a flat stone or a grass ring.
Today items such as an enamel dish or the
lid of an iron cooking pot are used.

Clay pot with water

An old clay pot or calabash filled with
water was always kept at hand while the
pot is manufactured in order to moisten
the clay and keep it manageable. The
manufacturer always keeps her hands wet
and the tools that are used are frequently
rinsed in the water.

Fresh water shells (rikatla) which are

collected along the larger rivers in the area
are used to scrap, form and cut the clay.
The lip of the pot is cut neatly. The
Balobedu and the Vhavenda used pods
(thamula) from the Camel�s foot
(piliostigma thnningii), in the same way as
the shells. A soft wet cloth is always kept
in the water to neatly end off the lip of the
pot.

Other equipment
A wooden spoon (xibo, xichayo) made
from the apple-leaf tree (lonchocarpus
capassa) is usually used in the
manufacturing of the bottom of the pot.
The pot is hit with a spoon in order to
compress the clay.

A smooth river stone is used to rub the

colouring pigments which are used as
decorations and to polish the pot (ku
sasandhela/ ku rhidela). Wet clay and pots
are kept in the hut and covered with a
blanket or plastic bags to prevent them
from drying out.

Traditional colours that were used as

decorations were red, ochre and graphite
(xikope). The colour pigments are made
into a paste and put into small clay pots in
which they are sorted. Today pots are also
decorated by using paint.

Decoration materials which are used to

make motives or impression include
thorns, wires or sticks.

Manufacturing method
After the clay is prepared, the pot usually
undergoes four to five manufacturing
phases, such as:
- Modeling: the building up and formation
of the pot;
- Decoration;
- Drying out;
- Baking
- Process of strengthening (khangula)

Various techniques
Usually the women of a cultural group
would use the same technique, although
some variations can be expected from
each individual.

The following technique can be found:

a) Modeling from a clay clod. Technically
this is the most primitive of methods. A
formless piece of clay is rolled into a ball
and hollowed out in the fingers to form a
pot. The Vatsonga of Mozambique used
this method.

b) The ring method. Clay is worked with

the hands into rolls which are then
spiraled onto each other. The sides are
then smoothed out so that the spirals are
no longer visible. The Vatsonga made use
of this method.

c) Clod method. A pot is formed by

joining little piece of clay together until it
has the required form.

The manufacturing process

After the clay was prepared the previous
day and rested, the required amount is
taken out of the hole and worked through.
The manufacturer will sit at the area that
she has prepared, in the shade of a tree or
inside her hut, with all her tools and
equipment at hand. A piece of clay is
broken off and the rest is covered. The
clay is worked into a roll (nkanyangwa) or
sausage form. Its length depends on the
size of the pot being made. The first roll is
placed on the wooden plate or potsherd,
which is followed with three other rolls.
These rolls are all secured onto one
another while the plate is rotated. The
inside of the pot is secured and rotated
with one hand while other hand is used to
smear the clay upwards on the outside of
the pot. The outer surface is smoothed
with a pod (thamula) or shell
(rikatla).

The inside of the pot is worked in the

same way. The hand, palm and fingers are
used to give form to the pot. The pot has
no base, but the largest section of the first
roll is left as is, in order for the pot to
stand on the thick base. An adequate
amount of clay is set aside to finish the
base at a later stage.

The pot has the correct form from the start

and is finished off further in order for the
sides to become finer. The pot is wiped
frequently with a wet cloth to keep the
clay moist. When the pot has the desired
form and thickness, it is smoothed out on
the outside and the inside. When the pot is
complete, the last roll is made and placed
on the brim of the pot to finish it off. The
finishing touches are done by pressing and
smoothing the clay with the tips of the
fingers and then with the pod or shell. The
hands are kept wet during this rime as
well as all the tools that are used.

The brim/lip is now cut off with the shell,

while the pot is rotated. The lip is
smoothed with the fingers and when the
manufacturer is satisfied, a wet cloth is
used to smooth it off furthermore.

Before the pot is stored, it has to be

decorated, unless it is a cooking pot. The
bottom of the pot is now cut off the
wooden plate and the clay that was left
over to form the base is now used.
Excessive clay is cut off with the shell.
The bottom of the pot is formed by
beating the clay. When the desired form is
obtained the inside of the pot is smoothed.

The pot is now stored in the hut in order

for it to dry.

Decoration of the pot

After the pot has been modeled and whilst
the clay is still wet, the pot is decorated.
The decoration (makholo) is a very
important element of the skills of the
manufacturer. Through the decorations
one can tell if the manufacturer learned
her skills from her mother by using
traditional patterns or if she made use of
her own ideas.

Pots and bowls that were used to serve

food, beer or water for the men, as well as
those used in a social context were
decorated. Pots and bowls that were used
in cooking were not decorated.

The decoration tools were very elementary

and consisted out of a thorn or stick, and
colouring pigment. The thorn or stick is
used to draw lines. These lines form the
basis of the decorations. Decorations are
usually made on the shoulder of the pot
and the section between the shoulder and
the lip.

After all the lines have been drawn, some

of the sections are decorated with the
colouring pigment. The pigment, which is
originally in powder form is mixed with
water and rubbed on the pot with the
fingers. The next day, when the colour is
dry, it is rubbed and polished with a
smooth stone. The whole pot is polished
with the stone (ku rhidela/ ku sasandhela)
in order to have a smooth surface.

The most basic decoration is the single

horizontal line on the shoulder of cooking
pots. This line also indicates where
graphite will be applied onto the cooking
pot. Horizontal lines and oblique-hatching
are found on almost all decorated pots
either single, double or in combination
with other motives. Some vertical lines
are unique features in the Vatsonga
culture and are not found among other
pottery of the Vhavenda and Balobedu.

In addition to line motives one finds that

the triangle is one of the most common
decoration motives found in combination
with line or oblique-hatching. Many
variations can be found.

Another aspect of earthen wear that goes

hand in hand with the form of the pot and
its decoration are the finishing of the brim
and lip, example if it is cut, rounded,
flattened and thickened.

The baking process (ku hisa timbita)

At the present the pottery manufacturers
bake their pots at anytime of the month as
long as it does not rain. In historical times
however, the phase of the moon plays an
important role. The preferred period was
during the first or second quarter, since it
was believed that the colours of pots
would be dull if it was baked during full
moon.

When the pottery manufacturer has

decided on a day on which the pots would
be baked, she takes them out of the hut
and place it in the sun. This is done to
warm the pots to prevent it from cracking
in the fire. The baking process usually
takes place in the late afternoon near the
sunset at an area just outside the living
quarters (kraal), where the pottery
manufacturer has made an oven
(murhundzu) is approximately 1,5cm to
2m wide and a halve meter deep.
Materials that are usually selected as fire
wood are baboon�s tail Vellizia spp.,
mopani or marula bark, fine twicks from a
mopani tree, old thatch grass and
cowdung.

Baboon�s tail or barks are placed on the

bottom of the murhundzu, with the pots
placed on the top of it. The larger pots are
placed first with the smaller ones on top of
them, with grass, bark or baboons tail in
between. The pots are placed with their
bottoms or sides against one another in
such a way not to block the openings. On
top of the pots a large quantity of
baboon�s tail or grass are stacked in
order to cover all the pots. The whole
baking process takes about 35minutes to
complete.

Before the fire is lit, offerings are made to

the ancestors in order to have their support
during the baking process. At a selected
place she would kneel and pour snuff on
the ground while muttering a few words.
When this ritual is completed the fire is
lit.

The reasons for the pots that crack and

break during the baking process (ku
fayeka) are two fold. Today many belief it
happened due to the use of poor quality
clay, that the pots did not dry out enough
and the fire that was too warm. The
elderly however still belief that the spirits
of the ancestors had an influence. It could
be that the ancestors were angered by
something and has to be calmed down.
The pottery manufacturer (Muvumbi) has
an amulet (xitshungulu), which serve a
purpose during these cases, which she
received from her mother. This amulet
serves to ensure that her pottery will
always be a success.

To strengthen the pot (ku khangula)

The pots are strengthened by boiling a
flued porridge in it. Some women used to
boil beer porridge to seal the pot. The
porridge is thrown away after it has
cooked for approximately one hour. The
pots are then rinse with water.

Taboo�s (yila) in pottering manufacturing

When a woman�s child or husband died,
she is not allowed to make pottery for at
least one year. Some pottery
manufacturers belief that a women are
allowed to make pots during that period
that her baby does not have teeth.

Possible contact with salt could also

determine the practice of a taboo. Salt are
not allowed to come into contact with the
pots, because the pots would crack and
salt makers are not allowed to make pots
while waiting for the salt to crystallize.
Salt can decrease the plasticity of the clay.
The use of salt in baked pots can be
evident as pots become very porous. Salt
are never stored in clay pots but in
calabashes.
 Enterp
Depart Depa
rise
ment of Umso rtmen National electronic
promo
Commu bomv t of media insitute of
tion
nication u Healt South Africa
agenc
s h
y
 View Xi
tsonga
Version
History SM
Of This ME
* Origin Page
Literature
* Folklore Initiation
School
* Reviews Cult
* Writers ure
In many
Culture
African
* Food cultures
* Art there is Heal
* Religion an th
* Fashion apparent
* Rites of passage different
* Music iation
* Tradition between
* Clans adults
Language and
* Dictionary children.
* Development One still
* Dialects has to
* Idioms-Proverbs listen to/
Family hear
* Norms-Values from
* Structure adults
Xitsonga Forums even
though
Image Gallery
one has
Xitsonga Links gone
through
the
initiatio
n
school.
It is one
tradition
al ritual
wherein
young
people
are
initiated
into
adult
life.
After
undergo
ing
initiatio
n school
and
upon
completi
on, one
is then
accepted
into the
adult
commun
ity.

This
applies
for both
girls and
boys.
The
rituals
practice
d at the
initiatio
n school
are not
the same
in each
culture.

What is
the same
though
in each
culture
is that
the
young
people
being
initiated
(initiates
) have to
(at a
time) be
isolated
from
society
and
have to
undergo
/
withstan
d
numero
us
untold
difficulti
es. The
duration
of the
initiatio
n period
varies
within
each
culture
(Hamm
ond-
Tooke,
1959).
Hammo
nd-
Tooke
makes
one
distincti
on
between
puberty
rites and
initiatio
n
schools.
Accordi
ng to
him, the
puberty
rites
seem
less
'dramati
c' and
are
mainly
applicab
le to
girls.
This
applies
to
Tsonga
culture
as well.
In the
followin
g
paragrap
hs an
explanat
ion will
be given
of the
initiatio
n of
girls and
of boys
in the
Tsonga
culture.

Initiation
for Girls

Before a
young
woman
reaches
adulthoo
d and is
regarded
as a
woman,
she must
first
undergo
the
initiatio
n rites.
One
advanta
ge is
that her
body is
fully
develop
ed, that
is to say
she has
begun
menstru
ating.
Previous
ly the
duration
of the
ceremon
y was
one
month,
and this
was the
month
of a
girl's
first
menstru
ation
cycle.
Presentl
y there
is in
most
instance
sa
waiting
period
until 2
or 3
girls
have
begun
menstru
ating so
that they
can
undergo
the
initiatio
n rites
together.
Presentl
y the
duration
of the
initiatio
n ritual
for girls
is one
week.
Before,
it used
to be
one
month.
The
ritual
has been
shortene
d
because
it has
become
importa
nt for
children
to attend
school.
The
initiatio
n school
is
therefor
e
currentl
y held
during
school
holidays
.

During
the
isolation
period
the girls
are told/
taught
everythi
ng about
how
adult
women
behave
themsel
ves. The
girls
learn
how
they
have to
behave
once
they are
married
and how
to deal
with
conflict.
Thereaft
er she
will
receive
instructi
ons
pertaini
ng to
sex and
also
behavio
ural
codes.
One
behavio
ural
code is
that
during
menstru
ation
women
may not
enter the
(livestoc
k) kraal.
A
woman
who is
menstru
ating is
regarded
as
impure
and for
this
reason
she may
not
come
near
livestoc
k.

For the
entire
week
there a
female
instructo
r/
mistress
is
present
who
teaches
the girls
all there
is to
learn.
The
mistress
is a
young
women
who
herself
was at
the
initiatio
n school
not so
long
ago. The
girls
may not
go
outside
for the
entire
week
and
other
people/
outside
may not
see
them.
This ban
applies
primaril
y to men
and to
the girls
whilst
the
initiatio
n rites
have not
been
complet
ed. The
mistress
cooks
for the
girls for
the
entire
week, in
the same
hut
where
they
stay. A
fire is
kept
burning
for the
entire
week so
that the
girls
spend a
week in
the
sharp
and
suffocati
ng
smoke.
Apparen
tly this
is one
replace
ment of
the
previous
unbeara
ble
conditio
ns that
the girls
had to
withstan
d.
Previous
ly the
girls had
to sit in
ice-cold
river
water
and
suffered
from
scratche
s, cuts,
bruises
and
other
injuries.

On the
eve of
the girls'
departur
e from
the hut,
the
women
of the
families
concern
ed meet
to
prepare
and to
begin
with the
feast.
The
women
dance
the
whole
night to
the
music of
drums/
drumbea
ts. This
they do
in the
nude
and
therefor
e no
men
may be
present.
The men
will
usually
spend
the night
away
from
home.
The
followin
g the
feast
commen
ces. The
initiatio
n school
is
regarded
as an
importa
nt event
and
therefor
e many
people
attend
the
feast. A
cow or
goat
(geit) is
slaughte
red
speciall
y for
this
occasion
and they
prepare
byalwa.
There
will be
enough
food and
drink for
all who
are
present
at the
feast.

*When
a girl
exits the
hut she
wears a
red
headclot
h (doek)
on her
head so
than no
one can
recognis
e her.
She then
walks to
the
entrance
of the
plot/
school
(erf).
From
thereon
she is
carried
back
home on
the back
of an
older
woman
while
the
women
sing
along.

(*It is
somewh
at
unclear
why this
is done
in the
Tsonga
culture,
but
accordin
g to
Stayt, in
the
Venda
culture a
girl is
carried
home on
her
mother's
back or
on the
back of
another
older
woman
and she
is
covered
so that
no one
sees her
before
the
initiatio
n is
over.
The
girls are
then
carried
home
triumph
antly
and
welcom
ed with
aplomb
(Stayt,
1931:
123).
Evidentl
y the
Tsonga
women
carry the
girls
home
for the
same
reasons.
*)

When
the girls
get to
the hut
again,
they
have to
lie down
on mats.
Their
heads
remain
covered.
The
women
continue
to sing,
to the
beat of
the
drums,
and they
dance
around
in a
circle.
Later on
a
cassette
is
played
with
modern
Tsonga
music.
The
girls
then
receive
gifts
(cadeaus
) from
their
families.
The
gifts are
primaril
y useful
and
valuable
ones
such as
gifts for
house-
keeping,
but
clothes
and
money
are
included
as gifts.
The
people
dance as
they
approac
h the
girls to
hand
them
gifts.

Initiation
for Boys

The
initiatio
n of
Tsonga
boys
into
adulthoo
d is
tougher
than that
of girls.
The
boys are
initiated
into
manhoo
d during
a
month's
stay in
the
bush.
For an
entire
month
the boys
are
isolated
from the
commun
ity
within
which
they
grew up.
As a
symbol
of the
boys
parting
with
their
youth,
they
have
their
heads
clean-
shaven.
But their
complet
e
detachm
ent from
their
youth is
symboli
sed
through
circumci
sion.

Accordi
ng to
Hammo
nd-
Tooke
(1974)
the boys'
bodies
are
smeared
in clay.
The
boys
have to
undergo
/
withstan
d a great
deal of
torment
such as
bathing
in ice-
cold
river
water
(the
boys'
initiatio
n
schools
are
mostly
held in
winter),
sleeping
uncomf
ortably,
being
banned
from
drinking
water,
and
sometim
es the
boys are
slashed
(geslage
n). The
purpose
of all
these
harsh
practice
s that
the boys
have to
withstan
d is to
instil
disciplin
e and to
prepare
them for
the
harshnes
s/
hardship
s of
being a
man.
Accordi
ng to
Hammo
nd-
Tooke
(1974)
this
harsh
treatmen
t of boys
sometim
es leads
to death.
When
that
happens
the
corpse is
buried
secretly
and the
parents
are only
informe
d at the
end of
the
initiatio
n
period.

One
importa
nt aspect
of the
initiatio
n school
for boys
is that
they
learn a
lot
during
their
isolation
. The
boys
learn
secret
rules
(regels)
and
songs.
Thereaft
er they
learn
how to
hunt and
to dance
during
the
initiatio
n
period.
Generall
y the
initiatio
n
prepares
the boys
for the
rigours
of
manhoo
d in
areas
such as
politics,
religion,
govern
ment,
and sex
(Hamm
ond-
Tooke,
1974:
231).

At the
end of
the
initiatio
n period
the
white
clay on
the boys
is
washed
off and
they are
smeared
anew
with red
clay.
Their
heads
are once
again
clean-
shaven
and they
get new
clothing.
The hut
in which
they
stayed
in
during
the
initiatio
n period
is burnt
along
with the
weapons
/ tools
used and
the
clothing
worn.
The
reason
behind
this is
that the
boys
should
not look
back to
the past
(Hamm
ond-
Tooke,
1974:
231).

On the
return of
the boys
there is
a feast
just as is
done
with the
girls.
The
boys
wear red
cloths
around
their
mid-
region
and sit
on mats
while
the
people
sing and
dance as
they
bring
gifts to
the
boys.
Depar Ente Ums Dep National ele
tment rpris obo art
of e mvu men
Com prom t of
munic otion Hea
ations agen lth
cy

View Xit
songa Ve
rsion Of
History SMM
This E
* Origin Page
Literature
* Folklore The
Origin of
* Reviews Vatsonga Cultu
* Writers Machang re
Culture ana-
Vangoni
* Food and their
* Art (surname Healt
* Religion s) h
* Fashion descende
* Rites of passage ncy
* Music
Vatsonga
* Tradition
is a nation
* Clans like other
Language nations.
* Dictionary Vatsonga
originated
* Development from the
* Dialects eastern
* Idioms-Proverbs part of
Family Mozambiq
ue along
* Norms-Values the
* Structure eastern
Xitsonga Forums sea of this
land,
Image Gallery before the
Xitsonga Links naming of
this land
Mozambiq
ue by the
colonial
Portugues
. They
were
found
here in the
past two
thousand
years.

The
knowledg
eable or
experienc
ed
historians
demonstra
te the
availability
of
vatsonga
in this
area to
can trace
back to
500-1400
ad. before
the arrival
of the
Portugues
. They
are said to
have been
long living
there.

Vatsonga
lived in
this area
in their
different
tribes and
descende
ncy like
the
Varonga,
Vahlave,
Vanhlang
anu,
Vanhleng
we,
Vatshwa
and
others.
We can
further
arrange
the
Vatsonga
into three
geographi
cal
classificati
on:


Souhtern
Tsongas;
 Inland/
Central
Tsongas;
 The
Northern
Tsongas
or
Tsongas
of the
Hlengwe
area.

With the
Southern
Tsogas
we are
refering to
those who
are from:
Maputsu,
Tembe,
Honwana,
Vakomati
and other
surnames
that fall
under
Rhonga/
Varhonga.

By inland
Tsongas
we are
refering to
those from
Bileni,
Ncayincay
i, Gidjana,
Xibutsu
and other
places
where we
can find
surnames
like Bila,
Khosa,
Vacopi,
Vahlave
and
Vanhlang
anu. Here
we find
that there
are many
surnames
that
comprise
the Inland
Tsongas.

Mabunda,
Makamu
and
Maswang
anyi
belong to
Vahlave
descende
ncy.

In
Mozambiq
ue, much
of
Van'wanat
i
descende
ncy are
found in
abundanc
y in tribes
like:
Xikhumba,
Matsilele,
Mapayi,
Mahungu,
Dumela,
N'wazulu
and at
Xilemani.
In Suoth
Africa they
have
settled at
Mhinga,
Xikundu,
Xigalo,
Nkuri,
Nhlaniki
and in hte
other
tribes
where
they have
found
comfort of
stay.

The
following
belong to
Gwambe
descende
ncy:
Nkuna,
Zitha-
Nkwimika,
Mboweni,
Mawila,
Mashele,
Ndhave,
Nhlongo,
Ngomana,
Mawila,
Maxava
and
others.

And
Van'wanat
i
(Maluleke)
,
Masangu,
Dzimba,
Vembani
and others
are of
Vacopi
descende
ncy.

Of
Vanhlang
anu
descende
ncy are
Munisi,
Lamula,
Mukhomb
o,
Mukhari,
Mhelembe
, Vukeya,
Malavela,
Masuku,
Muthombe
ni,
Masinga
and
others.
With
Khoseni,
we are
refering to
Khosa
who are
having
these
houses of
descende
ncy:
Rikhotso,
Makukule,
Ndhuvana
, Masiye,
Hlavangw
ana,
Masuluke,
Mbhokota.
Khosa is a
very big
tribe.

Bila is
found at
Bileni and
Ncayincay
i,
Ximbutsu,
Gidjana
and other
places
where we
can find
the
surnames;
Bila or
Bilankulu,
Manyike
and
Langeni.
The
Xisana
are found
at
Gidjana.

In the
Northern
Tsongas
(eHlengw
eni) is
where we
find the
Xioki xa
ndzilo
(Chauke);
Hlungwani
-Sono;
Macevele;
Valoyi;
Nyambi-
Masingi;
and
others.

Within the
Hlengwes
who
belong to
Xioki xa
ndzilo,
Chauke,
there are
the siblins
of
Bangwana
and
Mantsena.
Mantsena
is the son
of
Bangwana
and
Zinjhivha.
It is from
Mntsena
where the
name
Xioki xa
Ndzilo
came
from, it
was
because
he
adopted
the
royalness
or
chieftains
hip from
his
mother's
kraal
(Vakokwa
na), the
Hlugwanis
. The
following
are
Hlungwani
's children
who were
given
chieftains
hip by
their
father:


Vinzuwan
a
(Xinzuvan
a) the
father to
Ncelana
was given
the Copi
tribe
where
N'wamapil
ana and
Mafuli
ruled. In
South
Africa it
belongs to
Mkhomi,
but it still
exist in
the
Norhern
regions of
Mozambiq
ue.

Magule
the father
to Zari
was given
a tribe
between
Mawunje
river and
Musapa
just below
Savi river.
At
Mapungan
e is where
Ximizi the
son of Zari
was killed
by
Vanyayi at
awr.
 Zari
had
distributed
to his
children
as well:

- Mihingo:
where we
are having
Mudavula
tribe In
South
Africa.
- Ximizi:
where
there is
still
Mphakati
under
chief
Xigalo
even
today.
-
Tshovani:
where we
find
Hlomela
today in
South
Africa.
- Nanga
wa Zari,
where we
have
Mitititi.


Masivame
le
(Malandel
e) was
given land
just
amongst
his
brothers
because
there was
afear that
he could
loose the
land as
his name
says; he
was soft.

Xigombe
the father
to
Xikovela
was given
a land
between
Vembe
and
Mawunje,
from
Sengwe to
Bileni,
today
Hokwanyi:
where
Hanyani;
Matsandz
e; Phitulu;
and Xiduli
are ruling
today.

Vahlengw
e have the
following
tribes
which are
now falling
under
Zimbabea
n borders
according
to western
Geographi
c
arrageme
nts:
Sengwe,
Gezani,
Xitanga,
Muteyo
(Tshovani)
, but they
rightfully
belong or
are people
of
Mozambiq
ue.

The
Northern
Tsongas
include
the Valoyi
of the
following
houses of
descende
ncy:
Lowana,
Makaringe
,
Madzonga
, Mponwa,
Nxolwana,
Xikungule,
Xibukutsu,
Xirimbani,
Xitsavi ni
tinwana.

The
Tsongas
can be
found
even at
Tongaland
in
KwaZulu
in different
surnames
and
houses of
descende
ncy.
That's
where we
find
surnames
like
Mathye,
Mathonsi,
Manganyi
and
others.

About
Machang
ana-
Vangoni

Machanga
na do
exist, they
are
intermixed
with the
Tsogas
today.
They are
living with
the
Tsongas
in many
areas
where we
find them.

All the
men who
left
Ndhwand
hwe's land
which was
ruled by
Zwide
under the
war troop
of
Manukosi
who was
given the
name of
Sochanga
na are the
Ngonis
and are
speaking
Shangaan
language,
which is
the
language
that was
created at
the
meeting
and
mixing of
Ngoni
men and
Vatsonga
women.
This issue
had an
influece
from 1810
when
Shaka's
father died
and he be
left to take
the ruling;
and when
his uncle
Dingisway
o died,
Shaka
took both
these two
followings
and
formed
the Zulu
Nation.
Dingisway
o fought
several
loosing
battles
with Zwide
who
belonged
to
Ndhwand
hwe tribe.
When
Shaka
united
Langeni
people
where
Dingisway
o was
ruling
together
with those
who were
ruled by
his father
Senzanga
khona he
set to
attack
Zwide.

Zwide,
Manukosi
(Sochang
ana),
Mzilikazi
and
Songonda
ba
(Zwangen
daba)
sought to
run away
with their
soldiers in
1819, and
they
decided to
burn food
as they
were
going so
that
should
Shaka's
soldiers
decide to
follow
them the
should get
them
without
food and
they
should die
of hunger.

Shaka's
soldiers
tried to
follow
them but
they
suffered
from
hunger
and
malaria,
most of
them died.
When the
remaining
soldiers
learned of
Shaka's
death in
1821, they
never
went back
but settled
with the
Southern
Tsongas;
they
mixed with
the
Tembes,
Mpfumos,
Maputsus,
the
Komatis
and
others.
They are
the once
who, at a
later stage
tried to
return to
Kwazulu
and
stayed at
Tongaland
because
they did
not want
to be
recognise
d as the
Zulus who
went for
Shaka's
battle.
That's
where we
find
surnames
like
Mathye
(Ndlhovhu
),
Makumbil
a
(Manthons
i) and
Manganyi.

Manukosi
proceeded
to Bileni
where he
fought the
Makwakw
a people.
He further
went to
Musapa
and came
back to
Bileni and
settled in
Chayichay
i. There
he named
the place
after his
granny
from his
mother's
kraal,
Ngabuviya
and
named all
the places
that he
was
recepted
and
accepted
as a chief
without
any fight
as Gaza,
that was
after his
granny
from his
father's
kraal,
Zigode.

Songonda
ba
(Zwangen
daba)
and his
people
proceeded
to
Tanganyik
a, today
known as
Malawi.
That's
where he
ended
with his
people.

Mzilikazi
crossed
vembe
river to go
and settle
in
Zimbabwe
and left
his child
Lobengula
there.

How the
Tsongas
came to
South
Africa

The
Vatsonga
are
coming
from the
today
Mozambiq
ue. They
came
because
or after
the arrival
of the
Ngoni and
their
battles
and
unrests.

The
Vatsonga
are a kind
of a
Nation
who never
liked
battles
and
conflicts.
They
always
lived
together in
their forms
and
clusters of
descende
ncy to
avoid
conflicts.
The
Varonga,
Vahlanga
nu,
Vacopi,
Makhosa,
Bileni,
Vandhawu
,
Vahlengw
e and
Vatswa.
 Depart Enter Dep
ment prise artm National
Ums
of prom ent electronic media
obo
Comm otion of insitute of South
mvu
unicati agen Heal Africa
ons cy th
ctronic media insitute of South Africa

View Xitsonga Version Of This

Page
origins
History
Former Gazankulu
* Origin
Literature There were 2 groups, namely
* Folklore the Vatsonga and Machangana
* Reviews In 1544: There were Tsonga
* Writers agriculturists in the south of
Culture Mozambique, but the is
* Food insufficient evidence available
* Art to confirm this.
* Religion 1800: It becomes clearer that
SMME
* Fashion there were clans/ groups within
* Rites of passage the Tsonga
* Music In the South the following clans
* Tradition were evident: (Maputa, Tembe Culture
* Clans and Mpfuno)
Language In the Central regions there
* Dictionary were: (Khosa, Nkuna,
* Development Mavunda, Valoyi, Maluleke Healt
* Dialects and Nhlanganu) h
* Idioms-Proverbs In the North there were:
(Hlengwe and Tswa)
Family
* Norms-Values
* Structure
Xitsonga Forums
Image Gallery
Xitsonga Links
Nguni Invasions in
Mozambique

The peaceful existence of the

Tsongas in Mozambique was
crudely disturbed around 1820
by the invasion of various
Nguni groups from the south.
They were fleeing because of
the chaotic atmosphere caused
by Shaka from 1815, and they
fled northwards to
Mozambique.

The first group of Nguni

invaders was Zwangendaba of
the Jele clan. The second group
that followed was Maseko and
Msene of the Nxaba clan. Both
these groups exacted crippling
attacks on the Tsonga clans in
Mozambique. These groups
later migrated over the
Zambezi up until the central
and eastern of the subcontinent
where their descendants live
currently and are known as the
Ngoni.

Shangana Invasions in
Mozambique

The last Nguni group to invade

Mozambique from the south is
the Shangana. Their history can
be traced back to 1820 when
Ndwandwe, in the absence of
their leader Zwide, was
attacked by one of Shaka�s
battalions at Mhlatuze River.
Ndwandwe�s army, under the
deputy war-chief
Soshangana�s (Manukuza)
command was defeated and
some of them fled northwards
under the latter�s leadership.
They settled on the banks of the
Tembe River for a short while
(southeast of Swaziland). They
plotted their objectives using
the Zulus, they tasked some
Tsonga clans to achieve their
directives and also conscripted
troops from them. They trekked
northwards, with their newly-
acquired Tsonga element, and
settled in the lush Limpopo
valley. The reion they relocated
to became known as
KaShangana and they were
subsequently referred to as
MaShangana.

Establishment of the Gaza

Kingdom In 1828 Shaka sent a
retribution expedition against
Soshangana�s Ndwandwe
defectors/ mutinees. Even
though there was no actual
conflict, the Shangana left the
Limpopo valley in 1835 and
went northwards, reaching the
Zambezi River. Here they
united with the followers of
mutinee/ breakaway leaders
Zwangendaba & Nxaba. After
two �battles/ skirmishes� in
which the Shangana emerged
as victors, they moved to
Musapa in Zimbabwe and
settled there. From here
Soshangana won over the Ndau
(Shona) clans and incorporated
their young men into his troops.
In the meantime he
consolidated an area between
the Zambezi River and Delagoa
Bay under his command; and
he established a kingdom
known as Gaza (named after
his great-grandfather).

As a result of a �smallpox
epidemic� in 1838 in which
Soshangana lost a considerable
number of troops, he and his
followers moved back to their
previous settlement in the
Limpopo valley. During this
southward expedition/ journey
(1838-1840) various Tsonga
groups fled from Mozambique,
westwards over the Lebombo
mountains in fear of the
Shangana. The most important
of the fleeing Tsonga groups
were the Nkuna, Valoyi,
Mavunda & Hlave who
established themselves
primarily in the North of
Gazankulu. Others settled in
uninhabited areas in the
Transvaal lowveld, or settled as
subjects of Venda and Sotho
clan chiefs, in the North and
North Eastern Transvaal.

Joao Albasini and the Tsonga

Joao Albasini was an
interesting figure who had a
great influence on Tsonga
history. He was a Portuguese
trader who lent political
astuteness to several Tsonga
people who were in disfavour
with their (faction) leaders. He
thus built a strong military
army. He was heralded and
recognisd as a chieftain by
numeruos followers. They gave
him the name Juwawa (a
mutation of the name Joao). He
later migrated to the Transvaal
and moved south of the
Soutpansberg and settled inside
of Venda territory. The largest
remaining Tsonga group
followed Albasini and in due
course became known as the
Makwapa, falling under the
Sotho.

The Aftermath the death of

Soshangana

The death of Soshangana in

1858 brought about a period of
breakups of the former Gaza
realm/ kingdom. His death was
followed by a follow-up/
continuity struggle of
approximately 10 years
between his sons Muzila and
Mawewe. Even though
Soshangana sought that Muzila
take over the reign of the
Shangana after his death, his
wish was ignored and Mawewe
was sworn in as leader/
chieftain. He immediately
attacked Muzila and his
followers and the latter left
Mozambique and settled in
Transvaal under Joao Albsini.
Mawewe�s actions against his
own people quickly quickly put
him out of favour and in
November 1861 he was
defeated by a combined army
under Muzila� command.
Thereafter Mawewe and his
followers fled to Swaziland
where they sought help from
Mswati I who was married to
Mawewe�s sister. In a second
war Mawewe�s troops, who
had been supplemented by the
Swazi, were once again
defeated by Muzila�s
followers which resulted in
Mawewe and his followers
settling in Swaziland.

The succession dispute between

Mawewe and Muzila and the
latter�s actions in
Mozambique gave motivation
to a second expedition of
Tsonga groups out of
Mozambique. These Tsonga
went westwards over the
Lebombo Mountains and joined
the earlier fleeing groups in the
Transvaal and joined the
Albasini�s followers as well.
Almost the entire Hlengwe clan
and the largest part of the
Maluleke clan swore their
allegiance to Albasini between
1863 and 1865. It is apparent
that up until 1865 there was
still mention of Tsonga clans in
the Transvaal. The entry of the
Shangana only happened later.
The descendents of the refugee
groups that came to the
Transvaal before 1865 chose to
be known as the Tsonga; they
are afterall of pure Tsonga
descent and were never under
the authority of Soshangana
and his followers.

Mawewe passed away in 1872.

His successor Hanyana fled
back to Gazaland in 1881 after
a clash with the Transvaal
Government, where he was
deported by the Portuguese
authority in 1891. Survivors of
this Shangana splinter group
are presently living in
Swaziland.

Muzila�s era/ period of rule

unfortunately did not satisfy the
expectations of the Portuguese
and the Tsonga from
Mozambique. Based on a fear
of Mawewe, the southern
regions of Gazaland were
neglected and raids/ pillages
were exacted on the
neighbouring Shona and
Tsonga clans, as well as
Portuguese hunters and trade-
posts on the Zambezi River.
After Mawewe�s death, there
came a period of calm and
peace and a lot of Tsonga clans
returned to their previous
habitats.

The Reign of Nghunghunyana

Muzila passed away in 1884

after which there was a follow-
up/ continuity struggle within
Shangana. His son
Nghunghunyana was elected as
chief by the family board and
he immediately killed the other
contender for the chieftainship,
Mafemana. In 1890
Nghunghunyana and his
followers migrated southwards
yet again, the Tsonga clans
drifted (verdryf) and settled in
the region between the
Limpopo River and the Indian
Ocean.

In 1894 various Ronga chiefs/

heads refused to acknowledge
Portuguese authority. These
revolters were defeated in 1895
and sought refuge from
Nghunghunyana and thus also
brought the Shangana into
confrontation with the
Portuguese authority. The
Shangana were defeated by the
Portuguese on 7 November
1895 and they drifted
northwards. In 1896
Nghunghunyana and all his
senior sons (namely Godidi,
Buyisonto and Mangwa) were
taken to Lourenco Marques
from where they were first
deported to Portugal and then
later to the Azores Islands.
Nghunghunyana died here, in
exile, in 1907.

Shangana migration to the

Transvaal

In 1897 Magigwana,
Nghunghunyana�s army chief
succeeded in assembling an
army with the intention of
reclaiming southern Gazaland.
This army was thoroughly
defeated by the Portuguese.
Thulilamahanxi,
Nghunghunyana�s surviving
son was still very yopung at
this stage and Mpisane,
Muzila�s younger brother,
was consequentially elected as
regent (regent). Out of fear of
further Portuguese reprisal/
action, the remaining Shangana
under Mpisane�s leadership
migrated without permission
from the ZAR to the Transvaal
where they settled mainly in the
regions north of the Sabie River
and the outskirts of the
Drakensberg (the present day
Mhala district of Gazankulu),
where they still live today.
Other Shangana and Tsonga
clans joined this group over the
course of time.

By 1910 Mpisane had

abdicated his regency in favour
of Thulilamahanxi. The latter
was acknowledged as the head
of the clan/ chief by the family
board en he ruled for 12 years.
In 1922, Buyisonto, the rightful
heir to Nghunghunyana who
had also been deported with the
latter joined the clan in the
Transvaal and was appointed as
chief of the Shangana of Mhala
district in place of
Thulamahanxi by the family
board.

Ethnic Composition/ Ethnicity

In Gazankulu one can presently

differentiate between to main
ethnic elements. There was
firstly talk/ word/ rumours of
Tsonga groups which fled from
Mozambique to the Transvaal
during the rule (era) of
Soshangana and during the
latter periods of struggle
between Muzila and Mawewe.
This includes all the clans
which presently reside in the
northern and central blocks of
Gazankulu (Giyani,
Malamulele and Ritavidi
districts). In this ethnic
grouping one can also include
the posterity (remainder) of
those who had earlier joined
Joao Albasini. The second
ethnic element are those people
who wished to be known as the
Shangana. They can be divided
into a core group, the
descendents of the original
Ndwandwe on the one hand,
and those Tsonga who were
assimilated by Soshangana and
his followers from the core of
the Ndwandwe clan on the
other hand. The latter includes
the Shangana clans from Mhala
ans Malamulele (Nxumalo),
and the Tsonga clan (Nkuna)
from Mhala.

With the exception of the

Hlanganu from Mhala and the
Maluleke from Malamulele
who had already early on in the
history settled in respective
Sotho and Venda regions, the
Tsonga and Shangana migrated
out of Mozambique to
Transvaal Lowveld in fairly
recent times, from where some
of them spread westwards and
southwards of the interior
plateau. The first of these
immigrant groups (followers of
Maswanganyi, Mhinga, Xigalo
and Xinkundu), moved to the
region directly south of the
Limpopo River where they
settled with permission from
the Venda, and over the course
of time became self-supporting/
independent clans. Some of the
smaller splinter groups which
had also moved into this area
grew into unified clans. Further
westwards in the Soutpansberg
area there was also a
considerable Tsonga element
present where some of them are
remainders from the earlier
following of Joao Albasini.

In the areas of Leydsdorp,

Tzaneen and Duiwelskloof one
can single out a second group
of immigrant Tsonga clans,
namely the Nkuna, Valoyi and
Mabunda. The Nkuna settled in
the area of Bakgaga near
Tzaneen, the Valoyi settled in
the area of the Lobedu of
Modjadji, and the Mabunda
initially settled in Swaziland
and then later on also in the
Lobedu area and the area of
(Groot Spelonken) � Great
Caves?

The Mhala district further south

was initially occupied by
Shangana who had settled there
between 1896 and 1900. The
first Shangana immigrants
began settling into this area
after Soshangana�s youngest
son Nghunghunyana was
defeated by the Portuguese in
Mozambique. They were
followed by numerous smaller
Shangana as well as Tsonga
clans who settled in the (Groot
Spelonken) Great Caves area.
They live here today side-by-
side with two Hlanganu clans
(Mnisi and Khosa) who had
settled in the Transvaal earlier
on in their history.

By the last decade of the 18th

century sections of the
Transvaal Lowveld �
particularly those in the south
� had already been measured
into farms/ plots, (titled)
gekarteer and given to white
farmers by the ZAR
government. However a
number of these farms were
bought by Johannesburg
mining companies with an eye
on mineral production.
However the expected mining
activity yielded nothing and
consequentially a number of
these farms were occupied by
Shangana-Tsonga after a
payment of lease to the
concerned/ relevant
company�s resident agents.

Towards the beginning of the

 19th century large areas of the
Transvaal Lowveld were
occupied by different Shangana
and Tsonga clans without
statute for isolated residential
areas being made for their
provision. Up to that stage
these clans had functioned as
autonomic units under clan
leaders or chiefs, and were in
no way practicing politics nor
were they a political unit.

Source: Petra Terblanche

Enterpri
Departme Depart
se
nt of Umsob ment National electronic media
promoti
Communi omvu of insitute of South Africa
on
cations Health
agency