HISTORY OF THE ZAMORINS OF CALICUT (A.D.

1500 1800):
A POLITICO CULTURAL STUDY

Thesis submitted to the Manonmaniam Sundaranar University
in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of
the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
in History
By
V.THANUMALAYAN, M.A., M.Phil., B.Ed.,
(Reg. No. 0079)
Lecturer in History (Selection Grade)
Arignar Anna College,
Aralvaimoli.

Under the Guidance of

Dr. K. SADASIVAN, M.A. MPhil., Ph.D., Dip in Arch., FUWAI.,
Professor and Head
Department of History
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University
Tirunelveli




MANONMANIAM SUNDARANAR UNIVERSITY
TIRUNELVELI 627012

December 2007
1
Dr. K. SADASIVAN, M.A. MPhil., Ph.D., Dip in Arch., FUWAI.,
Professor& Head,
Department of History,
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University,
Tirunelveli 627 012.


CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the thesis entitled HISTORY OF THE ZAMORINS
OF CALICUT (A.D. 1500-1800) A POLITICO CULTURAL STUDY submitted
by V. Thanumalayan, Lecturer in History, (Selection Grade) Arignar Anna College,
Aralvaimozhi, for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of the
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University, Tirunelveli is a record of bonafide research
work done under my guidance and supervision. No part of this thesis has been
presented for any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or any other similar title.


Tirunelveli 12. (K. SADASIVAN)
Date:







2
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The present study HISTORY OF THE ZAMORINS OF CALICUT (A.D.
1500 1800): A POLITICO - CULTURAL STUDY is the out come of my research
work on the thesis in the various archives, record offices, libraries and field. The
scope of this study is multifarious so as to include the social, political, cultural and
economic life of the people in the kingdom of Calicut from AD 1500 1800. Its
purpose is to lay bare, the various political and cultural trends and currents that
affected the kingdom of Calicut and to tell how it responded to become modernised.

Besides, it throws light on the impact of Zamorins relations with the Western
Countries as well as the native powers of Mysore, Cochin and Travancore. It also
tries to shed light on the unsteady stand of the Zamorins and the misfortunes that
befell on Calicut. Further, it tries to tell us how the diplomatic and military failures of
the Zamorins tarnished their reputation and threw them into the deaths of decline.
Though the Zamorins failed in other fields, the study tries to lay emphasis on their
patronage of the arts and crafts, language and literature, culture and religion. In
addition, the study tries to unravel how the Zamorins policy of toleration harmonised
the various religious segments and led to the emergence of a cosmopolitan culture that
modernised Calicut.

The word Zamorin is italicized in order to stress the importance in the princely
institution in the history of Calicut. Besides, important places, persons, major events
etc are presented in bold characters for the sake of giving due importance to them.
Even vernacular words are presented in English spellings without applying diacritical
marks, to maintain the uniformity to the narrative.
3
In completing this study I sought the advice and assistance of several scholars.
Foremost among them was my guide and supervisor Dr. K. Sadasivan, Professor &
Head, Department of History, Manonmaniam Sundaranar University,
Tirunelveli. His scholarly guidance enabled me to complete the research in its present
form. His great intellect, creative originality and critical perspectiveness formed the
foundation for this research work. The frequent discussions with him on different
aspects of the subject of thesis inspired me to probe deep into the study. His
stimulating, enriching and valuable suggestions at the different stages of progress in
the work helped me to design the study in its present form. His ungrudging and
untiring assistance is some thing that I will never forget. In brief he is a guide who is
through and through for his scholars. The time spent under him was a joyous and
fruitful experience.

I am thankful to the Faculty Members of History Department, Manonmaniam
Sundaranar University.

I am extremely greateful to Dr. P. Ramachandran, (Retired) Professor in
History, S.T. Hindu College, Nagercoil, Dr. R. Kartheesan, Reader in History and the
Faculty Members of History, Arignar Anna College, Aralvaimoli, Dr. T. Dharmaraj,
HOD of History, St. Judes College, Thoothoor, Dr.Gunasekar, Lecturer in History,
Government Arts College, Vilupuram, Dr.P. ChandraSekar, Reader in History, Rajus
College, Rajapalayam for his valuable suggestions, assistance in translation for their
various assistance and support.

I like to place on record the help and guidance received from
Prof. M.E. Manikavasagom, Former Prof. and Head of the Department of History,
Arignar Anna College, Aralvaimoli.
4
I express a deep sense of gratitude to Prof. M. Sankaralingam, M.A., Ex. M.P.
founder of this college, Dr.S. Manakavalaperumal, MBBS, M.S., MNAMS, the
Secretary of Arignar Anna College, Aralvaimoli for their kind permission.

I extend my sincere thanks to the members of the Tamil Nadu Archives
Chennai, National Archives, New Delhi, and staff members of Kerala State Archives
Thiruvananthapuram, for providing assistance in accessing data in connection with
my research. I extend by sincere thanks to the members of the staff of Kerala
University Library and Kerala Public Library, Thiruvananthapuram, Centre for
Development Studies Library, Ulloor, Cannimara Library, Madras, Arignar Anna
College Library, Aralvaimoli for their help and co-operation in the collection of data.

I also record my thanks to the authorities of the Manonmanium Sundaranar
University for having permitted me to undertake this research work.

I extend my thanks to J. Sathish, B.B.A., M.B.M., M/s. Nett Korner, Nagercoil
for their careful and laborious typing and binding in the prescribed form.

I remain indebted to my wife, children and friends for their constant
encouragement and support whenever I was in need of them.

Above all I thank God, the almighty for his richest blessings and wisdom in
making the research study a possibility.





5
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGE
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
ABBREVIATIONS
INTRODUCTION i - xxii
I GEO-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CALICUT 1 - 28
II EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF POLITICAL
POWER

29 - 55
III ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE 56 - 94
IV ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE DUTCH 95 - 128
V ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH MYSORE 129 - 158
VI ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH 159 - 190
VII SOCIETY AND ECONOMY UNDER THE ZAMORINS 191 - 216
VIII CULTURE UNDER THE ZAMORINS 217 - 273
CONCLUSION
MAPS AND PLATES
i - x
i - viii
GLOSSARY i
BIBLIOGRAPHY i - xxxviii







6
V. THANUMALAYAN, M.A., M.Phil., B.Ed.,
Lecturer in History (Selection Grade),
Arignar Anna College,
Aralvaimoli 629 702,
Kanyakumari District.


DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the thesis entitled HISTORY OF THE ZAMORINS
OF CALICUT (A.D. 1500 - 1800): A POLITICO CULTURAL STUDY
submitted for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of the
Manonmaniam Sundarnar University, Tirunelveli has not previously formed the basis
for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or any other similar
title or recognition.


Aralvaimoli, (V.THANUMALAYAN)
Date:


Countersigned





7
ABBREVIATIONS

A.D. - Anna Domini in the year of the lord (precedes numerals)
Co. - Company
Con. - Consultation
Misc. - Miscellaneous
OC - Original Correspondence
Edn. - Edition
Desp. - Despatch
FR - Factory Records
GR - General Records
KSP - Kerala Society Papers
AC - Anjengo Consultations
TC - Tellicherry Consultations
Sec. - Section
Vol. - Volume
Pol. - Political
Pro. - Proceedings
Col. - Colonel
Cap. - Captain
M.E. - Malayalam Era
Trans. - Translation
JKS. - Journal of Kerala Studies
JIH. - Journal of Indian History
EFI. - English Factories in India
LT. - Letters to Tellicherry
SFR. - Surat Factory Records
Mal. - Malayalam
TAS Travancore Archaeological Series


8
i
GLOSSARY
Thulam - October November
Kanni - September October
Magham - One of the 27 Asterisms /(Star)
Maagha - January February
Mahaa makham - The great sacrifice
Mahaa-ankam - The very great fight
Chingom - August September
Fanam - A fanam was a small coin worth about a quarter
of a rupee

Tampuran - The Lord Master
Tampuratti - The Lord Mistress
Kalari - Martial Art
Kappukettu - Initiation thread making the beginning of a
festival
Taravad - Joint Family
Sambandham - Matrimonial Contract
Talikettu Kalyanam - Mock Marriage
Matrilineal - Lineage through the mother
Polygamy - Having more than one wife
Polyandry - Having more than one husband
Makkatayam - Reckoning inheritance through father
Marumakktayam - Reckoning inheritance through uncle
Kaimal - Unit chief
Chavar aramy - Suicide squard
9
ii

10
i
INTRODUCTION

Calicut, the emporium of trading activities in the Western Coast of India, has
been occupying a vital place in the political and commercial history of Kerala. Being
situated in Mabar
1
, as the Arabs called it, Calicut was the main gateway to the West.
It played a significant role in changing the economic, social, political and cultural
history of this region during the medieval period. In the early period, the Cheras
were the rulers of the Coastal region from Kollam to Malabar and the interior land
east of the Western Ghats including Coimbatore, as mentioned in early literature both
native and foreign.
2
The Irumporais, a collateral line of the Cheras, had their sway
over the regions around Coimbatore, Karur, Erode, Salem and Darapuram. Which
later became an independent territory called the Kongu Nadu or Kongudesam.
With the southward thrust of the Kalabhras into the mainland of Tamilakam, the
rule of the Cheras and the Irumporais came to an end. However, in the 8
th
century
A.D., the Perumals ascended the throne of the ancient Chera Country. The
Perumals captured some parts of southern Tamilakam and extended their sway to
include some parts of Mysore.
3
On the eastern side of the Ghats, they extended their
territory to include Coimbatore, Salem and Nilgris. In the extreme south, the
Perumals had their contemporary Aiis, whose sway included the present
Thiruvananthapuram and Kollam regions and Neyyatrinkarai, Nagercoil,
Padmanabhapuram, Colachel, Muttom, etc., The Perumals ruled the land north of

1
Mabar is a term the Arabs used to denote the whole of the ancient Tamil Country,
including Madurai. Mabar may be a corruption of Malabar, the northern part of
Kerala proper.

2
William Logan, Malabar, Vol.1, Madras, 1951, p. 225.

3
P.K. Narayana Pillai, (ed.), Kerala Studies, Trivandram, 1955, p.15.

11
ii
Kollam and south of Mysore, and west of Salem. This was the Cheramandalam of
the Perumals,
4
of the 8
th
, 9
th
and 10
th
centuries A.D. whose hegemony came to an end
with the rise of the Imperial Cholas in the east. The Perumals ruled from
Mahodayapuram,
5
near Thiruvanchikulam, the capital of the Cheras. During the
reign of Cheraman Peruml (Nayanar) of the Chera dynasty, owing to various
reasons, mainly religious, the kingdom began to disintegrate. Following this,
Malabar was divided into innumerable chieftaincies, and petty principalities. Since
then the name Malabar has been generally applied only to the coastal area of the
West Coast from that of the eastern side.
6
In the Malabar State, the Coastal Calicut
emerged as one of the powerful kingdoms, whose rulers were known as the Zamorins
or Samudiris.

The term Kozhicode (Calicut):
Taking advantage of the fall of the Perumals, the Zamorins emerged as
powerful rulers in Malabar, and occupied northern Kerala, namely the Nediyiruppu
Swarupam, whose capital was Kozhicode. The place name Kozhicode is popular in
the accounts of the Western visitors during the medieval period. It was an
international trading emporium, which attracted the attention of foreigners. However,
its real significance was unknown to the natives. The anglicized form of Kozhicode
is Calicut.
7


4
Travancore Archaeological Series, (hereinafter as TAS), Vol. II, Part I. pp. 54-55.

5
K.K. Ramachandran Nair, (ed.), Kerala State Gazetteer, Vol. II, Trivandrum,
1986, p-85.

6
Achyutha Menon, Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, p-31.

7
A. Sreedhara Menon, Gazetteer of India Kerala, Kozhicode, Trivandrum, 1962,
p.1.

12
iii
The exact time and mode of the naming of the city as Kozhicode are not
known. As mentioned in some records, its ancient name was Vikramapuram.
8

A popular theory prevalent among the people of Calicut is that 'the land within the
range of cock-crow is said to have belonged to the Zamorin's.
9
Maclean might have
meant what he records, so much land as the sound of a cock-crowing for its perch
could be heard over.
10
Modern historians like Fernando De Melloviarna point out
that the term Calicut has been derived from its famous Calico, cloth.
11
It is also
viewed that the Zamorin's kingdom appeared like the 'case of a cock'. It is also said to
be more related to geography than to any ideology. Some others derive the name
from two terms: Kozhi, meaning cock and code the peak of a hill. It means the
cock climbing up the hill and crowing. The present scholar however derives the term
from the Tamil terms Koil and Kotta, which literally mean temple and fortified
place, respectively which being the 'fortified residence of the Zamorin's.
12





8
K.M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala, 1498 1801 A.D., Annamalai Nagar, 1959,
p.2.

9
Maclean, Glossary of the Madras Presidency, New Delhi, 1982, p.117.

10
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural Heritage of Kerala An Introduction, Cochin,
1978, p.253.

11
Fernando De Mellovianna, (ed.), The International Geographic Encyclopaedia
and Atlas, London, 1978, p.124.
Kozhi = cock like Kozhiyoor for Uraiyur (Trichy). The story is that a coc
withstood the onslaughts of a hound, therefore called Kozhiyoor. Similarly,
Kozhicode may mean the cock at the top of a hill; here kozhi means the cock
and code means peak or hill-top.

12
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, Calicut, 1938, p.82.

13
iv
History of Calicut:
Originally, the Calicut rulers belonged to Nediyiruppu and the family was
known as Nediyiruppu Swarupam.
13
According to legends, the descendants of
Maniccan and Vikraman of Eralanadu were called Zamorins. Eralanadu =
Elelanadu the land of Elalan or Elalasingan, are spoken of in Tamil works.
14
Their
successors Manavikrama, Manaveda and Viraraya were popular in Malabar. Among
them, Manavikrama earned the title Zamorin and established his rule over Calicut.
15

The name Zamorin seems to have been derived from the word Samurai.
16
Their
official designation was Samari and Samudri.
17


They gradually grew into a powerful force to be reckoned with in the
Malabar region of the medieval times. Their power and strength of army at the end
of the 15
th
century made the Zamorins the masters of two thirds of Kerala.
18
They
could achieve this glory through their internal and international trade.
19
The arrival of
foreigners for trade and commerce had a major share in changing the position of the
State. Vasco-da-Gama, the Portuguese navigator and trader, landed at Kappad in

13
V. Kunhali, Calicut in History, Calicut, 2004, p. 41.

14
Elaasingan is said to have been a good friend of Tiruvalluvar, the author of
Thirukkural (K. Sadasivan's paper in the Syro-Malabar Church History,
Cochin, 2001.

15
M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Calicut, 1996, p.66.

16
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, Madras, 1972, p.220.

17
William Logan, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Other Papers of
Importance Relating to British Affairs in Malabar, Madras, 1951, p.5.

18
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, A Short History of Kerala, Coimbatore, 1968, p.178.

19
K.K. Ramachandran Nair, Kerala District Gazetteers - Kozhikode, Supplement,
Trivandrum, 1981, p.66.

14
v
Kozhicode in 1498, and it turned the attention of the Western World towards the
region.
20
It also paved the way for the squandering of the wealth of Malabar and
other parts of Kerala. Later, the Dutch, the Danes, the French and, finally, the British
captured the province and totally exploited its resources and grew at its cost.
Gradually, the British intervened in the internal administration of Malabar and this
intervention adversely affected this region. Besides, the Mysoreans (under Hyder Ali
& Tipu Sultan) also interfered in the affairs of Malabar leaving its impress upon that
region. Lastly, after the defeat of Tipu Sultan and signing of the Treaty of
Srirangapattinam, the whole territory of Malabar was ceded to the British. The
rule of the Zamorins thus came to an end with the British annexation of the whole of
Malabar.

Political Condition:
In the medieval history of Kerala, Malabar was created into a kingdom with
the annexation of many principalities. Such principalities tried to establish their
power over the other weakened powers. This attitude always left a war-like situation
among the neighbouring powers. So each ruler wanted to maintain his political
sovereignty and forge alliance with other powers to maintain cordial relations and to
protect him from the invasions of neighbouring rulers. In the medieval times,
Malabar was fully controlled by the rulers of Kolattunadu, Kolattiri
21
(Cannanore)
Kottayam,
22
Kadattanadu
23
and Calicut.
24
The kingdom of Kolattunadu extended
up to the northernmost part of Malabar from the bank of the river Kumbala to

20
H.V. Livermore, A History of Portugul, Cambridge, 1947, p.230.

21
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp.136-137.

22
Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar in the
Beginning of the 16
th
Century, New Delhi, 1995, p.84.
15
vi
Darmadam.
25
Its ruler controlled some minor principalities such as Cannanore under
the Ali Rajas of Cannanore and Randathara under Achanmars.
26
The sway of the
Kolattiri kingdom was limited by several feudatory and independent rulers,
particularly those of Kottayam and Kolattunadu. Besides, there were numerous
feudal barons.
27
The commercial centres of Tellicherry, Mahe, Kumbala and
Koottuparambu were controlled by the rulers of Kottayam.
28
Records of the
medieval period testify to the strained relations that existed between the kingdoms of
Cannanore and Kottayam.
29
Kadattanadu, another kingdom was situated in
between Cannanore and Calicut. It was an independent kingdom which extended
from Mahe to Vadakara. Notably, the leading power in medieval Malabar was
Calicut which extended from Puthupatanam in the north to Cherruvai in the south.
On the southern side, Cochin and Tranvancore emerged as powerful kingdoms.



Social Condition:
Calicut retained its character of Hindu customs and manners. From the early
to the medieval periods of its history, Calicut proved that its rulers and its people were


23
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol II,Ernakulam, 1929, pp.231-233.

24
K.M. Panikkar, Geographical Factors in Indian History, Bombay, 1955, pp.64-65.

25
Joaode Barros, Op.cit., Vol. I, Part II, p. 297.

26
Achanmars are styled Menons by the Rjass

27
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., pp.136 137.

28
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.84.

29
Armando Cortesao (ed.), The Suma Oriental Tome Pires and the Book of
Francisco Rodrigues (hereinafter Tome Pires), Vol.I, London, 1944, p. 78.

16
vii
staunch supporters of Hinduism. The social system of Calicut was mainly based on
caste system, as expressly defined by the Hindu religion. The society was divided
into two main streams, the high castes (Savarnas) and low castes (Avarnas). The
Brahmins and Nayars were categorized as belonging to the high castes whereas the
Tiyyas, Kammalas and the aboriginal tribes were labelled low castes.
30
The
formation of castes, stratification and their function constituted a panoramic view.
The stratification of castes into high and low resulted in a situation of the degradation
of the lower castes forming the majority, but subjugating themselves to the minority
who enjoyed many a right and privilege in the name of upper caste. The caste
stratification was reflected in every aspect of the social life of the people, like food,
dress, customs, manners, etc.

Historians have given different accounts about medieval Malabar. The
Portuguese singer Louis Decamoes who sang on the Portuguese saga has noticed the
social life in Malabar as a fusion of happiness and jealousy within. The men of
Malabar, like others, were studious.
31
The historian Shiek Zein-ud-din gives the
earliest account of the social system. According to his account, the holy thread
wearing group of Brahmins forming the highest, the Nayars forming the next,
carpenters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, fishermen and others the third category and the
inferior castes whose occupation was tilling the land, cultivating it and doing such
other works pertaining to it.
32
Duarte Barbosa classified the Malabar society into

30
A. Sreedhara Menon. Op.cit., (1962), p.202.

31
Luisde Cameos, The Lusiadas of Luisde ameos, translated with an introduction
and notes by Leonard Becon, Book VII versa, New York, 1950, versa 41.

32
Shiek Zein-ud-din, Tohfut-ul-mujahideen, Trans, Velayudhan Panickassery,
Kottayam, 1970, pp.83-84.

17
viii
four categories. They are the ruling class or the kings, the high castes, the low castes
and the Paradesis or 'foreigners'.
33
The native records, particularly Northern
Ballads,
34
record a number of functional groups such as Thattans (goldsmith),
Kollan (blacksmith), Panan (local singer), Mukkuvan (fisherman), Tiyyas,
Chakkiars, Mappila, Nayar, Chempottis (coppersmith) and Viswakarman, etc.

At the apex of this social hierarchy were the Nambutiri Brahmins and the
rulers who enjoyed the highest social status. In Malabar, the Nambutiri Brahmins
were landowners.
35
Some Brahmins gained high status by virtue of their position as
priests. They were completely exempted from all social and religious disabilities and
liabilities and even taxes. The Brahmins received large sums of money from the
rulers. They were exempted from capital punishment. Their crimes were not viewed
seriously. However, others especially lesser mortals of other castes, who committed
crimes against them were taken seriously and the alleged culprits were deterrently
punished. Killing a Brahmin is brahmakatia, one of the five sins.
36
They adopted
untouchability towards the low caste people. The Nayars and other members of such
high castes should not touch a Brahmin but he could go near him.
37
At the same time,
the low caste people had to do all sorts of agricultural and menial works for the higher

33
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp.33-71.

34
M. Appunni Nambiar, (ed.), 24 Vadakkan Pattukal (Mal.), Guruvayur, 1980,
pp.73-76.

35
Mansel Longworth Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, New Delhi,
1989, pp.35-37.

36
The five sins are: brahrmakatiya, killing a cow, killing a pregnant woman, richest
and telling lies.

37
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Kottayam, 1970, p.346.

18
ix
caste people. As such, the denial of the rights and privileges of the lower sections,
who constituted the majority formed a barrier to the progress of the land.

The non-cultivating landowners (absentee landlords) were the administrators
of particular regions, functions of which were carried on through the chains of
personal service between the lords and the vassals. Nayars occupied important
positions in every unit of administration. They claimed janmam properties on
condition that they would send a fixed number of soldiers to the battlefield when the
kings ordered them to fight.
38
This system is said to have helped them maintain the
traditional customs to a great extent. While men of the higher castes like the
Brahmins and Nayars because of the single reason that they owned lands and
therefore their women were their properties followed polygamy women of the Nayar
and Ezhavas castes followed polyandry for the simple reason that their men were
serving the state as soldiers and therefore they were away from their households. The
status of these Nayars ranked just below the Brahmins and kings. Next to them, the
Chettis, Kammalars and Chaliyars enjoyed social status. Their customs and manners
were generally similar to those of high caste Hindus.
39
These caste groups were very
backward in their economic condition. They occupied lower stratum of the social
ladder just above that of the Parayas and Pulayas. They were subjected to
innumerable inhuman practices. The lowest stratum of the society in Malabar
consisted mostly of Parayas and Pulayas.
40
They were landless agricultural
labourers. From the early part of the 14
th
to19
th
century they formed the real slave

38
Achyuta Menon, Op.cit., (1911), p.48.

39
Census of India, 1961, Vol. IX, Part, VI, p.10.

40
Achyuta Menon, Op.cit., (1911), p.203.

19
x
caste. These people enjoyed no privileges but were in fact groaning under several
burdens. They were called by the forbid term pottislaves.
41
Moreover, they were
prevented from entering the houses of the caste Hindus or offering worship in any
temple of the caste - Hindus.

Economic Condition:
The economic condition of the kingdom of Calicut depended on agrarian
products. Calicut had been one of the important emporiums of pepper right from very
early days. Land was the chief source and means of production, but that was owned
by the higher castes. So the rulers gave prime importance to landholdings. The
settlement of the agriculturists was spread in river valleys around various parts of the
kingdom of Calicut and its Swarupams.
42
However, the settlements of the landless
labourers were in large estates of lands donated to the temples as Devaswams or
(devadanas as in Tamil Nadu) and to the Nambutiri Brahmins as Brahmaswams as
(Brahmadeyas as in Tamil Nadu). These were raised on the sides of streams and
either by rulers or by the private individuals. In Malabar, in the 16
th
century, there
was a general custom that a separate servile class should be engaged in the works of
agriculture.
43
The same practice was continued by the rulers of Calicut in their areas
too. The landowning classes like the Nambutiri Brahmins and the Nayars were
called the janmis, who, in fact, leased the land to the workers and collected exorbitant

41
Samuel Mateer, Pariah Caste in Travancore, The Journal of Royal Asiatic
Society, Vol. XVI, London, 1884, p.194.

42
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1978), p.1.

43
T.V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagar, Vol.1,
Madras, 1946, pp.62-63.

20
xi
rent from the produce.
44
The rent collected varied from place to place. Sometimes,
this peasant class was worse than the slaves of Europe.

The significance and relevance of this study centres round one of the powerful
ruling dynasties of Kerala, which ruled the Calicut region between A.D 1500 and
1800. They claimed not only the protectorship of the region but also the extension of
patronage to administration and all cultural activities, including art and architecture,
language and literature throughout Kerala. However, their role became more
conspicuous with the advent of the Portuguese in Calicut in 1498. Some of the
historians feel that the arrival of Vasco-da-Gama, though by accident, is the point of
demarcation of two epochs in the history of the Zamorins of Calicut. To be precise,
the history of the Zamorins of Calicut can be divided into two periods, i.e., the history
prior to and later to the arrival of Vasco-da-Gama till the merger of the kingdom with
the territories of the Madras Presidency in 1800.

Scope:
Although some historians like K.V. Krishna Ayyar have made valuable studies
about the history of the Zamorins of Calicut, and some publications like the
Gazetteers of Kerala are available, the study about the socio-economic and cultural
background of Zamorins is found to be inadequate. A cursory glance of the available
material shows that the history of the Zamorins between A.D 1500 and 1800 needs an
in-depth study. The present scholar has another reason for the choice of this topic. In
fact, this period marks the transition from a feudal economy i.e. from feudalities to
modernism. It, in fact, opened the floodgates of commercial politico economic, and
diplomatic relations with the European, even with the native powers. The country of

44
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, Madras, 1994, p.133.
21
xii
Calicut until 1498 A.D., locked up in internal fends, was forced to face the military
power individual potency and collective diplomacy of the European powers and had
been witness to their fall one after the other and the ultimate victory of the British,
owing largely to their commercial competition military involvement and political
diplomacy and loyalty to their motherland. Besides, their contact, though led to
economic deprivations, certainly opened the vistas of Calicut to modernization,
process which ultimately led to the emergence of a composite culture. Finding the
scope very vast for a fresh study of these Zamorins, the scholar has chosen this topic
for his research.

Purpose of the Study:
The present investigation aims at unravelling the hitherto untouched problems
that affected the Zamorins and to provide a clear picture for future studies. The study
thereby tries to trace the impact of the Islamic-Jewish wave as a result of the Arab-
Jewish trade and commerce, the relations that existed between the Zamorins and the
Jewish Islamic and Christian communities. Though piece-meal studies have been
made on this aspect, there is no comprehensive study on these aspects. Therefore, the
present study aims at analyzing the social groups, their respective positions, and their
political and economic activities. In short, the purpose of the study is concerned with
the political, social, economic and cultural aspects, the frame work being provided by
the political relations.



Area of Study:
22
xiii
Though the study centres round the happenings in North Malabar, ie., the
Zamorins kingdom of Calicut, it does not preclude the relevance of the relationship of
the Zamorins with other Malayalam-speaking regions and the Jewish-Islamic and
Christian communities. In fact, the study concentrates on the Calicut region as a
major block; it also extends its area to cover other parts of Kerala too, wherever found
necessary.

Period of Study:
The period of study fanning over a period of 300 years (A.D.1500 to1800),
signifies the rise and fall of the Zamorins. Just prior to A.D. 1500, Vasco-da-Gama,
the Portuguese adventurer, arrived at Kappad near Calicut, a turning point in the
history of Calicut and India too. He was well-received in the court of the Zamorins.
Since then the Portuguese influence in Calicut grew by leaps and bounds, resulting in
clashes with the Muslim generals. This tug-of-war led to the eradication of the
Kunjalis (Marakkars) from the Zamorins court (Kunjalis being the traditional naval
commanders of the Zamorins). Similarly, A.D.1800 marks the year of the merger of
the Calicut region of the Malabar Coast with the Madras Presidency. Therefore,
these two years are of vital importance in the history of the region. Since A.D. 1500
the political prospects had become a pendulum swinging between the native and
European powers. In the religious sphere, Christianity began to spread, thanks to the
activities of the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English. Changes with far-reaching
consequences took place in the socio-economic and religious life of the people.





Hypotheses:
23
xiv
1. Zamorins of Calicut, though Hindus, encouraged a composite culture.
2. The composite culture, had far-reaching consequences, leading to political
rivalry between the native powers and foreign powers.
3. The composite culture led to religious tolerance, dissemination and the
distribution of cultural traits.
4. This led to advancements and progressive cultural contacts, particularly
commercial and cultural.
5. The modernization of Kerala was possible not only by native powers but also
with the advancement of relations with foreign powers, particularly the
Portuguese, the Dutch and the English.

These are the major hypotheses of this study to be tested and their validity to
be established

Limitations:
While collecting the material, the scholar found that many of the primary
sources are in Malayalam, the language of Kerala. However, translations in English
of some of these works are also available. The present scholar, being a Tamilian,
without good knowledge of Malayalam, has to depend mostly on the translated
versions. Similarly, the study on relations of the Zamorins with the European powers
in dependent on the translated versions rather than the originals. Another problem is
relating to the chronology of the Zamorins. The chronology charted out by
K.V. Krishna Ayyar is non-acceptable to many of the recent scholars, who would
hazard new approaches, which are mentioned wherever necessary.


Study of the Previous Literature:
24
xv
History of the Zamorins of Calicut received scant attention from historians for
a very long time. It seems, no historical research has been made on the basis of
Malabar Collectorate Records, Consultations, and Select Committee Proceedings
as sources.

K.V. Krishna Ayyar is the first to bring forth a comprehensive history of the
Zamorins of Calicut. Prior to his History of Kerala, no one has made any attempt to
give a complete picture of the Zamorins of Calicut, though mention has been made in
his History of Kerala by K.P.Padmanaba Menon and a few foreign scholars and
writers like Galletti, Albuquerque, Barbosa, C.Achyuta Menon, Gundert,
Govindavariyar, and others.

Being the first coherent narrative of the Zamorins of Calicut, Ayyars work
throws much light on the dark pages of the history of Calicut. Though some piece-
meal studies have been made earlier and later to that of Ayyar, the first systematic
narrative of the Zamorins of Calicut is the one by Ayyar only. Ayyar was able to give
a detailed account for he was accessible to the palace records. He culled out much
material from important personalities in the Zamorins' household. Though these can
be cited as the merits of the case, it cannot be said that it is not without flaws.

However, Ayyars work is more a domestic and eulogistic work, rather than a
critical commentary. But Ayyar has a safeguard. During his times historiography did
not develop and most of the historians were narrators of chronicles. But, in the case
of the Zamorins of Calicut, a close reading of Ayyars work reveals that he has
deviated from his predecessors and contemporaries.

25
xvi
Therefore, to get a complete picture of the Zamorins of Calicut one has to
refer to some of the records available in languages like the Portuguese and the Dutch,
etc. either in their original form or as used by others. Of course, Ayyar made a
sincere attempt to present the history of the Zamorins of Calicut in a chronological
narrative. Some short-comings in Ayyars work could be overcome by consulting
other records and documents and comparing them with other works and by
establishing their credibility.

Sources of Information:
The literary works
45
provide a fund of information about the land, people, their
rulers and their daily life. For the purpose of its general history, the native records are
used as primary sources. Besides, the accounts of foreign travellers

are
46
used as
primary sources. Among these, the accounts of Duarte Barbosa,
47
Ibn Batutta,
48
and
Francis Buchanan
49
are of immense value in reconstructing the past history of
Malabar. Detailed information on the social customs and conventions and the
commercial and economic prosperity of medieval Malabar is found in them. They
also throw light on the social evils of Malabar of medieval times. Along with the

45
Achyuta Menon, (ed.), Ballads of North Malabar, Madras, 1936. S.K.Nair,
Ballads of North Malabar, Madras, 1957. M.C. Appunni Nambiar, (ed.),
Vadakkan Pattukal, (Mal.), Kunnamkulam, 1972.

46
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995).

47
Mansel Longworth Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol.II, New Delhi,
1989.

48
H.A.R. Gibb, Ibn Battuta, Travels in Asia and Africa 1325 1354. Delhi, 1999.

49
Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore,
Canara and Malabar, Vols, II, III London, 1803.

26
xvii
inscriptions,
50
they provide a detailed account of the working of the local assemblies
and the nature of the relationship between the landlords and the tenants.

The documents of the Kerala Government, various Commission Reports,
Foreign Select Committee Proceedings, Secret Proceedings, Secret Consultations,
Journals of the Revenue Department, Malabar Commissions Reports,
Commission Diaries, Factory Records preserved in the Nalanda Archives,
Thirvananthapuram, Calicut Archives, Calicut, Madras Archives, Madras, National
Archives of India, New Delhi, give detailed accounts of the social and economic
condition of the Zamorins territory. Among the Factory Records and
Consultations, the Anjengo Consultations
51
and Tellicherry Consultations
52
are of
immense value to a student of history. They also shed light on the correspondence
between the native powers with the foreigners. Foreign Department Secret
Consultations have in them the secret and diplomatic letters exchanged by the
foreigners against the Malabar rulers. The letters of the Viceroys and Governors,
instructions given to the ambassadors and other officers, letters from the factories of
Cochin, Cannanore, etc, correspondence of the pastors of the Churches in India,
letters of the king of Calicut, Cochin and merchants of the Malabar Coast give
details of the cargo abundantly produced and exported to foreign countries.

50
TAS., Vol.1, Trivandrum, 1988. Important Mathilakam Records, Trivandrum,
1941. I, K. Maheswaran Nair, (ed.), Epigraphia Malabarica, Trivandrum, 1972.
Hultzch, Epigraphia Indica, Calcutta, 1894.

51
Anjengo Consultations.

52
Tellicherry Consultations.

27
xviii
Moreover, some manuscripts and reports
53
that belong to a later period are
also used in the present work to supplement the details of the nature of the social,
political and economic conditions in medieval Malabar. The foregoing analysis
makes it clear that there are a large number of sources preserved in various archives in
different parts of India that can be used for the study of the whole history of medieval
Malabar. These contain primary data on the real condition of the whole of Malabar
and the changes that have come about after the interference of foreigners in the
medieval period.

The secondary sources in the form of books, articles, and newspaper reports
also furnish vivid accounts of the Zamorins of Calicut. These include the works of
William Logan
54
which provides a lot of information. Among them mention may be
made of the works of K.V. Krishna Ayyar
55
and O.K. Nambiar
56
and Samuel Mateer.
To these may be added, A History of Kerala,
57
Land of the Perumals.
58
Moreover,
India and the Indian Ocean 1500 1800,
59
Ship building and Navigation in the
Indian Ocean Region AD 1400 1800, Portuguese Trade with India in the 16
th


53
A Report on Revenue and other matters connected with Malabar.

54
W. Logan, Malabar, Vol.I, II, Madras, 1951.

55
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, Calicut, 1938.

56
O.K. Nambiar, The Kunjalis, Admirals of Calicut, Bombay, 1963.

57
K.M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala, 1498, 1801 A.D., Annamalai Nagar, 1960.

58
Francis Day, Land of the Perumals, Madras, 1863.

59
Ashin Das Gupta, India and the Indian Ocean, 1500 1800, Calcutta, 1989.

28
xix
Century,
60
Studies in Maritime History,
61
Malabar and the Dutch,
62
The Dutch
Power in Kerala, 1729-1758,
63
and The English Factories in India are volumes of
immense value.
64
The large number of Manuals, Gazetteers and Historical Series
provides noteworthy information about the political, socio-economic, cultural
conditions and the relation of the Zamorins with the Europeans, and the Mysoreans in
Calicut.

Organization of the Thesis:
The introduction discusses the scope and purpose, area and period,
hypotheses, previous literature, sources and limitations.

The First Chapter deals with the geo-historical condition that prevailed in
Calicut during the rule of the Zamorins. The fertile soil, the suitable climate and the
perennial rivers are found playing a vital role in enriching the State. Fertility of the
soil prompted them produce large quantities of agricultural products, as well as spices
for export. The articles of export increased the wealth of the Kingdom and this
enhanced its prestige.

The political situation during the rule of the Zamorins between the 15
th
and
19
th
centuries forms the content of the Second Chapter. The political disintegration of
the Perumals of Kerala led to the birth of numerous petty principalities. Each

60
K.S. Mathew, Ship - Building and Navigation in the Indian Ocean Region, 1400
1800, New Delhi, 1997.

61
K.S. Mathew, Portuguese Trade with India in the 16
th
Century, New Delhi, 1983.

62
K.M. Panikkar, Mariners, Merchants and Oceans, New Delhi, 1995.

63
M.O. Koshy, The Dutch Power in Kerala, New Delhi, 1989.

64
Sir William Foster, The English Factories in India and Sir Charles Fawcetts The
English Factories in India volumes.
29
xx
principality was under a Rajas or Chief who possessed unfettered independence in
internal affairs. The rulers of lesser strength showed their nominal allegiance to a
major Rajas. Following this condition, the Zamorins had emerged as chief rulers,
who possessed sovereign rights in their region. The material wealth of Calicut
provided the Zamorins with a predominant position in the political and commercial
activities of the whole of Malabar. Other powers acted as his vassals. The treatment
meted out by the Zamorins to the vassals turned them against him and supported the
aliens to protect their rights.

The Third Chapter entitled the Socio Economic Condition makes a study of
the real social condition that prevailed in Calicut under the Zamorins. This part tries
to understand the position of various castes and communities and their relations,
taboos and institutions and their attendant evils.

The Fourth Chapter throws light on the cultural legacy of the Zamorins. An
indepth study is made on the role of the Zamorins as patrons of Mamankam or
Rakshapurasha. It also deals with the other cultural activities of the kingdom and the
growth of language, literature and festival.

In the Fifth Chapter the Portuguese relations with the Zamorins is discussed.
The arrival of the Portuguese opened a new chapter in trade. Their relation with the
rulers of Calicut and other rulers of Malabar paved the way for changes. They laid a
strong foundation in South India, especially in Malabar for ensuring the foreign
domination. In course of time, the Portuguese followed the policy of expansion in
their commercial activities, which led to their quarrel with the Zamorins. The strained
relations that existed among native rulers induced them to join the rivals of the
30
xxi
Zamorins which was taken advantage of by the Portuguese and to interfere in the
administration in Malabar.

The Sixth Chapter deals with the arrival of the Dutch in the Malabar territory,
especially in the land of the Zamorins. They always followed a peaceful policy but
the competition among the Europeans changed the atmosphere of Malabar. Finally,
they quarrelled with the Zamorins and made alliance with others. In fact, the country
faced a tense situation as a result of the arrival and of the struggle with European
powers.

The Seventh Chapter describes the relation of the British with the Zamorins.
Their arrival introduced a new phenomenon in the history of Calicut. They
encouraged the enemies of the Zamorin and gave their assistance against him. They
established their commercial settlements in the key places in Malabar through their
diplomatic efforts. Eventhough they concentrated not only on their trade but also
interfered with the administration of native rulers and they enjoyed more privileges
than other powers.

The last chapter deals with the Zamroins and neighbouring power like the
Mysoreans. Mysorean interlude paved the way for the conflict between the
Mysoreans and the English. Their conflict ended in the result of Anglo-Mysore wars
and the Treaty of Srirangapattinam. The treaty ceded Tipus territories to the
British. It laid the foundation for the British to annex the entire province of Malabar
and bring it under their control.





31
xxii
Method of Approach:
The method of approach is descriptive and analytical. The source materials
are analysed on the basis of their content and value, taking into account the
faithfulness of the documents. The available material is analysed scientifically to
describe the various aspects. It is descriptive since topics like political, socio-
economic, cultural and religious aspects are studied giving many details. The
description is chronological so that overlapping is avoided as far as possible. The
study is made in simple English; the style is lucid. When vernacular words are used,
their meanings or near meanings in English are given in brackets. Quotations are
sparingly used, but when found inevitable, quotations are given only to lay stress on
the point.

The findings of this study are given in the Concluding Chapter. The glossary
enlists the Malayalam and English terms used in this thesis. The bibliography
contains the sources of information consulted for this study.

32
1
CHAPTER I
GEO-HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF CALICUT

The physiography of the kingdom of the Zamorins had determined its place in the
commercial history of the world. Its physical features and products attracted the
affections of merchants, traders, business men, mariners, adventurers and religious
missionaries from various far-off lands. It is a truism that geography and topography
govern history. Its impact could be felt on the political, socio-economic, religious and
cultural history of any people. Geography too moulds the character and temper of the
people. It also decides the occupations and engagements of them and their consequent
way of life. A countrys mountains and rivers, its climate and natural resources largely
determine the nature of the social and economic life of its people. The choice of
occupation on the part of individuals, their physical and mental efficiency, their standard
of life as well as their social customs and institutions bear the imprint of the geographical
features of the land in which they live.

During the early history, the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas ruled
Tamilakam in their respective regions and their citizens
1
. The Arabs called the southern
region of India including the Chera Empire as Mabar.
2
Political history of the Cheras,
as per the available sources, dawned on the Western Coast only with Imayavaramban
Nedunjeralathan and Cheran Senguttuvan. At this time, it comprised the major portions

1
William Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, Madras, 1951, p.225.

2
A.C. Moule and Paul Pelliot, Marco Polo The Description of the World, Vol. I,
London, 1938, pp. 401-402.

33
2
of Tamilakam, sometimes including certain portions of Mysore as well
3
. Besides this,
the present South Malabar and Cochin too came under the boundaries of the Cheras.
The Cheras were the lords of elephants and coconut and black gold (pepper) groves,
and their territories therefore came to be called Cheramandalam
4
. Mahodayapuram,
the capital of Perumals or the later Cheras, occupied a pre-eminent place in the history
of medieval times and it was from here that the later Cheras ruled till the early part of the
twelfth century A.D. In course of time, the Malabar area was split into many petty
kingdoms. Among them, that of the Zamorins of Calicut emerged as a powerful one.
The Zamorins subdued the neighbouring powers like Nedunganadu, Cochin,
Tirunavai, and Nilambur and thus earned the enmity of these neighbours
5
.

Location and Extent:
Calicut is now a land of the Malayalam-speaking people.
6
The city is situated on
the right bank of the river Kallayi at its mouth adjoining it and not marked off by any
natural boundaries. It stretched into the fertile hinterland of Polanadu and linked to
Ernadu
7
, cut-off from the sea by the kingdom of Valluvanadu, the territory seems to
have been named after Valluvar the renowned author of Thirukkural, Wayanadu,

3
P.K. Narayana Pillai, (ed.), Kerala Studies, Trivandrum, 1955, pp. 7-8.

4
Travancore Archaeological Series (hereinafter as TAS.), Vol. II, Part I, pp. 54-55.

5
C. Achyutha Menon, Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, p.31.

6
Earlier, Calicut was also a Tamil speaking region. Malayalam, emerged as a
separate language after the 9
th
century A.D.

7
Ernadu is a separate taluk that consisted of Vajerry, Edookoor, Nandoor,
Killimoorg, Karikadu, Iryelly, Chezana, Nediripoo and Eleady.

34
3
Vayal + Nadu Paddy fields, Vettuvanadu, the land of the Vettuvar, a tribal people
and Parappanadu the vast expanse. At present, Calicut is a separate District of the State
of Kerala, situated on the south-west Coast of India. The District is bounded on the north
by the Tellicherry taluk of Kannur District. Its name in the Sangam age was Naravu
or Nauroz
8
(Cannanore) and Mysore, on the east by Mananthavady and Vythiri taluks
of Wayanadu District, near Mysore and Nilgiris, on the south by Ernadu and Tirur
taluks of the Malappuram District and on the west by the Arabian Sea
9
. The
Wayanadu hills and the towering peaks of Nilgiris form the eastern boundary of Calicut.
Before the formation of linguistic states on 1
st
November 1956, the erstwhile Malabar
was a part of the province of Madras
10
. The modern Calicut District (Kozhicode or
Kallikkottai) came into being on 1
st
January 1957. The District lies between 10
o
47 and
11
o
52 in the north latitude and between 75
o
32 and 76
o
33 in the east longitude
11
. It
covers an area of 2344 square kms, which indicates 6.03 per cent of the total area of the
state
12
. During the reign of the Zamorins, Calicut attained its zenith and continued to be
the capital of the Zamorins.




8
K. Sadasivan, Sea Piracy in the Kannur Region, Paper presented in a Seminar in
the Kannur University in 2001.

9
A. Sreedhara Menon, Gazetteer of India Kerala Kozhicode, Trivandrum, 1962,
p.2.

10
Dinamalar, (Tamil daily newspaper), dated 1
st
November, Trivandrum, 1956, p.1.

11
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), pp.2-3.

12
S.C. Bhatt, The Encyclopaedia District Gazetteers of India, New Delhi, 1997, p.800.

35
4
Origin of the term Kozhicode (Calicut):
In the medieval times, during the 10
th
, 11
th
and the succeeding centuries A.D., the
Zamorins ruled a part, namely the Nediyeruppu Swarupam, of northern Kerala of the
Cheraman Perumal Empire. After the dismemberment of the Chera Empire during the
last days of the Perumals, the powerful rulers of north Kerala subjugated the petty rulers
of the north
13
. Since then, ancient Kerala has been partitioned among the three rulers, the
Zamorin of Calicut, the Raja of Cochin and the MahaRaja of Travancore. As said
earlier, the term rose from the Tamil terms Koil (temple) and Kotha (fort). The term
Zamorin, was derived from the Malayalam word Samutiri, abbreviated into Samuri,
which is derived from the Malayalam word Swami-Sri, the Lordmaster.
14
It is
interesting to compare the term Samuri with the term Samurai of Japan. Both the terms,
Samuri and Samurai refer to military chiefs related to Sea, ship and merchandise. The
Zamorins, the hereditary rulers of this kingdom, soon developed Calicut into a major sea-
port on the Kerala Coast. The evidences cited above clearly indicate that Calicut gained
its eminence only during the 14
th
century.
15


Calicut is an anglicized form of Kozhicode.
16
Many historians follow the
traditional theories about the origin of the name. According to K.V. Krishna Ayyar, the

13
A. Achyutha Menon, Ancient Kerala, Studies in its History and Culture, Trichur,
1961, p.99.

14
Jean Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, Vol. I, (2
nd
ed.), London, 1925, p. 189.

15
M.J.Koshy, Encyclopaedia of India Kerala, Vol.XX, New Delhi, 1994, p.44.

16
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), pp. 76-77.

36
5
term was derived from Kozhikotu or Koilkotta, the fortified palace of the Zamorins.
17

A similar explanation is given by K.M. Panikkar too.
18
There is also a possibility of
interpretation to hold that the word Calicut is derived from Kalli + kottai variety of flora
available in sandy regions. In that case, the term may mean a palace protected by that
flora. This may not be acceptable for reasons that the particular flora is not available
there. Another derivation is from Kallar kottai. Kalli in Tamil means a lady pirate
thief. The term Kallar in Tamil literally means a community of thieves. The singular
female of that community is called Kalli. There is very less possibility of deriving the
term thus. The original name of Kozhicode, i.e. Vikramapuram, is now forgotten by
the people.
19
There is another version that the land within the range of cock-crow is
said to have belonged to the Zamorin.
20
The noted historians Visscher and Gundert
suggest that the term means so much land as the sound of a cock crowing for its perch
could be heard over.
21
The term Calico was also first applied to Calicut cotton
(cloth).
22
Moreover, Calicut was famous for its Calico cloth, after Portuguese trade. The
fame of the cloth earned much name from the foreigners, which perhaps gave this

17
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Zamorins of Calicut, Calicut, 1938, p.83.

18
K.M. Panikkar, A History of Kerala, 1498 1801 A.D, Annamalai Nagar, 1959,
pp. 7 8.

19
Ibid., p.2.

20
Maclean, Glossary of the Madras Presidency, New Delhi, 1982, p.117.

21
A. Sreedhara Menon, Cultural Heritage of Kerala An Introduction, Cochin, 1978,
p.253.

22
Ferando De Mellovianna (ed.), The International Geographic Encyclopaedia and
Atlas, London, 1978, p.124.

37
6
name.
23
Calicut became a commercial centre from early times. The pre-historic and
iron-age antiquities of ancient Malabar available in the Calicut taluk underscore the
importance of this place.
24
The ruler, who succeeded in establishing an independent
kingdom on the northern sea-Coast, founded a city named Kozhicode
25
.

The Zamorins followed the policy of tolerance and also contributed a great deal to
the steady growth of the place as a commercially vital centre. The friendly attitude of the
Zamorins to all foreign traders, their religious tolerance and good administration, and the
proper security accorded to the traders, made Calicut the chief centre of trade in
Malabar.
26
The city earned names like a noble city with a noble emporium of all
India fame from the travellers Varthema and Nicolo-de-Conti.
27
During the reign of
Manavikrama Samoory the sea-Coast of Calicut was converted into a mighty sea-port.
Later, it became an important trading centre of the Arabs and the Chinese, where they
met to exchange the products of the west with those of the east.
28
Since the 13
th
century
Calicut has attained a position of eminence in the trade of pepper and other spices. It is
learnt that the pearls fished from the Korkai region (Gulf of Mannar), were taken to

23
Manoj Das, Introducing A Wonderful Land and Wonderful People, New Delhi, 1985,
pp.355 356.

24
K.K. Ramachandran Nair, Gazetteer of India, Kerala State Gazetteer, Vol. II, Part.I,
Trivandrum, 1986, pp.307 308.

25
Mansel Longworth Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, (Tr.), London, 1921, Vol.II,
New Delhi, 1989, pp.4-5.

26
The Travel of Abbe Carre, The Hakluyt Society, Vol. III, London, 1948, p.693.

27
Sir Harry Johnson, Great Travellers and Explorers, London, 1987, p.71.

28
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.80.

38
7
Uraiyur (present Tiruchirapalli) and from there to Muziri i.e. Murasee panthanam of
Ramayana fame
29
. The demand for these commodities made Calicut a great emporium of
international trade
30
. A number of travellers speak about the natural beauty of Calicut.
The city was extremely neat in the plains of the mighty Western Ghats. These Ghats
have the appearance of changing colours and its peak stands as a sentinel over this
wonderful city of Kerala. The rich vegetation in Calicut triggered its economic activities,
and the restless waves of the sea attracted foreigners to trade with the natives. They
export pepper, cardamoms, sandalwood, arrack, nuts, coconuts, coconut oil, gingely,
grain, roots etc.
31


Foreign Notices on Calicut:
Evidences show that Calicut gained importance only from the 14
th
century. Ibn
Battuta, a foreign traveller, visited Calicut in 1342. He records that Calicut was the
commercially important port city of Malabar. There were merchants from all parts of
the world.
32
In the beginning of the 15
th
century, the Chinese Muslim traveller Mahuan
visited Calicut.
33
He gives valuable information about the city. He says that the Arabs
and the Chinese were the traders who frequently kept trade contacts with Calicut.

29
M. Raghava Aiyangar, Collected Essays, Madras, 1938, p.11.

30
Somerset Playne, Southern India, London, 1915, p.505.

31
Malabar Collectorate Reocords, Vol. 5156A, G.No. 25677, p. 1.

32
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, Madras, 1972, pp. 239 242.

33
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1982, pp.230 232.

39
8
Mahuan describes the nature and wealth of the port town of Calicut too.
34
He records
that much pepper is grown on the hills. Coconuts are extensively cultivated, many
farmers are owning a thousand trees.
35
At the port, ships came from China and the Arab
countries. To the Chinese, it was Ku-Li-Fo, the most important of all the maritime
centres of trade.
36


According to his account, when a ship arrives from China, the kings oversees
with a Chetti goes on board and makes an invoice of goods, and a day is settled for
valuing the cargo. On the appointed day, the supervisors first inspected and valued
especially the silk goods. When the price was decided on, all who were present joined
hands, whereupon the broker would announce, The price of your goods is now fixed,
and cannot in any way be altered. The Persian ambassador Abdur Razzak from Merat
was sent by Sultan Shahrukh, son of Timur, to the court of Zamorin of Calicut.
37
He
visited Calicut in 1422 and describes the sea-faring population of Calicut as
Chinbachajam, meaning China boys. He also mentions the role of the Chinese in
Calicut. He further testifies to the importance of Malabar trade with the Arab countries
and the dominant role played by the Arabs at Calicut. Moreover, the port city of Calicut
was perfectly a secured harbour, which, like Ormuz, attracted merchants from every city
and from every country. Precious commodities in abundance were brought here from

34
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, Madras, 1994, p.20.

35
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), p.230.

36
K.K.N. Kurup, History of the Tellicherry Factory (1683 1794), Calicut, 1985, p.17.

37
R.H. Major, India in the 15
th
Century, reprint, Delhi, 1974, p.14.

40
9
maritime countries especially from Abyssinia, Zibad and Zanzibar. Security and justice
were so firmly established in the city that the wealthiest merchants brought here
considerable cargoes from maritime countries which they unloaded and unhesitatingly
sent to the markets and bazaars without checking the account or watching over the goods.
The officers of the custom-house took upon themselves the charge of looking after the
merchandise over which they kept watching day and night. When a sale was affected,
they levied a duty of one-fortieth part on the goods, if they were not sold and they would
make no charge on them.
38


Several other travellers who visited Calicut described it as a noble emporium of
India. Nicolo-de-Conti, the Venetian traveller who visited Calicut in 1444, describes
Calicut as a maritime city in 8 miles circumference, a notable emporium for all India
abounding in pepper, lac, ginger and a large kind of cinnamon, myrobalam and zedari.
39

The Russian traveller Athanaseus Nikitan who visited Calicut in 1468 says, Calicut is a
port for the whole Indian sea, which God forbid, any craft to cross, and who ever saw it,
will not go over it healthy. The country produces pepper, ginger, coconut plants, muscat,
cloves, cinnamon, aromatic roots, adrach and every description of spices and everything
in cheap and servants and maids are very good.
40


Ludovico-di-Varthema, the citizen of Italy, stayed in the Malabar Coast between
1504 and 1508. He gave a detailed account in his Travels of Ludovico-di-Varthema in

38
Ibid., p. 20.

39
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), p. 280.

40
Ibid., p. 283.

41
10
Egypt, Syria, Arabia, Deserta and Arabia Felix in Persia, India and Ethiopia. He visited
Malabar regions (Calicut) and observed large numbers of the Moors,
41
bankers and
money-changers flocking the port-city of Calicut. A trader named Ralph Fitch visited
Calicut in 1588. He was the first Englishman to set his foot on the shores of Calicut.
42


Another travel account, worthy of note is the Voyage of John Huygen Van
Linschoten in Malabar. Its author was a native of Holland. He had stayed in Goa for
sometime and left India in 1598. During his stay at Goa he assisted the Archbishop and
showed genuine interest in the nature of the society built on a hierarchical order.
43
The
two volumes of Tome Pires dwell on various topics such as politics, commerce, social
customs and religious practices.
44
The Book of Duarte Barbosa in two volumes is
virtually a mine of information about Malabar during the 16
th
century. In the second
volume of his account he mentions matters relating to the political history of the
Zamorins and their people.
45


Tohfut-ul-Mujahideen of Sheik Zein-ud-din of Ponnani of the Malabar Coast is
the earliest work of a scholar to compile the historical work. His work is a valuable

41
Ludovico-Di-Varthema, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt. Syria, Arabia
Deserta and Arabia Felix in Persia, India and Ethiopia, A.D. 1503 8,
pp. 40-45.

42
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), p.235.

43
John Huyghen van Linschoten, The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschoten to the
East Indies, Vol. I, London, 1885, p.73.

44
Armando Cortesao (ed.), The Suma Oriental of Jomie Pires and the Book Francisco
Rodrigues (hereinafter Tom Pires), Vol. I, London, 1944, p.65.

45
Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 5 - 7.

42
11
account of the safety of Malabar and described the Zamorins socio-political
administration. The Zamorin is depicted as the most powerful ruler in Malabar on
account of the material prosperity of his empire.
46


Pyrad de Lavel, a French who visited Calicut early in the 17
th
century (1607)
mentions that Calicut was the busiest commercial center in the whole of India where
merchants from all nations and religions conducted trade.
47
He describes the security and
the religious freedom enjoyed by all classes of people and praises the efficiency of the
system of judicial administration there. Another notable traveller of Rome was Sig Pietro
Della Villa. He reached Calicut in 1623 with an embassy from the Viceroy of Goa to the
Zamorin of Calicut. He gives valuable information regarding the socio-economic and the
political condition of the Kingdom.

In between 1672 and 1681, Dr. John Fryer travelled in Calicut, and noticed that
the importance of the pepper wealth of Calicut (Tanur). Mr. Forbes who visited Calicut
in 1672 describes it as a big city where the merchants of Persia, Arabia, Africa and the
other parts of India and purchased pearls, diamonds, spices, ivory, etc. Moreover, he
informs that the Zamorin held a splendid court. Travellers from Geneovese namely
Hieronimi Di Santa Stefano and another diplomat, namely, Pero Decovilham from
Portuguese mention about Calicut. According to Heiroinimo DiSanta Stefano, Calicut

46
Sheik Zein-ud-din, Tohful-ul-Miyahideen, Trans Velayudhan Panickassery (ed.),
(Keralam PathinanjumPathinarum Nootandukalil (hereinafter Zein-ud-din),
Kottayam, 1970, p .72.

47
Pyrad de Lavel, The Voyages as Franoise Pyrad de Lavel, London, 1888,
pp.20 -25.

43
12
is a great city. The Portuguese diplomat describes it as a strange and gorgeous city of
thatched houses and half naked men, of coco-palms besides the beach, of gold and jewels
of elephants and pepper. Pepper may not mean much to the people today but in that age,
it ranked with precious stones. Men risked the perils of the deep and fought and died for
pepper.
48
He was particularly impressed by the prosperous trade in pepper carried on
through the port of Calicut.

Mountains and Hills:
The Zamorins kingdom too is endowed with these natural gifts. The natural
scenario of Calicut varies from the radiant beauty of the sparkling sands touched by the
waves of the Arabian Sea to the majesty of the Western Ghats. The greatest scenic glory
of Calicut is the long array of the Western Ghats. Most of the mountains are situated in
the taluks of Ernadu, Badagara and South Wayanadu taluk. The most important hills
are the Vavulor Wayutmala, Vellaramalai,
49
the Chekkamalai, the Pandalurmalai,
50

Urotmala, the Nattavarammalai, Mottumala or Manikunnu, Elamleilerimala and
Kurichipandimala.
51
These hills are situated at the east of the Calicut city.
52
All the hills

48
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1959), p.17.

49
Vellaramalai is situated in the trijunction of the taluks of South Wayanadu, Ernadu
and Calicut.

50
Pandalurmalai separates Ernadu from Palghat District.

51
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), p.4.

52
Ward and Conner, A Descriptive Memoir of Malabar, Trivandrum, 1965, p.104.

44
13
and mountains are rich in minerals and were donned with evergreen trees.
53
The sea-
shore of Calicut abounds in thick groves of coconut trees. Pervannamuzhy and Kuttiady
are the other important hill stations. Valuable teak and other kinds of timber, bamboos
and hollow reeds are grown abundantly in the dense forest of the Ghats on the northeast.
The lofty range of mountains to the east is called Wavootmalla.
54
As spices are
abundantly cultivated here, this region has earned the name spice country which
includes Calicut also.
55


Rivers of Calicut:
Water is the primary requirement of man, both for his personal use and for the
economic prosperity of the country. Rivers are used for irrigation, production of
electricity and for transport. The alluvium deposited by the rivers gives fertility to the
soil. The culture of India is influenced by the forests, deserts, rivers and mountain
valleys from the primitive age.
56
In fact, all the civilizations of the world sprang up along
river valleys. In Calicut, most of the rivers originate from the Western Ghats. These are
largely used for irrigation, navigation and transport of timber. Most of the rivers of
Calicut drain into the Arabian Sea.


53
Edward G.Balfour, Encyclopaedia Asiatica Comprising Indian Sub-Continent
Eastern and Southern Asia, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1976, p.367.

54
Ward and Conner, Op.cit., (1965), p.106.

55
Francis Day, Land of the Perumals, Madras, 1863, p.73.

56
P. Masson and others, Ancient India and Indian Civilization, London, 1934, pp.18.

45
14
The river Mahe, also called the Mayyazhipuzha originates from the forests on the
western slopes of Wayanadu hills. This river connects a number of villages. This river
meanders for 55kms and falls into the Arabian Sea at the French settlement of Mahe.
Parakadavu River is navigable in all seasons.
57
The river Kuttiady, also known as river
Murad, takes its origin from the Narikota ranges on the western slopes of Wayanadu
hills, a part of the Western Ghats. This river flows through Vadakara, and Quilandy
taluks of Calicut. It empties itself into the Arabian Sea, seven miles south of Vadakara.
This river is also used for navigation.
58


The river Korapuzha is formed by the confluence of the two streams, the
Punnurpuzha and Agalapuzha. Of the two, the latter connects all the important industrial
towns. The upper reaches of Punnurpuzha are mainly used for floating timber.
59
The
river Kallai has its origin at Cherukala village in Calicut taluk. In India, Kallai is one of
the biggest centres of timber
60
and the second largest timber yard of the world.
61
The
river Beypore originates in the Ilambari hills in Gudalur taluk of Nilgiri District in

57
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), p.11.

58
S.C. Bhatt, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1997), pp.800 801.

59
District Hand Book of Kerala, Kozhicode, Department of Public Relations,
Government of Kerala, 1997, pp.8-9.

60
Somerset Plyne, Op.cit., (1915), p.400.

61
K. Narayanan, Census of India 1971, Kerala Administrative Atlas, Series 9,
Part. IXA, p.7.

46
15
Tamil Nadu.
62
The length of the river is 169 kms.
63
It has a number of tributaries. As an
inter-state river it also touches Malappuram and Feroke in the Calicut District before it
enters the Arabian Sea.
64


Historically, the river Kadalundi is the most important one mentioned as Tyndis
both by Ptolemy
65
and by the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea.
66
It is also
known by the names of Karimpuzha and Oravanpurampuzha. This river is used for
navigation. In course of time, the place became an important trading centre for lime
shell, fish, coconut, yarn and coir.
67
The Collector of Malabar tried to complete an
uninterrupted water way from Badagara to Trivandrum by constructing a canal from the
river Kadalundi to Ponnani, though it is impassable except for the smallest boats at the
height of the monsoon.
68


Climate:
The climate of Calicut is influenced by the position of the Kingdom both in the
large land mass of Kerala and the head of the Arabian Sea. Calicut has a tropical

62
Sinnapah Arasaratnam, Maritime India in the 17
th
Century, New Delhi, 1994, p.23.

63
K. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1971), p.47.

64
C. Bensam, A Statistical Atlas of the Madras Presidency, Madras, 1908, p.620.

65
V.T. Chellam, A History of Tamil Nadu, Trichy, 1985, p. 67.

66
Schoff , Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, New York, 1912, pp. 52-58.

67
M. Vijaya Unni, Census of India, 1981, Kerala Series, X, District Census Hand
Book, Kozhicode District, Trivandrum, 1983, p.16.

68
C.A. Innes & Evans, Malabar Gazetteers, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1997, p. 5.

47
16
maritime climate with almost uniform temperature throughout the year.
69
Rainfall is the
chief characteristic feature, which determines the climate of Calicut. The small size of the
District and its varied physical features play a prominent role in determining the climatic
variations in different parts. The climatic variations influence the life and customs of the
people. The climate, on the whole, is healthy.
70
Many activities on the earth depend
upon soil, water, resources, vegetation, occupation, etc. Agriculture and industry depend
largely on the climate. As we find unity in diversity in the Kingdom among its different
people, so do we find monsoonal unity in the midst of climate diversity. The Coastal
place used to experience an equitable climate due to the influence of sea. But an inland
or interior place will experience a high range of temperature. The inland areas of Calicut
which are far from the influence of the sea, experience a humid climate with an
oppressive hot season. The mean temperature for the year at Calicut is below 81
o
F. The
hot season extends from March to May in the District. During the period between
December and March, the District receives no rain; from October onwards, the
temperature gradually increases to reach the maximum in May which is the hottest month
of the year. Humidity is very high in the Coastal region.

Rainfall:
There is a close relationship among temperature, wind and wind pressure. The
high temperature experienced in the month of March, April and May decreases as the
monsoon winds begin to blow and there prevails a uniform temperature throughout the

69
K. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1971), p.7.

70
B. Razil Derry, Imperial Gazetteers of India, Vol. II, Delhi, 1988, p.356.

48
17
region. During south-west monsoon, the seasonal winds that blow from the Arabian sea
bring rain to the Kerala Coast in the first week of June and gradually move northwards
and by the end of June they give rainfall to the whole of India. The entire State of Kerala
including Calicut receives heavy rainfall,
71
branch wind from the Arabian sea is
obstructed by the Western Ghats and its western slopes. Generally, the ancient Malabar
- the present Kerala-receives monsoon rains from the two monsoon seasons. Calicut
receives rain from the south-west monsoon from June to September and the north-east
monsoon from December to February. The months of October and November are
considered as post - monsoon or the retreating monsoon season of Calicut.
72
Calicut
which receives an average rainfall of 200 cm is grouped under very heavy rainfall regions
in India.

Soil:
Soil is one of the major natural gifts that decides the history and culture of a
country. The prosperity of Calicut during the medieval period was largely derived from
the agrarian economy
73
. Much importance was attached to land, as it was the chief
source and means of production. The fertility of the soil totally changes the economic
activities of the people especially increasing the yields of cultivated crops. The deposits

71
A. Sreedhara Menon, A Survey of Kerala History, Reprint, Madras, 1994, p.7.

72
Razil Derry, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1988), p.327.

73
N.E. Majoribanks, A Statistical Atlas of the Madras Presidency, Bundle, No.1,
Madras, 1908, p.615.

49
18
of alluvium,
74
teris and blown sands increase the agricultural products of the Kingdom.
On the basis of productivity, the soil of Malabar is divided into three types:
1) Pasimakar, that is a rich clayey and tenacious soil which is found in wet land and is
suitable for paddy cultivation. It is called by various names such as kandam, nilam, ela,
padagaram and punjai according to the regional variations. Other items like parmkuy
vayal and karai are also popular.
75
2) Pasimarasi, which is good for miscellaneous food
crops. It is found mixed in the Coastal region. 3) Rasikari consists of loose sand and is
used for coconut cultivation. It can be called the garden land. The elevated regions and
the soil mixed with laterite and is good for cash crop.
76


Generally, Calicut is divided into three divisions namely the coastal, midland and
mountainous regions. The Coastal region is a narrow belt and is formed of recent
deposits of sand. Laterite soil is present in the midland region and the mountainous
regions covered red and white or yellow clay.
77
Different varieties of soil are classified
as red clay, red loam, red sand and arenaceous sand which are largely found in Calicut.
78

Minerals:
Minerals are one of the natural resources which fill the treasury of the Kingdom.
The major minerals are used to fulfill the daily needs of the people. But in the Calicut

74
R.C. Bristow, Cochin Harbour Development History of Proposals compiled from
the Records of the Madras Government, Madras, 1929, p.1.

75
Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, Part. I, pp.21 23.

76
K.P.Padmanabha Menon, Kochi Rajya Caritram (Mal.), Trichur, 1912, p.269.

77
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), pp.16 17.

78
N.E. Marjoribanks, Op.cit., (1908), p.614.

50
19
region, the mineral wealth is poor. The areas like Nilambur produce small quantity of
alluvial gold, but its deposits are uneconomical. Iron ore is found in Porur,
Chembrassweri and Pandikkat. Limestones are produced in the backwaters of
Korapuzha River. Besides, monazite and limonite are produced from the beach sands in
small quantity.
79
Foreign accounts give some information about the minerals available in
the Malabar region. According to Duarte Barbosa, rubies, amethyst and some other soft
sapphires were found in the Malabar Rivers.
80
There were some precious stones, which
had the colour of ruby on one half and the other half that of a sapphire or topaz.

Flora and Fauna:
The variance in climate and seasons are their impact on vegetation. Calicut is
also rich in fauna, flora and some mineral resources. Its forests abound is a variety of
animals and birds.
81
The fertile soil of the various regions and the suitable climatic
conditions pave the way for the abundant products of flora and fauna in Calicut. Various
sorts of commodities including spices are much sought after by the merchant
communities from different parts of the world. The flora of Calicut is characteristically
tropical due to the heavy rainfall, moderate temperature and the high mountains. The
physical divisions of the district cover the areas of high land and Coastal midland
regions, forming nearly parallel belts along the length of the district.
82


79
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962) p.15.

80
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1995), p.200.

81
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p.8.

82
B.K.Nayar, K.K. Gee Vargheese, Fern Flora of Malabar, New Delhi, 1993, p.25.

51
20
The natural forests of Calicut fall under three main categories; the southern
tropical deciduous, western tropical, wet evergreen and semi ever-green. The southern
tropical deciduous forests are known as monsoon forests and are found in the regions
with a rainfall of 100-200 cm range. In the western tropical wet evergreen forests thrive
well under conditions of very heavy rainfall of over 300 cm per year, and in a climate of
even temperatures and high humidity and the semi evergreen forests are suitable for the
growth of teak, ebony, palm tree, bamboo and rubber.
83
The products of the forests of
Calicut have attracted the West since early times.
84
The prevalence of cultural and
commercial contacts between the western Coast of Peninsular India and the
contemporary civilizations of the West and China have been proved by literary as well as
archaeological pieces of evidence. But during the long centuries of contact, attention of
trade was mainly on the renowned spices, pepper and fancy items such as ivory, peacocks
and monkeys.
85
Though timber like the teak was also known to and used by the
westerners, the systematic extraction on a large scale of the immense timber wealth of the
forests did not begin.
86


Even during the age of the conflict between the various European powers on the
Malabar Coast, the bone of contention was not the right on the forests as such but over
the control of trade in pepper and spices. During the visit of Francis Buchanan in

83
Ibid., pp. 24 25.

84
K.K. Pillay, A Social History of the Tamils, Madras, 1975, p.249.

85
E.H.Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Delhi, 1974,
pp.22 25.

86
K.K. Pillay, Op.cit., (1975), p.249.

52
21
Malabar, he pointed out that the forests of Malabar were very fine and also mentioned
that the teak and other forest trees were then fast springing up around banyan and
palmyra trees.
87
It was only after the establishment of political hegemony by the British
over this part of the country that the forests attained strategic potential and significance.
The large scale commercial extraction of timber from the Malabar forest was directly
and profoundly influenced by the over impact of British colonial interests. In the
medieval period, with the rise of brahminical supremacy in Malabar, there arose a strong
tradition which prohibited strictly the non-brahmins from using the timbers like teak for
their house construction. According to this tradition, the teak was to be used only to
construct temples, Nambutiri houses and a few of the aristocratic houses of the
privileged classes.
88
The Portuguese and other European powers too used the same
timber available in Malabar for the same purpose.

During the administration of the East India Company they appointed a Bengal
Bombay Joint Commission in 1792 to inspect the State and condition of the Malabar
province. The reports submitted in 1792 mentions certain interesting information on the
Malabar forests, on the one hand, and the insight of the early British administrators
about the forests of Malabar on the other. The report further tells us teak (sagavan) and
bamboos were largely found in the Malabar forests.
89
Again, Malabar Coast was
famous for the wood known as ebony. The Greeks knew the most valuable timber, ebony

87
Francis Buchanan, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1988), New Delhi, p.345,

88
M.G.S. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, Calicut, 1972, p. 85.

89
H. Smith (Reprint) Reports of the Joint Commissioner from Bengal and Bombay,
pp.86 87, 1972 93, para.10.

53
22
exported from the northern part of the west-Coast i.e., the Malabar Coast.
90
The author
of Periplus of the Erythraean Sea says that the expedition of the queen Hatshepust also
brought ebony from the land of Punt.
91
Punt (Pandya) being the land to which Indian
goods were systematically taken from India, there is much likelihood that the queen got
the excellent ebony from Malabar forests. In the account of Duarte Barbosa of the 16
th

century mention is made of the abundant product of aloes-wood exported from Calicut.
92


Coconut, the important commercial crop, received a boost in Malabar in the 16
th

century. In the salty and sandy alluvial soils of the Coastal regions these important trees
thrive well.
93
It is true that Calicut is mostly covered by sea-shore and sandy alluvial soil
of rivers and lakes. The coconut tree was considered to be the most profitable tree of
India.
94
As per the accounts of Tome Pires, Malabar produced coconuts of superior
quality compared with those of other countries.
95
Varthema gives an exhaustive and
picturesque account of coconut in Malabar.
96
During this period the Ezhavas greatly

90
E.H. Warmington, Op.cit., (1974), p.24.

91
Schoff, Op.cit., (1912), p.153.

92
Mansel Langworth Dames, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.77.

93
A. Appadurai, Economic Conditions in Sourthern India, 1000 1500, Madras, 1936,
pp.182 183.

94
Arthur Coke Burnwell and P.S. Tiele (ed.), John Huyghan Vanhinscholten the
Yoyage of John Ayyghan Van Linschotan to East Indies from the old English
translation of 1598, Vol.I, London, 1885, p.44.

95
Armanda Cortesao (ed.), Op.cit., (1944), p.83.

96
Ludovico Varthema, Op.cit., p.163.

54
23
resorted to its cultivation as their main occupation.
97
In the parambu lands of the Syrian
Christians and the Nayar landlords in the Malabar region coconut was mostly cultivated
by the Ezhavas. The presence of coconut trees on the sea-board, on the shores of the
lagoons and on the banks of rivers of the country were mostly observed by the foreign
travellers. During the visit of Duarte Barbosa in Calicut, he saw the palm trees higher
than the highest Cypresses; the palm trees mentioned by him are the coconut trees.
98


During the age of the Zamorins rule in Calicut, coconut played an important part
all through her history.
99
The region is covered with thick forests and varying degree of
temperature, rainfall and different kinds of vegetations. It favoured the growth of
commercial crops of spices like pepper, ginger, cardamoms, cinnamon, tamarinds,
canafistula and myrabolans. The spices are also used as medicine. So the demand for
spices increased and the planters cultivated a large quantity because the trade of spices
gave much profit to the traders. Spices were the natural wealth of Malabar, largely
produced and supplied to foreigners.

Pepper, the notable spice, is a pungent condiment obtained from the small but
dried fruits of a creeper plant. In early times, the Chera Country was noted for pepper,
the black gold of Malabar. Sangam works like Ahananuru
100
as well as Patirrupathu

97
Tom Pires, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1995), p.83.

98
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.154.

99
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, A History of South India from the Prehistoric Times to the
Fall of Vijayanagar, London, 1955, pp.35 36.

100
Ahananuru, 149, 11. 7 10, See also Patirrupathu.

55
24
make mention that the foreigners came to the Chera ports in ships with gold to be
bartered for pepper. It was perhaps the magnet that attracted merchants from far and
wide to Malabar. Pepper was referred to by Hippocrates as the Indian remedy and
other writers have also mentioned it when they dealt with medicine.
101
In records it was
known to the people as gulmirch, babush, vallajun, muriching, martz, darugamiri, choca
and millagu.
102
It was used as a preservative and for maintaining the heat of the body in
cold countries.

Pepper was cultivated in plenty in all parts of Malabar from Cannanore to
Travancore. To the Portuguese, it was known as reino da Pimenta or Pepper
kingdom.
103
Pepper cultivation was marked by a rapid development in the 16
th
century
when compared to the previous centuries. The cultivation of pepper was more extensive
in the northern part of Malabar than in the middle or the southern regions. Important
places like Calicut and Elavana are noted as the most productive areas of pepper in
Calicut.
104
According to Duarte Barbosa in the kingdom of Calicut, there grows much
pepper on trees like ivy, which climbs up the palms and other trees.
105



101
Schoff, Op.cit., pp.214 215, E.H. Warmington, Op.cit., (1974), pp.181 183.

102
G. Watt, A Dictionary of the Commercial Products of India, New Delhi, 1972,
p.896.

103
K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese, 1560 1663, Bombay, 1929, p.15.

104
S.C. Bhatt, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1997), p.803.

105
Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar in the
Beginning of the 16
th
Century, New Delhi, 1995, p.154.

56
25
Among the commercial spices mentioned in the medieval records, ginger was
next only to pepper among the spices which were produced largely in Malabar for
commercial transactions as well as medicine. The favourable climatic condition of
Calicut and the fertile soil helped in the production of ginger in large quantity in that
region. It is known to the local people as inchi when it is green and its dried part is
known as chukku. Among the different varieties of ginger cultivated in Malabar,
Calicut ginger was considered to be of high quality by the foreigners.
106
In the regions of
Cannanore, Mount DEly and Calicut, the agriculturists have largely cultivated beledi
ginger.
107
Malabar was one of the earliest trading centers which exported its commercial
spices to the Roman world.
108
It proves that ginger was cultivated in Malabar from time
immemorial, as it finds mention in the Hebrew literature as gingiber.

In Malabar, the commercial spice crop namely cardamom was largely grown.
Various records have made special mention about cardamom cultivation in Calicut during
the 16
th
century. In the Calicut region and its nearest places different kinds of this plant
were cultivated.
109
One variety of cardamom was smaller and brownish while another
was yellowish.
110
Cardamom was named according to the shape of its seeds. Its seed
capsules were used in medicines, perfumes and ointments. From early times, cardamom

106
Linschoten, The Voyage to the East Indias, Translated and edited by A.C. Burnel
and P.A. Thiele, Vol.I, London, 1885, pp. 75 80.

107
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.228.

108
E.H. Warmington, Op.cit., (1974), p.184.

109
Vanderburg and Groot, The Dutch in Malabar, Madras, 1911, p.215.

110
Linschoten, Op.cit., (1885), pp. 86 88.

57
26
had been largely found in Malabar and Travancore, especially in their high lands.
111
It
was locally called elakai.
112
The crop was extensively grown in the gardens of betel,
pepper and palm and the soil which was kept continuously moist.

Cinnamon was the yellowish brown spice made from the dried inner bark of
evergreen tree of shrub, native to the Malabar forests.
113
It was largely used as spices
and in medicine. During the 16
th
century, Malabar produced inferior quality of
cinnamon.
114
Duarte Barbosa mentions that the kingdom of Calicut had wild
cinnamon.
115


Myrobolans of different varieties used as drugs were found in many places in
Malabar. It was used to make dyes and also used as a medicine for digestion and to
purify blood.
116
Ayurvedic medicines made from the myrobolans have been found very
effective to fight asthma and diabetics. It was largely cultivated in Calicut after the
arrival of Vasco-da-Gama.
117




111
E.H. Warmington, Op.cit., (1974), pp.184 185.

112
Garcia deorta, Coloqueisdose dograse da India, Critical Vol. I, Goa, 1563, p.173.

113
V. Nagam Ayya, Travancore State Manual, Vol. III, Trivandrum, 1906, p.180.

114
Garcia deorta, Op.cit., p.206.

115
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.154.

116
Linschoten, Op.cit., (1885), pp.123 124

117
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.154.

58
27
People and their Occupation:
During the medieval period, a society in which people specialized in various
occupations based on caste - oriented division of labour was in vogue in Calicut.
118

Certain types of works were considered indecent and those who were engaged in such
works were untouchables to the higher castes. The Hindus of Kerala in medieval times
were divided into 64 castes and communities, with their sub-divisions. Among them,
Brahmins or Nambutiris and their allied castes occupied the foremost place in the
society. Next to the Brahmins, the Nayars enjoyed the superior status. Other sections of
the people ranked next to the higher caste people followed the footsteps of the latter.
119

Among the Brahmins were aristocrats, priests and scholars and they generally performed
the rituals and offerings in the temples.
120
The Nayars were mainly soldiers, involved in
military, the war activities. The Tiyyas were treated as a low caste people and they were
engaged in agriculture. The artisan group in the society did every thing to meet the day
to day requirements of the above sects of people.

It is well-known that the Kingdom of Calicut had the natural frontiers of the
Western Ghats in the East and the Arabian Sea on the west. This has given the Kingdom
a potential due to natural resources of the mountain and the sea. The bye products of the
mountains and the sea gave the Zamorins to have the sway of the region. The natural
way i.e. the sea made the Zamorins a sea-faring dynasty of rulers and his city the
commercial emporium of the West India. This has vastly helped in shaping the history of

118
P.V. Kane, History of Dharmasastras, Vol. IV, Poona, 1974, pp.923 -8.

119
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. III, Ernakulam, 1933, p.17.

120
K.K.N. Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History and Culture, Trivandrum, 1977, p.39.
59
28
Calicut. With these facilities the Zamorins were in a position to consolidate the kingdom
of Calicut by conquest and subjugation, which is discussed in detail in the following
chapter.
60
29
CHAPTER II
EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF POLITICAL
POWER

Polity of a country directly or indirectly depends on its rulers and people. In
the early Tamil society, a ruler was held on equal status with God and people.
1
A
king, who dispensed with justice justifiably, was held in high esteem as a God. They
were the protectors of the land and its people; and they were the guards of law and
order in the country. They levied and collected taxes for executing welfare schemes.
Moreover, the king was to protect all institutions and territories. According to
Tiruvalluvar, the duty of a king is to resource-making, protect the resources and
distribute the resources. To protect the people and institutions, the army had become
indispensable. As the sacred extension of the chiefs of the tribal societies, they ruled
by virtue of their military prowess.
2
Their foremost function was to protect the
natives from the enemies. The rulers had also patronized scholars, poets, musicians
and other artists. Besides, they contributed their share to the development of culture.
Religious institutions and organizations had also received their royal patronage.

The powerfulness or the powerlessness of the rulers had its impact on the
development of the country. The ruler used to be a warrior hero, noted for his
personal courage and was sustained by his personal victories. When a mighty ruler
came to power, he would control the administrative machinery effectively and
maintain law and order. Peaceful situation was essential for the growth of trade and

1
S. Singaravel, Social Life of the Tamils, Malaysia, 1966, p. 21.

2
Burton Stein, All the Kins Mana: Papers on Medieval South Indian History,
Madras, 1984, p. 4.
61
30
commerce, the backbones of the economy of a country. When the power of the ruler
declined, its consequence was felt by lawlessness, disintegration and destruction.
Because of these, historians have given foremost attention to the study of polity. It
also provides a chronological framework to historical background. All social and
economic problems as well as religious and cultural achievements are laid bare only
through political history.

Calicut was the major power in the Northern and Central parts of Kerala. The
rulers of Calicut, known as Zamorins, were among the most accomplished sovereigns.
The original seat of power was Nediyiruppu, a small village in the Ernad taluk of
the present Malabar District.
3
The Zamorins were the descendants of the Ernad
Utaiyavar (Eranattu taiyavar), who appear as a signatory in the Jewish copper-plate
granted by Baskara Ravivarman. According to M.G.S.Narayanan, the two brothers of
Eralanadu, namely Maniccan and Vikraman, founded the city Kozhikode (Calicut)
got from the last Chera king for their valour in the fight against the foreigners. Their
descendants were called Zamorins. In the family of Zamorins, three male names such
as Manavikrama, Manaveda and Viraraya have become very popular. Among the
three names, the Zamorins were popularly known as Manavikrama.
4
In course of
time, the Ernad chief was called Swami Tirumulpad (the early swami) and later it
became Samoothiripad (Samoothiri Samorin). For the administrative
convenience, the Zamorins have transferred their capital from Ernad to Kozhicode.
5


3
S. Jayashankar, Census of India Special Studies Kerala Temples of Malappuram
District, Thiruvananthapuram, 2003, p. 9.

4
M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Calicut, 1996, p. 66.

5
George Vallatt, Discovery of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p. 10.

62
31
The title Samari was used for the ruler of Calicut, when Ibn Battuta came to Calicut.
6

Samari, in the European form is Zamorin, and in Sanskrit Samutiri means as the
chief Raja of the house.
7
The Kerala Mahatmiyam observes that, from thence
Parasurama proceeded to Gopakutapuri (Ernadu) and founded the Zamorin dynasty.
8

Generally, it is believed that after the rule of the Perumals, Malabar was divided into
small provinces. The Zamorins gradually established their rule over these small
Rajas
9
and became mighty rulers, who later extended their boundaries to the
neighbouring areas. From this time onwards, they encroached upon the territories of
the neighbours, both on the north and on the south. By the end of the 15
th
century
the Zamorin had become directly or indirectly, by peace or war, the ruler of two-thirds
of Kerala.
10


Boundary of the Zamorin Kingdom:
The dominions of the Zamorin such as Pynaar with Warcumbra and Curumbra
to the north and east of Calicut, and to the southward of that city and district, the
countries of Ernad, Shemaad, Venkilly, Cotta, Malappuram, Capool, Weenarcar,
Curumpoora, Nerenganaad and Ponnany besides which the Zamorin claimed with

6
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Foreign Notices of South India, Madras, 1972, p. 220.

7
William Logan, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and other papers of
importance relating to British affairs in Malabar, Madras, 1951, p. 5.

8
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. 1, Ernakulam, 1924, p. 41.

9
C. Major Adrian, Land and Society in Malabar, Bombay, 1952, pp. 17-18.

10
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, A Short History of Kerala, Coimbatore, 1968, p. 178.


63
32
more or less influence. In addition to Pyoormulla and Poorwye, Beypoor,
Perepnaad, Beetutnaad, Velatra and Paulghaut etc.
11


Early History of the Zamorins:
Though the Zamorins occupied a unique position in the history of Kerala, their
origin and early history are shrouded in mystery. The inscriptional and monumental
evidences available there make the problem more complicated. M.G.S. Narayanan
mentions that the Zamorins have not left behind many impressive monuments of their
splendour in Kerala. The temples like Tali at Kozhicode, Trikavu at Ponnani and
Guruvayur themselves proclaim the majesty and grandeur of the merchant prince,
who attracted all the wealth of the world into his market.
12
The market was situated
in the ancient port town of Calicut. As it is well known, the town had an everlasting
place in the annals of world history by its regular contacts with the Chinese, Arabs
and the South-east Asian countries and a host of others. In fact, it was one of the most
outstanding markets and trading centers of Kerala for internal and international
trade.
13
This commercial contact is mentioned in some of the inscriptions, and works
of both the classical geographers and Tamil language. These are the available sources
of information for the early history of Malabar and these help us reconstruct its
history.
14
M.G.S.Narayanan again argues that the name of Kottaparambu (the

11
Report of A Joint Commissions from Bengal & Bombay appointed to inspect into
the state and condition of the province of Malabar in the years 1792 & 1793, Vol.
I, Madras, 1862, p.14.

12
M.G.S.Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, Kerala Historical Society,
Trivandrum, 1973, p. 38.

13
Adoor K.K. Ramachandran Nair, Gazetteer of India, Kerala Kozhikode
Supplement, Trivandrum, 1982, p. 66.

14
A. Sreedhara Menon, Kerala District Gazetteer Kozhicode, Trivandrum, 1962,
p. 75.
64
33
compound of fortress) for the palace where the hospital for women and children and
the buildings are found today helps to identify the site of palace. The big palace tank
of Manavikrama called Mananchira now supplies drinking water to the modern
Municipal Corporation. There were other places with names in the old capital like
Palayam (cantonment), Chalappuram (Vedic college compound), Manakavu
(Manavikramas garden), Kutiravattam (stable to horses) and Kallayi (stone-paved
harbour) but not many relics which are tangible or visible.
15


Hence scholars depend on the literary works to reconstruct the early history of
the Zamorins. But the literary works give incredible stories regarding the origin and
early history of this royal family. The Keralolpathi mentions that the origin of the
Zamorin is connected with the story of Cheraman Perumal.
16
The Zamorins of
Calicut are descendants from Ernad Utaiyavar are supposed to have received land
and a broken sword (Otimaval) from the Cheraman Perumal. Under the partronage
of the Zamorins, Calicut became an important sea-port and trade partner from the
fourteenth century.
17
The account of Duarte Barbosa, which is earlier to
Keralolpathi, gives almost the same story about their origin and administration with
the Perumals.
18
The Keralolpathi says that when Cheraman Perumal was in power
for thirty six years under the sovereign of Krishna Rayar, he sent an expedition
against the Perumal to subdue the country. The army of Krishnadeva Raya advanced

15
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1973), pp. 38-39.

16
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), pp. 41-45.

17
S.C Bhatt & Gopal K Bhargava (eds.), Land and People of Indian States & Union
Territories in 36 Volumes, Vol. 14, Delhi, 2005, p.24.

18
Mansel Longworth Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, (Tr.), London,
1921, pp. 1-6.

65
34
to Tarur and built a fort. In this event, the Perumal sought the assistance of Eradi
brothers, namely Manicchan and Vikraman who were in the course of their
pilgrimage. The two brothers engaged themselves in war and tried to destroy the fort.
In the battle for three days, these brothers drove out the Krishnadeva Raya and
occupied the fortress. The Perumal decided to make the Eradi brothers his heirs but
they left for Benaras, intending to come back and act according to the wishes of the
Perumal. Sometime after these events, the Perumal resolved to embrace Islam and go
to Mecca. Before his departure, he divided his kingdom, among his kinsmen and
subordinate chieftains. When the Eradis came back from their pilgrimage, to their
surprise, they heard of the partition of the whole of Kerala. At the time of partition,
the two brothers presented themselves before Cheraman Perumal, who granted a
small portion in favour of Vikraman
19
the small portion where the Cock crows
amidst the swampy Jungle. Besides, the Perumal also gave his sword with the
injunction to die, kill and annex and rule as emperor like him over the whole of
Malanad.
20
By obeying the advice, the Eradi brothers laid the foundation for the
kingdom of Calicut.

Duarte Barbosa in the beginning of the 16
th
century, gives a similar account to
that of Keralolpathi. The Moors occupied a pivotal place in Malabar by their trade
contact and made the country prosperous. They gradually began to spread out therein,
and made such discussions with the King. At the end, they converted him to Islam
and he went to Mecca. Before he left for Mecca, this kingdom had been partitioned.



19
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-1, General No. 24562, pp. 13-14.

20
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), pp. 54-61.

66
35
Origin and Establishment of the Samoory Family in Malabar:
The tradition that came to the people of Malabar was Shermanoo
Permaloo, and was just after the completion of the distribution of the Malabar
Country, applied for some provisionally Manavikrama, an Euree (or person of the
Cowherd caste), Shermanoo Permaloo having little or nothing else left, made a grant
to him of the very narrow limit of his own place of abode at Calicut, and, having
further, between him, his own swords and other dignity authorized and instructed him
to extend his own dominions by arms, as much of the country as he should find
desirable, a discretion which this adventures immediately began to act upon, and to
endeavour to carry its object into the execution by the forcible acquisition of the
country in the vicinity of the present city of Calicut.
21
The Zamorins, once the most
powerful rulers of Kerala gradually declined in power and Prestige. This weakness
was taken as an advantage by the petty chiefs, who desired to declare their
independence and make in roads into the once mighty kingdom. At their connivance
the kingdom was divided into the northern parts and the southern parts.

Barros and De Couto, the official historians of the Portuguese, have also
repeated the same version with minor changes in details. The Dutch Chaplain
Visscher who wrote in the beginning of the 18
th
century, has also repeated the same
traditional account.
22


Apart from these, the Northern Ballads throw light on the condition of
Malabar of the medieval and modern periods. The details found in the ballads

21
Report of A Joint Commissions from Bengal & Bombay appointed to inspect in to
the state and condition of the province of Malabar in the years 1792 & 1793,
Vol. I, Madras, 1862, pp.3-5.

22
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp. 65-66.

67
36
present a picture of Malabar as a region divided into various independent and semi-
independent kingdoms ruled by minor chieftains. The Zamorin and the Kolattiri
exercised political control over a large area, and collected tributes from the minor
chieftains. The Northern Ballads Tacholi Pattukal refers to the Zamorin and his
country and it is believed that there were some connections between Tacholi
Othenan and the Zamorin of Calicut.
23
Besides, there were indigenous works like
Mamamkam Kilipattu composed in the 17
th
century and the Calicut Granthavari
edited probably in the beginning of the 19
th
century which also says the same story, of
course, with considerable exaggeration.
24


The translation of Grandhavari found among the old records of the state
supported that the Elaya Tavazhi of the Perumpadappu Swarupam became
important or acquired prominence on the day of the Kaliyuga denoted by the
cryptogram Shodasangam Surajyam the day on which Cheraman Perumal
partitioned his Kingdom into 34 amsams or divisions, 17 to the north and 17 to the
south of Neeleswarnam, and invested the grantees of the free gift thereof with the
silk and sword. To the Nediyiruppu Swarupam (the Zamorin of Calicut), he gave a
cloth and sword. He then ordained that the son born to the second of his five nieces
should be the protector, or reign as suzerain over the 34 divisions extending from
Gokarnam (the northernmost part of North Canara) to Kanaykumari, that the 34
chieftains should owe allegiance to him, that if the family ever be restored to, and
adopted duly invested with the silk and sword; that on the Sivarathri day, the 34
chieftains should either personally or through their representatives, deposit on the

23
Achyuta Menon, Ballads of North Malabar, Vol. II, 9, University of Madras, 1955,
pp. 73-93.

24
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 67.

68
37
threshold of the shrine at Tiruvanchikulam, as a sort of royalty or protection
money. Moreover, the Granthavari also informs us that the sons of Cheraman
Perumal were the members of Nediyiruppu Swarupam. After the religious
conversion of Cheraman Perumal and his departure to Mecca, he bestowed them the
country of Calicut and formally invested them with the silk and the sword.
25


Some of these important traditions regarding the origin and early history of the
Zamorins would point to the fact that, following the disintegration of the Chera
Kingdom, Calicut came into prominence. The exact date of the foundation of Calicut
is not known. Kerala historians have different opinions on the date of origin of
Calicut. The early writers were of the opinion that the rise of the Kingdom of Calicut
could be attributed to the 9
th
century. Willaim Logan,
26
while discussing the origin of
the Kollam era, tried to associate the origin of the era with the partition of the Chera
Kingdom. Accordingly, Chingam which is the initial month of the era corresponds to
the acquisition of the independence by the Venad kingdom and Kanni which is to
initial month of the era in the north with the independence of the Kolathiris.
Modern historians attribute the origin of the Kingdom of Calicut to the beginning of
the 12
th
century. Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai is of the opinion that the Perumals
had ruled over Kerala till the beginning of 12
th
century and that the last of them was
Ramavarma Kulasekhara. Though the political prominence of Kozhikode (Calicut)
has dwindled somewhat in modern times, it must not be forgotten that this port-city
and its surrounding territories were of key importance until the fall of the
Kulasekharas at the end of the eighteenth century. From the 13
th
century onwards,

25
A translation of a Record Granthavari in the State Archives, Department of
Kerala Archives, Government of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1973, pp. 1-3.

26
William Logan, Malabar, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1951, pp. 279-280.

69
38
Kerala was, constantly afflicted by centrifugal forces, which tore as under the
political fabric of the country.
27


According to Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, the conversion and partition took
place early in the 12
th
century.
28
M.G.S. Narayanan has also suggested that the later
Cheras ruled from the 9
th
to 12
th
century.
29
Generally, during ancient and medieval
periods the powerful Chera kings ruled a division of the Tamil Country known as
Malabar with Mahodayapuram as its capital
30
and kept it a unified state till the
early twelfth century.

This tradition narrated in the Keralolpathi is not supported by any reliable
historical evidence. The theme and characters of the story resemble and remind us of
the traditional story of Harihara and Bukka of the Vijayananagar Empire. One can
believe that the authors of Keralolpathi were trying to provide a traditional
background to the rise of the Zamorins of Calicut. The date of the incident, given in
the Keralolpathi is confusing and it contradicts the proven historical facts. The names
like Cheraman Perumal and Krishnadeva Raya which figure in the story make the
tradition more ambiguous. Kerala broke up only after the 12
th
century. During this
period the Empire of Kulasekearas of Mahodayapuram disintegrated and the state
was partitioned into many sub-divisions. The emergence of many new states formed

27
Ronald M. Bernier, Temple Arts of Kerala, Delhi, 1982, p.33.

28
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1976, pp.
212-213.

29
M.G.S. Narayanan, Political and Social Conditions of Kerala under the
Kulasekhara Empire, (800 A.D. to 1124 A.D.), Unpublished Ph.D Thesis,
University of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1972, p. 15.

30
K.K. Ramachandran Nair, (ed.), Kerala State Gazetteer, Vol. II, Trivandrum,
1986, p. 85.

70
39
by chieftains and named after their own traditional names was the real story of the
origin of the Kingdom of Calicut in the territory of Malabar.

The Keralolpathi and the Calicut Granthavari state that the descendants of
the two Eradi brothers (Maniccan and Vikraman) were known as the Zamorins. The
Zamorin is also known as Manavikraman. In the light of the traditions and
inscriptions, we may conclude that the ancestors of the Zamorins were the Eradis of
Nediyiruppu Governors of Eralnadu. The ancestors of the Zamorins were called
Tampurans and Manavikraman or Manaviyadan and Virarayan.
31
They also earned
the hereditary titles like Manaveda. The Zamorins had also some high sounding titles
like Punturakon, Kunnalakonodhiri, Sailabdhiswara and Nediyiruppu Muppil.
In the inscription of Muccunti Mosque of the 13
th
century, he was styled as
Punturakon.
32
According to William Logan, the title Punturakon indicates the
Tamil origin of the Zamorins. He says that Puntura was a place situated somewhere
in the valley of the river Cauvery and that the original family of the Zamorin came
from that place.
33
It is also argued that, Puntura, a place near Erode contains the
community of Konars or the shepherd tribe Talikettu and other rites of the Nayars.
34

Probably, the Zamorins originally belonged to this community which migrated to
Ernad. These arguments are purely based on tradition and imagination. But
M.G.S.Narayanan explains that Puntura was in the Kongu region where the
ancestors of the Zamorin took on war and won the battle at Puntura either in the east

31
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 6.

32
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1973), p. 96.

33
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p. 318.

34
Edgar Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in South India, Delhi, 1975, p. 126.

71
40
or south and earned the title Punturakon.
35
This title Punturakon, says
K.V.Krishnan Ayyar, made its appearance after Calicut became a Puntura or great
port.
36


Some scholars are of the opinion that the mention of Eranatutayavar in the
grant Bhaskara Ravivarman to the jew, Joseph Rabban and in the copper-plate of Vira
Raghava Chakravarti were the ancestors of the Zamorins of Calicut. The fact that
the Kingdom of Zamorin was known as Nediyirru Swarupam and all Zamorins were
Nediyiruppu Muppils are interesting. P.K.S. Raja says that both traditions and
inscriptions agree that the ancestors of the Zamorins were the Eratis of Nediyiruppu
(Ernad).
37
The Zamorins family is like that of the Cochin family named after
Nediyiruppu, a village in the Ernad taluk in Malabar.
38


Before the arrival of Ibn Battuta to Calicut, there was no reference to this in
any writing. Ibn Battuta of the 14
th
Century refers to the Zamorin as the ruler of
Calicut. But what he witnessed was a busy town where merchants from different
parts of the world met and exchanged their products.
39
The city, therefore, might
have been found much earlier than the 14
th
century. At the same time, the Zamorin
was retaining his sway over Ernad regions for he was the Ernad Muppil. The
Zamorin shifted his hinterland seat to Coastal Calicut area because of economic

35
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1996), p. 97.

36
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), pp. 57-58.

37
P.K.S. Raja, Medieval Kerala, Annamalai Nagar, 1966, p. 21.

38
A translation of a Record Granthavari in the State Archives, 1973, p. 1.

39
H.A.R. Gibb, Ibn Batuta, Travels in Asia and Africa, 1325-54, Vol. IV, London,
1929, p. 234.

72
41
motives. The revival of the trade with Europe after dark ages was of immense
advantage to the Coastal chiefs over their hinterland brothers. The former held in free
export trade and the latter especially in pepper which brought gold without direct
access to the sea. However, the inland chiefs could not hope for a share in this
lucrative trade. The Erlatiri was cut off from the sea by the chiefs of Parappanad,
Polanad and Purattiri or chief of Purakishanad by the Kolattiri or chief of
Kolattunad.
40
As the Parappanad chiefs were related to Sambhandham
(marriage), the Eralatiri sought to extend his authority towards the sea through
Polanad.

Thus the first victim of the Zamorins eagerness for an outlet to the sea Coast
was Porlatiri, the chieftain of Polanad,
41
the fertile hinterland around Calicut. He
wanted only the Cherllikkad or swampy region at the mouth of the river Kallai and
the adjoining Kozhicode hills which served a landmark for the ships approaching it.
He was also prepared to pay the price fixed by the Porlatiri. But the latter was too
wise to have the ambitious Eralatiri as his neighbour. So war broke out. The
Zamorin and his Ernad Nayars came down to Paniyankara which belonged to the
friendly Parappanad Rajas. From there, as a base, they crossed the river Kallai and
invaded Polanad. Porlatiri fled to the protection of the Kolattiri. Thus the Zamorin
became the master of Polanad.
42
The Zamorin transferred his residence from Ernad
to the newly conquered area where he founded a town with a Siva temple at its centre

40
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), p. 159.

41
Innes & Evans, Madras District Gazztteers, Madras, 1951, pp. 40-41.

42
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), p. 160.

73
42
and named it Koilkota which was later corrupted as Kozhicode.
43
The exact date of
the conquest of Polanad is not known. According to a Sanskrit work Chronogram
Devanarayanavyad the Zamorin conquered Polanad, the present Calicut in AD
1042.
44
But the inscriptions of Kulasekharas made it clear that, at that time Calicut
was under the control of Kulasekhara. Therefore, the conquest of Polanad may be
assigned to sometime by the end of the 12
th
century. The formation of a new city and
the ascendancy of its rulers and their wars were the significant events in the history of
Malabar in general and that of the Zamorins of Calicut in particular. The arrival of
the Moors made remarkable changes in the economic status of the town of Calicut.
Later, the support of the Moors created quarrel among the European powers. At that
time, the Zamorin wanted to become the master of the entire province of Kerala and
followed a policy of expansion of the empire and conquered the neighbouring
territories.

[
Expansion of the Zamorin Kingdom:
The accounts of foreigners who visited Calicut in the 14
th
and 15
th
centuries,
give us the impression of a rich and prosperous kingdom ruled over by liberal and
enlightened sovereigns. The growing material prosperity of his kingdom infected the
Zamorin with political ambitions and impelled him to embark on a career of conquest
of Chaliyam, Beypore, Parappanad and Vettam, which acknowledged his
suzerainty. Their example was soon followed by the chieftains of Kurumbranad,
Payyormala and others in the vicinity of Calicut.
45


43
J. Visscher, Letters from Malabar, Letter No. 3, quoted by K.P.P. Menon, History
of Kerala, Vol. I, 1982, p. 12.

44
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1966), p. 22.

45
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 88.
74
43
After the embarkation of the Zamorin with Chaliyam, Beypore, Parappanad
and Vettam and after the acceptance of his suzerainty by the chieftains of
Kurumbanad, Payyormala and others, he became the overlord of all the lands
stretching from Calicut to Ponnani. According to the Keralolpathi, it was with the
help of the Muslim settlers who came for trade, that the Zamorin made his next great
act of aggression. Even anxious to expand the sphere of his influence, the Zamorin
then turned his attention to Tirunavai the centre of the Mamankam situated on the
banks of the river Bharathapuzha. Tirunavai was a place of great political
importance, as it was here that the famous Mamankam festival was held once in
every 12 years. The festival had originally been celebrated under the auspices of the
Chera Emperors.
46
After the partition of the Chera Empire under Cheraman
Perumal, the privilege of conducting the Mamankam festival was given to the Raja
of Valluvanad along with Tirunavai, the sand packed country and ten thousand
Nayars. Valluvanad Mahasamanta Samuham. This, according to Elamkulam
P.N. Kunjan Pillai, refers to the attempts by the army of Velattiri to hold Valluvanad
against the attack of the Zamorin. The Zamorin inflicted a crushing blow on
Vellattiri at the end of the 13
th
century.
47
The ruler of Valluvanad was known as
Valluvakonathiri or Vellatiri. Very little is known about the origin of the
Valluvakonathiri.
48
The year of Mahamagha is thus defined by Lala, when both
the moon and Jupiter are in the asterism Magha on the day of full moon of the month
of Magha, then the year is called Mahamagha. The Maha-Magha year is one of the

46
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Zamorins of the Malabar, (1742-1744), The Indian
Historical Quarterly,Vol. VI, No. 1, Trivandrum, 1930, p. 130.

47
K. Ramachandran Nair, Early Manipralavam: A Study, Trivandrum, 1971, p.115.

48
A. Ramachandran, Kerala Charithirathil Chila Visamadanangal, (Mal.),
Kottayam, 1973, p.61.

75
44
twelve years of the Lesser Barhaspatya cycle. The, Samvatsaras of the twelve
year cycle. says Robert Sewell.
49
The grant of Bhaskara Ravi Varma of A.D.999-
1000 attests to the Utaiyavar of Valluvanadu to Joseph Rabban and Valluvar
Irayachekar (Ratchakar) of Chokiram inscriptions which are considered as the
ancestors of Valluvakonathiri.
50
The Zamorin wanted to secure for himself not only
Tirunavai from the Valluvakonathiri but also the honour of presiding over the
Mamankam.
51


Zamorins claim to the superiority over Vetutnaad & Major Dows description on
its state and Constitution:
The claim preferred by the Zamorin was to the country of Vetutnaad the
former travel sections of the Bombay Commissioners concerning.

It appears that the ancestors of the Raja of Vetutnaad were put in possession
of their country by Cheraman Perumal at the general partition of the ancient
monarchy of Malleam, at least they claim so high an antiquity and some
circumstances which occur in the general history of Malabar, seem to corroborate
their claim, they are the Brahmin Chetier caste (by which term is meant a Brahmin
or Nambutiri father and Chatrienor Khetry mother) and on that account connected
with the Zamorins family, which is inferior to them in point of caste.

The Rajas of Vetutnaad pretend to have preserved a state of perfect
independence of the Zamorins government since the time of Cheraman Perumal, and,

49
Kerala Society Papers, Vol. I,II, Kerala Gazetteers, Trivandrum, 1997, p. 325.

50
A. Ramachandran, Op.cit., (1973), p. 61.

51
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), pp. 167-169.

76
45
even in the zenith of the Zamorins power, not to have been subject to any tribute or to
any kind of vassalage, but by way of ceremony they used to wait on the Zamorin at
his coronation day, and to throw some rice over his head immediately after the
Nambutiris who first performed this rite. In this independence they remained, till
about 37 years ago, when the Zamorin carried on a successful warfare against the
Mapillas of Tirurangady and, making himself master of the surrounding countries as
far as Cochin to the southward and Paulghautcherry to the eastward.
52


The Kur-matsaram or feud between the two Nambutiri factions of the two
villages of Panniyur and Chovvaram gave the Zamorin the pretext for his conquest
of Tirunavai. Both claimed equal antiquity as belonging to Parasuramas sixty four
settlements. Vishnu, as the boar incaranation, was the tutelary deity of Panniyur, Siva
of Chovvaram. War broke out when the Brahmins of Chovvaram rushed to their own
village by stealth rather than by force for an idol of Siva which the Brahmins of
Panniyur had consecrated. Really it had originally began as a local conflict between
the two villages, but later it developed into a powerful struggle in which the ruling
powers were forced to take sides. In fact, the Kur-matsaram which began as a
friendly and healthy emulation in learning and scholarship between the two neigbours,
gradually became an unscrupulous competition for power and influence.
53
The war
between Panniyur and ChovvaramPanniyur and Chovvaram were closely associated
with Aryan culture. The elaborate arrangements for the dissemination of Vedic
knowledge were made and Visscher refers to them as Pandelakoers and

52
Report of A Joint Commissions from Bengal & Bombay appointed to inspect into
the state and condition of the province of Malabar in the years 1792 & 1793,
Madras, 1862, Vol. V, p. 358.

53
Ibid., p. 97.

77
46
Chodderkoers. Another tradition says that there were two families Pandel and
Choddar. Owing to worship, one group i.e., the Zamorin belonged to the
Vaishnavite sect and the MahaRaja of Cochin belongs to the Saivite sect.
54
The
chiefs of the Brahmin villages of Panniyur and Chovvaram are mentioned in the
copper-plate grant of Viraraghava Chakravarti as attestors. This grant was issued at
Mahodayapuram and the donor Viraraghava Chakravarti was the chief of
Perumpadappu. All records of the Kur-matsaram show that the Perumpadappu
royal family was the supporters of Chavaram. But in the copper-plate mentioned
above, Panniyur and Chovaram are treated as equals. Therefore, it can be assumed
that the feud began only after A.D.1225, ie., the date of the copper-plate.
55
In this
war, as the head of Nambutiri warriors of Kulattur and Palghat and his own three
thousand Nayars, Tirumanasseri Nambutiri recovered the idol and burnt Chavaram
(Cokiram). Chavaram appealed to the Perumpadappu Muppil and Vellattiri. So
Panniyur sought the assistance of the chiefs of Vettam and the Zamorin.
56


Kur-matsaram was at its height, provoked the Zamorin to attack
Tirunavai.
57
The chief of Tirumanasserinadu appealed to the Zamorin for help
against the aggression and offered Ponnani as a reward for its protection. Accepting
the request from the Panniyur chief, he declared war against Valluvanad. The Arab
merchants placed all their resources in money and transport at his disposal and offered

54
K. Ramachandra Nair, Op.cit., (1971), p.114.

55
Elamkulam, P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Op.cit., (1970), pp. 388-392.

56
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), pp. 101-102.

57
It was bounded by Uppathode on the east, Pookaithapuzha on the south, the sea
on the west and Bharathapuzha on the north. Its Brahmin ruler was the head of
Panniyurkur.

78
47
all encouragement and help in his projected campaigns. On account of the
competition the Jews and Christians in the north and south Kerala wanted to establish
themselves in mid-Kerala, and through the Bharatapuzha proceeded by land to
Palghat, Chittur, Perur, Pollachi and Pazhani through the river Bharatapuzha.
Tirunavai, controlled by the Vallatiri, commanded the entrance of Bharatapuzha
and its valley.
58
The Zamorins army was led in person by the Zamorin and Eralpad.
Since the war dragged on, the Valluvan Konatiri, before long, was forced to
evacuate Tirunavai. After a bitter and protracted campaign, the Zamorin occupied
Tirunavai and assumed the proud position of Rakshapurusha or the Protector of
Mamankam. It is well-known that the Calicut Koya
59
gave invaluable assistance to
the Zamorin in the war. So he was honoured by the Zamorin and was given the title
of Sahabantra Koya with all the privileges and dignities of a Nayar chief.
60


Ever since the conquest of Tirunavai there had been a bitter and prolonged
struggle between the Zamorin and the Valluvakonathiri. The accounts of native
sources make clear, the continuing war between the Zamorin and the
Valluvakonathiri. According to Malayalam literature, Unniccirutevi Caritam,
written towards the close of the 13
th
century, the war between the Zamorin and the
Valluvakonatiri was still going on.
61
This furnishes evidence to the fact that this war
must have taken place in the course of 12
th
and 13
th
centuries. During their hostilities,
the Zamorin extended his authority as far as Nilambur on the one side and Kettakal

58
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), pp. 171-172.

59
Koya was a leader of Muslim merchant community in Kerala.

60
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), p. 103.

61
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 176.

79
48
(Venkatakotta) on the other. By the beginning of the 15
th
century, the territories like
Nedunanadu Talapalli, and other areas of Ponnani taluk had come under the control
of the Zamorin.
62
Before long, he brought Manceri and Malappuram within his
sphere of influence. A notable conquest of the Zamorin during this period was that of
Nedunganadu lying between Avannot and Tanur Swarupams. Its unpopular ruler
was dethroned and the Eralpad was appointed its governor with its headquarters at
Karimpuzha.
63


The Zamorins also got the allegiance of the Rajas of Talapalli. They were
originally Nambutiris who lost caste for man slaughtering. In course of time, the
royal family of Talapalli was divided into five which gave rise to quarrels till
Pannattur, one division of the family sought the help of the Zamorins. The
Pannattur chief, the most powerful of the Talapalli Rajas, thereafter became a
staunch ally of the Zamorins and got the privileges of taking part in Ariyittu mela
and dining with Zamorin on that day. This demonstrates how the Zamorin used not
only force but also a policy of division and conciliation with presents and gifts.
64


In the prolonged feud between the Brahmin villages of Panniyur and
Chovaram, the Perumpadappu family sided with the latter.
65
This resulted in the
enmity between Perumpadappu royal family and the Zamorin. The argument that the
Rajas of Cochin claimed a superior social status for he being a Kshatriya while the

62
P.K.S. Raja, Malabar Taluk Chaitram (Mal.), Calicut, 1982, p. 82.

63
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), pp. 175-176.

64
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1982), p. 29.

65
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Cochirajya Charitram, (Mal.), Ernakulam, 1911,
pp. 526-528.

80
49
Zamorin belonged to the Nayar caste
66
is also to be noted. The original seat of
Perumpadappu Swarupan was Vanneri. But the victory of Zamorin in the war
against Valluvanadu forced the Perumpadappu Muppil to abandon its headquarters
at Vanneri and move to set up permanent residence at Tiruvanchikulam in
Mahodhayapuram. Mahodhayapuram was the capital of the second Chera Empire.
Mahodhayapuram otherwise called Makotai or Mahodayapattanam which was
Thiruvanchikkulam, near Kotungalloor.
67
In course of time, in the 14
th
century,
the Zamorin further extended his conquest and acquired a sort of suzerainty over
Central Kerala. The Kokasandesam composed by about A.D. 1400, bears witness to
the fact that the Zamorin had by this time extended his authority up to
Trikanamatilakam near Tiruvanchikkulam.
68
Tiruvanchikkulam, the city ruled
by Matamannan is described in Kokasandesam. Owing to dissension the
Perumpadappu Swarupam was divided into five branches (Tavazhis) known as
Mutha Tavazhi, Ilaya Tavazhi, Palluriti, Madathunkizh and Chazhiyur which
being a boon to the rulers of Calicut as they could now skillfully play one member of
the family against another and secure allies even in the enemies camps. Ramavarma
became the king of Perumpadappu a few years after his marriage with Unniyati and
he was forced to shift the capital from Mahodayapuram (Tiruvanchikkulam) to
Cochin in A.D.1405. Cochin is described for the first time as the capital of
Perumpadappu royal family by the Chinese traveller, Mahuan in A.D.1409. Before
that, during the time of the composition of Sivavilasam, their capital was at

66
K.M. Pannikkar, History of Kerala, (1498-1801) A.D. Annamalai Nagar, 1959,
p. 19.

67
S. Jeyashankar, Census of India Special Studies Kerala Temples of Kozhikkode
District, Thiruvananthapuram, 2002, p.6.

68
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 177.

81
50
Mahodayapuram. Unniyaticaritam gives in detail the capital city of
Mahodayapuram.
69


The tract of the land which comprises the modern town of Cochin and
Mattancheri were under the control of Edappalli Rajas. Edappalli, was the city of
never-ending prosperity on the banks of river Periyar. One of the Edapalli chiefs
had Sambandham with a Tampuratti of the Ilaya Thavazhi of Perumpadappu.
Just before he died, he had bequeathed Cochin as an absolute gift to her and her
descendants. Shortly afterwards, a change in succession brought Ilaya Tavazhi
Tampuran to the Perumpadappu gadi. Thus Cochin became associated with the
Perumpadappu chief and from this time onwards they had also begun to be referred
to as Cochin Rajas.
70
The successors of the Edappalli chief who ceded the territory
to the Tampuratti, never reconciled themselves to this cession. They made repeated,
though futile, attempts to regain the territory. At last, they appealed to the Zamorin
for help to recover their ancestoral possession. In all his subsequent wars with
Cochin, the Zamorin could get in the ruler of Edappalli a loyal and faithful ally
whose territory was of great strategic importance.
71
In his attempt against Cochin, the
Zamorin got the assistance of the ruler of Cranganore. This support was invaluable to
the Zamorin because the Cranganore ruler commanded the shortest route to Cochin.

As the allies of rival parties in the kur-matsaram, the Zamorin and the
Cochin Raja had already waged a war with each other. The quarrels among the
different branches of the Cochin family led to direct hostilities between them. The

69
K. Ramachandra Nair, Op.cit., (1971), p.121 &220.

70
K.V. Krishnan Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 177.

71
Kerala District Gazetteer, Trichur, pp. 140-141.

82
51
immediate causes of the Zamorins decision on Cochin were the oppression of the
Mutta Tavazhi by the princess of Ilaya Tavazhi to which branch the reigning Raja
belonged.
72
The details of the Zamorins campaign against the Cochin Raja are not
known. In course of time, in the 15
th
century, the internal dimensions in the
Perumpadappu Swarupam gave an opportunity to the Zamorin to interfere in its
affairs. The ostensible object of the Zamorin was to help the Mutta Tavazhi branch
of Cochin against the ruling Ilaya Tavazhi. The Raja of Cochin was defeated at
Trichur and his palace was occupied by the Zamorin. The Zamorin installed there his
man on the throne of Cochin and thus the Mutta Tavazhi became the ruler of Cochin.
The new ruler acknowledged the Zamorins overlordhsip and undertook to pay him an
annual tribute. He also undertook to supply regular contingents to the Zamorins
army and to sell his pepper and other merchandise only through the port of Calicut.
73

This Treaty helped the progress of Calicut very much. The submission of Cochin
Raja raised the prestige and power of the Zamorins. Duarte Barbosa in 1515
remarked that Cochin was a petty princiapality and its ruler was not even a king in the
real sense of the term before the coming of the Portuguese.
74


In the meantime, the relation between the Zamorin and the Kolattiri Raja was
strained. The Kolattiri ruled in the north. It is not known when this dynasty came
into existence. His dominions stretched from Korapuzha to Nileswaram. Though
we do not have details regarding the relation between the two powers, there is much
to believe that it was the superstitious belief on his part that prevented the Zamorins

72
Gundert, Herman (ed.), Keralolpathi, Trivandrum, 1960, pp. 105-106.

73
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit.,(1962), p. 92.

74
Mansel Longworth Dames, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p. 95.

83
52
from annexing the northern part of Kerala. According to that belief, high caste people
of Zamorins Kingdom were not permitted to cross the river Korapuzha. The chief
political power of north Kerala was the Kolattiri Rajas of Cherikkal. It is said that
the Kolattitri supported Polattiri in his fight against the Zamorin. Another important
cause for the estranged relationship between the two powers was the story of a love
affair between a Kolattiri prince and a princess of the Zamorins family. Kolattiri
prince was stationed at Pantalayini Kollam as a viceroy. During one of his visits to
Calicut the young viceroy fell in love with a Tampuratti of the Zamorins family.
The Tampuratti reciprocated his love. Then the lovers eloped to Pantalayani
Kollam which then belonged to Kolattiri. The Zamorin resolved to wipe off his
insult to his family and waged a war against him and brought all the territory upto
Pantalayani Kollam under his control. The princess and her descendants were
deprived of the right to Zamorins ancestral property. The Kolattiri, however, sent
ambassadors offering to submit to whatever terms the Zamorins might dictate. In the
hour of his triumph, he was as usual generous to his foe. The Kolattiri conferred on
the Zamorin certain melkoyma rights over the famous Taliparamba temple and also
transferred whatever territory he had conquered from him by force. To maintain the
dignity of the Tampuratti the Kolattiri Raja insisted upon the creation of separate
appendage for her at Nileswaram in the northern part of his dominion with three
thousand Nayars under her. The Nileswaram Tavazhi of the Kolattunad
Swarupam is said to have originated from this princess. Thus the Zamorin had
succeeded in bringing Kolattunadu also under his sphere of influence.
75
This was
the first and last action of the Zamorin against any of north Kerala.


75
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp. 135-145.

84
53
The Kurumbiyatiri or the Raja of Kurumbarnadu also contributed to the
extension of the Zamroins authority. He was closely related to the Raja of Kottayam
and was one of the most powerful Kshatriya Swarupams. At first the relation
between the two were friendly and the members of his family had Sambhandam with
the Tampurattis of Calicut. One of them, assuming power gave Payyanadu
consisting six katams land, four kuttoms, three akampatis and eight thousand
Nayars and the lands between Korapuzha and Turasseri to the Zamorin.
76
His
successors tried to recover them by force, but they were defeated by the Zamorin and
had to sue for peace by surrendering Valisseri.

When the Portuguese landed on the Kerala Coast, the Zamorin was the most
powerful sovereign, who had under him almost all the chieftains of North Kerala
including the Raja of Cochin as his vassal. The conquests raised his prestige and
position to such an extent that he adopted the high sounding title of Kunnale
Konatiri, the ruler of hills and waves, and exercised a sort of overlordship over the
greater part of Kerala. The Zamorins attitude towards the conquered was generally
marked by the traditional Hindu policy of generosity towards the foe. The Zamorins
aspirations to conquer more territory itself being the driving force behind the
conquest, the practical advantages in military man oeuvres must have gone a long way
in assisting this process of consolidation. The former chief of the conquered territory
was allowed to hold a part of his territory as his vassal.
77


Cochins position had become precarious in to the extreme. Encroached upon
by the Zamorin from the north and Marthandavarma from the south, the state was in

76
Gundert, Herman, (ed.), Keralolpathi, Op.cit., (1960), p. 105.

77
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1982), p. 30.

85
54
imminent danger of annihilation. Travancore had not only annexed the territories
under the southern feudatories of Cochin, but occupied Karappuram, overrun
Kurunadu, Aikkaranadu and Kunnathunadu and marched up to Tannippuzha.
The peace conferences held first at Mavelikkara and then at Trippunittura had proved
abortive. The Zamorin in the north had occupied Kodungallur, Parur, Alangadu,
Trichur, Kattur and other places. Many of the chiefs had openly gone over to his side.
Formerly, when the Zamorin had made similar encroachments, the Honble Company
had sent a mighty army which had driven him back. In the meantime, they concluded
a treaty of alliance with Travancore and the Travancores help drove the Zamorin
across the Periyar river. Finally, with the help of Travancore , the Zamorin had been
driven out of Cochins, territory except for a small bit lying between Cherruvai and
Ponnani.
78


Sheikh Zain-ud-din states whenever he commenced hostilities against any
of the chiefs of Malabar, provoked to do so by an aggression on their part, after
subduing them, it was his practice to return some portion of their possessions
provided he had not been irritated beyond measure and his restitution, although
delayed for a long time, he always made in the end, evincing a public record for the
prejudices and feeling of the people of Malabar.
79


By the end of the fifteenth century, the Zamroins had became the Masters of
Polanadu and Valluvanadu and thus extended their sway over a vast region
extending from Korapuzha to the borders of Cochin and Palghat. Further, there is

78
V.K.R. Menon, (Trans by) Records in Oriental Languages Cochins State Book
II, Letters from Cochin Raja to Batavia, Ernakulam, 1946, p. V.

79
Sheikh Zain-ud-dhin, Op.cit., (1833), p. 41.

86
55
every reason to believe that but for the arrival of the foreigners like the Portuguese
and the Dutch, the Zamorins might have been able to unite the whole of Kerala under
their rule.
80
The fortunes of consolidating the entire Kerala under the supremacy of
the Zamorins became a nightmare. The succeeding pages my reveal the impact of the
Portugese.


80
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1982), p. 19.
87
56
CHAPTER III
ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE PORTUGUESE

The fifteenth century is of special significance in the history of Calicut. It was
by the end of this century that the region had exposed to trade and commerce with the
Portuguese. They were the first European nation to enter into diplomatic and
commercial relations with the rulers of Malabar, in general, and those of Calicut and
their vassals, in particular
1
. It was an epoch of transition and growth in the history of
India and other oriental nations. Following that event, European commercial,
economic and political interests found their way in to the various parts of the East,
subordinating their institutions, ideas, culture and practices. In Calicut, the European
epoch, inaugurated by Vasco-da-Gama, thus brought about a transformation in the
political, economic and social order. He had a particular goal to have contact with the
commercial city of Calicut.
2
The Europeans knew that Calicut was the chief
emporium of trade on the West Coast
3
. As a heaven of merchants, it was a prosperous
trading port where the Arabs, namely the Moors, had established themselves as the
major trading partners abroad. Commodities from Calicut and Malabar were taken
to various parts of West Asia, Lavant and Europe, besides South East Asian countries
and the different parts of India. European traders were attracted to the Malabar
Coast mainly for its abundant produces of spices, especially for the much-valued
pepper which they called black gold. The Portuguese found Calicut as the

1
W.H. Carey, The Good Old Days of Honourable John Company, (1600-1858),
Calcutta, 1882, p.1.

2
Radha Kumud Mookerji, (ed.), Indian Shipping, Calcutta, 1957, p. 9.

3
Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Career and Legend of Vasco- da-Gama, Cambridge,
1997, p.122.

88
57
convenient ground to concentrate on their early commercial activities, as it was there,
and nowhere else in Malabar that the products they wanted to procure were available
abundantly. Only after the arrival of the Portuguese, the Arabs perceived fully the
growing threats to their business interests arising from Portuguese and their
commercial ambition and expansion. The monopoly of spice trade in Calicut paved
the way in later days for finding markets for their manufacturers and, again, to find
avenues for investment of capital, they turned their attention to other places in
Malabar region
4
.

Petty Kingdoms:
The history of Malabar, after the arrival of the Portuguese, presents a very
complex political set-up. In the Malabar region, there were dominant petty
kingdoms and small independent states. The petty rulers and the independent states
quarrelled among themselves and had been constantly war with one another
5
. The
accounts of foreigners of the 15
th
century clearly indicate the position of the three
strong kings who ruled Malabar. They were Samudri (Malyconadary), Benetacy
(Venattadikal) and Cobertorim (Kolattiri). They had many vassals. According to
Duarte Barbosa, the kings of Kerala were only three, to wit, the Samudri whom they
called Malyconadary, and he of Coulam (Quilon) whom they called Benetacy
(Venattadikal), and he of Cannanore whom they called Cobertorim (Kolattiri).
Besides, there were many great lords who wished to be called kings, which they were
not, for they neither coined money nor built houses with roof and tiles
6
.

4
R.P. Rao, Portuguese Rule in India, 1510-1961, Calcutta, 1963, pp.23-24.

5
H. Smith, (reprinted), Reports of a Joint Commission from Bengal and Bombay,
1792-93, Vol. I, Madras, 1862, p.5.

6
Duarte Barbosa, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1989, pp.5-6.
89
58
Following the downfall of the centralized administration of the Cheras,
numerous petty principalities, each under a Raja or a chief who possessed unfettered
independence in internal affairs, came into existence. The existence of such large
number of petty principalities and their constant quarrels worsened the already
confusing political set-up of Malabar in the middle ages. The minor powers not only
frequently quarrelled among themselves, but also at times even joined the enemy
against their own liege
7
. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese in Malabar, the
Zamorin was the most powerful of all the princes of Malabar. He founded the
territory on the Malabar Coast and made Calicut his capital like an emperor
8
. The
capital city of Calicut was the most important place in Malabar where it had a port
visited by Europeans and earned the title the first port of India
9
. It took the foremost
place and was the emporium of trade in the East. Ibn Battuta who visited Calicut in
1342-47 describes Calicut as one of the greatest ports of the district of Malabar,
where merchants from all parts of globe are found. At the end of the 15
th
century,
Calicut became a leading centre through its commercial activities, though political life
was unsettled
10
. The Zamorin was relegated to the background and the Raja of
Cochin, who was a vassal to the Zamorin, rose to power and prominence on account
of the timely assistance given by the Portuguese
11
. It is important to note that along
with commercial activities, these European traders consciously played a political role
to expand their commercial activities in the important cities, and also to interfere with

7
A.P.Ibrahim Kunju, Studies in Medieval Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1995, p.10.

8
J. Johnovington, India in the 17
th
Century, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1984, pp.149-150.

9
Walter Hamilton, The East India Gazetteer, Vol. I, Delhi, 1984, p.326.

10
K.M. Panikkar, History of Kerala, Annamalainagar, 1960, p.27.

11
Malabar Commission, Foreign Miscellaneous, Vol.55, p.7.

90
59
the internal affairs of the neighbouring States. Owing to the appearance of the
European power on India dates from the arrival of Vasco-da-Gama on its shore.
12

Maritime trade by sea between Europe and the East began only at the end of the 15
th

Century.
13


Portuguese in Calicut:
Portugal was an important sea power dating back to the pre-Christian era. She
had many colonies in the world even before geographical discoveries were made
14
.
The Portuguese earned the title of the sovereigns of the seas
15
because, during the
course of time, they mostly controlled the sea-borne trade and sea-traffic in the world.
In the same way, during the early days of the Zamorins of Calicut, they described
themselves as the sovereign of the mountains and the sea
16
. Before the arrival of
Vasco-da-Gama in Malabar, particularly in Calicut, the Portuguese ruler King John
had acquired some knowledge about India
17
. He had the awareness to send
adventurers to India.

12
Mount-Stuart-Elphinatone, The Rise of British Power in India, Delhi, 1986, p. 1.

13
C.J. Hamilton, The trade relations between England and India (1600-1896),
Calcutta, 1919, p. 5.

14
F.C. Danvers, Report to the Secretary of State for India in the Council on the
Portuguese Records Relating to the East India, New Delhi, 1991, p.1-8.

15
Surendranath Sen, Studies in Indian History, New Delhi, 1993, p.61.

16
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol. I, Madras, 1968, p.7.

17
K.M. Mathew, History of the Portuguese Navigation in India, 1497-1600, Delhi,
1988, p.103.


91
60
Joao Peres de Covillhao who was commissioned by Dom Manuel, the King of
Portugal
18
, was the first Portuguese adventurer to land on the Indian Coast in 1487.
The adventurer was directed to discover the land of Prester John and the territory
where the spices were procured. Joao Peres de Covillhao reached Cannanore in a
Moorish ship and later reached Calicut. He collected all the information about the
production and trade of ginger, pepper and cinnamon
19
. He was the first European to
visit Calicut in 1486 and his visit gives valuable information. He further went to Goa,
Ormuz and Cairo for trade
20
. Finally, he submitted a report to the king that the
Portuguese ships trading with Guinea could as well extend their journey along the
Coast of Sofala to reach the Eastern Seas and probably to touch the port of Calicut.
The adventurous deeds of Joao Peres de Covilhao tempted the rulers of Portugal to
take up the matter seriously and they sent the ships to India, especially to Calicut.
The commercial goods of the Malabar Coast prompted the Portuguese navigators to
go to the East for discovering a new trade route to India and for expanding trade with
the Orient. The spices of Malabar in general and pepper in particular highly attracted
the attention of the foreigners throughout the world
21
.

Arrival of Vasco-da-Gama to Calicut:
The acquired knowledge of the rulers of Portugal about the Malabar Coast in
India changed the attitude of the natives and they expanded their trade in the East with

18
P.N. Chopra, T.K. Ravindran, N. Subramaniam, History of South India, Vol. II,
New Delhi, 1979, pp.1-2.

19
Felix Barker, A History of Discovery and Exploration The Search Begins,
London, 1973, p.433.

20
The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, New Delhi, p.290.

21
Francis, Nicholson Middle Miss, Borber, Gazetteer of South India, Vol. I, Delhi,
1988, pp. 18-19.

92
61
the support of the native rulers. The Portugal king Dom Manuel earned the title, the
Lord of the Navigation, Conquest and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and
India
22
. He acquired this knowledge through the traders of Egypt and Rome, from
early records and the Moorish travellers. The King of Portugal sent the Portuguese
navigator Vasco-da-Gama and his brother Pauls to the East. They conducted the
extraordinary voyage with the help of the Moorish broker from Bombay, Davane by
name, whom he picked up in Mozambique
23
. Vasco-da-Gama took up his voyage
from Lisbon on July 8
th
1497 and continued his voyage for a period of 10 months.
Later, he anchored his ship on 20
th
May 1498 at Kappad, eight miles north of
Calicut
24
. It became a new sea-route to India and later to revolutionize the course of
the mainstream of world commerce
25
. The memorial pillar (plate one & two) with the
inscription Vasco-da-Gama landed here at Kappakkadavu in the year 1498,
proclaims the historical importance of the place from where started the European
expansion in India. The landing of Gama at Calicut marked the beginning of a new
epoch. Gamas discovery kindled a new interest to know more about India and its
commodities in European markets
26
. It had a far-reaching consequence on the
civilized world
27
. The real importance of the new discovery lay in the fact that it

22
K.M. Panikkar, India and the Indian Ocean, London, 1945, p.40.

23
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1979), p.2.

24
H.V. Livermore, A History of Portugal, Cambridge, 1947, p.230.

25
E.F. Daten, European Travellers in India, New Delhi, 1991, p.49.

26
H.K. Kaul (ed.), Travellers India, An Anthology, New Delhi, 1979, p. XXVII,
p.350.

27
P.N. Chopra (ed.), The Gazetteer of India, History Culture, Delhi, 1973, p. 350.

93
62
broke the monopoly which the Venetians and Egyptians had so long enjoyed in their
trade with India
28
.

Ushering in a new era:
The discovery of a new sea-route to India opened a new era in world history,
especially to Portugal. It also paved the way for the rise of European imperialism and
the economic exploitation of the flourishing nations of the East
29
. With the historic
voyage of Gama, the Portuguese penetrated into an ancient and intricate maritime
economy, comprising a galaxy of long distance and country trades, many of them
concerned with commodities of the highest value. The arrival of the Portuguese and
their lucrative trade resulted in the ruin of the sea-borne trade of the Moors in the
Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean and the Red sea. Gamas arrival brought great prestige to
his nation and Portugal was familiarly described as the Da Gama epoch in Asian
history
30
. When Gama landed at Calicut, the Zamorin, the most powerful ruler among
the princes of Kerala,
31
extended freedom of religion and commercial facilities to all
the people. Gama was very quick to realize this state of affair. The Zamorin, who
was at Ponnani, immediately noticed the arrival of the Portuguese
32
.


28
E.G. Ravenstein, A Journal of the First voyage of Vasco-da-gama 1497-1499,
New Delhi, 1995, p. 61

29
K.S. Mathew, Mariners, Merchants and Oceans Studies in Maritime History, New
Delhi, 1995, p.273.

30
Phaindranath Chakrabarthy, Anglo-mughal Commercial Relations, 1583-1717,
Calcutta, 1983, pp. 6-7

31
Francis Day, Land of the Perumals, Madras, 1863, p.73.

32
Philip Baladaeus, A Description of East India Coasts of Malabar, New Delhi,
1996, p. 625.

94
63
Initial cordial relationship between the Zamorin and the Portuguese:
The Zamorin welcomed the Portuguese heartily and addressed the foreigners
that Vasco-da-Gama, a gentleman of your household, came to my country, which
gave me great pleasure. In my country there is plenty of cinnamon, clove, pepper and
precious stones. The things I am desirous to have out of your country are silver, gold,
coral and scarlet
33
. Gama conveyed his mission to the Zamorin. In reply, the king
said that he was welcome, that, on his part, he held him as a friend and brother and
would send ambassadors with him to Portugal
34
. The king requested the Captain
General to conduct his ships to Pantalayini Kollam, which was safer than Calicut
during the monsoons
35
. The Zamorin received the Portuguese navigator and his party
in a special durbar. Compliments were exchanged and the Captain Major made a
speech explaining his mission and the desire of the Portugal King to open commercial
relations with India. The Zamorins answer to the request for commercial facilities
was vague, and Gama was asked to communicate it to the treasurer of the King. The
parting was cordial, the Portuguese and the people of the town met on friendly terms.
They were allowed to have contacts with local agents
36
. But Gama was not satisfied
because the kind of stuff he had brought from Lisbon for exchange in India was not
suitable for the Indian markets
37
. The relation between the Zamorin and the
Portuguese was cordial in the initial stages and later there were misunderstandings on

33
K.G. Jayne, Vasco-da-Gama and his Successors (1460-1580), London, 1910,
p.58.

34
Charlay Ley (ed.), Portuguese Voyages, London, 1953, p.33.

35
Ibrahim Kunju, Op.cit., (1995), p.17.

36
Sukhdev SinghChile, Op.cit., (1988), p.13.

37
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1945), p.37.

95
64
the part of the Portuguese. It is true that when the Portuguese came to this port, he
(Zamorin) gave them a place to open a factory and sent a Gujarati merchant to instruct
them in the customs and manners of the country. But the ambitious demand of the
Portuguese created a friction in the relation between the Zamorin and the Portuguese.
The Portuguese demanded that the Zamorin should give an exclusive and preferential
treatment to them by preventing merchants not only from any other nationality but
also the Indian merchants in trade. This was not liked by the Zamorin. He declared
in categorical terms that the port of Calicut would always remain open to all and it
would be impossible for him to prevent any one, whether a Muslim or anybody from
trading with Calicut because the Zamorin knew the income derived from foreign
trade
38
. But the Portuguese did not like the customs policy of the native rulers. The
rulers followed a general policy that a nominal charge be levied for the issue of
passes. The ships on their return voyage were found to visit the specified port under
Portuguese surveillance and pay the customs duties. These were the causes for the
misunderstanding between them. So, the Portuguese Captain had to leave Calicut
39
.
It is inferred that Gama made an attempt to return from Calicut port without paying
the customs duties
40
.

Conflict between the Portuguese and the Arabs:
The arrival of the Portuguese at once aroused the greatest jealousy among the
Moors. The Muslims, also called the Moors, and the Mappilas had played very

38
K.S. Mathew, Studies in Maritime History, Pondicherry, 1990, p.17.

39
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1973), p.351.

40
F.C. Danvers, The Portuguese in India, Vol. I, London, 1894, pp.63-64.

96
65
important roles in the maritime history
41
. It was proved that the Arab travellers of the
9
th
and 10
th
centuries speak of the Malabar ports as great centers of maritime trade
and their trade was in the hands of the Arabs. During the time of Gama, the Arabs
were already in full control of the Malabar trade
42
. Ludovico Varthema mentions
the Arabs, known as Paradesees, had discovered India before the Portuguese and
were so powerful and independent in the city that no one dared to enter it on account
of their pride
43
. The Portuguese called the Muslims Corsairs
44
. The Arabs were
maintained cordial relations with the natives and intermingled with the socio-cultural
activities of the people. Moreover, they concentrated their attention on promoting
their activities of maritime trade. So the rulers sanctioned important privileges to the
Arabs. They were given practically the monopoly of export and import in Calicut and
they established themselves as a commercial power but they did not interfere with the
internal administration of the Zamorins
45
. Under these circumstances, the Arabs
opposed the trade monopoly of the Portuguese. The Zamorins supported the Arabs
against the Portuguese
46
. Later a long brawl ensued between the Moors and

41
Patrica Risso, Merchants Faith, Muslim Commerce and Culture in the Indian
Ocean, Colarado (USA), 1995, p.89.

42
Alan Villiers, The Way of a Ship, London, 1954, pp.68-71.

43
Lodovico Varthema, The Navigation and Voyages of Lews Vertomans in 1503 in
Selection of Curisons, Rare and Early Voyages and Histories of interesting
discoveries, R.H.Evens, London, 1812, p.184.

44
Philip D. Curtain, Cross Cultural Trade in World History, Cambridge, 1984,
p.132.

45
S. Manickam, The Moplahs of Malabar, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. I,
Serial No. 293, January, 1976, pp.267-268.

46
R. Ramachandran Nair, The Socio-Political Landscape of Kerala, Journal of
Kerala Studies, Vol. I, Serial No. 293, January 1976.

97
66
Vasco-da-Gama regarding the Zamorin and the trade in his country
47
. The Portuguese
tried to break the Muslim monopoly of maritime trade and got embroiled in a
prolonged conflict with the Moorish rivals. The Moors began immediately to
interfere with the authorities for the destruction of the expedition. According to
William Logan, when Gama sent Nicholas Coelh on a shore with a message to
Zamorin asking him to sanction trade, the authorities tried his temper by making him
wait, thinking thus to cause a break with the Portuguese. But, being warned by the
Castilian whom they found in the palace, he exercised patience, on declining to give
this message to any but the King himself, he was at last admitted to an audience, and
after further delay the King gave his sanction written on a palm leaf for opening
trade
48
.

Vasco-da-Gama stayed nearly for 6 months on the Malabar Coast before he
set out to return to Portugal
49
, when the monsoon was over. He departed on 30
th

August 1498 with rich cargos and a letter from the Zamorin to the King of Portuguese
proposing an interchange of commerce. The letter of Zamorin highly praised the new
comers of Portugal as gentlemen. He expressed his pleasure and informed that
Calicut produced plenty of cinnamon, clove, pepper and precious stones. Instead of
these I am desirous of getting silver, gold and coral and scarlet from your country
50
.
When Gama departed from Calicut, he committed a high handed and undiplomatic
deed by carrying away eighteen fishermen as captives who were the subjects of the

47
Francis Day, Op.cit., (1893), p.74.

48
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p.399.

49
Sir Harry Johnson, Pioneers in India, New Delhi, 1977, p.119.

50
Esmond Wright (ed.), History of the World, London, 1985, p.579.

98
67
native king
51
. This was an important factor for the collapse of the relation between
the ruler of Calicut, the Arab traders and the Portuguese. The main motive of Gama
was to avoid the payment of customs duties to the Zamorin
52
. Another reason was
that he was not able to set up a factory as he wanted
53
. At the same time, Gama
claimed for his master, the sovereignty of the Indian seas
54
. Finally, the Zamorin
released the distained persons and goods, Gama carried away five fishermen as
captives. In course of time, the Zamorin took action and held a meeting with Gama.
They entered into a treaty of friendship between the two countries. The Zamorin
provided Gama with all commodities he required
55
. Shortly after leaving Calicut,
Gama appeared at Cannanore, where the ruler of Kolattiri, a hereditary enemy of the
Zamorin, invited Gama to his dominion. There they entered into some informal
agreements and the native King helped him load his ships with spices
56
. Later, Gama
set sail for Europe on 20
th
November 1498.

Success of Gamass Voyage:
In the general opinion of scholars, Gamas voyage was a great success from
the commercial point of view. But Gama felt that the establishment of Portuguese
trade with Malabar would require the eradication of Moorish influence from the
court of the Zamorin. Also, he noted that there was continuous quarrel between the

51
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1864), p.63.

52
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1979), p.3.

53
Longman, Encyclopaedia of World History, London, 1985, p.22.

54
K.M. Panikkar, India Through the Ages, Delhi, 1985, p.22.

55
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., (1864), pp.63-64.

56
C.R. Boxer, The Portuguese Sea-Borne Empire, London, 1960, p.60.

99
68
Zamorin and the Kolattiri due to their vassals. After rewarding all who had taken
part in this great enterprise the ships were unloaded, and their freight of pepper and
drugs were carefully weighed and valued; when it was found that, after taking all
expenses of the voyage into consideration, the value of the cargo brought home was
sixty to one compared with all the expenses of the voyages
57
. The worth of Gamas
voyage triggered the ambition of the Portuguese King and the people
58
.

Though the event was inadvertent, the Portuguese were fortunate in landing at
Calicut. The political condition and commercial facilities in Malabar were superb
for the realization of their aim. It was on this shut off western Coast that the
Portuguese alighted, and it was destined to remain the sole theatre of their conquests
within India. The Portuguese might have searched India in vain for a spot better
suited to their commerce
59
.

It was lack of diplomacy and ignorance in the local political climate that
caused Gama to pick up a quarrel with the Zamorin. The Zamorin was actually
expecting the new comer to open up trade in his country. He wanted to use that
power, whoever it is, against the Moors whose overwhelming influence upon the
economy of the country was a matter of anxiety for all. The successful discovery of
Gama and his valuable account encouraged the King of Portugal to send another
commander Alvarez Cabral on a trading expedition
60
.

57
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1864), pp.63-64.

58
K.M. Mathew, Op.cit., (1988), p.112.

59
Sir William Hunter, A History of British India, Vol. I, London, 1899, pp.94-95.

60
F.C. Danvers, Report to the Secretary of State for India in Council on Portuguese
Records relating to the East Indies, New Delhi, 1991, p.2.

100
69
Voyage of Cabral:
Cabral, the new Captain General of the trading expedition was instructed to
make an alliance with his enemies if they were hostile. Castaneda observes, If the
Zamorin would not quietly consent or give sufficient loading to the ships, he would
make it cruel upon him. If the Zamorin consented to the establishment of a factory
and trade, the general was secretly to request him not to allow the Arabs of Mecca to
remain for trade in Calicut or any other harbour in his domains and promise that
Portuguese should supply all such commodities that used to be brought by the Arabs,
of better quality and cheaper price than theirs
61
. The policy of the Portuguese
outlined in these words was surely leading to the rupture with Zamorin in the long
run. Cabrals ship anchored in Calicut on 13
th
September 1500.
62
At Calicut, he
faced a stiff competition from the Moors. Cabral was well received by the Zamorin
and an interview with him took place at Calicut when rich presents were exchanged,
and a treaty of friendship as long as the sun and moon should ensure was entered
into. He obtained permission from the Zamorin to establish a Portuguese factory for
the purchase of spices. Once the permission was granted by the Zamorin, the
Portuguese, as lords of the sea, confiscated the goods of all those who navigated ships
without their permission
63
. The Moors who found Portuguese as a menace to their
trade refused to co-operate with them or to recognize their right to trade in spices.
They did everything to hamper Portuguese at Calicut which had an adverse effect on

61
Castaneda, The History of the Conquest of India, Quoted by P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit.,
pp. 79-80.

62
S.B. Battacherje, (ed.), Encyclopaedia of Indian Events and Dates, New Delhi,
1987, p. 42.

63
TAS., Op.cit., Vol. I, (1988), P. 265.

101
70
the Portuguese attempt at trade
64
. As the Moors offered higher prices, the merchants
preferred them. Though the Portuguese complained to the Zamorin, it did not bring
about any substantial change in the situation. Cosbequin, the head of all native
Moors, was always at variance with the Moors of the Red Sea. He failed to obtain
cargo and eventually seized a ship which prompted the inhabitants of the city to burn
the new Portuguese factory to ashes and slaughtered nearly half of its residents
65
. As
the Moors did not get sufficient landing facilities for their ships, they became greatly
agitated and besieged the Portuguese factory at Calicut. Cabral, on 17
th
November
1498, seized a Moorish ship which was found loading in the harbour. He also seized
10 Moorish ships and after plundering them, he set them on fire. He also bombarded
the town for the next two full days. It is reported that Cabrals expedition suffered
many causalities in the 16
th
century and he avenged this loss. Putting to death 600
innocent boatmen who had nothing to do with the riot and two days bombarded them.
They killed 600 of the inhabitants and then destroyed 10 of the Zamorin vessels.
66

In which at a later date, the natives of different parts of India became involved as they
encouraged the Portuguese or Arab traders
67
.

Acts of deliberate brutality by Cabral, the Portuguese became the inevitable
enemy of the Zamorin and thereafter his policy towards the Portuguese was one of
firm opposition. Having found that further stay at Calicut was futile, Cabral and his

64
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), pp. 304-305.

65
Britannica Junior Encyclopaedia, Chicago, 1980, p.31.

66
Teotonio, R. de Souza (ed.), Discoveries, Missionary Expansion and Asian
Cultures, New Delhi, 1994, p. 47.

67
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit, Vol. I, (1894), pp. 63-64.

102
71
men turned to Cochin, whose ruler was subordinate to the Zamorin
68
. During
Cabrals sojourn at Cochin, he got cordial invitation from the rulers of Quilon and
Cannanore promising help. The Portuguese promised to make the Raja of Cochin, at
a later date, the overlord of Malabar of these places to load his ships on favourable
terms. On his journey from Cochin to Cannanore Cabrals party was intercepted by a
strong fleet of the Zamorin, but he managed to escape without any serious loss
69
.
Later, Cabral proceeded from Cannanore to Calicut, where he anchored before the
palace and conducted a preliminary negotiation that all the Moors should be expelled
from the territory of the Zamorins and all trade with their nation forbidden. The
Zamorin did not accept the demand of the Portuguese
70
. Cabral built factories in
Cannanore, Cochin and Calicut and appointed officers who were stationed in all these
places except Calicut
71
. On 16
th
January 1501, Cabral sailed back to Portugal. The
voyage of Cabral was important in several respects. The breach between the Zamorin
and the Portuguese had become complete because of his short sighted policy.

The nearness of Cochin enabled the Portuguese to avoid Calicut for
commercial purposes. The Raja of Cochin who wanted to shake off the imperial
position of the Zamorins, proved a willing tool in the hands of the Portuguese to fight
the Zamorin
72
. Cabral returned to his home country. Within his short stay, he created

68
K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese, Bombay, 1929, p. 64.

69
Selections from the Records of Fort St. George Papers relating to Cochin with
special reference to the Dutch Possession and Claims and to the British rights
arising there from Madras, 1915, p. 2.

70
Mount Stuart Elphinstone, The Rise of British Power in India, Delhi, 1986, p.11.

71
Commentaries of Great Affonso Albuquerque, Vol. II, Hakluyut Society, London,
p.XVII.

72
A.P. Ibrahim Kunju, Op.cit., (1995), pp. 23-24.
103
72
a new outlook to the colonial imperialism of the King of Portugal. He had realized
that the problem was either to send a large force and hold the seas or give up the right
to know about Indian trade. The King of Portugal felt seriously of the shabby
treatment meted out to Cabral in the court of the Zamorin
73
. He was extremely
indignant and determined to exact further retribution.

Coming of Joaode Nova to India:
The long absence of Cabral made the King of Portugal to send out a small
fleet under Joao de Nova, the chief Captain of the ship. They left Lisbon in April
1501 under royal orders. The Portuguese had first wanted to chastise the perfidious
Zamorin and his Mappila allies
74
. But Joao de Nova avoided the expedition to
Calicut because he anticipated serious troubles from the Moors and the Zamorin of
Calicut. So they sailed to Anjediva where the Captain was met by the emissaries of
the Kolattiri Raja of Cannanore
75
. The ruler promised him to provide all assistance
for their trade. Later he proceeded straightway to Cochin
76
. With the help of the ruler
of Cochin and Cannanore, Nova loaded his ships and returned to Europe. The
meeting between the Portuguese trader Nova and the ruler of Cochin created an
unexpected situation. The Zamorin of Calicut wanted to encourage active foreign
trade in his kingdom too. In 1502 the entrenchment of the Portuguese, led to the rise

73
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1929), p. 64.

74
T. White House, Some Historical Notices of Cochin the Malabar Coast,
Kottayam,1859, pp. 4-6.

75
A. Sreedhara Menon (ed.), Gazetteer of India-Kerala, Cannanore, Trivandrum,
1972, pp.80-82.

76
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1960), p.46.

104
73
of Cochin from a position secondary to that of Cochin on the Malabar Coast, if not
superior, in trade and maritime activity.
77


The disquieting news of the hostility between the Zamorin and the Arab
traders at Calicut brought by Cabral and Nova made the Portuguese King indignant.
The King sent a fleet of 15 ships to India under the command of Vasco-da-Gama. On
the advice of the King of Portugal, Gama dispatched a larger and better equipped
expedition that is called the Second expedition in October 1502, considered as
Second Expedition of Gama
78
to Malabar. The role of Gama now was not that of
a messenger as it had been in his first voyage but of an avenger
79
. Gama had three
important goals, first to punish the Zamorin, then to establish Portuguese authority
over the Arabian Sea, and thirdly, to propagate Roman Catholicism
80
. Gama arrived
safely at Anjediva near Mozambique (Goa) in July and visited Melinde, or Baticala
and Cannanore. It seems that the ruler of Melinde and Ibnu Majeed were friends.
Ibnu Majeed was a navigator and a marine scientist. As an Arab Majeed had traveled
widely and had sound knowledge about the Malabar Coast. Gama befriended him
and learned many things for his journey to Calicut. Some of the instrument was taken
by Gama from Majeed by poisoning him. Then Gama reached Calicut.
81
On his way
to Cannanore, the Arab vessels were captured at Calicut coming from Mekkah to

77
Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Maritime India in the Seventeenth Century, New Delhi,
1994, p. 25.

78
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1979), pp 350-351.

79
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1972), pp.80-82.

80
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit, (1938), p.162.

81
P.M.K. Faizee, Kadalsimham (Mal.), Calicut 2005, pp. 70, 78 to 83.

105
74
Mount, under the orders of the Chief Captain Gama himself
82
. Gama was cordially
received by the Kolattiri at the latters court. Then he proceeded from Cannanore to
Calicut. Later, he entered into an alliance with the Raja of Cochin
83
.

Conflict between Gama and the Zamorin:
The Zamorin was ignorant of the mission of Gama. The Zamorin sent him a
message of peace and good will, though he had gone away without paying the usual
customs duties. Gama received the message of the Zamorin when he was in Cochin
entreating him to go to Calicut and sort out the problems amicably
84
. The Portuguese
Captain replied by hanging the messenger. Coming to Calicut, he demanded the
Zamorin to expel the Moors and Mappila from his dominions as a pre -condition for
peace. When this impossible and arrogant demand was rejected, Gama acted
according to the maxim of collective retribution. The messengers tortured the
ambassadors and executed them and his deeds were a disgrace to the name of
humanity
85
. The city was bombarded. Again, he began to loot and burn the 24 ships
loaded with rice coming from Mangalore. He seized their crew and cutting their nose,
ears and hands and also knocked their teeth, tied their feet together and put them all
on board a smaller vessel
86
. The bombardment of the city was continued for 3 days.
Then Gama sailed to Cochin where he traded for shiploads of riches
87
.

82
Commentaries of Great Alphonso Albuquerque, Vol. II, Hakluyt Society,
pp.XX-XXI.

83
John Annals of the Honourable East India Company, Vol. I, London, 1810, p.12.

84
Francis Day, Op.cit., (1893), p.85.

85
Ibid., p.86.

86
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.183.

87
R.S. Whiteway, The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, London, 1899, p.173.
106
75
The Raja of Cochin cordially welcomed Gama. A treaty was signed between
the Raja of Cochin and the Portuguese and the Raja made only one stipulation that
no cows should be slaughtered in his dominion
88
. The Cochin Raja granted
permission to the Portuguese to build a factory at Cochin
89
. In course of time, the
Zamorin got alarmed at the growing friendship between the Raja of Cochin and the
Portuguese. He wanted to make preparation to realize his cherished ambition of the
expulsion of the Portuguese from Cochin. At first, the Zamorin tried diplomatically
by sending a message to the Cochin Raja, urging the latter to declare categorically
whether he preferred the friendship of a foreign power to that of Calicut. He was also
called upon to expel all the Portuguese from his kingdom. The Raja, who had been
dreaming of a glorious future for his kingdom under Portuguese patronage, turned
down the appeals of the Zamorin. Having failed in diplomacy, the Zamorin decided
to attack Cochin. Gama, who did not want to risk his cargo by defending his ally
90
,
left Cochin turning a deaf ear to the entreaties of the Raja. Thus the Raja was left
alone to face the storm he had created for the sake of his faithless ally. In 1503 Gama
returned to Lisbon
91
.

Hostilities between the Zamorin and the Raja of Cochin:
Gamas departure was the signal for the outbreak of hostilities between the
Zamorin and the Raja of Cochin
92
. The two countries were frequently engaged in

88
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1966), p.87.

89
Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, New Delhi, 1982, p.116.

90
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1966), pp.87-88.

91
Genevieve Bouchanan, Regent of the Sea, Delhi, 1988, pp.63-64.

92
Sir William Hunter, History of British India, Vol. I, London, 1899, pp.109-110.
107
76
wars to establish their supremacy in their respective areas
93
. Historians attribute
several factors to the frequent struggle between the two powers. The cardinal point of
Malabar politics for a long time had been the rivalry between the rulers of Calicut
and Cochin. In this critical position, both the Portuguese and the Dutch took sides
with either of the rulers
94
. Moreover, the ambition of the Cochin Raja was to become
the chief potentate of Malabar with the help of the Portuguese, which made him turn
down the diplomatic overtures of Calicut
95
. The Zamorin of Calicut decided to teach
a lesson for the treacherous policy of Raja of Cochin with the Portuguese. In the
meantime, the Zamorin played a diplomatic role to get the support of his nobles and
the Muslims of this territory. Before beginning an expedition, the Zamorin called a
council of his nobles and pointed out that Calicut had owed its prosperity and
affluence to the mercantile enterprise of the Mappilas. The arrival of the Portuguese
and their selling method of articles changed the relation between the Portuguese and
the Zamorin in the Malabar region. The Portuguese became the enemies of the
Zamorin, and the Cochin Raja also followed a hostile policy and had refused to
recognize the suzerainty of Calicut, and to continue a cordial relationship with them.
So the Zamorin wanted to punish the Cochin Raja and informed his policy before the
council of nobles. He told them that an expedition against Cochin was inevitable to
punish its ruler.
96



93
C. Achyuta Menon, The Cochin State Manual, Cochin, 1911, pp. 64-66.

94
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), p.483.

95
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., (1979), p.5.

96
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1982), P. 486.

108
77
After the discussion of the council of Nobles and the Zamorin, they had the
plan to attack Cochin, both through land and sea. The Zamorin declared war against
Ponnani and his army confronted it while the fleet managed by the Mappilas, set sail
for Cochin for a blockade.
97
On 1
st
March 1503 the army of the Zamorin arrived at
Edappalli. His ships entered the backwaters of Cochin. Under the captainship of
Lorenzumorene the Portuguese defended the fort at Edappalli with the forces of
Cochin. But their attempts were in vain due to the heavy pressure of the army of the
Zamorin and the Portuguese forced to withdraw their forces. The Cochin army
suffered heavy loss of men and material, three princes being killed in the conflict.
The Cochin Raja and his forces suffered heavily due to the strong attack of the
mighty forces of the Zamorin. The Cochin Raja took refuge in the Saktam of the
Elamkunnapuzha temple. However, with the onset of the monsoon, the Zamorin
suspended his military operations for a period of three months and withdrew to
Cranganore
98
. In course of time, the Portugal King Dommanuel determined to send a
large fleet under the leadership of Albuquerque brothers, Francisco and Affonso. The
aim of the fleet was to build a fortress at Cochin for the protection of the agency and
merchandise there
99
. The brothers came to Quilon, and found that the King had gone
into the interior of the country for a war, which he was waging with the King of
Narasiya
100
. Varthema also has recorded the wars of the King and according to him
the King of this city was the friend of the King of Portugal when he was at war with

97
K. V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 170

98
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1972), p.181.

99
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., (1991), p.3.

100
The Commentaries of the great Affonso Albuquerque, Vol. I, p.9, quoted in
T.K.Velu Pillai, Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, p.136.


109
78
others
101
. The fleet arrived at Cochin before the Zamorin could resume his campaign
after monsoon.

Francisco reached first Cochin and drove towards the Zamorins forces. It was
a great relief for the Raja of Cochin. The Raja returned to his ancestral palace with
his Portuguese allies. For their better security, the Raja of Cochin allowed them to
build a fortress under his own direct supervision. With the erection of the Cochin
fort, the Raja virtually lost his freedom and became a puppet in the hands of the
Portuguese
102
. This was followed by the truce between the Zamorin and the
Portuguese arranged at the initiative of Francisco De Albuquerque. After some days,
the fleet of Affonso arrived at Cochin and the remaining troops of the Zamorin were
driven back from Cochin. They concluded a peace treaty by which the ruler of
Calicut agreed to pay 4000 cq.t of pepper annually to the Portuguese
103
. For the
Zamorin the war with the Cochin Raja ceased to be a local one of subduing a
rebellious vassal, but it developed into a war against European Imperialism
104
. The
war enhanced the prestige of the Raja of Cochin and his sovereignty was exercised
throughout his territory. The triumph of the Raja of Cochin with the support of the
Portuguese to increase their bargaining power in every part of Malabar by making
the local barons serve their trade interests. The arrival of Albuquerque and his policy
paved the way for more involvement of the Portuguese in trade and occupation
105
.

101
John Winter Jonese (Tr.), The Travels of Ludovico De Varthema, London, 1863,
p.184.

102
J.John Ovington, India in the 17
th
Century, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1984, pp.150-151.

103
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1979), pp. 355-360.

104
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.187.

105
H.K. Kaul, (ed.), A Cultural History of India, New Delhi, 1988, p.377.
110
79
After the arrival of Affonso Albuquerque, the Zamorin of Calicut changed the state of
affairs in India into a network consistently established through the Indian Ocean and
politically structured
106
. The alarming and rising power of the Raja of Cochin
earned the jealousy of the Zamorin of Calicut who prepared for another war against
the allied powers of the Portuguese and Cochin
107
. Before declaring war against
Cochin, the Zamorin imposed economic blockades on Cochin. The Zamorin
instructed the Muslim traders of Cochin not to import rice from the Eastern Coast to
Cochin. The Zamorin began his large scale military operations against Cochin in
March 1504. The aim of the expedition was to capture the newly constructed fort.
Drate Pachoco, the Portuguese Captain showed rare skill and ability in meeting the
crisis. In course of time, the local Muslims were terrorized into abject obedience.
During the initial stages of the expedition, the Zamorin arrested Muhammad
Marakkr, the leader of the Muslim traders, by which the Muslim traders were
compelled to blockade the rice import
108
.

The Calicut forces advanced through Edappalli to Kumbalam, from where
they decided to cross over the river Palluruti, south east of Cochin. The stream,
however, was too narrow for the Moorish ships to be deployed. Pacheo and the
Cochin Raja could freely deliver their attacks on the advancing enemy or rush to the
support of their own men wherever they seemed to give way to the movement of the
enemys army along the inner lines. The Zamorin made four determined attempts to
cross over to Cochin, every one was more fierce than the preceding one. All of them

106
K.S. Mathew (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), p.142.

107
Rev. G. U.Pope, A Text Book of Indian History, New Delhi, 1979, p.248.

108
R.S. Whiteway, Op.cit., (1899), p.98.

111
80
were successfully stalled and the Zamorin was forced to retreat from Cochin on 3
rd

July 1504
109
. In his victory, Pacheo and his one hundred comrades had earned an
eternal fame for their country and countrymen by the gallant protection of Cochin
against the mighty fifty thousand strong army men of the Zamorin
110
. As Pacheos
men rebelled, an additional fleet of Portuguese arrived at Cochin under Lopo Soares
in 1504. His fleet had 14 caravels. They proclaimed a blockade against the forces of
Zamorin at Cochin
111
. With Pacheos assistance on April 16, 1504 he attacked and
burnt Cranganore, at Cherruvai forty miles north of Cochin, the base of Zamorins
operations against Cochin. Historically, this attack was called the Battle of
Cherruvai
112
. The Raja of Cranganore shook off his allegiance to Calicut and
accepted Portuguese protection. It is said that during this war the Zamorin lost an
army, together with a considerable number of ships. The Portuguese thus obtained a
decisive victory
113
. According to O.K. Nambiar, the Zamorin of Calicut had lost
19,000 men and materials along with many ships
114
. With the capture of Cranganore,
the Portuguese won the first round of their designs in Malabar. Then peace was
obtained between the Portuguese and the Zamorin in 1504. But Cochin Rajas
ambition to become a leading ruler of Kerala was exploited by the Portuguese who
found in him a willing ally and a convenient tool
115
.

109
O.K. Nambiar, The Kunjalis, Admirals of Calicut, Bombay, 1963, p.45.

110
Surendaranath Sen, Op.cit., (1993), p.1.

111
Robert Sewell, Op.cit., (1982), p.92.

112
Francis Day, Op.cit., (1893), p.92.

113
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol. I, Madras, 1968, p.7.

114
O.K. Nambiar, Op.cit., (1963), p.45.

115
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1960), pp.55-60.
112
81
The failure of the Zamorin emboldened the Portuguese to insist on the
merchants, even in the kingdoms of friendly Cochin and Cannanore getting
Portuguese permits, to send their boats across the sea. Each ship, however small it
might be, was provided with a pass, for which the Portuguese fixed a certain fee. The
system of pass, introduced by the Portuguese impressed the inhabitants that the
system was to their advantage and thus induced them to submit to it
116
. The
imposition of Portuguese passes paralyzed the trading activities of the Kerala Coast.
This was the immediate effect of the Portuguese victory. The Portuguese could
achieve this by taking advantage of the dissensions that prevailed among the native
rulers, by their astute diplomacy and military (naval) power. The petty-minded Indian
native powers could not there realize the future consequences. Their aired ego to
become supreme over the other led to the rule mission of them to the foreign power.

Role of Portuguese Viceroys:
The Zamorins invasion opened the eyes of the King of Portugal to the
advantage of a permanent fleet at Cochin. The places like Anjedeva, Cannanore and
Cochin were selected to build fortresses.
117
For the sake of their administration, the
rulers of Portugal nominated their own representatives under the name of Viceroys.
In the year 1505, Dom Francisco-de-Almeida was appointed the first Viceroy of the
Portuguese possessions in the east
118
. He was sent from Portugal to India in order to
protect the Portuguese trade in the Malabar Coast
119
. Almeida was a nobleman of

116
Sheik Zain-ud-din, Op.cit., (1942), p.56.

117
Jose Nicolauda Fonseca An Historical and Archaelogical sketch of city of Goa,
New Delhi, 1986, p. 139.

118
Rev. G.U. Pope, Op.cit., (1979), p.249.

119
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Advanced History of India, New Delhi, 1986, p.437.
113
82
the illustrious rank. On his arrival in India, he earned the title Viceroy and certain
tasks were assigned to him to make the occupation of Portuguese a permanent one in
Malabar, and secure the East African Coast and break the Muslim power over the
seas
120
. The nobleman came with a larger fleet and 1500 soldiers
121
.

Almeidas appointment was a turning point in the relations between India and
the Portuguese. When Cabral returned to Lisbon, the Portuguese King realized that
the problem was either to send a large force and hold the seas or to give up dreams of
the Indian trades. This attempt was a partial success. But in the meantime,
Portuguese interests in India grew. The policy so far followed was to send out a fleet
every year in the hope that it would be able to destroy Indian shipping and enable the
Portuguese to secure monopoly of the Indian trade. This was found impossible
122
.
Moreover, seasonal winds occasionally prevented navigation, endangering the safety
of the isolated Portuguese factories. As a result, the king realized that it was
necessary to appoint a permanent representative in India, armed with authority to
initiate a stable and continuous policy and to build more fortresses in strategic places
in order to strengthen their position in India for the growth of commerce.
Accordingly, Dom Francisco Almeida sailed from Lisbon in March 1505, invested
with full power to wage wars and conclude treaties and regularize the commerce. He
reached Malabar in 1505 and followed a hostile policy towards the Zamorin and
Muslim traders. Almeida supported the ruler of Cochin against the Zamorin of

120
Sir William Hunter, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1899), pp. 120-121.

121
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Op.cit., (1986), p.437.

122
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1960), p.61.

114
83
Calicut. The control of sea trade now instituted became the chief source of
Portuguese wealth in the east.
123


Almeida landed in the island of Anjedeva and erected a fort there. Then he
proceeded to the Malabar Coast where he met the ruler of Cannanore on 24
th

October 1505 and obtained permission to build a port
124
. From Cannanore, Almeida
continued his journey to Cochin. At Cochin, he came to know that the Raja of
Cochin who was a close friend of the Portuguese had retired through the operation of
an old family custom by which the head of the royal family always retired as
Perumpadappu Muppu, while the Ilamura (first prince) ruled the country. After
the death of Perumpadappu Muppu, Unni Rama Koyil II, the generous patron of the
Portuguese was promoted to the Stanam. The second prince Munammura (the
third time) was in support of the Zamorin. Therefore, Almeida managed to secure
the installation of the third prince Nalummura (the fourth line) who was more
favourable to the Portuguese
125
. Almeida utilized the golden opportunity to secure
from the new Raja the right to build a new and strong fortress at Cochin.

The strength of the Portuguese position on the Kerala Coast alarmed the
Zamorin. Greatly agitated at the increase of Portuguese power, he made preparations
for another attempt to drive out the Portuguese from the Malabar Coast. The
Portuguese knew everything that was being done by the Zamorin. Almeida gathered

123
Harmoup Lally, The New Encyclopaedia Britannica in 30 Volumes, Vol. XIV,
Chicago, 1974, p. 869.

124
C.A. Innes & Evans (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), p.46.

125
A.P. Ibrahim Kunju, Op.cit., (1995), p.30.

115
84
information through Ludovico de Varthema an Italian spy
126
. The Zamorin prepared
and put a fleet of 200 vessels manned by the Turks and Arabs in action against the
Portuguese. In the month of March 1506 a Portuguese fleet destroyed with immense
loss of life, a large flotilla of small boats belonging to the Zamorin of Calicut. In
1507, an outrage was committed by the Portuguese to conduct a siege of their factory
at Cannanore. At the end of 1507, Almeida and Dacunha joined forces and again
attacked Calicut, with the same measure of success.
127
In course of time, the strength
of the forces of the Zamorin was conveyed by Varthema to the Portuguese camp. He
conveyed the news that a large naval force was equipped at Calicut, consisting of 200
small vessels, carrying guns cast by the Italians, meant as a convoy for a cargo fleet
going to Egypt
128
. In 1508, the Egyptian fleet of twelve ships and one thousand five
hundred men under Mir Hussain attacked the Portuguese. Almeida sent his son
Laurenco Almeida to attack the Calicut fleet on its way to Cannanore. The combined
fleet of the Zamorin and the Egyptians attacked the forces of Portuguese under
Laurenco Almeida
129
and in a stiff fight, the Portuguese fleet got dispersed and its
commander was killed
130
. The Egyptian victory was so decisive that the Portuguese
lost command of the sea for sometime. It was a severe blow to the Portuguese naval
prestige.

126
R.S. Whiteway, Op.cit., (1899), p.108.

127
Robert Sewell, Op.cit., (1982), p. 119.

128
R.C. Temple (ed.), The Itinerary of Ludovicodi Varthema of Selonga from 1502 -
1508, London, 1928, p.274.

129
Teotonio Rde Souza, Indo Portuguese History, New Delhi, 1985, p. 3.

130
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., (1991), pp.229-241.

116
85
On receipt of this disastrous news, the Viceroy swore revenge and he took
over the command of the fleet. He was very much worried and infuriated by the death
of his son
131
. He prepared a plan and started towards the north with a new Armada
which consisted of eighteen ships and one thousand and two hundred men.
Meanwhile, the combined forces of the Zamorin and the Egyptians failed to keep
watch on the activities of the Portuguese. Moreover, there arose a quarrel between
Egyptian Amir Hussain and the Malik Ayas of the Zamorin. In course of time, the
commanders of Indian and Egyptian navy did not show any interest to repair the
damaged vessels and improve arms and ammunitions. The forces of Almeida reached
Diu on 2
nd
February 1509 and a long and stubborn battle was fought on 3
rd
February
to decide and to who should have the command of the Indian waters, Egypt or
Portugal. On 5
th
February 1509, the Viceroy attacked the Egyptian fleet courageously
and in the end, the Indo-Egyptian forces were routed
132
. After an indecisive
engagement, the Egyptian fled, leaving the Portuguese to be the masters of the
Arabian Sea. The Portuguese victory of Diu left them free to pursue any oceanic
policy they desired and laid firm foundation of the European mastery of the Eastern
waters which continued for over 400 years
133
.

The Zamorin learnt a better lesson from the war and his failure in spite of the
fact that the Indo- Egyptian forces led him to change his tactics. He realized that
though his sea men were bolder and impetuous, their attainments were no substitute
for the superior gunnery and disciplined joint action of the enemy. He sought to

131
R.S.Whiteway, Op.cit., (1899), p.118.

132
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., (1991), pp.229-41.

133
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1971), p.43.

117
86
overcome this handicap by avoiding a pitched battle. In course of time, Almeida the
Portuguese Viceroy left Calicut in 1509, and Affonso de Albuquerque under the title
of Governor assumed charge as his successor on Sunday the 5
th
November 1509
134
.
He wanted to complete the work of his predecessor during his tenure. Albuquerque
made a definite attempt to consolidate the Portuguese power in the East. As a wise
statesman, he clearly realized the danger involved in the policy of Almeida to hinge
on the strength of the fleet which was immobilized and also put out of action. He
knew that the rainy season was not suitable for navigation because of the storms. The
Viceroy understood that unless they made themselves masters of the strategic points,
their supremacy would slip away from the eastern trade. He calculated that a small
nation like Portugal could maintain its hold over India only by winning the sympathy
of the indigenous population. The officials insisted on an immediate attack on
Calicut. So he was engaged in one of his earliest acts to lay siege to Zamorins palace
at Calicut in January 1510. The task was entrusted to a new fleet that had just arrived
under Marshal Cutinho, with specific instructions to destroy the power of Calicut.
The Portuguese soldiers attacked and captured the palace and after plundering, set it
ablaze and its town. In the fierce attack of the forces of Zamorin that followed there
after, the native soldiers drove the Portuguese back to their ships
135
. In the course of
the attack, Albuquerque was seriously wounded during the retreat. His flag bearer
was killed and the Marshal Cutinho died in fighting.


134
Frederick Charles Danvers, The Portuguese in India being a History of the Rise
and Decline of Their Eastern Empire, Vol. I, London, 1894, p.182.

135
Morse Stephens, Rulers of India Albuquerque, Oxford, 1897, pp. 30-31.

118
87
Albuquerque sailed for Cochin and on the way he invaded Ponnani and killed
about seventy Muslims
136
. The defeated Portuguese felt that Albuquerque should
approach Krishnadeva Raya, the Hindu ruler of the Vijayanagar Empire for help
against the Zamorin
137
. His main aim was to receive the assistance of Krishnadeva
Raya against the Zamorin of Calicut
138
. The Vijayanagar ruler was not in a position
to oblige the Portuguese though Krishnadeva Raya wished to maintain friendship with
the Portuguese
139
. It was becoming clearer day by day to Albuquerque that the fight
against Calicut was not in the interests of Portugal, but would help the interests of the
Rajas of Cochin and Cannanore. In the mean time, the Portuguese Governor
captured Goa and erected a fort there
140
. On hearing this, the Zamorin sent his
ambassadors to Goa, extending friendship and offering a site within his kingdom for
the construction of a fortress. In course of time, the Portuguese began to follow a
policy of confrontation instead of a friendly approach. Albuquerque intrigued against
the reigning Zamorin and established a secret agreement with the heir apparent to
poison the Zamorin
141
. Then they agreed to sign a treaty on 24
th
December 1513.
Accordingly, the Portuguese were free to import all kinds of merchandise to Calicut
and were allowed to purchase spices and drugs at concessional prices. Moreover,

136
Sheikh Zain-ud-din, Op.cit., (1833), p.58.

137
M.H.Ram Sharma, The History of Vijayanagar Empire: Beginnings and
Expansion 1308-1569, Bombay, 1978, p.115.

138
T.V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life Under Vijayanagar Empire,
Part I, Administration, Madras, 1969, p.181.

139
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Op.cit., (1986), p. 421.

140
Mahammad Habibe, Khabiq Ahamad Nizami (ed.), A Comprehensive History of
India (1206-1526), Vol. V, New Delhi, p.1074.

141
Elaine Sanueau, Indian Adventure, The Amazing Career of Alfonso Albuquerque,
London, 1936, p.227.

119
88
they were allowed to build a fort in Calicut on a site of their own choice
142
. Thus, the
treaty made the Muslim merchants to take passes from the Portuguese captains for
their navigation on the high seas
143
. Under the provisions of this treaty, the
Portuguese promised to help the Zamorin in his wars against Cochin and Cranganore.
The treaty of 1513 was a great triumph of Portuguese diplomacy
144
. The Zamorin of
Calicut, says a Muhammadan historian, rolled up the carpet of destruction and
pursued the path of friendship with foreigners
145
. As has already been seen, the
Portuguese relations with Calicut worsened in 1500 and became somewhat friendly
only by 1513, when a factory was established there
146
. The treaty of 1513 was short
lived and was soon broken with the death of the Zamorin. When the latter made the
new Zamorin a friendly visit to their fort, they did not honour the passes they had
given to his merchants. Moreover, they instigated the Cochin Raja to raid his
dominions. The intrigue of Cochin Raja was an important factor that prevented the
good relations between the Zamorin and the Portuguese. The Mappilas in turn,
began their guerilla warfare. Open clashes between the Portuguese and the Mappilas
became a daily occurrence in the streets of Calicut. Thus the Zamorin and the
Portuguese gradually drifted into open war
147
.


142
Edward Thornton, A Gazetteer of the East India Company, Delhi, 1984, p.176.

143
N.H. Moreland, From Akbar to Aurangazeb, A Study in Indian Economic History,
London, 1923, p.9.

144
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), pp.365-366.

145
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1971), p.81.

146
K.S. Mathew, Portuguese Trade with India in the Sixteenth Century, New Delhi,
1983, p.145.

147
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp.192-93.

120
89
As long as Albuquerque lived, everything went off well. But, after his death
in 1515, the Portuguese followed the old hostility under Lopsoraz the new Viceroy.
He was a determined opponent to the policy of Albuquerque. He brought back all the
Portuguese officials whom Albuquerque had expelled for gross corruption, disloyalty
or lack of political ability. His successor was, Diogo Loper De Sequiera during his
period, the Raja of Cochin created a rupture by invading certain territories belonging
to the Zamorins feudatories. In the war against Calicut Sequiera with the help of
Cochin forces invaded Cherruvai in 1521
148
. But the campaign went fully in favour
of the Zamorin. Though in the military sense, the war went against Cochin, the Raja
succeeded in embroiling Calicut with the Portuguese
149
. At the end of the war,
Zamorins attitude towards the Portuguese underwent a change. Zamorin lost all faith
in the professions of friendship of the Portuguese.

The new Governor Duarte De Menezes assumed office in 1522
150
. During his
tenure there were open clashes between the Portuguese and the Mappilas but not of
very serious consequences. On the Coast the Mappilas were industrious and skilful
in trade and craft.
151
Thought for some time they could not be supreme, they
recovered fully exploited the unfriendly situation of the Zamorin with the Portuguese
to their advantage. The Arabs and the Muslim merchants of Calicut maintained a
continuous commercial intercourse with the Red Sea. However, they neglected the
Portuguese relations. The Mappilas captured 10 Portuguese vessels and raided the

148
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), pp.109-10.

149
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1971), pp.90-91.

150
F.C. Danvers, Op.cit., (1894), p. 2.

151
Malabar Collectorate Records, Serial No. 24562, Vol. 4033-1, p.29.

121
90
Cochin port and attacked Cranganore under the leadership of KuttiAli of Tanur
152
. It
was at this time that the Portugal King realized the need of a strong man to restore
order in India. In 1524, Vasco-da-Gama reached Goa as the Viceroy of the
Portuguese possessions, invested with full power and authority of that distinguished
office
153
. He issued a proclamation at Goa, prohibiting private trade and ordered the
confiscation of all ships that navigated the seas without his permission. Thereafter
reaching Cochin, he saw the ships of Calicut sailing everywhere without any
acknowledgement of Portuguese authority. He sent out several expeditions against
the Muslim seamen of Malabar and took the wealthy merchants fleet at Kappad
under the ablest Portuguese seaman Martin Affonso D Soura
154
. Soura defeated the
older and younger KuttiAlis
155
. Gama lived only three months and died on 24
th

December 1524 in Cochin and was buried in the present St. Francis Church in that
town. Vasco-da-Gama was succeeded by Henrique de Menezes (1524-1527). One of
his first acts was to order the execution of Balia Hassan and this strained the relations
of the Portuguese with the Kolattiri. During his term of office, there was a grim
struggle between the Portuguese and the Zamorins for the command of the sea. The
Kunjali Marakkars, the Admirals of the Zamorins fleet, came to limelight during
this fight.


152
Kutti Ali was a wealthy Muhammedan of Tanur and entered into partnership with
the Portuguese. The trade policy of Portuguese highly opposed the policy of
natives. So Kutti Ali made alliance with other victims of Portuguese injustice
and rebelled against their activities. R.S. Whiteway, Op.cit., p.196.

153
Innes & Evans, Op.cit., (1997), p.48.

154
R.S. Whiteway, Op.cit., (1899), p.196.

155
Faria Y.Souza, Portuguese Asia, Vol. I, (Tra-cap, Stevens), London, 1965,
pp.281-282.

122
91
Kunjali Marakkars:
Kunjalis were originally Cochin Mappilas. In due course, the Cochin Raja
had cordial relations with the Portuguese, who moved to the Mappila centre of
Ponnani. After that they joined the service of the Zamorin.
156
The Kunjalis who
were admirals of the Zamorin were the leaders of this resistance. The word Kunjalis
corresponds to Well Beloved. According to tradition, the Kunjalis were marine
merchants. They were also called Marakkars, which means navigators of ships.
157

Originally marine merchants of Cochin, they left for Ponnani in the Zamorins
dominion when the Portuguese came to Cochin and got favours from the Raja. The
Zamorin took them into his service and eventually they became the Admirals of the
Calicut fleet. The Kunjalis chose the very best men to the navy. Kutti Ali was one
among them. Kutti Ali, for the sake of Zamorin, attacked the Portuguese ships, and
made heavy loss to them. He followed two techniques of fighting against the
Portuguese. He used eight fast moving armed boats to attack the heavy Portuguese
vessels and guerilla warfare adjourning hit and run tactics. In order to curb the
activities of KuttiAli, Lopo vaz de Sampayo (1526-1529), the Governor of
Portuguese, attacked KuttiAlis forces and captured him as a prisoner. Kunjali
Marakkars then attacked the Portuguese possessions in Ceylon and the East Coast.
Then came the new Viceroy Nuno da Curha. He erected a fort at Chaliyam and
garrisoned it with Portuguese troops. The Chaliyam fort was very much helpful to the
Portuguese and from there they attacked the Zamorin. In the Kunjali Marakkars
family, after the death of KuttiAli, Kunjali II took his place, and attacked the

156
Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, Madras, 1976, pp. 68-69.

157
Krishna Chaitanya , Op.cit., (1994), p. 75.

123
92
Portuguese ships from all directions. He made unholy alliance with the Portuguese
and in January 1540 turned against his former allies, the Kunjalis.
158


In 1570 the Zamorin declared war against the Portuguese and laid siege one of
their important ports name called the port of Chaliyam. The ruler of Calicut gained
the assistance of Adilkhan of Bijapur and Nizam Shah of the Ahamadnagar and the
Parappanad Raja. Meanwhile, the second Kunjali died and was succeeded by the
third Kunjali Marakkar Pathu Marakkar Kunjali. He was a great hero. While the
Zamorin blockaded Chaliyam by land PuthuMarakkar Kunjali cut it off by sea.
Lastly the Portuguese surrendered the port of Chaliyam. The Zamorin very much
impressed the courage, strength of the Marakkar. Due to his tedious work of the
Marakkar at Chaliyam, he gave him permission to construct Puthuppattanam.
159


The town of Kodungallur or Cranganore is situated near the sea on the right
bank of the Periyar River. The river was used for the purpose of smuggling pepper.
The Raja of Cochin was anxious to throw the assistance of the Portuguese in the
event of the success of the Portuguese would have a factory there. The Zamorin
induced to make another attempt to evacuate the Portuguese, and marched a large
army in 1534 to Kodungallur and Vaippin, where he was joined by the chief of
Edappalli with his men. The Portuguese got the assistance of the King of Cochin
against the Zamorin with 20,000 Nayars, and succeeded in defending the passes. At
the close of the year, reinforcements arrived from Lisbon and Goa, whereupon the
Zamorin retired, and the Portuguese marched to Edappalli, plundered and burnt the

158
Bhatt. S.C. Gopal K Bhargava, (ed.), Land and People of Indian States Union
Territories in 35 Volumes, Vol. 14, New Delhi, 2005, p. 25.

159
I.K.K. Menon, Kunhali Marakkar, Calicut, 1998, pp. 19-20.

124
93
town. In that manner, the Portuguese strongly established their hold in Kodungallur
and to prevent the interference of the Zamorin as well as the smuggling of pepper,
they built a tower in 1535.
160
G. De Megalhaes Teixeiro Pinto, Chief Judge of Goa,
ascribes the failure of the Portuguese to the following five factors.
The great extent of the line of forts which annually drained a large amount of
money.
The Portuguese monopoly in the field of commerce largely affected the native
commerce.
Religious fanaticism.
The selection of Goa as the capital due to the bad policy of Albuquerque.
The bad and corrupt administrative system paved the way for slavery and
immoral trade.
161

Owing to the advent of the Dutch and the British, a new challenge was faced
by the Portuguese. The Dutch and the British ambition were to break the cartoz
system in the Indian Ocean. Owing to the liberal trade policy of the North European
powers the Portuguese lost its economic prosperity.
162


The foregone study tells that the landing of Vasco-da-Gama at Kappad near
Calicut was an epoch-making event that changed the course of the history of the
Asian sub-Continent and Europe. Europe, until then a trading partner in the Malabar
Coast, was very much thrown open to the wealth of the waters. The Portuguese, the
first to enter in this treasure hunt, were very ambitious and wanted to have the total

160
V.T. Induchudan, The Golden Tower, Trichur, 1971, pp. 7.

161
D. Pant, Commercial Policy of the Moguls, Delhi, 1978, pp. 120-121.

162
Marget Frenz, From Contact to Conquest Transition to British rule in Malabar
1790-1805, New Delhi, 2003, p. 69.
125
94
monopoly of trade with Calicut, by evicting the traditional traders, the Arabs and the
Egyptians. In their firing zeal and avariciousness, they forced the friendly Zamorin to
be unfriendly. In addition, they took sides with the Raja of Cochin, when they found
the Zamorin reluctant to grant whatever they demanded. This led to battles, loss of
lives, destruction of property and the friendly alliance.

Had the Portuguese been diplomats, they would not have suffered reversals
and eviction by the successor European powers. Their use of power, weapons, and
corrupt methods was not in their favour. Added to this was the ambitious King of
Portugal, who, this scholar thinks was to amass the whole treasure of the East at one
stroke. Perhaps he was not given to understand the reality or he was misinformed by
his subordinates. While reading the records one can understand that he was not
diplomatic but militant. The policy at home reflects through their officers in the
Malabar Coast. Even for minor matters, they lost their patience, got wild and
attacked and destroyed the enemy camps, burnt the cities and wrought heavy loss. By
destroying the native ruler, they destroyed themselves and gave way to other
European powers to enter Calicut. The Portuguese were followed by the Dutch who
were able to overcome the Portuguese influence and the kingdom witnessed a span of
the Dutch impact.
126
95
CHAPTER IV
ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE DUTCH

The Dutch East India Company arrived at Calicut towards the end of the 16
th

century. At a time when the Zamorin was confronted with the enmity of the
Portuguese, he was in search of a reliable ally. The Dutch arrival proved to be a
blessing in disguise. It paved the way for a new alliance between the Zamorin and the
Dutch Company. Before the arrival of the Dutch in Calicut, the Portuguese had been
playing a vital role in the field of trade enjoying monopoly, outwitting the Arabs and
the Moorish traders. But at the end of the 16
th
century, the Portuguese did not
concentrate on their commercial interest in Calicut because they faced stiff resistance
from the native rulers and the Muslim merchants. The decline of the Portuguese
maritime power encouraged the Dutch to attack their possessions in the East.
1
The
Dutch contact with the kingdom on the Coast of the Malabar was not only for
commercial benefits but also for acquiring monopoly in pepper trade. Therefore, the
Dutch diverted their attention towards Kerala
2
. From then onwards, they turned their
attention from the Malabar Coast to Brazil for purposes of trade and wealth. After
the capture of Brazil for the purposes of trade and wealth the Portuguese neglected
Kerala, especially Calicut though their factories were situated on the Malabar Coast.
They hoped that Brazil was more prosperous than Kerala and they could make more
profits from there. Under these circumstances, the arrival of the Dutch in Calicut

1
K.M. Panikkar, Malabar and the Portuguese, Bombay, 1929, pp. 197 203.

2
Admiral, G.A. Ballard, Rulers of the Indian Ocean, London, 1927, pp.197-198.

127
96
marked the dawn of changes in the commercial history of Calicut.
3
In the middle of
the 17
th
century, the Dutch became the foremost trading nation in the world.
4


Arrival of the Dutch at Calicut:
The Dutch expanded their commercial venture in India after the defeat of the
Spanish Armaeda in 1588. Owing to the growth of Dutch merchants among different
groups of the natives, they formed the trading company in the name of Dutch East
India Company in 1592.
5
Before the arrival of the Dutch East India Company in
Calicut, they had landed on important places of India. Adopting the Portuguese
system, the Dutch ousted the Portuguese from the Indian Waters, and established a
much more effective monopoly over the supply lines of Asian commodities.
6
They
appointed their own private secretaries to control the territories of Indian trade. They
clearly surveyed the position of their places and reported the growth of the company
activities to their country. In the year 1603, the Dutch sent an expedition under their
Dutch Admiral Steven Van Der Hagen, who visited Calicut and entered into an
agreement with the Indian power.
7
Vanhischeten, one of the private secretaries of the
Dutch East India Company in Goa, inspired the natives to conduct voyages to their
native country in the East, and formed the Dutch East India Company in Goa on 24
th

March 1604. Its main aim was to carry on trade as well as to fight against the barriers

3
John William Kaye, The Administration of East India Company, London, 1853,
p.60.

4
C.R. Boxer, The Dutch Sea borne Empire, 1600 1800, London, 1965, p.187.

5
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1929), p.184.


6
Dietmar Rothermund, Asian Trade and European Expansion in the age of
Mercantilism, New Delhi,1981, p.12.

7
A. Galletti (ed.), Selection from the Records of Madras Government Dutch Record,
No. 13, Madras, 1911, p. 6.

128
97
to their trade activities.
8
On the above guidance, the first Dutch fleet started its
journey in 1595 to the East. It consisted of fourteen ships. Thus expansion the first
voyage to the East opened the new vistas of their commercial expansion and activities
later in the East.
9
Here, the Dutch East India Company was called Vereeing-de Ooast
Indische Campaigne. It was otherwise known as Voc.
10
In the Malabar Coast, the
United Dutch East India Company took interest in trade and was incorporated in
1602.
11
After the formation of the Dutch East India Company in 1602, it fleets visited
the ports of Kerala and entered in to contracts with local rulers.
12
The pepper markets
of Kerala and the importing trading centers the Dutch main aim was to monopolies its
trade and commerce.
13
In 1603, the Dutch Admiral Steven Van Der Hagen, with
armed merchant men sailed under the order of a new company to visit Malabar,
particularly the Zamorins territory.
14
They appeared near the Coast of Kerala with 13
ships in 1604.
15
On 11
th
November 1604 they entered into an offensive and defensive

8
M.S. Naravane, The Maritime and Coastal Port of India, New Delhi, (1998), p.153.

9
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1971), p.180.

10
M.O. Koshy, The Dutch Power in Kerala, 1729 1758, New Delhi, 1989, p.12.

11
A. Sreedhara Menon, Indian History, Part II, 1988, p.108.

12
M.O. Koshy, The Second Expedition of the Dutch East India Company to Kerala,
1661-1662, Proceedings of the South Indian History Congress, 21 Session,
Chennai, 1999, p. 399.

13
M.O. Koshy, Dutch Conquest of Kerala compulsions and considerations,
Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 57 Session, Calcutta, 1997,
pp. 239-241.

14
M.S. Naravane, Op.cit., (1998), p.153.

15
Sukhdev SinghChile, Op.cit., (1988), p.14.

129
98
alliance with the then Zamorin.
16
During their visit, the interest of the Dutch East
India Company on the Eastern Coast was always stronger. The arrival of the Dutch
vessels in the Oriental ports gave a new outlook in the history of Calicut, because the
Portuguese followed a treacherous policy and created problems for the native rulers.
Through their policy of intimidation, they made an alliance with other powers and
opposed their enemies. In the mean time, they protected their trade interests through
their divide and rule policy. Indeed, the arrival of the Dutch in the Eastern ports
gave a shock to the imperialistic policy of the Portuguese in the West Coast of India.
17


Political Condition of Calicut at the Arrival of the Dutch:
In the political history of the Zamorins, the arrival of the Dutch East India
Company was more momentous than that of the Portuguese. From the very beginning
the Portuguese created total confusion, political, commercial and military. Later, they
involved in the administration of the native kingdoms through the support of their
military power and its activities. From the very beginning, the Zamorins wanted to
establish cordial relations with the Portuguese. Due to the growth of their commercial
activities, rivalry arose between the Portuguese and the Zamorins. However, though
they made an agreement among themselves and sometimes they violated the rules and
regulations of the truce in Calicut region. In course of time, those native warring
chieftains who did not like the supremacy of the Zamorins, tried to forge alliances

16
J.K.J.De Jonge, Deopkomst Van Het Nedar Land Ach Gezazin Coast India, 1595
1610, III, Amsterdam, 1865, pp.204 205.

17
Henry C. Morris, The History of Colonisation, Vol. I, London, 1908, p.310.


130
99
with the aliens.
18
When the Portuguese supported the petty chiefs against the Zamorin
there was no other way to protect his position but fight the Portuguese.

Zamorins Permission to the Dutch:
In the troubled times, the Dutch waited for the golden opportunity against the
Portuguese. The Zamorin was ready to support any power other than the Portuguese.
In this critical situation, the Dutch East India Company entered Calicut under the first
Dutch Admiral Steven Van Der Hagen in 1604.
19
He was warmly received by the
Zamorin who made a treaty with the Dutch. This treaty was significant because it was
the first political agreement entered into between the Dutch and the Zamorins.
20
The
aim of this treaty was to expel the Portuguese form the territories of His Highness
and rest of India.
21
On the basis of this commercial treaty, the Zamorin granted trade
facilities to the Dutch in Calicut. Then the Dutch got the opportunity to build a port in
Calicut in order to further expand their trade activities. The Dutch strongly established
their hold over Calicut following the expulsion of the Portuguese. Eventually,
however, the Company made a great demonstration of naval and military power by
the conquest of Portuguese fortifications in Malabar during the years from 1661 to
1663.
22
The alliance between the Zamorin and the Dutch had no chance of

18
P.K. Abdulla Off Prints Monograph on History of Kerala Sources and Problems
of Business History Kerala from 1600 to 1900, Director of Archives, Kerala, p.1.

19
Philip Baladaeus, A Description of East India Coasts of Malabar, Delhi, 1996,
p. 627.

20
Krishna Chaitanya, Op.cit., (1979), p.26.

21
K.K.N. Kurup, History of the Tellicherry Factory, 1683-1794, Calicut, 1985, p.18.

22
T.I. Poonen, A Survey of the Rise of the Dutch Power in Malabar, 1603 1678,
Trichinopoly, 1948, p. 15.

131
100
crystallizing into an abiding friendship. They were not bound by any common object
or ideals except their enmity to the Portuguese.
23


The Dutch, in fact, inaugurated an era of severe competition and extended
their colonial rivalry in contemporary Europe.
24
They established a factory at
Masulipatnam in 1605 and continued their influence on the East Coast.
25
Three
years after the treaty Paulas Van Cae-rden arrived at Calicut when he confirmed the
treaty again.
26
On 8th October 1608, Admiral Verhoff arrived at Calicut and after five
days, on 13
th
October 1608, they helped the Zamorin expel the Portuguese from the
territory of the Zamorin. Later, the Zamorin agreed to give protection to the Dutch
ships which were expected to arrive shortly from Bantam.
27
Moreover, the Dutch
Admiral promised the Zamorin to provide two ships at Goa, two at Cochin and the
remaining two at Calicut to oppose the Portuguese. But the Admiral stressed the need
for more power and importance in his hands in the East to implement fully the
promise to the Zamorin.
28
The treaty between the Zamorins and Verhoff gave a new
fillip to the history of the relations between the Zamorins and the Dutch East India
Company at Calicut.





23
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.220.

24
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1985), p.18.

25
Sukhdev Singh Chile, Op.cit., (1988), p.14.

26
Dutch Treaties, MSS, 23375, 118 of Madras Record Office, p.129.

27
J.K.J. DeJonge, Op.cit., (1865), III, pp.278 279.

28
Dutch Treaties, MSS, 23375, 118 of Madras Record Office, p.129.

132
101
Importance of the Year 1610:
In 1610, three Dutch ships came to Calicut and, at that time also, they
concluded a treaty. The common feature of this treaty was that both the parties agreed
to resist the Portuguese. The most important feature of the treaty of 1610 was that the
Dutch would build a lodge and pay 2% toll on imports and exports, and all the
merchants carry free trade with the Dutch.
29
In course of time, the Dutch knew the
real position of their enemies and they wanted to resist them through a mighty army.
The Dutch also indulged in the game of playing the local principalities against one
another. Another Dutchman Van Den Broekke visited the sovereign of Zamorin in
1616 under instructions from the Dutch Governor General at Batavia. The son of the
Zamorin interviewed Vanden Broekke and the Dutch was now seriously thinking of
expelling the Portuguese from the province of Malabar and to make an alliance with
the rulers and princes of Kerala.
30
But it did not materialize immediately because
each prince quarrelled with the neighbouring rulers and princes. In fact, they allied
themselves with one against another and, therefore, their common interest was buried
in brutal activities.

Dutch Zamorin Portuguese:
The Dutch were thinking of the possibilities of expelling the Portuguese from
the coast of Kerala. The Portuguese were the common enemy of both the Dutch and
the English. The causes of their enmity were closer to the two nations and they
wanted to have a united fleet to safeguard their commercial interests. So the Dutch
and the English signed a treaty in 1619 and resolved to act against the Portuguese in

29
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 126.

30
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1959), p.239.

133
102
Malabar.
31
In October 1621 at Batavia the United Council of Defence took the
important decision on the question of joint action against the Portuguese possessions
on the Malabar Coast.
32
But it could not attain its real intention. So the Dutch
continuously fought against the Portuguese through the support of the good will of the
local sovereigns. Finally, the Dutch overthrew the English from the spice archipelago
in 1623.
33


Amboyna Massacre:
The hostilities between the Dutch and the Portuguese continued. The Zamorin
did not want the interference of the Portuguese in the Malabar Coast. Many
unwanted practices occurred in the territory of the Zamorin. For instance, in 1625, a
massacre occurred in the Zamorin territory at Calicut, called Amboyna Massacre. At
that time, the army of the Zamorins was engaged in a war with Cochin. The Zamorin
sent a delegate on board to request Vansepult to go to Cherruvai to meet the Zamorin.
Then he asked him to review the formal treaties of the Dutch and continued their
military supremacy against the enemy army of the Zamorin.
34
In 1625 Vansepult
visited the court of the Zamorin Kingdom and gained permission to establish a factory
in his dominion and undertook to deliver 300 candies of pepper annually to the Dutch.
They prepared the draft of the formal treaty. But there was heavy resistance from the
Arab merchants.
35
Generally, the Dutch had a twofold interest in this region. In the

31
Ashin Das Gupta & M.N. Pearson (ed.), Op.cit., (1987), p.114.

32
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1979), p.215.

33
Brian Gardner, The East India Company, London, 1971, p.39.

34
T.I. Poonen, Op.cit., (1948), p.54.

35
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.159.

134
103
first place, their scope was mainly trade. Secondly, Goa, the Portuguese town, was on
this coast. So the Dutch wanted to establish their authority in the West Coast.

This interest of the Dutch led to the dash of arms. The subsequent battles
highly affected the Portuguese in Malabar. Their position steadily deteriorated and
lost the bulk of their trade. Consequently, the Dutch stepped into the shoes of the
Portuguese. A little later the Dutch negotiated a treaty in 1642 with Siam Baatschery
Vaubaar the king of Purakkad.
36
By the treaty, the Raja supplied pepper and ginger
to the Dutch and the latter agreed to reciprocate to help the Raja. Later, the Raja of
Kayamkulam and the Dutch concluded a treaty which granted permission to the
Dutch to establish a factory there.

Golden Century of the Dutch:
The Dutch called the 17
th
century their Golden Century, The two decades
from 1650 to 1670 were the period of unprecedented prosperity.
37
In 1658, the Dutch
captured Quilon, the fortress of the Portuguese. Tangasseri, another port of the
Portuguese, fell into the hands of the Dutch in 1661.
38
The foremost aim of the Dutch
to establish a strong foundation at Cranganore in 1662 after that attempted on the
conquest of Cochin.
39
The Portuguese aim was to capture the fort of Cranganore.
Therefore the Portuguese soldiers fought bravely with the courage and energy. At the
same the strong attack of the Dutch the Portuguese was not able to stand in front of

36
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. III, (1979), p.25.

37
DietMar Rothermund, Op.cit., (1981), p.29.

38
P.K. Krishna Menon (ed.), Indian History, Vol. XLIII, Part. I, Trivandrum, 1975,
p.261.

39
A.J. Churchill, A Collection of Voyages and Travels, London, 1732, III,
pp. 565-566.

135
104
the Dutch soldiers. Many of the Portuguese wounded and killed. The Dutch force
returned with great joy and pleasure.
40
The Dutch lost two captains Poolman and
Schulenberg and eighty soldiers. Finally the town of Cranganore fell in to hands of
the Dutch forces on January 1662.
41
The last expedition of the Dutch against the
Portuguese was in 1663, which resulted in the complete expulsion of the Portuguese
from Kerala with the fall of the Portuguese, the star of Portugal completely
disappeared.
42


Before the capture of Cochin the Dutch army had arrived at Cochin under
Jacob Hustask on 25
th
October 1662. Cochin too fell into their hands in 1663. But
successes of the Dutch were short lived, for the entry of the British. In 1662, the
English East India Company appeared on the scene to begin commercial activities in
the Zamorins dominions.
43
It paved the way for the United Dutch East India
Company to strongly establish their power in Kerala.
44
They wanted to have peace
with the Portuguese. In the mean time, a war of succession broke out between the
Ilaya Tavazhi and the Mutha Tavazhi of the Cochin royal family. Finally, the Ilaya
Tavazhi usurped the throne with the support of the Portuguese and the deposed prince
of the Mutha Tavazhi was advised by the Paliyam chief to negotiate with the Dutch
Company to expel the Portuguese from Cochin. Besides, they got the active support


40
S. Parameswara Aiyar, (ed.), Patappattu, The Sri Mulam Malayalam Series, No.V,
Trivandrum, 1921, pp. 1721.

41
John Nieuhoff, Voyages and Travels in to Brazil and East Indies, London, 1703,
II, pp. 253-254.

42
Admiral G.A. Ballard, Op,cit., (1927), p.197.

43
Malabar Commission 1793, Foreign Miscellaneous, Vol.55, p.7.

44
Show Case Records (Mal.), Kerala Fort Archives, Record No.18, p.45.

136
105
of the other rulers of Kerala. The Zamorins also supported. The local Rajas of the
principalities of Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur strongly supported the real successor
of the Cochin Raja.
45
With the support of the native rulers along with the powerful
Zamorin of Calicut, they could easily drive the Portuguese out of the fort of Cochin.

Zamorin Dutch Cochin:
When the Dutch captured Cochin from the Portuguese, the Zamorin was the
most powerful ruler on the Malabar Coast. The Zamorin earlier made an attempt to
capture the port of Cochin from the hands of the native rulers. But, it failed because
of the support of the Portuguese to the Cochin Rajas. On the basis of that the Dutch
gained more privileges in Calicut.
46
The capture of Cochin by the Dutch in 1663
with the help of the Zamorin led to the cordial relation between them. The Zamorin,
whose eyes were already set on Cochin, wanted to gain control over Cochin with help
of the Dutch. The Dutch were given permission to erect a fort at Purakkad.
47
But in
the attack of Cochin, the Dutch Admiral Vander Meyden had already captured
Palliport, Cannanore and Quilon. On the eve of the attack on Cochin the Dutch
Admiral Vangoens signed a new treaty with the Zamorin. By this treaty, the Dutch
secured an exclusive right for the purchase of pepper in the Calicut territory in
exchange for the island of Vaippin.
48
The significance of the treaty was that Cochin
became the vassal of Calicut. After the expulsion of the Portuguese from Cochin, the
Zamorin demanded the island of Vaippin. But the Dutch refused to hand it over to the

45
K.M.Panikkar, Op.cit., (1959), p.197.

46
Dutch Treaties, in Mackenzie, MSS., pp-324-325.

47
Showcase Records (Mal.), Kerala Fort Archives, Record No. 15

48
P.E. Pieris, (ed.), The Dutch Power in Ceylon, London, 1973, p.242.

137
106
Zamorin.
49
Moreover, they also refused to surrender Cannanore to the Zamorin.
50

They did not honour any of the promises they had made to the Zamorin. Such a
behaviour of the Dutch strained the relation between the Zamorin and the Dutch.

After the capture of Cochin, the Dutch wanted to evacuate the Portuguese
from the possession of Cranganore. In January 1663, there was an understanding
between the Dutch and the Zamorin for evacuating the Portuguese from the Port of
Cranganore and handing it over to the Zamorin.
51
After their evacuation in 1663, the
Dutch wanted to take all the centers for free trade.
52
On the other hand, the Zamorin
thought that the free trade policy was not suitable for his country. So all the centers of
free trade were, however, stopped by the Zamorin. His argument was that the Dutch
had taken away his right of free trade and voyage on the sea which brought little or no
gain to the inhabitants and, thereby to him. Therefore, he began to seize the European
centers in violation of the treaties. In March 1664, the Dutch were in a position to
negotiate a second treaty.
53
This brought to an end the friendship between the
Zamorin and the Dutch. The hostile attitude of the Zamorin and the Dutch was
judged by the scholars that it was risky for the Zamorin to possess the fort of
Cranganore.
54




49
P.K.S.Raja, Op.cit., (1953), p.152.

50
K.V.Krishna Ayyar, A Short History of Kerala, Coimbatore, 1968, p.107.

51
Malabar Collectorate Records, V. 2314 General No. 20679, p. 63.

52
Admiral G.A.Ballard, Op.cit., (1927), p. 197.

53
P.N. Chopra, Op.cit., Vol. III, (1979), p.28.

54
Ibid., p.180.
138
107
Contract of Peace and Friendship Between the Zamorin and the Dutch:
In order to overcome the hostile situation, both the parties agreed to a peace
and friendship treaty. The provisions of this agreement are:
Honble King and the King of Cochin there shall be between the King
Zamorin and the Honble Company of Dutch nation in India a lasting and firm
peace and friend on both sides.
All damages which each party have suffered in this last war together with all
pretentious which either had against the other and which occurred this war.
The king Zamorin and the Honble Company to each of their power shall
adjust and help each other in time of need.
Should any European of Jewish princes or land lords wage war against the
Honble Company on the coast of Malabar the King Zamorin promises to
assist the Honble Company?
The Honble Company promises to adjust the King Zamorin with their power
should any European nation and enmity with the Honble Company make
wars against the King Zamorin.
That the Honble Company in the same manner promises to assist the Zamorin
as far as in their power should any European ever friend of the Honble
Company for no other cause that of the Zamorin became the friend of the
Honble Company make wars against the Zamorin and occasion to their
assistant to be necessary either as mediation or otherwise.
The King Zamorin promises to trade with no Christians being while
Europeans or to suffer the same on his country so long as the Honble
Company shall remain trade in his country.
139
108
That the Honble Company shall at their pleasure carry on a free sum
incumbred trade in the country of the Zamorin.
For this purpose the King Zamorin shall permit the Honble Company to build
dwelling and a mint suitable against fire and plunder either at Ponnani or
Calicut.
The Honble Company promise to import to the Country of the King Zamorin
such goods and merchandize as the natives, inhabitants shall require and are
inclined to trade with the Honble Company.
55


Cannanore Raja, being as enemy of the Zamorin, made a bastion in his
possession, thus creating many disadvantages to the activities of the Zamorin. One of
the major disadvantages faced by the Zamorin was that he could not easily move to
Edappalli to cross over to Cochin. For an easy travel of his forces, the Zamorin
attacked the bastion. In 1669, the Dutch evacuated and destroyed Cannanore. It was
not at all a successful event on the side of the Dutch, for they were not able to shake
the situation there. After the evacuation and destruction of Cranganore,
56
the Dutch
built a fort at Tiruvanchikulam, and used it as a base to harsh the Zamorin and his
people.
57
Another turning point in the history of the relations between the Dutch and
Zamorin was that of the Eralpad. He had gone to Cerpu, but returned at once, and
pursuing the enemy, captured their port which, however, he did not destroy.




55
Government Committee Diaries, 1797, Tellicherry, July 1797, Vol. 2139, G.No.
20504, pp. 2096-2104.

56
Malabar Collectorate Records, Serial No. 2381, General No: 20746, p. 240.

57
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp.200-201.

140
109
Hostile Attitude of the Dutch with the Zamorins:
The Dutch Company followed a hostile attitude towards the Zamorins.
Understanding their treacherous attitude, the Zamorin came forward for an alliance
for regaining power. So he sent letters to the English East India Company and
promised all respects and then provides civil usage of Calicut. Besides, he promised
to permit them to set up a factory and not to allow the Dutch in Calicut. The
Zamorins followed a negotiated policy with the English. As a result, it created
animosity between the English and the Dutch. On the other hand, the Dutch
Company wanted to expel the English from their occupied territory. In the year 1664
65, the Dutch expelled the English factories from Cochin and Calicut.
58
At the
same time, in 1665, the Dutch also destroyed the factory at Purakkad in Travancore
and took Alexander Grigibey as a prisoner of war. So the enmity amongst the
Zamorin, the English and the Dutch continued to exist, but the Zamorin had a keen
interest to establish friendly relationship with the English. In course of time, the
Zamorin granted more concessions to the English, ie., exemption from payment of all
export duties except on pepper. Moreover, he offered special favour of giving an
annual present of 1000/fanams (Malabar silver coins) to the chief of the English
factory and some other minor gratifications.
59


The relation of the Zamorin with the English totally changed the political
scene of Malabar in the 17
th
century. The Dutch realized that it was dangerous
because such a relationship would highly affect their monopoly on spice trade in
Calicut and the Malabar province. So they immediately wanted to remove the

58
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1985), p.40.

59
Ibid.

141
110
correspondence between the English and Calicut. They employed several means of
efforts to expel the English from Calicut and the Malabar province. They wrote a
letter to their headquarters for assistance. In 1667, the Dutch East India Company in
Amsterdam wrote a letter, It will never do to have that nation so near us.
60


The hostile attitude continued. The English East India Company wrote a letter
to Surat on 14
th
June 1668 informing that the Dutch Governor refused to release
Alexander Grigibey and did not permit him to go in any case to Calicut. On 14
th

August, Grigibey sent two letters from Calicut to the Governor of Cochin. He said
that the Dutch would now press hard on the Zamorin to prevent the English from
retaining any footing on the Malabar Coast.
61


In 1669, the Dutch were evacuated from Cranganore. They were not,
however, easily shaken off. After their evacuation from Cranganore, they searched
for another strong base for their activities. They built a fort at Tiruvanchikulam and
used it as a base to harsh the Zamorin and his people.
62
The events that occurred in
the areas of Dutch occupations compelled the ruler of Eralpad who had gone to
Cerpu, to return at once. He pursued the enemy, captured their fort in 1670 which he,
however, did not destroy.

At the same time, the Dutch wanted to safeguard their commercial areas with
the assistance of their own supporters and also to strengthen their military powers

60
George Wood Cock, Kerala A Portrait on the Malabar Coast, London, 1967,
p.165.

61
Sir William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1668 1669, Vol. XIII,
London, 1927, p.103.

62
Sir William Foster, Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1668 1670,
London, 1929, p.225.

142
111
against the native rulers. In the history of Malabar, the year 1673 marked a definite
change under the policy of the Dutch towards the Rajas of Malabar. In 1673,
Hendrick Van Rheede, the new Commander of the Dutch, took charge of Cochin. He
adopted a new policy in his relations with Cochin. His motive was not only to
develop trade but also to establish an effective political authority.
63
Van Rheede
desired not only the prosperity of the Dutch in India but also their high command over
the trading centers and their establishments.
64
As a result, they forced their political
authority over their trade establishments.

The Dutch at Ponnani desired to suppress the power of the Zamorin. This
annoyed the Zamorin and there was an expectation of an imminent war between them.
The armies of both sides were readying for the first blow.
65
Van Rheede re-occupied
the bastion and followed it up by demanding the cessation of Cherruvai, which
commanded either of the two routes to Cochin and was situated in the most fertile part
of Malabar. On 11
th
December 1677, the Dutch Company concluded peace with the
Zamorin.
66
In 1678 Van Rheede himself came to Ponnani, and induced the Zamorin
to part with it. The Zamorin ceded Cherruvai to the Dutch Company in 1678.
67
It
was a heavy loss and a big blunder, committed by the Zamorin because Cherruvai and

63
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p.19.

64
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1953), p.154.

65
Sir Charles Fawcett, The English Factories in India, 1678, Vol. III, London, 1954,
p.414.

66
Government Committee Diaries, Tellicherry 7
th
July 1797, Vol. 2139, G.No.
20504, p. 2111.

67
Sir Charles Fawcett, Op.cit., (1954), p.414.

143
112
Mapranam were the fertile places and important sea routes to Cochin.
68
So the
cessation of the strategic Cherruvai was a blunder committed by the Zamorin.

Bharani Thirunal and the Dutch:
The quarrel between the Zamorin and the Dutch Company was continuously
going on when there was a change in the Zamorin ruler of Calicut. In 1684 the new
Zamorin, Bharani Thirunal came to power, and he decided to recover his power.
Moreover, he wanted to strengthen his military power and organize a confederacy
against the Dutch. Thus, the new Zamorin for the first time followed the policy of his
predecessors who always stood against the foreigners At the same time, ViraKerala
Varma (1663 1687) the Raja of Cochin was disposed to the Dutch because of the
pressure they were putting on him to adopt a Chazhoor prince.
69


The relation between the Zamorin and the ruler of Cochin had strained at the
instance of the Portuguese. It did not improve even after the disposal of the
Portuguese. The Raja of Cochin felt that the Dutch wholeheartedly supported the
aggressive policy of the Zamorins against him or supported their feudatories. But the
dispute arose when the succession of the rulers and the Dutch activities made a hostile
attitude and the Cochin ruler took a decision against the Zamorin. Again, the Raja of
Cochin felt resentment at the refusal of the Zamorin to return places such as
Mapraram, Aratu Puzha and Urakam. These places were originally situated in the
territory of the Raja of Cochin but during the course of the war they were conquered
by the Zamorin. The Raja of Cochin appealed to the Dutch for help to recover the
territory but the Dutch did not assist the ruler of Cochin and did not interfere in the

68
K.M.Panikkan, Op.cit., (1931), p.33

69
T. Madhava Menon (ed.), A Hand Book of Kerala, Trivananthapuram, 2000, p.168.

144
113
conflict. In such a circumstance, Vira Kerala Varma, the Raja of Cochin decided to
adopt a few members from Calur branch into the Cochin family in 1689.
70
The
decision had the blessings of the Dutch and Paliyat Achan. Rulers like Paravur and
Munnat were the feudatories who favoured the adoption from the Vettanadu. In this
connection, there arose a conflict which led to a war in 1691. The combined forces of
the Zamorin, Paliyam and Hendrick Van Rheede, the chief of the Dutch who were
met the enemies under the control of the Raja of Munnat at Alwaye. The duration of
the war was very short and the result was a series of utter failures on the side of the
natives. During this war, the Dutch were assisted by the combined forces of the
Zamorin. Finally, the natives were defeated and the Dutch captured Alangad and
Paravur. Moreover, the Dutch ceded Cherruvai to the Zamorin as promised earlier.
They entered into a commercial treaty.
71
The successive wars of Vettam were an
event of great significance and a landmark in the history of Kerala. This paved the
way for the strong opposition of the Zamorin which reduced their power and prestige,
even though once they played an important part in the history of the country.

The Zamorin found himself in an advantageous position after 1691.
72
In this
year, the Dutch abandoned Cherruvai to the Zamorin. The two important natural
ways of attack on Cochin from the North was either through Cranganore or through
Cherruvai and in controlling, the Zamorin always kept the offensive in his own hands.
Though there was a possibility of a serious war between Cochin and Calicut, in 1694,

70
V.K.R.Menon, Records in Oriental Languages Cochin State, Book I, granthavari,
Ernakulam, 1943, pp. vii-viii

71
K.M.Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p. 33.

72
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p.51.

145
114
the Company maintained the attitude of a passive spectator.
73
They withdrew their
forces from their smaller outposts. With the commanding position of the Zamorin and
the flank of Cochin, the possession of Cherruvai had gradually benefited the Zamorin.

Cochin, Zamorin & the Dutch:
By 1694, the Zamorin wanted to expel the foreigners from their territories and
even from the whole of Kerala. So he established a cordial relationship with the ruler
of Cochin. But the relations between the two Rajas did not improve much. The Raja
of Cochin was very anxious to get back Mapranam and Cherruvai. The different
attitude of the rulers of Calicut and Cochin developed into a crisis in 1700.
74
The
Raja of Cochin followed a diplomatic policy and as he felt himself slighted. He tried
his best to bring a rupture between the Dutch and the Zamorin. He appealed to
Amsterdam but the Dutch did not give their support because the Dutch Company
wanted to avoid a war and to find an amicable solution to the dispute between the
two. Moreover, the Dutch requested the Zamorin and the rulers of Manta, Paravur,
Purakkad, and Vadakkumkur to send their representatives to discuss the problem.
The Zamorin did not accept the policy of the Dutch and declared war on 19
th
February
1701. The Raja of Cochin sent his soldiers to raid the Zamorins territories and as a
consequence a general war involved them in hostilities with Calicut. The Zamorin
replied by building a series of stockades at Pappinivattam, Kattur, Mapranam,
Kotaparamba, Urakam and six other places. He entertained no illusions about the
Dutch. He was fully aware that they had sought his friendship only out of sheer

73
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p.209.

74
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p.209.
146
115
necessity and not from any change of heart and they would turn against him the
moment seemed favourable to them.
75


But the Zamorin neglected the advice of the Dutch and continued friendly
relations with the British. The Dutch were not blind to the far reaching aims of the
Zamorins diplomacy. On 19
th
February 1701, the Zamorin declared war on the
Cochin Raja. He invaded Irinjalakuda, the territory belonging to Cochin but he was
driven back across Cherruvai.
76
The Dutch wanted to avoid a war because the
expenses of a war affected the prospects of the growth of the Dutch Company.
Initially, the Dutch followed the policy of non-intervention and later gave it up and
gave their full support to the ruler of Cochin. The Zamorin felt that it was an
ungrateful act of the Company and sent a complaint to the Batavian Government.
Van Horn the Governor General of the Company sent their reply to the Zamorin on
15
th
November, 1705. The content of the letter is, I do not know how much treasure
had been squandered and how much blood had been shed by the Honourable
Company to aggrandize your family. But I know one thing Your Highness has lent
your ears to the selfish counsels of Chettis, Nambutiris, and Pattars. Still the
Company did not give the minimum support to Cochin according to the treaty but
they will not at all times send their soldiers to fight your Highness, battles. For the
last 50 years Malabar has been a source of large expense and little gain.
77
So the
Dutch largely sent their troops in favour of the Raja of Cochin against Calicut in
order to recover Mapravam from the Zamorin and handed it over to the Raja of

75
V.K.R.Menon, Records in Oriental Languages Cochin State, Book II Letters from
Cochin Rajas to Batavia, Ernakulam, 1946 p. V.

76
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p.245.

77
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p.33.

147
116
Cochin. But in their attempts, they informed the ruler of Calicut that as Cochin was a
protected State of the Company, any attack on it would be treated as hostility against
them.
78


The war was a significant one because it had continued nearly for nine years.
It affected the commerce of the Dutch Company and it cost much money and men. In
the war the Zamorin secured the support of the Tekkumkur and Paravur. In the
mean time, there was a crisis among the rulers of Kerala, particularly the ruler of
Calicut. The Zamorin realized the situation and when the Nahamulam festival was
approaching, he decided to conclude peace with Cochin and the Company. The
festival had compelled the Zamorin to end the war before it began. He decided to
accept the peace treaty. On 10
th
January 1710, the Zamorin concluded a peace treaty
with Cochin and the Company.
79
The Zamorin lost many provinces but the Cochin
and the Dutch gained much as a result of this war. By this treaty, the Company held
Cherruvai, that was given by the Zamorin and the Cochin Raja gained considerable
additions to his territory.

Decline of the Zamorin:
The Zamorin of Calicut felt that the loss of Cherruvai was a severe blow to his
objectives. On the other side, the Dutch developed their strength and built a fort at
Cherruvai in 1714 in order to prevent the future incursions of the Zamorin
80
. They
did waste no time in their growth and their progress urged the Zamorin to declare war

78
Ibid.

79
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1953), pp.161 164.

80
Rev. V. Groot, Selections from the Records of the Madras Govt Dutch
Records No.11 number in press list, 673, Madras, 1910, p.4

148
117
on the Dutch. Moreover, the neighboring areas of the Cochin Raja were in a
quandary whether to support or oppose the strong powers, the Zamorin of Calicut or
the Raja of Cochin. The Dutch handed over their territories to the Cochin Raja for
the support they extended. This made the Zamorin took immediate action against the
Dutch and gives a strong blow to the Dutch and so he sought the help of the English at
Tellicherry. This was a golden opportunity to the English because they were waiting
eagerly for such a chance so that they could curtail the influence of the Dutch in
Kerala. In such a situation, the Zamorin received encouragement from the British to
prevent the completion of the port by the Dutch. The war broke out between the
Zamorin and the Dutch on the question of Cherruvai. In the early hours of January
22, 1715, a contingent of 600 Nayars occupied the fort, when the Dutch soldiers were
asleep.
81
The Zamorin obtained the possession without any serious encounter.

The Zamorins success in the war at Cherruvai was a heavy loss and a serious
blow to the Dutch prestige. It caused universal panic among the Dutch and gave rise
to the spirit of indolence among the natives. So the Dutch made many attempts to
recover Cherruvai from the Zamorin. The Dutch commander of Cochin, Barrent
Ketel, (Commander at Cochin) once proceeded towards Cherruvai with a large force
and faced the forces of the Raja of Mannattment on the way. The Raja successfully
prevented the commander from attacking the fortress and defeated their intentions.
82

Again, after the arrival of reinforcements, another attempt was made by Ketal on
January 11, 1716 to recover the port. But their attempts failed again. After the failure
of the two attempts the Governor General Council at Batavia sent 3000 troops to

81
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1968), p.204.

82
V.K. R. Menan., Records in Oriental languages Cochin State, Book. 1, 1 Perum
Patappu Swarupam, Grandhavari, Ernakulam, 1943, p. viii.

149
118
Cochin in 1715 16.
83
They also used 2000 more Batavian troops and mercenaries
numbering 2000 against the Zamorin to recover Cherruvai and Papponetty.
84


When all their attempts failed, they decided to build a fort at Pappinivattam
between Cherruvai and Cannanore. The main aim of building the fort was a measure
of defence against any future attack. The Zamorin gave high protection to the fort
with trenches and guarded by soldiers. By the end of 1716, Jateole attacked
Pappinivattam with a large army. He assumed charge as the Commander-in-Chief in
November 1716. It was known to all rulers that his mission was to punish the
Zamorin and to reduce his authority in the Malabar province. The war was defended
by Dharmot Panikkar. Though it was a fierce battle, the Nayars fought with great
valour and inflicted considerable damage to the Dutch. The use of artillery forces of
the Dutch decided the day. In the encounter that followed, the superiority of the
Dutch artillery was demonstrated. The Zamorins forces were unable to withstand the
fierce attack of the Dutch and they evacuated Pappinivattam and Cherruvai. The
Dutch forces marched into the interior of the Cochin territory, and occupied
Mapranam and Urakam till then held by the Zamorin. In the mean time, the Dutch
did not like to continue their monopoly on trade without any interference in the
Zamorins territory; Moreover, the war highly affected their income. On the other
side, the Zamorin did not like to continue the war because he was also tired of the war
and was anxious to conclude peace. His forces withdrew and negotiations were made
for a treaty in December 1717.
85
By this treaty, the Zamorins completely gave up

83
Eliyahu Ashtor, Levant Trade in the later middle ages, New Jersy, 1983, p. 143.

84
Holden Finber, Empires of Trade in the Orient, 1600 1800, New Delhi, 1990,
p.143.

85
P.C. Alexander, The Dutch in Malabar, Annamalainagar, 1946, pp. 134-135.
150
119
their sovereignty over the strip of the sea coast province of Papponettys, where they
formed the Sandy land between Cherruvai and Cannanore.
86


The Dutch compelled the Zamorin to a war indemnity of Rs.85,000/-fanams to
them.
87
Dharmot Panikkar, the chief firebrand of the Cherruvai
88
was to be dismissed
from the court and all his lands in Cherruvai were to be ceded to the Dutch Company.
As the Dutch were not satisfied with inflicting heavy losses to Calicut their general
captured some minor fortresses like Mapranam, Urakam and Arattupuzha.

Major Dows Report Relative to the Island of Cherruvai:
The reports of Major Dow it appears that this island of Cherruvai was divided
into three unequal principalities. They were:
The first and largest consisting of Cherruvai proper occupying the northern
portion of this Island,
Ayroor situated in the middle, and
Smallest sub-division of Cannanore in which the Dutch obtained their first
influence by taking its foot from the Portuguese in the last century after which
in the beginning of the present one they had a war with the Zamorin which
terminated as already noticed whereupon the Dutch built the fort of Cherruvai,
and found means to extend, their authority over the whole of the island from
which they are supposed to have drawn to the value of about Rs.60,000
yearly, in chession of the districts of the Ayroor and Cannanore Rajas.


86
Selections from the Records of Fort. St. George, Papers relating to Cochin with
special reference to the Dutch possession, p.2.

87
Holden Finber, Op.cit., (1990), p.143.

88
A. Galletti, Op.cit., (1911), p.134.
151
120
Information from Cochin on this Subject:
Mr. Van Angels back paper of explanation is that in 1717 the ceded to the
Dutch Company, of territory within the island, (the lands of Hermopton or
Edamottum and of Punnikal or Panichael) situated partly in Cherruvai proper and
properly in Ayroor together with the rest of the islands of the Payen Ceranayr of
Mayoram and Papponetty or Modelakum of Papinriyttum in the district of Ayroor
which places contracted to be held by the Dutch till Hyders Conquest of them in
1776.
89


Treaty of 1717 and After:
The Dutch Company enjoyed more privileges as a result of the treaty. They
built houses, godowns, and warehouses at Ponnani, Calicut and a few other parts of
the Zamorins territory to fulfill their needs. The Cherruvai event was so important
that the Zamorin restored friendly relations with the Dutch for getting it back. But the
Dutch would not surrender it because the Dutch obtained the place after so much of
loss and bloodshed. After the war of Cherruvai, they followed a diplomatic policy.
They consolidated their position by reducing every prince in alliance with them to the
position of a dependent vassal. The Dutch built a strong fort named after Fort
William to protect their commerce. With the construction of the fort, clashes started
between the Dutch and the Zamorin. Finally, the Dutch won and occupied the same.
90


The result of the Cherruvai war favoured the Dutch. But they did not get a
compensation for what they had spent during the war. Really, the war restored the

89
Malabar Commission / Foreign / Miscellaneous / Vol. 55, pp. 285-286.

90
Selections from the Records of the Madras Government, Memoir on the Malabar
Coast, Dutch Record No. 13, Madras, 1908, p. 21.

152
121
prestige of the Company and rendered the Zamorin powerless for the time being; The
war neither punished nor permanently crippled him. The victory provided a golden
opportunity to fulfill the ambitions of the Dutch not only in the monopoly of trade, but
also in the efforts of other European rivals to break the Dutch monopoly. The real
cause of the Cherruvai war was not because of the differences between the Dutch and
the Zamorin, but because the Dutch did not like the presence of the English in Calicut.
The Dutch commander De Jong was sent from Cochin to Purakkad, Kayamkulam and
Quilon to demonstrate the power and prestige and to make them enter into new
contracts with the Dutch. To prevent the export of pepper by the English, the Dutch
patrolled the coast from Cherruvai to Ponnani. The island of Cherruvai Manapooram
commonly called the island of Cherruvai.
91


The Dutch records at Cochin mention that there were treaties passed between
the Dutch and the Zamorin in relation to the country of Cannanore on the 10
th
of Sept
1691, 8
th
of January 1710 and 17
th
of December 1717, copies of which treaties or of
such minutes relating to them could be found in the Dutch Records, will be
acceptable.
92


New Confederacy and Fall of the Dutch:
The Zamorin took steps to organize a new confederacy against the Dutch.
93

He sent an embassy through Padmanabhan Pattan to Kayamkulam, Vadakkumkur,
Tekkumkur and Paravur in 1728 and asked them to join him against the Dutch and

91
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 2565, General No. 20930, p. 1.

92
Cochin Commission Diary, Vol. 2032, G. No. 20397, 1796-7, p. 557.

93
Selections from the Records of the Madras Government Dutch Records No.1,
Memoir on the Malabar Coast by J.V. Stevin Vangolleness, Madras, 1908, p. 9.

153
122
the Raja of Cochin.
94
The Dutch realized that their policy under the command of De
Jong was a failure and the new alliance of Zamorin with the southern rulers was a
major threat to the Dutch in Kerala. So they immediately recalled De Jong and
adopted a policy of reconciliation.
95


The native rulers, whom the Zamorin contacted, agreed to his proposal and a
new alliance was formed by the Zamorin against the Dutch when the country faced a
political confusion. In 1733, the Raja of Vadakkumkur was assassinated by his heir
apparent, and a civil war broke out there. The prince once again sought the assistance
of the Dutch. Another political confusion was the murder of Tottasseri Nambutiri in
1734 at the Trichur temple by his nephew. The ruler of Kayamkulam began a war
against the chief of Maruturkulandu. - Paravur and Munnal Paravur also waged war
against Cochin and they got the support of the Ilaya Thavazhi. There was utter
confusion among those who totally opposed the Dutch. Above all, the French and the
English arrived on the scene with an amicable settlement among them. This gave a
great blow to the Dutch.
96


The new alliance could not be immediately put to use because the Zamorin
died and the country was ravaged by small pox for two years. In course of time, the
Dutch constantly watched the situation to crush the power of the Zamorins. They
occupied Enamakkal and fortified it. At the same time, they strove for friendship with
the Zamorin, even encouraging him to quarrel with Cochin, without pushing matters

94
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 232.

95
Ashin Das Gupta, Op.cit., (1967), p.141.

96
Ibid.

154
123
to the verge of hostilities.
97
So in 1740 he invaded the Currur Narabitiri. But the
Zamorin was not in a position to declare war and he died in 1741.

Even after the new Zamorin had assumed power, the quarrel continued. In
1742, a dispute arose between the Raja of Cochin and the Zamorin over the
management of the Triprayar temple. The Eralpad invaded the territory of Cochin
and laid waste the land of Mangalam. Moreover, the invasion of Vellatri in 1743 and
the Mappilas Rebellion of Tirurangadi in 1745 delayed the operations of the
Zamorin.

Finally, the Zamorin decided to declare war on the Dutch and attacked
Enamakkal in 1752. It was the strong fortification of the Dutch where they erected
stockades in 1735. The vigorous attack and the new policy of the Zamorin between
1753 and 1754 brought Pananceri Pappinivattam, Alangad and Paravur under his
control. Thereafter, the Zamorin prepared to wage a war against the Dutch at
Cherruvai. In 1757, he laid siege on Cherruvai and occupied the island opposite so as
to prevent succor from reaching it by sea. The same year 1757 a treaty was entered
into between the Dutch and the Zamorin relating to the island of Cherruvai. The
Commander of Cochin made an attempt to relieve it. In this war the Dutch were
totally subdued. After this failure, the Dutch abandoned the fort, leaving all their
guns behind.
98


After the war, the Zamorin proceeded against the Dutch fort at Cranganore,
occupying Mullurkara on the way. While the siege was going on, messengers were

97
T.I. Poonen, Op.cit., (1948), pp.122 123.

98
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., pp.205 206.

155
124
secretly passing between the Dutch and the Zamorin.
99
Finally, a treaty was signed
between the Zamorin and the Dutch in 1758, relating to the island of Cherruvai.
100

According to the treaty, the Zamorins agreed to give up Matilakam, Puttancira,
Cherruvai and Pappinivattam and to pay 65,000 fanams as war indemnity. This treaty
was not a success to the Zamorin. The Zamorin accepted the demands of the Dutch
because he wanted to check the growth of Marthanda Varma. The inglorious period
of the Dutch in Kerala marked the ascendancy of the British in this area.
101
Even
Cochin under the mercy of Marthanda Varma because, the Zamorin of Calicut who
feared the might of the latter invaded Cochin and Marthanda Varma took to protect
Cochin against the Zamorin.

Travancore and the Dutch - Zamorin Relations:
After their victories over Cochin, the Dutch Governor Nieuhoff went to
Attingal on 12
th
, February 1661 with the intention of seeking an audience with the
King of Travancore.
102
After prolonged deliberations the King of Travancore sent his
envoys to accompany Nieuhoff on 2
nd
March 1664, to see the queen. The queen
accepted the Dutch and allowed them to do trade in spice in her kingdom.

The Dutch and the king of Travancore finally signed a treaty, in April 1665,
and the 3
rd
article of the treaty stipulates that no European nation, where the
Portuguese, the Spaniards, the Italians, the French, the English, the Danish or any

99
Cochin Commission Diary 1, 1796-97, Vol. 2032,1, No. 20397, P. 557.

100
Government Committee Diaries, 1797, Vol.2139, G.No.20504, p.2097.

101
T.P. Sankaran Kutty Nair, A Tragic Decade in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1977,
p.35.

102
John Nieuhoff, Op.cit., (1703),11, pp. 257258.

156
125
other should be allowed to live or trade in his lands by the Travancore Kings.
103

Thereafter, the Dutch had several attempts to occupy the whole country from
Colachel to Cape Comorin and to make it a Dutch province. The Travancore King
Marthanda Varma without knowing the intentions of the Dutch sent an ambassador to
Pondicherry to conclude a treaty of friendship with the French.
104
The French were
happy to do this, since it gave them chances of interfering in the affairs of Malabar,
but also to curb the power of the Dutch. Marthanda Varma allotted lands to the
French at the places like Colachel, and allowed them to construct factories and to
carry on trade in Travancore. Accordingly, the French built the ports at Anjengo and
Tellicherry in order to break the monopoly of the Dutch and their pepper trade.

With the rise of Marthanda Varma, there were troubles between him and the
Dutch. The Governor of Ceylon Baron Van Imhoff arrived in Kerala in 1739. He
thought that the king of Travancore wanted to distribute the occupied land by the
Dutch East India Company. Therefore, Baron Van Imhoff recommended chastisement
of his insolence towards them, independent of primary consideration of maintaining a
due balance among the native powers of Malabar.
105
The next campaigns occurred
in a war with the Kingdom of Travancore which lasted form 1739 to 1742.

But the Dutch did not like the growing development of Marthanda Varma. So
they attacked Travancore in 1741. In the famous battle of Colachel on 10
th
August

103
T.I Poonen, Op.cit., (1948), p.162.

104
H.H. Dodwell The Private Diary of Ananda Rangam Pillai, Vol. IX, 1924, p.155.

105
Manotrs and Instruction of Dutch Governors Commanders & C. Manoir left by
Gustaff Willians Baron Van Im Ro to Governor Director of Case on to his in
lesson.

157
126
1741, Marthanda Varma inflicted a crushing defeat on the Dutch which shattered the
Dutch dream of establishing supremacy in Malabar.
106


On 27
th
April 1744, the Raja of Quilon complained to the Dutch that,
Travancore caused a great deal of vexatious acts in his country, Quilon. To the Dutch,
it meant Quilon and Kayamkulam joined against the Travancore. So Travancore
sought the help of the French. The Dutchmen occupied Colachel Thereafter,
Marthanda Varma sent one Naranappaiyan of the Madura Country to Pondicherry to
secure French help against the Dutch.
107
In the battle of Colachel, the Dutch received
a deathblow and the Mysoreans chapter came to an end. But, it was not so. The
invasion of Zamorin in 1746 against Palghat and into feudatories like Kavalappara
had been responsible for a new political alliance. The Palghat Raja sought the help of
the Mysore Raja. Immediately, the Zamorin imposed a special tax upon the Palghat
territory known as security tax or kaval fanam. Hyder Ali sent forces under
Muckhdoom Sahib against the Zamorin. The Mysore forces defeated the Zamorin
forces. The Zamorin paid a war indemnity of 12 lakhs to Mysore. It was not the end
of the Problems of the Zamorin.

The Kavalappara family planned to regain the lost power with the help of the
Travancore forces. In return, Travancore got the pepper monopoly in the
Kavalappara properties. The political atmosphere in South Malabar following the
execution of the Travancore Cochin treaty of 1757 had been one of the immediate
factors that led to the independence of Kavalappara. In 1762 the Kavalappara men

106
T.I. Poonen, Dutch hegemony in Malabar and its collapse, 1663-1795 A.D.
Trivandrum, 1978, p.123.

107
H.H. Dod Well., Op.cit., Vol. IX, Madras, (1924), p.155.

158
127
with Dalawai Marthanda Pillai of Travancore invaded the Zamorins army at Trichur.
A battle took place at Chelakkara and the Zamorins army was completely destroyed
and he was forced to pay an indemnity to Travancore.
108


The Kings of Travancore and Cochin made treaty with the Dutch against the
Zamorin. When the Zamorin attacked Cochin, the Dutch did not come forward to
help Cochin as per the treaty.
109
So Cochin asked for help from Travancore. At that
time, the King of Travancore was Ramavarma and his minister Dalavai Marthanda
Pillai, drove the Zamorin forces at Mabranon and pursued them to Trichur. In 1763
the Zamorin was forced to enter into a treaty with Travancore. In 1764 the power of
Parur was assumed by Travancore, a pension being settled on the family. The Parur
Raja lived at Parakkadava in the Alangad taluk.
110
Finally, the Cochin Raja ceded
Alangad and Parur to Travancore. The treaty between and Travancore and Cochin,
941 ME, by which Cochin promised to cede Karappuram and some other places in
Travancore in return for military help against the Zamorin of Calicut.
111


In the 18
th
century, even out of final compulsions, Travancore became more
powerful than ever. So the Dutch recognized the claims of Travancore and dropped
their further plans of acquisition. In their war with Travancore, the Dutch tried

108
K.K.N. Kurup (ed.), Kavalappara Papers, Historical Series, Calicut University,
Calicut, 1984, pp. xii xiii.

109
V.K.R. Menon, Records in Oriental Languages Cochin State Book II Letters
from Cochin Rajas to Batavia Ernakulam, 1946, p. iv.

110
Papers Re adoption and marriage in the Travancore ruling family, Superintendent
Government Press, Trivandrum, 1932, p.43.

111
Showcase Records, Kerala Fort Archives, Record No. 18, p. 53.

159
128
several times to open peace negotiations with the King of Travancore but this proud
prince did not condescend to reply to the friendly overtures.

The Zamorin Dutch relations that entered on a peaceful note from 1603
gradually drifted to hostility till 1745. The Dutch with the support of the Zamorin
over threw the Portuguese, the then first enemy of the Zamorin and took over their
place. As that of the Portuguese, the Dutch too demanded the pepper monopoly of the
Zamorins and the Cochin Rajas territories. Monopolitic trade activities resulted in
political overtures and mutual suspicions. But, the native powers, fighting among
themselves to establish their supremacy fell a prey to the foreigners. The foreigners
were superior in diplomacy military strength and manipulation like sowing seeds of
suspicion among native powers and making them warring fragments. The Dutch in
union with the other local enemy powers crippled the Portuguese and drove them out
of the Malabar Coast. The French and the English with the support of the
Travancore King drove the Dutch from the Malabar waters. The Cochin Raja with
the help of the Dutch cut the Zamorin to size, but later Marthanda Varma cut both of
them to size. Even though the Zamorins aim of reducing the power and prestige of
the Dutch could not be realized totally, this taught a lesson to the native powers that if
they were not united and strong enough to protect their territories, they could be early
prey to the foreigner. Thus the relations of the Zamorin with the Dutch went into the
records as not one of cordiality. In the meantime the political changes the kingdom of
Mysore paved the way for the rise of Hyder who began his career as a solider the
Mysore army with his rise Mysore cam under Muslim rule and its impact was felt in
Kerala too.

160


129
CHAPTER V
ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH MYSORE

The politico-economic condition in the South during the second half of the
18
th
century led to many changes which had been until then unprecedented. The
impact was felt in the Carnatic, which was then under Mohammed Ali Wallajah, who
kept under his control Mahpuzh Khan, his brother, and Mysore, whose ruler was
under the wrong influence of his ministers Devaraj and Nanjaraj. Hyder Ali, a little
corporal in the army like Napoleon Bonaparte of France, took advantage of the
situation, established himself as a strong person to be reckoned with. Knowing fully-
well of the situation and instilling confidence in the minds of the people of Mysore, he
proved himself a worthy commander and administrator and a strategist in handling the
situation in several of the wars he fought against his neighbours. His military skill
and financial acumen transformed him into a supreme power in Mysore in 1761.
Interested in collecting the fertile Malabar Coast in the production of economic
articles, sea ports, etc Hyder Ali adopted the policy of imperialism.
1


Having become the supreme commander, Hyder undertook an expedition
against Malabar in 1766.
2
He found that South India could not offer him a united
front of defence, because of the political weakness and disunity among its rulers, who
fought frequently among themselves. Further, many of them depended on one of the
European powers for military help. By this time, both the British and the French had

1
Praxy Fernandes, Storm over Seringapatnam, Bombay, 1969, pp. 26-32.

2
Report of a Joint Commission, Bengal and Bombay, Appointed to inspect into the
state and condition of the Province of Malabar in the years 1792, 1793, Vol. I,
Madras, 1862, p. 19.

161


130
access to these kingdoms. They were awaiting an opportunity to enter the fray. In
fact, the English had already brought Bengal, Bihar and Orissa under their control. At
this juncture, Hyder realized that if the English East India Company was not
eliminated the same fate would soon overtake South India also. Therefore, the
conquest and consolidation of the South Indian kingdoms became his overriding
priority.
3
Besides, other situations led him to invade Kerala; of all the reasons, the
real one is said to be Hyders ambition to enlarge his domain and to establish his sway
over this resourceful country with natural harbours that were centres of world
contact.
4
His eyes fell on the lucrative spice trade of Kerala with the European
countries. A subsidiary force from Mysore to the amount of 20 men was accordingly
stationed in the Palghat territory. It was this kind of connection between the Mysore
state and the principality of Palghat, which gave Hyder, when he became the Regent
of the Mysore a pretext for invading Malabar, in defence of his ally in retaliation of
aggression committed against him by the Zamorin and other Rajas.
5


Zamorin on the eve of Hyder Alis Invasion:
At the time of Hyders invasion of Malabar, the Zamorin was loyal to the
English. However, the Zamorin was not so powerful enough to deal with Hyder. The
attempt of the Zamorin to block Hyders troops from crossing the river Kotta was a
miserable failure. To avoid the impending disaster, the Zamorin had to urge Hyder
for a settlement, offering all his property; but Hyder was strong enough to demand,
crore of gold. Unable to pay this, the Zamorin and the ministers were kept by Hyder

3
T. Madhava Menon, (ed.), Op.cit., (2000), pp. 172-173.

4
C.K. Kareem, Kerala under Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan, Kerala History
Association, Cochin, 1973, p. 13.

5
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. I, 4033, G.No. 24562, p. 15.

162


131
under restraint. The Zamorin was highly insulted and was mentally hurt by the
confinement which prevented him from fulfilling his daily religious duties.
6
Haunted
by another sort of fear that he might be compelled to accept Islam, the Zamorin took
the fatal decision of ending his life. The Zamorin, after sending the members of his
family to Ponnani, carried out his resolution by setting fire to the powder magazine
with his own hand and blowing himself up along with the fortress, from which his
ancestors had triumphantly marched to conquer and annex.
7
The Factors which were
closely watching the events in Malabar, reported that the Zamorin committed suicide
by setting fire to his own palace.
8
Several reasons were put forward by different
writers about this tragic event. Meons says that the prince in fear of his life set his
palace on fire and was burnt to death.
9
But, there is another view that the Zamorin
ended his life on account of some letters he received from his nephews and the Kings
of Travancore and Cochin.
10
The Zamorin of Calicut assisted by the Kings of
Travancore and Cochin had collected a considerable army on the banks of Ponnani.
Immediately, Hyder passed the river and attacked Ponnani, which made little
resistance and almost the only fortress in the country.
11



6
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 240.

7
Michaud, The History of Mysore, pp. 23-24. This account of the Zamorins death
was obtained in 1793 from the then Zamorin by Jonathan Duncan, President of the
first Malabar Commission, Asiatic Researcher, V, pp. 30-31.

8
Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XX, pp. 344-46.

9
Meons, Memorandum, etc, p. 133.

10
M. Shama Rao, Modern Mysore from the beginning to 1868, Bangalore, 1936,
p. 56.

11
S.M. Chand, The History of Hyder Shah and of his son Tippoo Sultan, Jaipur,
1990, p. 72.

163


132
With the death of the ruling prince of Calicut under tragic circumstances the
glorious gates of the country kept wide open without any opposition. Thus Hyder
occupied the whole of Malabar without any difficulty. This indicated to what extent
the once very powerful ruler of Malabar was reduced in power and prestige by
unending wars either with his native states or his foreign potentates. The Zamorin
was already in fears of the rising power of the King of Travancore and of the English.
Feeling insecure he might have committed suicide and to escape the hands of a
Muslim. However, in the invasion, Nayar of Coringotte was not much affected,
because he was under the wings of the protection of the French Government of Mahe.
But he went out and met Hyder on his march from Chirakkal to Calicut.
12
This
grand victory of Hyder with hands down is aptly remarked by K.M. Panikkar, as the
following: Hyder being the master of the ancient territories of the Zamorin and the
inheritor, therefore, to all the claims which the powerful arm of the Manavikrama
kings had maintained through ages, was now in a position to contemplate the conquest
of Cochin and Travancore.
13
This victory of Hyder in Malabar is considered as a
remarkable event in the history of South India and also it was an important turning
point and peak performance in the military adventure of Hyder as Sheik Ali describes
it gave him a long coast and made him a sea power.
14


Besides, the lack of military skills of the fighting community the Nayars was
also of great advantage to Hyder as they lacked the essential quality of cohesion and
combined effort, they were not used to a disciplined and organized army movement.

12
Malabar Collectorate Records - Foreign - Miscellaneous, S.No. 5, pp. 18-19.

13
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1959), p. 324.

14
Sheik Ali, British Relations with Haidar Ali, Bangalore, 1963, p. 48.

164


133
They fought in a single combat and put up a nice show of their valour and courage,
but on the face of a trained and disciplined force, they too failed miserably. This
mode of warfare and want of organization caused their rout and lessoned the task of
the conqueror.
15
It has been aptly said by Sinha as it would not have been possible
but for the complete disunion that prevailed among the fighting sections of the people
the Nayars.
16
The set in of monsoon and the heavy rains forced Hyder to quit the
place, but he was wise enough to return only to Coimbatore in order to watch his
newly conquered area.
17


Local Rebellion:
As soon as Hyder left for Coimbatore, and his troops left to garrison his
Malabar conquest departed from Calicut, the first instant as it is confidently said for
Coimbatore having preciously put the Zamorin in the possession of Calicut.
18
Taking
advantage of Hyders absence and ferocious monsoon, the vanquished princes and the
routed Nayar soldiers, who had hidden in the forest area, then came out and planned a
revolt. The threatening and challenging local rebellion broke out all over Malabar.
The Mysorean block-houses at Ponnani and Calicut were besieged and the Kottayam
and Kadathunadu Nayars recaptured many of the places.
19
The chief leader of this

15
C.K. Kareem, Op.cit., (1973), p. 38.

16
Narendra Krishna Sinha, Haidar Ali, Calcutta, 1969, p. 250.

17
Gholam Mohammed, History of Hyder Ali and Tippoo Sultan, New Delhi, 2001,
pp. 60-65.

18
Foreign Department Select Committee Proceedings, Vol. II, Serial No. 15A 20
th

July 21 November, 1768, p. 498.

19
Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. XX, pp. 344-46.

165


134
revolt was the Nayars of Chirakkal and Kadathunadu.
20
Raza Khan, Hyders
lieutenant tried to bring this storm under control; but the unfavourable weather and
the unexpected attacks of Nayars from unexpected quarters made him entrapped
between the mysterious swollen streams and the Nayar rebels. But, Hyders bold
dash on Malabar with 10000 infantry and 3000 horses, apart from 300 Europeans
newly assigned from Pondicherry and 12 pieces of Cannon tried to quell the revolt.
Though the initial trial was not much successful, Hyders orders to his European
troops to advance forth brought him a tremendous victory which made his enemies
taken aback. Burning and pillaging, leaving a trail of ruin, he came like a
Tamerlane.
21
This incident was also reported by the King of Travancore in his two
letters.
22
Keeping Manjeri as the headquarters, Hyders troops started hunting Nayars
like hunting animals.
23
The Nayars were either beheaded or hanged, but seeing the
large number of Nayar captives, Hyder decided to send them to colonies in Mysore.
But most of them died on the way as they could not tolerate the cruelty in the
concentration camps.

Hyder and the Anglo-Mysore Wars:
After suppressing the rebellion, Hyder planned the construction of a fort at
Palghat, which he thought would facilitate communication with the newly conquered
province.
24
When the construction was going on Hyder had to leave Malabar to

20
Malabar Collectorate Records Foreign Miscellaneous, S.No. 56, p. 27.

21
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 241.

22
Letter dated 22.8.1976 No. 192, Angengo Diaries (1) Factory, Vol. 1269, pp. 8-9.

23
C. Hayavadhana Rao, History of Mysore, p. 581.

24
Kozhikode Archives, 1670 / d.250, pp. 135-36.

166


135
Mysore since the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Maharattas, with the help of the
English, threatened Mysore with an invasion.

The English Company was haunted with a multifolded fear of Hyders
invasion on Malabar. They foresaw the worst impact on their trade by Hyders
domination over Malabar. Moreover, Hyders relation with the French was like
adding fuel to the fire of the English fear. So the English had to follow a hostile
policy towards Mysore,
25
leading to the on break of the Anglo-Mysore wars.

The outbreak of the First Anglo-Mysore war resulted in many political
disturbances in Malabar. The vanquished chieftain of Malabar began to revolt with
the help of the English. In Kottayam a Mysorean force of 4000 soldiers was attacked
and routed.
26
The block-houses were destroyed. Realising the bitterness of the
skirmishes Hyder came to an agreement with the Rajas of Malabar. It is said that he
realized that the Nayars were a difficult people to be conquered and Kerala an
uneasy place to govern.
27
In fact, Hyder did not like to have any settlement, but the
situation forced him to do so since he had to focus his full attention on his own
country and he had to face the threats of the Mahrattas and the Nizam. He wanted, at
the same time, an interval to save his own land from the hands of his enemies. He
earned a time gap with speculative benefits and made three conditions for his
withdrawal from Malabar, which were huge compensation from the Rajas of
Malabar, a secured position for the Ali Raja of Cannanore and the possession of
Palghat with the newly constructed fort. All these conditions clearly show his future

25
T. Madhava Menon, Op.cit., (2000), p. 173.

26
Tellicherry Factory Diary, 1476, Part II, p. 98.

27
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1959), p. 232.

167


136
plans to re-establish his power in Malabar. But the critical situation and the hasty
nature of the Raja of Malabar made them thoughtless and they accepted the
conditions at once and paid a huge sum of money to get the independence in their
own land.
28
In December 1768, Hyder withdrew his forces and traced them back to
his own mother land. Hyder desiring him not to be alarmed at the overtures he was
making towards us nothing was further from his cherished than the entering with a
peace.
29


Hyders Repeated Attempts:
However, this period of restraint was not a long lasting one. Hyder suppressed
the enemy forces around his own motherland in 1773, and then his eyes again fell on
Malabar. As a result, in the month of December 1773, a force was sent to Malabar,
under Sayyid Saheb, one of the military commanders of Hyder (whose daughter was
later married by Tipu), and Srinivasa Rao.
30
This force reached Malabar through the
Wayanad passes.
31
Hyders army occupied the territories belonging to the Zamorin
and demanded large sums from Cochin.
32
In the year 1773 Hyder finally annexed the
territory of the Zamorin. He then took possession of all Cherruvai including the said
Rajas country in 1773 - 74 to pay an annual tribute to Hyder. The Cranganore Raja
proved negligent in his payments from 1773/4 to 1776 so as to induce him to take

28
Mark Wilks & Murray Hammick , Historical Sketches of the South Indian History,
New Delhi,1980, Vol. II, p. 61.

29
Foreign Department, Select Committee Proceedings 5
th
January to 20
th
July, 1768,
p. 249.

30
Tellicherry Factory Diary, April, 2, 1780, pp. 35-40.

31
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p. 243.

32
Translation of a Record Granthavari in the State Archives, Kerala Archives
Department Publication No. 1, State Archives, Kerala, 1973, p. 21.

168


137
steps for another expedition so as to make a complete reduction of the Raja.
33
During
the Mysore wars the city of Calicut suffered severely and was twice pillaged by the
Muhammadan armies in 1773 and 1778.
34
Realizing the approaching danger, the
Zamorin sought the help of the French and made a treaty with Governor
Mr. Duprat on January 12, 1774 by submitting himself, his country and subjects to
the King of France and obtained promise of protection against his enemies.
35
As a
result of the treaty, the French Governor established his rule over Calicut with the
possession of the Zamorins fort at Calicut. This new arrangement was informed to
Hyders general, who never bothered; about that but continued his march towards
Calicut. Duprat did not expect this sort of behaviour from Srinivasa Rao and with a
great shock and being upset, he returned to Mahe on the same vessel he had landed.
Hyders troops acquired Calicut by routing out French signs of authority which were
enforced them. Being grief stricken and disappointed, the Zamorin tried to seek help
from the Dutch as well as the English, but he could not get any popular support
because it was evidently beyond trust to seek support from all the three European
powers one after another. So he retired with his family by sea to the south on a
native vessel to the kingdom of Travancore.
36
In the mean time, Srinivasa Rao made
all arrangements for the direct administration of the country, under instructions from
Hyder.


33
Cochin Commission Diary, Vol. 2032 No. 20397, 1796-97, p. 557.

34
The Imperial Gazetteer of India Vol. IX, (Benjur to Central India), New Delhi,
ND. p. 290.

35
Moens, Memorandum etc., p. 133.

36
C.K. Kareem, Op.cit., (1973), p. 3.

169


138
Though the Zamorin kept himself away from Hyder, the princes of the
Zamorins family stayed in Malabar and Ravi Varma continued the war by handling-
the Kerala oriented guerilla tactics which were strange to the Mysore troops.
37
Hyder
thought of a tactful political plan to utilize the Malabar Rajas as his nominees. The
Kadathunadu Raja made peace with Hyder and was received as a tributary on paying
a tribute of two lakh of rupees and his future annual jumma was fixed at 50,000
rupees.
38


Nayars Rebellion and the Role of the British:
At the time of the outbreak of the war between the English and the French,
Hyder realized that he had to enter into an open, straight deal with the English. The
English forces occupied Pondicherry even at the beginning of the war, and they also
had an eye on Mahe, the French settlement on Malabar Coast. Hyder could sense
the danger of the English securing Mahe, but he was strong in his view of holding a
full sovereignty over the entire area including the European settlements. He himself
had mentioned this in his letter to the Governor of Madras.
39
Using the urging
political situation and the cutthroat competition between the Major European powers,
the local chieftains, the Zamorin and the Rajas of Kadathunadu and Kottayam tried to
recover their lost territory from the authorities of Mysore by helping the English in the
war against French. At the same time, the Nayars revolted in many parts of Malabar.
The English kindled and organized the rulers of Calicut, Kadathunadu and Kottayam

37
J. Spencer, J. Smee and A. Walter, A Report on the Administration of Malabar,
p. 3.

38
Foreign Secret Proceedings of Select, Committee 4
th
January to 20
th
June 1779,
Haidar Ali to Governor, March 19, 1779.

39
Bombay Secret Political Diary, Vol. 26, pp. 50-52.

170


139
to join together to throw off the yoke of Mysore.
40
Hyder tried to help the French by
sending two contingents. But, a powerful naval and armed force was arranged under
the strong and skilful leadership of Captain Walker. Besides, on March 1779, Colonel
Braithwaite reached the Malabar Coast with a powerful battalion, and it was
continued by the arrival of Major Clifton with 3 companies of artillery and thus the
position of the English became a matchless one. Seeing the strong power of the
English, the Zamorin and the king of Kottayam openly declared their support to the
English and this fact is clearly stated in the Tellicherry Diary.
41
Finally, in spite of
Hyders great support to the French, Mahe was captured by the English on 9
th

February 1779. For some time, in the later 18
th
century, Mysore under Hyder and
Tipu Sultan attempted to achieve profits from Oceanic trade similar to Travancores.
Tipu Sultan overran Calicut in 1780 and organized both a monopoly and a
commercial fleet in the Arabian Sea.
42


Hyders Decline in Malabar:
After getting Mahe, as the grand prey, the British had no time to care the
Zamorin and other princes of Malabar as they turned their cannon points towards
Hyder and soon war broke out between the English and Hyder. The Zamorin and the
other princes too joined the English. The Nayars found it was the apt moment to rise
against Hyder and they began to revolt throughout the country. In the mean time,
Sardar Khan arrived in February 1780 after suppressing the ruler of Kottayam and
Kadathanadu. Meanwhile, Hyder with an army of 90,000 men descended upon the

40
Tellicherry Factory Diary, Vol. LIX, pp. 69-71.

41
Mohibbul Hussain, History of Tipu Sultan, Calcutta, 1971, p. 24.

42
Ashin Das Gupta, Op.cit., (1994), p. 142.

171


140
plains of Carnatic and began the Second Anglo-Mysore War on February 8, 1782. In
the war there ensued, Sardar Khan was defeated by Major Abington and was taken
prisoner with 1200 men. Feeling highly ashamed of this defeat Sardar Khan
committed suicide.
43
The English troops under Major Abington took Calicut on
February 13, 1782.
44
The attack of Mangalore or Hyders dominions and some other
places provided an access towards Hyder dominions. Mr.Sulivan at Tanjores proposed
plans to Colonel Thumberton to take upon himself the command of the Companys
troops at Calicut. The efforts they made against Hyder with the support of the forces
under Major Abington resulted in the utmost extension of the situation as would
admit.
45


In this context, one has to consider the situation by which Hyder got control
over Palghat. The Zamorin attacked Palghat. Immediately the Raja of Palghat
approached Hyder the Governor of Dindigul for help. The Palghat king had already
entered into an alliance with the king of Mysore. It was on this basis that the Raja of
Palghat approached Hyder. The latter despatched an army of 4000 soldiers under the
command of Mukhdum Ali. Then the Zamorin surrended and moved for peace and
agreed to pay 12 lakh rupees as compensation. But the money was not paid. Due to
internal problems Hyder was in different towards Malabar. Palghat remained with
Hyder.
46


43
Tellicherry Factory Diary Vol. V, pp. 34-41.

44
Bombay Secret & Political Diary, Vol. 26, pp. 341-347.

45
Foreign Department Secret Proceedings, Serial No. 53, 23
rd
Sept to 24
th
October
1782 pp. 2746-2750.

46
K.M. Bahaudheen, Kerala Muslim Kalcheruthinilpinte Charithram (Mal.),
Kozhikode, 2004, pp. 109-110.

172


141
With Palghat alone in his possession, Hyder sent Mukhdum Ali with a
powerful expeditionary force. Mukhdum entered Malabar through the Palghat pass
with 7000 troops and then towards Calicut. But then, Mukhdums forces were at
Tirurangadi. Mukhdum was defeated by Col. Humberstone and a large number of
men were killed by the English forces.
47
Hyder, realizing the increasing strength of
the British forces, ordered his son Tipu to proceed to the West Coast. In the mean
time, Col. Humberstone had drawn highly skilful plans to capture Palghat, but
unexpectedly he was attacked by the large troops of Tipu. He heard about the arrival
of Tipu on June 16, 1782 that Tipu Saheb will most undoubtedly command the army
on this side in the ensuing campaign
48
and he then realized the situation and
withdrew his forces from further advancement. Col.Humberstone, noticed that
Palghat was much stronger than what he expected, he was secretly informed that a
large forces were advancing towards him and he very prudently determined to
retreat.
49
At the same time, Tipu was informed of the death of Hyder.
50
And he
rushed back to Mysore to be crowned as Sultan. Before he left, he had appointed
Arshed Beg Khan to be in charge of the Government of Malabar and to remain on
the defence of Palghat.

Hyders victory and rule over Malabar were really remarkable events in the
history of the relations between Mysore and Calicut. So, Hyders death in the midst
of the Second Anglo-Mysore war left Malabar in an unsettled political state. Besides,

47
C.K. Kareem, Op.cit., (1973), p. 67.

48
Charles Stuarts, Catalogue and Memoirs of Tipu Sultan, pp. 264.

49
Military Consultations, Feb, 1783, Vol, 86, A.p. 719.

50
Malabar Commission, Foreign Miscellaneous, Vol. 55, 1793, p. 39.

173


142
Arshed Begkhan was appointed commander and manager in the revenue areas of
Malabar from Nebishur to Cochin.
51
In consequence the Bombay Presidency
recalled Macleod and Humberstone at Ponnani
52
and appointed General Mathew at
this place.
53
But the forces proceeded to Badnur instead of attacking Tipus forces.
54

Calicut having with other parts of Malabar cast off the yoke of Hyder, was in 1773,
re-conquered by the Mysorean ruler, whose forces were, however, in 1782 driven out
by the British.
55
Colonel Fullerton, from the Madras Council realising the strategic
importance of Malabar, marched from Palghat through the Anamalai forests and on
November 15, 1783 captured Palghat after a successful siege and handed it over to the
Zamorin.
56


Tipus Ascendancy in Malabar:
During Tipus visit to Mysore, he heard that the Bombay Government recalled
Maclead and posted General Mathew instead.
57
He did not show much interest in
fighting Mysore soldiers; instead he diverted his attention towards Bednur. But the
English having the coveted intention of abolishing Mysore rule from Kerala
strengthened their stand that Malabar should be captured, especially the fort of
Palghat, since it was the only stronghold of Tipu. Tipu Sultan re-entered also on that

51
Ibid., Vol, 55, 1793, p. 39.

52
Bombay Secret & Political Diary, No. 28, pp. 51-55.

53
Ibid., No. 27, pp. 918-920.

54
Ibid., No. 30, pp. 212-213.

55
Edward Thornton, Esq, Gazetteer of the East India Company, Delhi, 1984, p. 176.

56
C.K. Kareem, Kerala under Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan, Ernakulam, 1973,
pp. 76-78.

57
Bombay Secrets & Political Diary, No. 28, pp. 51-55.

174


143
occasion in to the small possession of the small boundary of Cannanore. The
Dutch Records of 1783-84 must therefore see what extent of territory then
understood to be included under the head and terms of Cherruvai.
58


But the Zamorin was very particular to re-establish his power in his own
territory snatched away by Hyder. So he pleaded with Fullerton to restore his
ancestral region. Fullerton promised him to do so and tried to keep him in Palghat
with other four battalions of the Travancore sepoys, but Zamorin just abandoned
Palghat and got back into the mountains. According to Fullerton, The Zamorin and
his followers of the Nayar caste were rigid Gentous and venerate the Brahmins.
Tipus soldiers, therefore, daily exposed the heads of many Brahmins in sight of the
fort. It is asserted that the Zamorin, rather than witness such enormities, chose to
abandon Palghatcherry
59
. Waiting for this opportunity, Tipus forces captured their
fort. Tipu reconquered the territories occupied by the English. Tipu arrived at
Palacatheery. Colonel Thumberston stated reduction of Palghatcherry as necessary to
secure Malabar allies in possession of their countries and as open a passage into a
valuable part of Hyders dominions and the boundary of Coimbatore.
60
Independent of
the war in which Tipu then was engaged with the noble Nizam Ally Cawn, he was
involved in hostilities with the Zamorin on the Malabar Coasts.
61
The treaty of
Mangalore (March 11, 1784) which concluded the Second AngloMysore War,
convinced Tipu about the strategic importance of his Malabar possessions. The

58
Cochin Commission Diary, Vol. 2023, No.20397, 1796-97, p. 560.

59
W. Fullerton, A View of the English Interests in India, pp. 26-30.

60
Foreign Department, Secret Proceedings, No. 55, 3-24
th
March, 1783, p. 846.

61
C.H. Philips, B.S. Misra, Fort William India House Correspondence, Vol. XV,
Delhi, 1963, p. 678.

175


144
treaty of Mangalore is a remarkable document of Indo-British history.
62
This was a
great victory for Tipu, but in a pathetic turn, his officers suppressed the local people.
Moreover, Ibrahim one of Tipus chief officers acted against the terms of his treaties
with the princes of Malabar. There were rebellions everywhere, especially among
the Mappila Muslims of Ernadu, headed by Kurukkal kicked an open rebellion.
Arshad Beg Khan, with the help of Ravi Varma, controlled the rebellion.
63
Arshed
Beg Khan conferred on a considerable Jagir with Ravi Varma.
64
Thus several
considerations have strongly influenced the president upon the expected arrival of the
reinforcement under Sir. Richard Bickerton to propose sending troops to assist in
effecting an attack against the dominious of Hyder on the Coast of Malabar and
some troops to the northern and some to the southern provinces of the company on the
Coast of Coromandel.
65


Tipu and his Administration in Kerala:
Early in 1788 Tipu, like his father, paid a personal visit to Malabar and built a
new town named after Furrukabad (Ferokhia) on the south bank of the river
Beypore, about 13 Kms south of Kozhicode. He planned to establish that new town
as the capital of his Kingdom in Kerala. Moreover, he brought many economic
changes there. In November 1785 he declared pepper, sandalwood and cardamom as
government monopoly and godowns were constructed to store them. Persons who

62
B. Sheik Ali, Tipu Sultan, New Delhi, 1972, p. 11.

63
C.A. Innes, & Evans (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), p. 73.

64
J. Speneer, J. Smee and A. Walker, A Report on the Administration of Malabar,
Para. 22, p. 7.

65
Foreign Department Secret Proceedings, No.55 Several 3-24
th
March, 1738,
p. 950.

176


145
sold them to outsiders were punished severely.
66
Tipu wanted to develop Ferokhia
(Feroke) as a rival port to Calicut as well as an emporium of trade.
67
Tipu perhaps
wanted to break the back of British monopolistic policy in pepper trade. Tipu said
that the expansion of the British as a threat to the entire Islamic world and called the
English the enemies of the Islamic faith.
68
The changes in trade, in fact, threatened
the English a lot. They felt that these hasty measures of Tipu would force them to
close down their Tellicherry factory by making them suffer without getting proper
spices. So they handled the trick of encouraging the local rebels by supplying them
enough money and military weapons. But like Hyder, Tipu too resented such an act.
Tipu was very closely watching the movements of the Travancore Government. Tipu
infantry was of the greatest part of the camp.
69


Tipus unexpected turn against Travancore was an important event. Hyder
had the dear dream of conquering Travancore, but till his death it had remained a
dream. But the situation changed a lot in favour of Rama Varma Raja of Cochin,
when he was included by the English as a friend and ally of the Company in the
Treaty of Mangalore after the Second Anglo-Mysore war.
70
Mr. Richard Secker to
the Commission for settling the treaty of peace at Mangalore dated 11
th
March 1784,
but a copy of that letter was sent to the Commission at Calicut. As per the treaty of

66
Reports of a Joint Commission Bengal and Bombay Appointed to inspect into the
State and Condition of the Province of Malabar, in the years 1792 & 1793, Vol.
Madras, 1862, p. 60.

67
Y.J. Taraporewala, Fort William India House Correspondence 1792 95,
Vol. XVII, Delhi,1955, p. 526.

68
B. Sheik Ali, Op.cit., 1972, p. 25.

69
Malabar Second Commission Diaries (Political), Vol. 1730, G.No. 20095, p. 58.

70
William Logan, Treaties etc i. XCIII, Select Committee, Oct. 1783, No. 5.

177


146
Mangalore, the Malabar Rajas became tributaries of Tipu, like wise Bebee of
Cannanore did not. By the treaty the district of Mount DEly was ceded to the
English.
71
Unlike Hyder, Tipu was a shrewd politician and he did not follow the same
move of demanding vassalage alone, but he followed the policy of appearing before
the Raja and winning him by settling all outstanding disputes. On the contrary to
Tipus soft approach, Ravi Varma just put Tipus appeal aside with the confidence of
English support, and tried to break the boundaries of the Treaty of Mangalore.
Thus the Mysore-Travancore relations during the time of Tipu present an absolutely
different picture from that at the time of his father.
72
The treaty of 1784 with Tipu
provided that peace and friendship should immediately take place between the
contracting parties and their allies, including particularly the Rajas of Tanjore and
Travancore, as friends of the English.
73


The Raja of Travancore had also tried to keep himself safe by encouraging the
rebellions and acted as the haven to the rebel chiefs of Malabar. He was sure that his
position would be safe and undisturbed till the rebel Rajas and chiefs of Malabar
were active. This rebellious atmosphere was not ever lasting The Travancore Raja
had realized that as long as he supported them and kept them active against Tipu, his
own territory would be comparatively safe, but this policy boomeranged and led to the
Mysore invasion of Travancore.
74



71
Malabar Commission, Foreign, Miscellaneous, Part, 1-1793, p. 87.

72
C.K. Kareem, Op.cit., (1973), p. 91.

73
Peter Auber, Rise & Progress of the British power in India, Vol. II, London, 1837,
p. 112.

74
T. Madhava Menon, Op.cit., (2000), p. 173.

178


147
Tipu and Rama Varma:
Rama Varma did not like to approach Tipu, for the reason that Tipu had
unjustly deprived of his brother the rulers of Malabar of their possessions. He also
had the fear of Tipu, who, having Cochin as his vassal always remained a permanent
threat to his kingdom. He, therefore, did everything to please the English, including
strengthening his frontiers and improving his military forces against Tipu. By doing
so, he thought, that he could seek the support of the English later.

He had also extended the Travancore lines through the territory of Cochin up
to the fort of Cannanore. This line cut off about one third of the Cochin territory from
Cochin and Travancore and had claimed that the Raja of Cochin had agreed at the
time of its construction. Considering the help rendered by Travancore in driving out
the Zamorin from the Cochin territories, The King of Cochin was in not in a position
to turn down Travancores demands.
75
When Tipu wanted Rama Varma to demolish
that particular part of the lines which ran through his own tributary i.e., Cochin
territory, Rama Varma just ignored the idea since he felt it was necessary for the
safety of his country.

The final flaw that Rama Varma did was the purchase of the two Dutch forts,
Ayakotta and Kodungalur. Tipu had negotiated for their purchase but the Dutch sold
them to Travancore. Perhaps, the Dutch might have feared that Tipus command over
them would damage their trade. Even then the Madras East India Company had
advised the King of Travancore to reconsider the idea of purchasing these Dutch forts,
but the Raja never bothered about their advice. The Madras Government mentioned
this act as a very impolitic act which made the Raja liable for the forfeiture of the

75
Ibid., p. 173.

179


148
companys protection.
76
Even the King of Travancore himself wrote a letter to the
Dutch Governor slightly mentioning that the purchase would cause a war between the
English and Mysore.
77
The letter of Sir Eyrecoote to the Kingof Travancore says that
the Companys forces under the Commander Colonel Humberston were moving from
Calicut towards Palamcottah.
78


Tipu and the King of Travancore:
As said earlier the Travancore King kindled rebellions in Malabar and also
requested the Governor of Madras to provide the rebels with possible help to capture
their lost power and territories.
79
He knew very well that he alone could not face Tipu
and so he entirely relied on the English. Beyond that, Tipu had his own methods of
solving problems and disputes. He sent messengers to the King of Cochin as well as
to the King of Travancore with letter to this effect and some costly presents for his
kind acceptance.
80
Tipu hoped that he could settle the disputes peacefully without a
war through the Company. Their reactions, however, were not favourable. In the
mean time, he reached Palghat on December 4, 1789. Even if he thought of attacking,
he could have done so, but he sent his demands to the Raja since he did not want a
war and he did not come prepared for the same.
81
Since Tipu thought that the

76
TNA 1789: Fq & TNA Military Consultations Vol, 129, C: F. 1447.

77
Kozhikode Archives, No. 47.

78
K.D. Bhargava, Calendar of Persian Correspondence 1792-1793, Vol.X, Delhi,
1959, pp.350-351.

79
Military Country Correspondence, Vol. 38, No. 59 dt. June 10, 1786, Rega to
Holland.

80
Mathilakam Records, (Mal.), Curuna, 1308, p. 75.

81
Secret Consultations No. 10, dated January 27. 1790.

180


149
English did not approve of the ways of the Raja, he would step down to peaceful
means. But, the Raja strongly believed that he could get the help of English and so
he did not mind Tipu.

Defeat and Death of Tipu:
Finally, on 28
th
December 1789 Tipu attacked the Travancore lines and a
portion was completely destroyed. The English forces stationed nearby did not
involve in the war; instead, they returned to Ayakotta across the backwaters. Sensing
Tipus concentration on Travancore, the local rebel chieftains of Malabar began to
revolt all over the region. In the mean time, the English completed their negotiations
with the Mahrattas and the Nizam for a coalition against Mysore. Taking advantage
of Tipus compaign against Travancore, the English
82
declared war on Tipu and the
Third Anglo-Mysore War commenced. Tipu was defeated and large parts of his
territories were ceded to the confederates. A treaty with the Madras Government was
concluded in 1790. The victors occupied the port of Ferokh permanently by the
Treaty of Seringapatnam.
83
About two months period to this treaty Tipu ceded the
place with the Honble Company in March 1792 all the districts in Malabar
dependents in the Cutcherry of Calicut which were from the Cochin district, and
Cannanore.
84
General Abercromby of his intension to depend us to you to settle about
the countries ceded to the Honble Company by Tipu Sultan after setting some few
things with the different Rajas here, we shall proceed to Calicut. Mr.Agnew, the

82
Mohibbul Hasan, History of Tipu Sultan, Calcutta, 1971, p. 236. The Victory of
the British allied forces and the defects of Tipus allied forces led to the
establishment of British supremacy in Malabar.

83
Y.J. Taraporewala, Op.cit., Vol. XVII, (1955), p. 532.

84
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 2565, Y. No. 20930, p. 16.

181


150
resident there to provide a proper place for an residence. Tipus country ceded to the
English east in the country you are to obey no other orders but such as you may
receive from us, you must there fore directly come to us at Calicut with amount of the
revenue of the country.
85


Factors heading of the fall of Tipu:
Many were the factors that contributed to the sudden collapse of Tipus
authority in Malabar
86
. He restored the factory and privileges possessed by the
English at Calicut until the year 1779 or (1193 Hijira) and he restored Mount Dilly
and its district belonging to the settlement of Tellicherry possessed by the English.
87


Tipus Religious Persecution:
Bastolomes, who was then, in the vicinity: described the cruelty committed by
Tipu Sultan The manner in which he behaved to the inhabitants of Calicut was
horrid. A great part of them, both male and female were hung. He first tied up the
mothers, and then suspended the children from their necks. The cruel tyrant caused
several Christians and heathens to be brought out naked, and made fast to the feet of
his elephants, which were then obliged to drag them about till their limbs fell in pieces
from their bodies. Neither the Brahmins nor the Christians, were forcibly subjected to
the initiatory rite of Mohammedanism, first had the option of submitting or being
hanged.
88
Coconut trees and Sandal trees were cut down. The city was almost

85
Malabar Second Commission-Correspondence Letters sent, Vol. 1896, G.No.
20261, 1792, p. 1&5.

86
Extract from Robert Taylor Esquire Chief of Tellicherry 1
st
May 1793, p.334.

87
D.C. Ganguly (ed.), Select Documents of the British Period of Indian History,
Calcutta, 1958, p. 116.

88
A. Aiyappan, Social Revolution in a Kerala Village, Bombay, 1965, p. 18.
182


151
completely smashed. Most of the materials taken at Nellura, 6 miles to the south and
eastward, where they were used to build a fort and town called by Tipu Sultan
Furruckabad or Fortunate town. In the later part of 1790, the Mysorean force,
having been concentrated in the neighbourhood of Calicut, was attacked by a British
attachment commanded by Coasel Hartleay, and totally defeated; Tipus general was
made prisoner with 900 of his men, and 1500 more laid down their arms at the
Fortunate Town.
89
The years 1792 & 1799 were decided the political structure.
They were turning point in the establishment of sovereignty of the English East India
Company. The extra-territorial possessions occupied by the company as a matter of
political unrest from Tipu Sultan made the company one of the formidable sovereigns
in India than any other political authority.
90


The victory of the British and the allied forces and the defeat of Tipus allied
forces led to the establishment of British supremacy in Malabar. Tipu died on 4
th

May 1799. Britishers retained the provinces of Tipu. Finally, the Britishers annexed
Malabar which became a part of the Madras Presidency in 1800.
91
Causes for the
defeat of Tipu are as follows:
The chieftains of Kerala were never reconciled to the Muslim rule and hence
they were in a perpetual state of revolt.
The geographical features of the country were best suited for the operation of
guerrilla forces.

89
Edward Thornton, Esq, A Gazetteer of the East India Company, Delhi, 1984,
p. 177.

90
K.K.N. Kurup, Early Revolts against the English East India Company in South
India, South Indian History Congress, Madurai, 2001, p. 448.

91
Krishna Chaitanya, Op.cit., (1944), p. 26.

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152
Muslim rule was an alien rule to the Nayars of Malabar.
Tipu was merciless and vindictive.
The steady flow of refugees to the South added the strength to the rebellions.
The sudden departure of Tipu from Malabar left his troops without proper
leadership and guidance and they went out of control.

At the end of the war, Malabar became the booty of the British. The long
cherished ambition of the Company to establish monopoly over the lucrative business
in spices was thus achieved.

Social Schemes and Reformations:
The invasions of Mysore on Calicut or Kerala might have short lived. But
their impact on administration, society and economy and even religion was felt of
lasting nature. They were unique and remarkable. A systematic land revenue
administration was organized. The first land survey in the history of Kerala was
conducted only by the Mysorean administrators. They surveyed the land and fixed
the land tax on the basis of the produce. Such things were absolutely unknown in
Malabar.
92
No land survey was known to the people and the Malayala had no
means of determining correctly the extent of his cultivated land.
93
Only wet land
was taxed, but the dry land and the property held by the temples were exempted.
Crops like cashew, cardamom, cinnamon and garden produce like plantains,
vegetable, etc. were exempted from taxation. Coconut trees, jack trees and pepper
vines alone were assessed. In 1786, Tipu separated the civil and military functions of
the Government as an effective step to prevent corruption and improve the efficiency

92
John Waye, A Report on the Southern Division of Malabar, p. 8.

93
Malabar Collectorate Records, Foreign Miscellaneous Serial No. 56, Part I, p. 863.

184


153
of the revenue administration. Mysorean system was above caste and religious
consideration.

Transport:
The Mysorean rulers had excelled even in introducing and using the means of
transport. The network of roads furnished by them in Kerala can be considered as one
of their best achievements. Till the time of Hyder and Tipu, only waterways had been
used as the chief means of transportation.
94
For the first time in Kerala, the wheeled
traffic was introduced after the invasion of Mysoreans. According to Ibn Battuta, no
one travels in these parts upon beasts of burden which however any merchant has to
buy or sell goods, they are carried upon the backs of men who are either slaves or
coolies hired for these purposes. Big merchants may have hundred or more of these
men to transmit their goods from one place to another.
95
In the same way, Francis
Buchanan who visited this country between 1800-1801 remarks, In Malabar even
cattle are of little use for transportation of goods which are generally carried by
porters.
96
Before Tipus time, as Innes says, wheeled traffic was unknown and even
back bullocks were not used. The first bullock cart was brought to Kerala from
Coimbatore.

However, the invasions of both Hyder and Tipu have left their lasting
expressions on the administration of the Malabar region. Though Hyders attempts
to lay roads did not materialise, his son Tipu proved himself a worthy administrator,

94
C.A. Innes & Evans, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1997), p. 267.

95
Ibn Battuta, Travel (Malayalam Translation) p. 27.

96
Francis Buchanan, Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore,
Canara and Malabar,Vol. II, New Delhi, 1988, p. 434.

185


154
who succeeded in laying a chain of road network established in Malabar and other
places.
97


The following were the important roads laid by Tipu Sultan:
From Calicut to the present Cantonment in Bangalore;
From Malappuram to Tamaracherri;
From Malappuram to Pudupani;
From Calicut to Ferokhia, (the present Feroke);
From Ferokhia to Coimbatore;
From Palghat to Dindigul; and
From Venkata Kotta to Coimbatore.
These new roads, in fact, made easy the transport of men (military) and
material from Malabar to Mysore and Vice Versa.

Extent of Roads in Malabar:
The speedy transmission of conveyance, quicker and easier arrangements for
communication and safer means of travel and transport are important for commercial
and industrial development. Tipu Sultan was the only Indian prince who felt the
significance of the Industrial Revolution as it affected the means of transport and
communication. Tipus network of roads guaranteed political security, economic
prosperity and commercial development. It also helped the establishment of
administrative machinery that worked with precision and speed.
98
No one can deny
Tipus legacy to Kerala, particularly to the Malabar region. Zamorin of Calicut owes
to Tipu a lot in this respect. In other words, Mysorean invasion helped the Zamorins

97
C.A. Innes & Evans, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1997), p. 268.

98
B.K. Sankar, Inland Transport and Communication in Medieval India, p. 32.

186


155
modernise themselves, with particular reference to commerce communication and
even caste system which received a rude shock. It is well said that even if Tipu had
not made any other reform in Malabar, his road making effort alone would have
crowned him with lasting glory.

Trade and Industry:
One can witness a great advancement in trade and industry in Malabar during
the reign of Tipu. He was alone among the Indian rulers to realize that a country
could be great and powerful only by developing its trade and industry.
99
He could
foresee how state monopoly on import and export of commodities be imposed. He
sought to set up State monopoly on gold ore and other precious minerals and metals
as well as on tobacco and sandalwood, elephants, teak wood, coconut and pepper.
This is to a great extent, prevented the European squandering of Indian resources.

As an Indian, Tipu did not like the foreigners earning their profits by doing
business in India. Tipu was very particular that the English should not enjoy the
monopolistic right over pepper and other commodities. He realized the great benefit
accruing to the European nations from their business in India. He undertook the role
of trader, manufacturer, banker and money lender.
100


Tipu set up warehouses throughout Malabar and other areas with a view to
monopolizing the wholesale trade. It is mentioned in his letter to Raja Ram Chundar
that though the profit was less, ordinary people would be benefited much.
101


99
C.K. Kareem, Op.cit., (1973), p. 162.

100
Mohibbul Hassan, Op.cit., (1971), p. 344.

101
Ibid, p. 331.

187


156
State trading corporation was another trade system introduced by Tipu. This
made even ordinary laymen to participate in trade. Shares were sold to his subjects,
the values of which ranged from Rs.5 to Rs.5000.
102
From Mysore Tipu arranged for
the export of sandalwood, ivory, rice, spices, cotton and silk fabrics and his
government agents in Malabar collected land revenue not only in cash but also in
kind and
103
the people were not much burdened. No actual inspection took place in
any of the southern districts. The Canon goes accounts were prepared in the several
cutcheries from those delivered by the hobily and tarrah menon who in turn based
them on Tipus Jamabandhi.
104


No other Indian King tried to establish factories and warehouses in foreign
countries. Tipu had his regular factory establishments in Muscat, Jiddah and Ormuz
and even he made efforts to establish factories in Aden and Basara.
105


Tipu and Social Upliftment:
Not only trade and transport developments but also social upliftment was the
major concern of Tipu. In Malabar and other areas, a sort of the feudal set up existed
and the people of a few communities like Nambutiris and Nayars had got enormous
power in the society. According to EMS Nambutiripad, what is called Kanan Janma
maryada the totality of relations between the parts of India that outsiders were

102
Krik Patrick, Letters of Tipoosultan, No. XCVIII, p. 129.

103
Mark Wilks, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1980), p. 268.

104
Malabar Second Commission Diaries (Revenue) 1797, Vol. 1712, pp. 37-38.

105
Kirk Patrick, Op.cit., No. CCVI, p. 239.


188


157
dumb founded when they were told about it.
106
Women in general and low caste
women in particular had been treated badly in the period before the Mysorean
invasions. The traditional values were established and imposed on the society only by
the Brahmins.
107
The Sudra women were expected to put off their chastity and the
social rule recommended that they should devote themselves to satisfy the desires of
Brahmins. A regular legal marriage was prohibited to the Nayars by caste rules.
Chastity of women was put off by the per microns practice of sambhanda by which a
Nambutiri could cohabit with a Nayar woman he liked, without incurring any kind of
future obligation or liability or even the displeasure of the Nayar man. Nambutiri
was considered the representative of God, pleasing him was considered equal to
pleasing God. Even the first nuptial of the Zamorins newly wedded wife was with the
priestly Nambutiri. This developed into polyandry and the system of matrilineal.
Peasantry was given importance during Mysroean period. Rent free concessions and
other incentives were generally offered to ease the promotion of cultivation. A vast
area of land was brought under the plough due to his persuasion and encouragement.
He also undertook a lot of irrigation works. The 18
th
century Mysorean invasions
dealt a severe blow to the social fabric in the Malabar region. Those who had been
wedded to outmoded practice were butchered or persecuted or converted persecution
of Nambutiri and Nayars weakened the political and social position of these castes.
Antagonisms prevailed between the Mappilas and the dominant Hindu castes.
108

Feroke near Calicut, the place of his choice of a Mysorean capital in Kerala was

106
E.M.S. Namboodiripad, Kerala Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow, Calcutta, 1968,
p. 3.

107
C. Achyuta Menon, Cochin State Manual, Ernakulam, 1911, p. 193,

108
R.H. Hitchcock, Peasant Revolt in Malabar, New Delhi, 1983, p.3 .
189


158
dominantly of Muslim population. It speaks much about Tipus systematic steps
taken to topple the caste system in the Malabar region.

The Mysorean interlude in Malabar witnessed the disintegration of the
Zamorin Kingdom of Calicut. This followed the emergence of a new political order
not only in the Calicut but also in Malabar as a whole. On the political and
commercial scene there had been a continuous rivalry among the natives, especially
Calicut Mysore and European powers. During the times of Mysorean invasions the
Zamorins sought the support of some European power, especially the British. The
foreigners utilized this opportunity and got more commercial benefits. At the same
time, the Britishers followed a diplomatic policy and expelled all the other European
powers. Finally, they became the masters of Malabar. The British followed a
treacherous policy on the one side and on the other, followed a policy of expansion
into the Mysorean territory. This they did by making alliance with the native rulers
and the neighbouring kingdoms of Mysore. Once the British could be the fall of Tipu
Sultan, they began to dictate terms to the Zamorins, who ruled their small regions
under the mercy of the British. Owe of the major causes for the fall of the Zamorins
was their unsteady policy with the Europeans, their hostile attitude towards the native
Rajas and inherent ambition to rule the whole of Kerala without the necessary
infrastructure. Had they aligned themselves with the Mysoreans, they could have
very easily overpowered the Europeans. But the Zamorins relations with Mysore
were hostile and they paid for it in the long run. The fall of Mysorean force at the
hands of the English had ulterior implications. With the subjugation of the Mysorean
the English turned their attention towards Kerala through the Malabar Coast.
190
159
CHAPTER VI
ZAMORINS RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH

The British, though late to come on the waters of the Arabian Sea, were also
very much interested in developing their relationship with the Zamorin. This relation
was also developed through trade contacts, particularly of pepper trade. The British
entered into relations with the Zamorin with certain pre-conceived notions. In fact,
they like all the other European powers were lured by the beautiful products of the
Zamorins country.
1


The East India Company wanted to monopolise trade in pepper by outwitting
all other European powers. The Company gradually understood the weakness of all
the European powers and the absence of any strong military power with the Zamorin,
in particular. Further, the Zamorin was in search of an alternative European power to
face the Portuguese and the Dutch and the emerging Mysorean powers. This gave
them the required opportunity to interfere with the internal affairs of the Zamorin and
gain his confidence. The Company thereafter wanted to keep control over him. This
resulted in making the Zamorin a puppet in their hands.

Historians generally believed that the contact between India and England had
begun by the 16
th
century A.D.
2
The most outstanding fact was the attraction of
foreigners towards Calicut before the arrival of the British commented Sir John Shore,

1
Robert Orme, History of Military Transactions of the British Nation in Indostan,
London,1773, pp. 7-9

2
R.C. Majumdar (ed.), Age of Imperial Unity, Bombay 1968, p. 611.

191
160
would in fact prove the subversion of the British power on the Coasts of Malabar.
3

The Zamorin declared Calicut as a free port. The British supremacy over the
Malabar Coast, according to Edward Thompson, the Governor General was present
by proxy in every State that accepted it. Well trained bodies of the troops were dotted
about in every strategic and key position.
4


Arrival of the British:
The foundation of the East India trade was mainly on the expression of the
growing national desire for commerce.
5
The British were encouraged not only by this
factor alone, but by many other factors. Among them, mention may be made of to
keep control over
The steady wealth of trade with other European powers.
The absence of any naval power with the Zamorin;
The hospitality of the Zamorin extended to other European powers;
Superior naval power of the English.
Their superior diplomatic manoeuvring;
A wide network of strategy and their position, well trained military and
communication system
The Zamorins keeping Calicut as a free trade zone;
And the subversive attitude of the British.


3
Foreign Political Consultations Proceedings, 25 Sept, 1795, p. 6962.

4
Edward Thompson, The Making of the Indian Princes, London, 1943, p. 23.

5
Shafaat Ahmad Khan, East India Trade in the XVII Century in its political and
economic aspects, England, 1923, p. 1.

192
161
Following the early foreigners, the British arrived at Calicut to engage
themselves in the lucrative spice trade. Spice, one of the powerful weapons attracted
the traders to Malabar.
6
The English historian Robert Orme explained and, in fact,
blamed Indians for producing such beautiful spice items as to attract the foreigners
and lure them into Indian trade and, in addition to that, the spirit of awakening of the
English kindled by the successful commercial attempts of the predecessors like the
Portuguese and the Dutch in the 15
th
and 16
th
centuries.
7
Moreover, the British
would like to promote their trade contacts with Malabar diplomatically. With the
formation of the Company, the struggle for Eastern trade began to develop vigorously.
After the arrival of the British in the Malabar province a triangular competition
developed among the Portuguese, the Dutch and the English. When the trade
activities continued, the arch rivalry between the British and the French reached the
interior of the Malabar province. This rivalry led to the misunderstanding between
the English and the Dutch. Differences and disputes have arisen between the
privileged company of the English and the Dutch nations touching their trade and
commerce in East India and particularly at Calicut.
8


Ralph Hitch the First English Mens Visit:
The Zamorins of Calicut did not have any well equipped army to safeguard the
interests of Calicut against the enemies. They depended on the militia mostly on the
Kalaris and the suicide squads and the naval forces under the Kunjali Marakkars to
fight against the strong and the well-equipped European powers. Though the Kunjalis

6
Robert Orme, Op.cit., (1773), pp. 7-8.

7
K.K. Kusuman, English Trade in Travancore, Karyavattom, 1977, p.1.

8
William Foster, Court Minutes of the East India Company, 1668 1670, London,
1929, p. 225.

193
162
were faithful and dedicated seamen, the military policy of the Zamorins including
them were not enough to meet the situation that cropped up due to the impact of
westerners. Perhaps the Zamorins might not have expected any military attack on
their Kingdom as they believed that the European powers were interested only in
trade and commerce and amassing huge wealth.

The way in which the Zamorins maintained relations with the European
powers was a matter of concern. They, in fact, followed an irregular foreign policy
with the other Native as well as the Europeans. They always behaved in a manner
that suited their personal gains. They never had permanent foes or enemies. Their
main concern was the safety of their royal position and regalia and for that purpose
they would join hands with any power that can forward with assistance such a critical
situation, the British have decided to reap the maximum harvest. It is well known that
the English grew to be great diplomats and strategists against the Zamorins could not
stand equal.

Ralph Fitch was perhaps the first Englishman to come as a trader to Calicut
and Cochin in 1583. However, his expedition was not sponsored by the English East
India Company.
9
Historians, however, differ in their opinion regarding the visit of
Ralph Fitch and his accomplices. R.C. Prasad, one of the earliest to write on these
states. Newberry and Ralph Fitch were not the real architects of this empire, even the
information given by them to the merchants of London not only the guide to the
organized effort of the next decade.
10
Nevertheless, they have found a permanent

9
N. Rajendran, Establishment of British Power in Malabar (1664 - 1799),
Allahabad, 1979, p. 23.

10
R.C. Prasad, Early English Travellers in India, Edinburgh, 1980, p. 24.

194
163
place in all historical works which trace the beginnings of the British commercial
enterprise in India.
11
After the arrival of the early traders, the English cherished an
ambition to increase their strength and trade monopoly at the Indian trade centres.
12

After the decline of the Dutch East India Company, The first Englishman to visit
India, particularly Malabar in 1588 was Master Ralph Fitch. His visit to Calicut and
Cochin is said to have been completed before the first voyage of James Lancaster in
1591, usually regarded as the beginning of English trade in the East.
13
The English
East India Company knew that it would be very difficult for them to do so without
getting the proper assistance from the home government. The Company officials left
no stone unturned in getting the royal grant. Finally, the government issued a Royal
Charter in 1600 for carrying out commerce in the eastern waters.
14
The commercial
rivalry among the European powers cropped up into political antagonism which
resulted in a series of wars with the native as well as the European settlers in India.
15

This being the basic document, granted with royal permission for the Company for its
further activities in the 17
th
century, the company came to possess factories dependent
on the provinces of Indian States and also to build and possess forts and factories on

11
Murkot Ramunny, Ezhimala: The Abode of the Naval Academy, New Delhi, 1993,
pp. 57-59.

12
Lotika VaradaRajan (Tr.), India in the 17
th
Century (Social, Economic, Political)
Memoirs of Francois Martin, Vol. II, Part. I, New Delhi, 1984, pp. 978-979.

13
Emily Gilchriest Hatch, Travancore: A Guide Book for the Visitor, Madras, 1933,
pp. 34-35.

14
Roland E. Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala, Madras, 1976, p. 78.

15
V.S. Sreemathy, English East India Companys Early Trade with Madras
Presidency, 1639-1700 A.D. South Indian History Congress, 21 Session, Madurai,
2001, p. 256.

195
164
the Malabar Coast including Calicut.
16
This Charter laid the foundation for the
Company to build factories and forts in Indian States.
17
This Charter was granted in
contrast to the French attempts of Jean Colbert, the Finance Minister under Louis XIV
of France, in starting a trading company in the East. Experts worked out this under
the Joint stock Company rules and regulations. Though a Joint stock Company, the
government had kept with itself all supervisory powers, coming under the government
protection which supplied their forces to protect the interests of the Company and
granted financial assistance. The Company, with passage of time, took initiative in
establishing its commercial, political, military and diplomatic relations with the Indian
States. It was manned by persons owing allegiance to the British government and
established its strong grounds in the Indian soil. Once it was established on strong
footing, it slowly stretched its arms to meddle with the internal affairs of the Native
States.

The Way for Treaty between the Zamorin and the British:
As an initial step the Company submitted a petition to the King James 1 in
1606-7, placing a request to the Zamorin for granting facilities for trade, in all liberty
and freedom with peace and safety of our persons, ships and goods. In consequence,
the King James I sent a letter to the Zamorin, whose officers took them to Cranganore
where, they received kind usage and concluded to settle a factory.
18
In 1615,
Captain Keeling, the first representative of the English East India Company came to

16
C.J. Hamilton, The Trade Relations between England and India, (1600-1896),
Calcutta, 1919, p. 60.

17
John Shaw, Charters Relating to the East India Company, 1600-1761, Madras,
1887, p. 25.

18
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1985), p. 37.


196
165
Malabar and met the Zamorin at Cranganore. He was the first English Captain to
conclude a treaty with the Zamorin. The Zamorin allowed the English full freedom to
trade in domain and also permitted them to open ware houses at Ponnani and Calicut.
After that the English supported the Zamorin and expelled the other European powers
from Malabar. K.N. Chaudhuri rightly observes that India then was the most
versatile and prosperous nation.
19
He landed at Calicut with three English ships that
brought Sir Thomas Roe
20
to the Court of Jahangir, and was passing down the coast
on his way from Surat to Bantam, he came across, according to Purchas, on the 4
th

March, a Toni (canoe) aboard us, with messengers from the Zamorin to the General.
The next day the Governor sent a present, and entreated the General to go to
Cranganore which the day after we did.
21
As a mark of this historical meeting, a
treaty was signed between the English and the Zamorin.
22
In these events, the
Zamorin engaged in besieging the Portuguese at Cannanore and Cochin. In
accordance with the treaty, both the parties agreed to stand united against their
common enemy, the Portuguese. A contemporary letter states: The Portuguese are
very much afraid of our being here in this country fearing it will be very prejudicial to
them for future times.
23
Their main aim was to capture the forts at Cannanore and
Cochin. At this hour of help, the Zamorin promised commercial and territorial
concessions to the Company. For the capture of these places, George Woolman was

19
Phanindra Nath Chakraborti, Rise and Growth of English East India Company,
Calcutta,1994, pp.1-3

20
W.W. Hunter, Op.cit., Vol. IX, (1886), p. 290.

21
Purchas, His Pilgrimage, Vol. 1, Glasgow, 1905, p.603.

22
William Foster (ed.), Letters received to the East India Company, Vol. IV,
London, 1900, p. 64.

23
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1985), p. 64.

197
166
appointed the chief of the Calicut factory. He was assisted by three Factors, a gunner
and a boy. Then there was not much progress in trade. This failure made a
stagnation in the day to day affairs of the Company. To improve the relations,
Captain Pepwell arrived at Calicut with his fleet on March 21, 1617.
24
He understood
that their Companys officers were not at all satisfied with the state of affairs in the
factory. So he decided to withdraw his factory.
25
Moreover, they had gone to the
extent of taking a decision to sell most of the goods left there, but they knew it was
impossible to obtain payment.

When the British East India Company was spearheading its commercial policy
in the south with Madras as their headquarters, the Kingdoms in the south were in the
state of political turmoil. The rise of petty principalities in Malabar regulated
discontent among themselves, which ultimately led to the political disunity. This
situation encouraged the European powers, particularly the British, to spread their
hold on the region. The intermittent conflicts among the chieftains encouraged the
foreign powers to spread their influence. Thus the British who enjoyed an upper hand
over the other European powers succeeded in establishing their supremacy either in
Calicut or in Malabar.

Different interests between the Zamorin and the British:
In course of time, there arose a state of confusion in the relations of the
Company with the Zamorin. However, the Zamorin was very particular in getting
their active assistance in his campaigns against the Portuguese. At that time, the

24
Sir William Foster, A Supplementary Calendar of Documents in the India Office
relating India or to the Home affairs of the East India Company, 1600-1640,
London, 1908, p. 67.

25
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 316.

198
167
English were, in fact, more interested in the Eastern Archipelago than in the Malabar
Coast. They, therefore, did not pay their attention in expelling the Portuguese from
the Malabar region. They were more interested in steadying and expanding their
commercial activities in Malabar than taking up arms against the Portuguese. Their
idea was to continue trade only by peaceful methods and gain as much wealth as
possible. The country itself neither gave vent to ours, nor produced commodities in
any quantity nor at reasonable rates to return for England.
26
On the other hand, the
Zamorin was also not interested in their trade, but was interested in getting their
support against the Portuguese for the conquest of Cranganore and Cochin. The terms
and conditions of the treaty and the agreement were obviously in favour of the
English. At the time of signing an agreement by the Zamorin with Captain Keeling in
1615, the letter of Zamorin addressed to King James I, made his intention very clear.
With the agreement between the Zamorin and the British authority, the Captain
Keeling occupied an everlasting place in the history of Malabar, because it was
perhaps the first official communication addressed by a Malabar Prince to a
sovereign of England.
27
Unlike the other European trading organisations the English
Company was able to look at their government for moral and material support. In the
three presidencies of Madras, Bombay and Calcutta, the Company had well equipped
forces, particularly the English forces in Madras were capable of handling any
situation with courage and sagacity. Being adept in seafaring activities, they moved
their men quickly through land and water ways. From the very beginning the policy
followed by the English was one of the tactics. Whenever there was a clash between

26
Purchas, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1905), p. 603.

27
William Foster, (ed.), Letters received by the East India Company from the
servants in the East, 1617 (July to December), Vol. VI, London, 1902, p. 49.

199
168
the two native powers, the English used to stand in support of the weaken power. By
perusing this policy the English were able to gain recognition among native states.
They were able to gain territorial gains as well.

Hesitant Steps of the British:
The main aim of the English was to establish a number of factories in the
central places. At the same time, the English established factories at Masulipatnam,
Calicut and several other ports and even at Delhi.
28
The treaty of granted the English
the acquisition of the fort of Cochin and it allowed the duty free trade of the British in
the Zamorins territory.
29
It was a diplomatic treaty because the Zamorin had gone to
the extent of Cochin to meet the English, thinking that they would give him military
assistance for the cause of defeating the Portuguese in his bid to bring Cranganore and
Cochin under his direct control. This treaty paved the way for the English to
intervene directly in the Malabar politics and to show their military strength. In this
critical circumstance, the English were not at all willing to enter into any alliance
which would result in a war. Previously, the English taught a lesson to the northern
provinces of India where their allies waged many a battle. In some places, they faced
the heavy resistance of mighty empires. So they did not like this open invitation to
intervene in the issue in the Malabar province. Moreover, their position and military
strength were very weak and they were not ready to show their military strength in
Malabar. At the same time, the early 17
th
century showed certain peculiarities which
were not on the whole shared not only by the English but also by the European

28
Abbe Raynal, History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East
and West Indies, Vol. II, London, 1789, pp. 16-17.

29
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1985), p. 38.

200
169
countries.
30
Above all, the Directors of the Company and the Government of England
would not approve of such an action. The policy of the Company was totally
disappointing, because the Zamorin expected military assistance from the English.
The result was that while the English did not give their military assistance, the
Zamorin did not give any assistance to the English to develop their trade in their
factories at Cranganore and Calicut. In 1618 the Companys trade policy failed at
Calicut, due to the lack of interest on the part of the English Factors and for a want
of sincerity on the part of the Zamorin.
31
Naturally, there was a huge cry on both
sides because there was an occasion when the Zamorin wanted to evacuate the
Portuguese to their land, in which he expected the assistance of the British. On the
other hand, the British wanted to establish trade relations with the Zamorin but did not
like his war designs.
32
As Logan remarks, But it very soon transpired that the
Zamorin wanted to get assistance against the Portuguese for the conquest of
Cranganore and Cochin, and when the English ships left without assisting him, very
scant courtesy was shown to ten persons left behind who were to have founded a
factory at Calicut.
33


Generally, Malabar attracted foreigners for her valuable and lucrative articles
of trade including pepper and spices. They could not only earn profits but have their
power felt in these native states. Foreigners like the Portuguese, the Dutch and the
English wanted to establish their power in these states. The Dutch and the English

30
K.N. Chaudhuri, The English East India Company. (The study of an Early Joint
Stock Company 1600-1640), London, 1965, p. 12.

31
Sir George Bird Woods Report, pp. 227-228.

32
K.K. Kusumsn, English Trade in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1977, pp.3-4.

33
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p. 328.

201
170
might have thought of using their commercial growth as a strategic and administrative
means of interference with the internal affairs of these states. Expansion of
commercial rivalry between both these powers led to an open clash between them for
supremacy.
34
However, they wanted to avoid an open clash. It, in fact, dealt a severe
blow to the commercial activities of the English in the East. The struggle for pepper
in Malabar between the English and the French was a long standing one. Both these
European powers aimed at monopoly over this pepper trade. Just as they are
neighbours in Europe, in Malabar also they established their important trading
centers. Tellicherry and Mahe in close proximity, and that may have been one of the
major factors in this struggle.
35
Having met with such a reprisal, the English once
again turned their attention to India, especially to Calicut. They sent Robert Barbor to
Calicut to be in charge of the factory.
36


In the mean time, the relation between the Dutch and the Zamorin had become
strained for the major reason of their support to their bitter enemy, the Portuguese in
relation to the Zamorin. He, on the other hand, had bitter experiences with the
Europeans whom he disgusted. To him the foreigners always followed a treacherous
policy, especially the Dutch, who were supporting his foe the Portuguese, and
welcomed the English with open arms. However, anticipating their support he
exempted them from the payment of all export duties on pepper. The Zamorins

34
T. Madhava Menon, (ed.), A Hand book of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, 2000,
p. 168.

35
P.K.K. Menon, Kerala and East India Company, History on the March,
Ernakulam, 1966, pp. 135-141.

36
William Foster, English Factories in India, Vol. V, 1634-36, London, 1911,
p. 317.

202
171
message with friendly initiation came to the English, when Charles Smeaton and
Robert Barbor were sent to the Calicut factory.
37


The late entry of the English into the Malabar region did not stand on its
consolidation. Of course, the English succeeded in the end, only due to the strength
of military power. The commercial policy of the English was also helpful in
stabilising political supremacy. The English concentrated their interest in pepper
trade. The Zamorins did not understand the effect of the Pepper trade on the political
scenario of Calicut. The pepper trade enhanced the wealth and domination of the
English power in Malabar. Their wealth coupled with a strong military background
enabled them in ousting powers like the Portuguese and the Dutch, etc. Among the
European powers the commercial supremacy was largely enjoyed by the English.

By this time, the Portuguese power in Kerala mostly collapsed in 1634-35.
The English East India Company too entered into a treaty with the Portuguese. By
that the English got free access to all the Portuguese ports in Kerala. This treaty
enabled the migration of the British to settle at different places in Kerala. Later in
1635, pepper was directly exported from Malabar to England.
38
Pepper earned the
title Malabar Money.
39
As Kerala was self sufficient in those days, Pepper was to
be paid for mostly in gold by the foreigners. At the most the European powers
diverted their attention towards Malabar.
40


37
Ibid., Vol. VI, (1902), p. 116.

38
M.J. Koshy, Encyclopaedia of India, Vol. XX, New Delhi, 1994, p. 59.

39
Francis Day, The Land of the Perumals, Madras, 1863, p. 545. The other term
known in Europe is black gold.

40
C.R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, London, 1967, pp. 60-61.

203
172
British hold in Malabar:
The English had cherished great ambitions in the provinces of Malabar. Their
main aim was to get trading concessions for their trade from the native Rajas.
Another goal of their activity was to assert their superiority over other European
powers. At the end, the Portuguese were not an equal political force in Malabar to
the British to be reckoned with, for their declining superiority. Later, in their decline
the Dutch had stepped into the shoes of the Portuguese. The presence of the English
in Malabar was totally resentful to the Dutch for they knew that if the English were
to gain a foothold in Malabar it would be dangerous to them. Moreover, the growth
of British power in Malabar would be was a menace and it would affect their
commercial interests adversely. Under such a situation, the Dutch resolved to
employ every means and make every effort to have the English expelled from the
land of the Zamorin.
41
In such a situation, they also took diplomatic action against
the native powers. Meanwhile, the French position in India was an advantage for the
English. Fryer describes the French factory at Surat as, better stored with monsieurs
than with cash; they live well, borrow money, and make a show.
42
When their
interests, clashed, they adversely affected their relations with the Zamorin, who could
not choose the best of them. Since the Zamorin could not get the steady support of
any of these, he had also to shift his stand now and then, leading to arms struggle in
the Malabar province. Before the arrival of the English, the European powers slowly
expanded their commercial interests with the goodwill of the native powers in the
Malabar province.
43


41
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1931), p.55.

42
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p.340.

43
Robert Bristow, Cochin Saga, Cochin, 1967, pp. 44-45.
204
173
Triangular Contest: The Zamorin, the Dutch and the British:
Besides, there were frequent clashes between the native powers, who
harboured relations with any one of the then European powers to toppling the other.
Thus much unity was lost in this region. In fact, the English have made a fair
assessment of the political situation in Malabar and took cautious steps to get a
permanent foothold there. Perhaps they had an idea of using Cochin the Portuguese
province in Malabar as their headquarters to carry on their commercial activities. At
that time, the Portuguese were on decline in Malabar, added to this the attack of the
Dutch some of the important places like Cochin. As early as 1662, the English East
India Company appeared, on the basis of the records of Tellicherry, to begin traffic in
the Zamorins dominions.
44
So the English liked to use the areas of the Portuguese
with their officers. But in 1663, the position of the Portuguese was very delirious and
the Dutch captured Cochin and ordered the English Factors to leave the town.
45
On
the Tellicherry records it is noted that the English first began to traffic in the Zamorin
dominions in the year 1664.
46
This was an important factor which turned the English
to move their factors from Cochin to Ponnani and, a year later, some English Factors
settled at Calicut.
47
It created good relations between the English and the Zamorin in
Calicut. Generally, the alliance between the Zamorin and the English made
hesitations among the native powers and the Dutch. The Dutch tried their best to
destroy the friendship that existed between the English and the Zamorin.

44
Malabar Commission Foreign Miscellaneous, 1793, Vol. 55, p. 7

45
T.I. Poonen, A Survey of the Rise of the Dutch Power in Malabar 1603-1678,
Trichinapoly, 1948, p. 105.

46
Walter Hamilton, Description of Hindustan and the adjacent Countries, Delhi,
1971, p. 294.

47
William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1642-45, London, 1913, p. 60.

205
174
At this juncture, the Second Anglo-Dutch War broke out in Europe and its
effects were also felt in Malabar. The Dutch wanted to establish a strong power in
Malabar and to expel the English from there. The English factory at Calicut caused
great anxiety to them. The continuing interferences of the Dutch in Calicut posed a
threat to the English. So they wrote to the Court of Directors that the Dutch are
much offended at our setting a factory at Calicut, and requested them to take steps to
meet the Dutch threat.
48
At the same time, the English Factors at Calicut experienced
some difficulties from the natives and the Zamorin with their commercial relations.
The collection of revenue in southern-division was supervised by the English
Resident at Calicut who was designated as Collector- general. The northern-division
was handed over to the chief of Tellicherry who was also designated as Collector-
general.
49
The ruler of Calicut was very much interested in giving permission to the
English at Calicut and was very much interested to keep the economy of his state. So
the Zamorin fixed a payment of customs duty and granted permission to them to carry
on their trade. But the English did not like the attitude of the Zamorin and the Factors
reported that they were asked to give bribes and presents by the native officers and
merchants.
50
The native Mappilas continuously followed the attitude of hostility
towards the English. There was another major problem created by the native
chieftains. The rulers were not ready to join wholeheartedly because of the Dutch
interference. The British knew the situation well and found it difficult for them to
procure pepper because the local chieftain was afraid of the Dutch. This was an

48
Surat Factory Records, Vol. 86, p. 194

49
K.K.N.Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History &Culture, Trivandrum, 1977, p. 64.

50
Sir William Wilson Hunter, History of British India, Vol. I, London, 1899,
pp. 348-349.

206
175
unfavourable situation for the English Factors at Purakkad which more or less
imprisoned them.
51


Englishs Effective Measures:
In the Surat presidency, in 1661, as per the instruction given to the
Commanders of the Surat Frigate all ships belonging to Malabar ports other than
Calicut were to be seized and destroyed. In 1662 a visit was also paid to Calicut
Robert Barbor taken on board, for that purpose in order to recover contains goods left
there by master. In 1663, John Willet who was in command referred to the Purakkad
Factors for this landing, but he was instructed to call on his way back at Calicut or
Cannanore to buy rice. Immediately, the President and the Council resolved to send
the Royal Charles to Calicut and Purakkad. It was now determined to put abroad the
Royal Charles under the charge of Charles Smeaton and Robert Barbor, a stock about
4500 for investment at Calicut. We have had several invitations from the King of
Calicut who hath in a manner counted as once more to settle in his port of Calicut. In
1664, Charles Smeaton and Robert Barbor landed at Calicut. The Captain brought
away letters from the Factors both at Calicut and Purakkad. Writing to the Company
the Surat Council gave an account of the position on the Malabar Coast. The factory
established at Calicut might have thought procured 100 tons of pepper yearly.
52
In
1664, the Zamorin permitted the English to construct a factory at Calicut.
53




51
Surat Factory Records, Vol. 86, p. 284.

52
William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1661-1664, London, 1923,
pp. 352-357.

53
M.J. Koshy, Op.cit., Vol. XX, 1994, p. 59.

207
176
Establishment of British Power in Calicut:
The continuous hostility of the Dutch with the Zamorin resulted in a war
between them in August 1666. The Zamorin sought the assistance of the English to
attack the Dutch. Meanwhile, the English responded favourably and the Governor of
Calicut attacked the English factory on August 29, 1666.
54
The forces rounded up the
English Factors and were taken to the Zamorin. Huge ransom money was demanded
by him for their release. This unfavourable situation of the English Factors at Calicut
was known to the English Factors at Surat only later in November. But their position
at Surat was very weak and therefore they were not ready to extend their help
immediately to Calicut Factors. Finally, the British Factors had to pay a sum of
money to the Zamorin and to get their release.
55
The British feared too much about
the unfriendly attitude of the Zamorin and decided to seek refuge at Tanur. The
chieftain of Tanur knew that it was a golden opportunity to teach a lesson to the
Zamorin and to continue their opposition with the moral support of the British and the
chieftain agreed to give them protection.
56
At that time, the English Factors at
Malabar learnt that the position of the Company was not safe and their future
remained uncertain. The Company authorities at Surat found fault with the Factors at
Calicut for not lending money to the Zamorin. They knew that the demands of the
Zamorin were exorbitant. So the Factors expressed their inability to meet the
exorbitant demands of the Zamorin. The Surat Council took precautionary steps to

54
William Foster, The English Factories in India, 1665-1667, London, 1925, p. 209.

55
Surat Factory Records, Vol.86, p.318.

56
Ibid., Vol. XX, p. 38.


208
177
safeguard the Factors at Calicut and Malabar.
57
The attempt of the Council was to
appoint Alexander Grigby as the Chief of the factory at Calicut.
58
Alexander Grigby
made an initial attempt with the Zamorin and continuous fresh attempts were made to
revive their favour. These attempts were in vain, because the third-Raja did not like
the friendship with the English. He insisted that the Company should pay him
customs duty for pepper procured from Tanur. The English, however, agreed to this
demand.
59
For, on the contrary, their trade activities at Malabar would totally be
affected by the native rulers and by their staunch enemies, the Dutch and the French.
There was also a feeling among the Factors that the treaty would affect their trade
activities. So the Company Factors wanted that action should be taken against its
enemies.
60
In course of time, the Bombay Council appointed Mitchell the Chief of the
factory at Calicut. They thought that he would protect their pepper trade in Malabar.
In this connection, the Factors of the Company at Calicut sent a letter to the Bombay
Council and it, in turn endorsed the view of the Factors and requested the Company to
give them permission to use force against the Malabar princes.
61


Suddenly, there was a turning point in Calicut politics. The ruler of Calicut,
the third Raja died on 13
th
November 1682
62
and, at the same time, the second Raja

57
William Foster, (ed.), Letters received by the East India Company, January to June
1617, Vol. V, London, 1901, pp. 209-222.

58
Surat Consultations, Vol. 1, p. 214.

59
Calicut to Surat, Original Correspondence Polio.1, p. 4300.

60
S.P. Sen, The French in India, 1763-1816, Calcutta, 1958, pp. 480-485.

61
Sir Charles Fawcett, The English Factories India, 1678-1684, Calcutta, 1958, Vol.
III, Great Britain, 1954, p.413.

62
Bombay to East India Company, November 17, 1675, Original Correspondence,
Folios 6-8, p. 4258.
209
178
ascended the throne of Calicut. The accession of the second Raja opened a new
chapter in the history of the English. He followed a policy of confrontation with the
Dutch and he wanted to have friendly relations with the English too.
63
Mitchell was
the Chief of the Factory and his policy was advantageous to the Company. In fact, the
English attained the commercial growth that fulfilled their ambition. For instance, the
English Factories at Calicut and Tellicherry began to thrive, and the Factors strove
hard to obtain the greatest possible quantity of pepper at the lowest possible price.
The records of the East India Company show the volume of trade carried on by them
and their consequent profits. During the period between 1616 and 1618, pepper was
bought from India for 2 d per pound and was sold in England for 24 d. They
earned huge profit from this trade therefore English increased the volume of trade and
also fixed an average rate. In the years from 1621 to 1640, pepper was bought at the
average rate of 4 d and sold for 18 d.
64
In course of time, the English trade also
steadily increased as a result of the steps taken by the most active administrators.
They energetically cultivated the favour of the rulers of Calicut and Malabar.
George Bowchers accounts reveal that the ships of the Company arrived from April
1677 to November which were not molested by the Zamorin and did not create any
trouble against the Company.
65
John Petit held the post up to December 1674 until he
left for Surat. Successor Mansellsmith held his post till the end of 1676. When he
also left George Bowcher then became Chief of the Calicut Factory.
66
For the

63
N. Rajendran, Op.cit., (1979), p. 37.

64
Surat Factory Records, Vol. V, p. 154.

65
William Foster, Op.cit., (1908), p. 154.

66
Sir Charles Fawcett, The English Factories in India, 1670 1677, London, 1936,
p. XX.

210
179
promotion of the Companys trade, the English East India Company appointed Robert
Adams as the chief in Calicut
67
and Alexander Orme in Anjengo. Robert Adams, a
good administrator, continuously took steps to improve the commerce between the
ruler of Calicut and the East India Company. He maintained cordial relations with the
native rulers. He took steps to conduct commerce at a low duty by adopting a good
policy. The Zamorin in 1699 allowed them a reduction of 25% in the duty on pepper.
This was announced while writing a letter to Peni, an English Factor that, From the
usual profit from pepper, which you may export from Calicut from the year 875 (ME)
(September, 1699) and hence forward, you can deduct 2 fanams in every 10
fanams. I will only recover the amazia.
68
After the reduction, the Zamorin showed
special consideration towards the English and gave them more privileges. It paved
the way for the steady growth of English influence, which according to Hamilton, If
any debtor went into their factory for protection none durst presume to get there to
disturb them; but the indulgence has been sometimes made an- ill use of the detriment
of the English private Traders.
69
All the European powers wanted to establish their
political hold in India. In the race for political supremacy, the English were finally
successful. Their commercial policy, political diplomacy and shrewdness helped
them in establishing an empire in India.


67
Sir Charles Fawcett, The English Factories in India, 1678-1684, London, 1954,
p. 364.

68
C.R. Wilson, The Early Annals of the English in Bengal, Vol. II, Part. I, New
Delhi, 1900, p. 103.

69
Translation from a copy in the Portuguese Manuscripts W. Logan Treaties, etc, 11,
p. 2.

211
180
They outwitted all competitors and gradually established their supremacy in
Malabar trade.
70
This competition in other parts, as at Malabar, helped them by a
strong foundation in India. They slowly abandoned their earlier policy of non-
intervention in local policies, and gradually gravitated to the system of fortified ports,
and finally the acquisition of the territory even claimed a sort of exclusive right to the
traffic of the far Indies.
71
The decline of the Dutch in the territory of Calicut with the
winning support of the English to the Zamorin saved the English not only from the
hostility of the Zamorin and the difficulties from the Dutch, but also provided them
new opportunities in the field of commercial and political activities in Malabar.
72

The English also helped the Zamorin in his wars with the Dutch, even though the
Company faced trouble from the native powers. P.K. Abdulla very clearly
summarises the British position in Malabar as follows, Great resource and a sound
system activities worked hand in hand with political adaptability of commercial man
and the English East India Company often bent but never broke.
73


Zamorins support to native merchants:
The Company continuously supported the Zamorin in his wars, as that
continued in the commercial and political fronts also. It helped them earn the
goodwill of the Zamorin. But, the native merchants did not like the continuation of

70
Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies Voyage and Travels,
Vol. 1, p. 316.

71
John William Kaye, The Administration of East India Company, London, 1853,
pp. 57-58.

72
Chella Ramanathan, East India Company and South Indian Economy, Madras,
1980, p. 10.

73
P.K. Abdulla, Off prints Monograph on History of Kerala Sources and Problems
of Business History of Kerala from 1600-1900, Kerala, pp.2-3.

212
181
the commercial and political activities of the British. So the native merchants
followed treacherous policies against the Company. They complained to the Zamorin
about the greed and treachery of the native merchants before the Zamorin. Therefore,
the Zamorin allowed them to force all the natives to prove the value of the articles
supplied by them to the Zamorin and the British. The Zamorin wrote to Adams, the
English chief, In consideration of the aid rendered at Calicut and money given to my
servants, we promise that, the matter of the contract entered into by you and you to
pay if any dispute be raised by any one in regard to the value of the articles they
agreed to supply for money received, I will compel him to deliver the articles on
return of the money, as may appear just, and subject him besides to an oath. If his
hand comes out clean, he will be held innocent and you will have to pay him, as usual,
the expenses he may incur (in taking the oath).
74


Besides, they faced innumerable problems from pirates and interlopers, and
also the rivalry between the New East India Company and the uncertain attitude of the
native powers brought discredit to the English. All these difficulties did not close
their option of closing their factory, let alone fortify it.
75
In course of time, Captain
Kidd was sent out from England to put down the piracy in the Arabian Sea. Captain
Kidd was a notorious pirate in England. While in Calicut, he began his career of
crime and also continued his piracies and seized vessels at Calicut.
76
His policy
highly threatened the Companys attitudes because it would bring down heavily on

74
Translation from a copy in the Portuguese Manuscripts, William Logan Treaties
etc, I, IV, p. 3.

75
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p. 341.

76
Letter from Fort. St. George to Fort St. David, April 7, 1698, Letters St. George,
1698, p. 41.

213
182
them. The answer of the Mughal Emperor was to capture, and after a trial, execute
him in 1701. This attitude of Kidd earned the disrepute of the native powers to accuse
all the Englishmen in India, especially the Companys rivals. Changes were brought
by the New Company against them.
77


The Company was continuously struggling to establish its trade in Calicut,
but, on the other hand, the Zamorin was continuously struggling to remove the Dutch
power from Calicut to Cherruvai was a major point which continuously created
tension between the Zamorin and the Dutch. So the Zamorin fully prepared himself
to expel the Dutch and again sought the assistance of the English. But the English
had yet not strengthened their position in Malabar due to the changes of the
Companys directors. Finally, in the war that ensued, the Zamorin was defeated, and
he had to cede Cherruvai to the Dutch as war indemnity.
78
In this war, the Zamorin
got support from the chief of Tellicherry, Robert Adams. He helped the Zamorin
actively, and the Dutch held him responsible for the war.
79
Historians hold the view
that part of the money spent by the Zamorin in the war was given by Adams. The
early Tellicherry records also show the co-operation and the support of the Company
to the Zamorin. The Company had advanced loans to the Zamorin and that Adams
lent the Zamorin 5,76,492 fanams on his own responsibility. Adams supplied not
only money but also war materials and allowed him to send provision to the
beleaguered garrison at Cherruvai under cover of the English flag.
80
It was the

77
N. Rajendran, Op.cit., (1979), p. 39.

78
T. P. Sankaran Kutty Nair, A Tragic Decade in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1977,
p. 35.

79
Jacob Vissher, Letters from Malabar, Letter No. III.

80
Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. III, p. 72.
214
183
continuing struggle between the Zamorin and Dutch more or less to evacuate one
upon another from the political or commercial scene in Malabar, each dominating
power was waiting for the golden opportunities. Unfortunately, a war broke out
between the Zamorin and the Raja of Cochin in 1701, when the Dutch supported the
Cochin Raja.
81
Later, this war turned against the Zamorin and the Dutch, since there
was no sign of the end of the war. In the mean time attempts were made to bring the
war to an end. In February 1708, peace talks between the Zamorin and the Dutch
began. The war, however, did not in any way improve the position of the Zamorin
and finally on January, 10
th
1710, a peace treaty was signed by which the Zamorin
lost Cherruvai but the Dutch gained it.
82


Contrary to this, the relation between the English and the Zamorin was very
cordial. The officers of the Company directly lent their support to the Zamorin as has
been described by Visscher as follows, Mr. Adams, the head of the English in place,
was brought up there from a child, and having from his youth, traded with the people
of Malabar, he acquired familiarity with their language which gained for him much
influence among them. In consequence of this advantage, he was chosen by the
English as their Governor. Being an enemy to our Company, he incited the Zamorin
to the later war, himself lending, in order to promote it, with which prince defrayed
the expenses of the war. We have no reason to doubt this story, since he even sent
English officers to assist the Zamorin, to defend the Fort Papponetti against our
arms.
83


81
P.C. Alexander, The Dutch in Malabar, Annamalai University, AnnamalaiNagar,
1946, p. 32.

82
P.K.S Raja, Medieval Kerala, Calicut, 1966, pp. 161-164.

83
K.P.P. Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. I, Eranakulam, 1923, p. 13.
215
184
The activities of the pirates and interpolers caused much concern over to the
English Factors. To overcome this threat, the officers appointed their own trusted
subordinates to protect their interests. They themselves recruited the notorious pirate,
Captain Kidd, to serve as their protector in the Indian waters. He began his career as
a pirate by seizing vessels at Calicut
84
and later changed his policy, and very soon he
began to prey on the shipping which he was appointed to protect. So the officers of
the Company thought that the notorious pirate violated their policy and wanted to
punish him. Finally, in 1701, he was executed. After his dispensation, the entire
administration of the Company began to get its downfall due to the inefficiency of the
officers, the corrupt practices and violation of Company rules and regulations. One of
the major fears was that many English Factors seemed to have carried on their own
private trade, even though they were the subordinate servants of the Company. Their
personal trade totally affected the activities of the Company. For instance, Robert
Adams, for an excellent personal profit, imported Bengal opium and sent it up-river
on empty pepper boats of the Company. These nefarious activities very seriously
affected the stand of the Company in front of the Zamorin and other powers.
85


Zamorins favourable concessions:
However, with the growth of the relations between the Zamorin and the
Company, changes took place in their policies and approaches. The Zamorin even
went out of the way to help the Company. The Zamorin did not allow the French to
settle on the banks of Cherruvai which was still under his control and they were also

84
Letters from Fort St. George to St. David, April 7, 1689, Letters from Fort St.
George, p. 41.

85
Alexander Hamilton Anew Account of East India, Voyage and Travels, John
Pinkerton (ed.), Vol. VII, p.378.

216
185
prohibited from entering the Kota River.
86
Under this circumstance, the other foreign
ships were brought under the prerogative of wrecks; even though the Zamorin did not
apply it on the English ships.
87
The English were protected by the Zamorin from the
Moors
88
and they were specially exempted from payment of duties.
89
In 1759, the
Zamorin wrote a letter to the English that, I permit you to cover your factory at
Calicut with tiles this 24
th
October 935, ME, 1760 which done carry on your contracts
in the best manner and I hope you will assist one at any time I may have occasion for
it.
90
This letter shows the entire change in Zamorin with British after their advent to
Calicut.

The British only, after testing the steadfastness of the Zamorins attitude,
extended their military support to the ruler when he was in need. The letter of Robert
Adams only stresses this active support which mentions, he might prevent the Dutch
designs to engross the pepper trade on that Coast.
91
At Papponetti, a fort was
constructed by the Zamorin where some English officers were seen among the
garrison. As and when, the Zamorin ordered the destruction of the fort of Cherruvai,
the English at once hoisted their flag.

Zamorins attitude created much heart being among the Dutch authorities in
Malabar and Batavia was waiting for an opportunity to teach a lesson to the Zamorin

86
Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. XII, p. 28.

87
Ibid., Vol. X1, p. 110

88
Ibid., Vol. XV, pp. 40-42.

89
Ibid., Vol. XVII, p. 76.

90
Tellicherry Factory Diary, December 14, 1759, pp. 145-151.

91
Letter from Fort St. George to East India Company, Oct. 19, 1716. Records of
Fort St.George Despatches to England, 1714, 1718 pp. 88-89.
217
186
and restore their prestige. The Dutch authorities of Batavia gave all assistance against
the alliance of the Zamorin and the English. Meanwhile the Dutch mounted an attack
on the Zamorin, though they were confident at the same time that the Zamorin could
defeat the Dutch. Again, a strong reinforcement arrived from Batavia to be used
among whom Robert Adams was one.
92
To resist it, the Zamorin, sent additional
men, arms and provisions to the commanders at Cherruvai. Their huge army
assembled at Chowghat which might assist the Cochin Raja and his friend,
SankaranKota Kaima.
93


William Jacobtz, the Dutch Admiral and Commander in Chief, attacked
Papponetti and captured it on February 16, 1717.
94
The arrival of a strong squadron
of Dutch ships with thousands of soldiers was informed by the Calicut Chief of
Council to Fort St. George, but the British expressed their confidence that the
Zamorin would finally win.
95
In course of time, the Dutch won in many places,
captured Cherruvai without resistance and even captured Calicut, beyond which they
did not proceed further because of the sudden decision of William Jacobtiz.
96
Finally,
the Zamorin was defeated and he signed a peace treaty with the Dutch. According to
this treaty, the Zamorin promised that he would give commercial privileges as well as
territories to the Dutch. Moreover, he agreed that he would not allow the English, the
French and the Portuguese powers to carry on trade in his state, paid 85,000 fanams as

92
Records of Fort St. George Despatches to England (1714-1718), p. 92.

93
The Press list of Ancient Dutch Records, No. 95.

94
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 2565, Serial No. 20930, pp. 10-15.

95
Letter from Fort St. George to East India Company Despatches to England, p. 105.

96
Selections from the Records of Fort St. George papers relating to Cochin with
special reference to the Dutch possession, p.2

218
187
war indemnity and agreed to dismiss TammePanikkar, the hero of Cherruvai
adventurer.
97


After the success at Cherruvai, the Dutch made them selves aggressive and
followed a deliberate policy of intervention.
98
They interfered with the affairs of the
minor kingdoms like Purakkad, Kayamkulam, Karappuram and Kollam. Their
intention was to establish a predominant influence in the Kerala Coast. From
Cherruvai to Ponnani was patrolled by their armies to prevent the export of pepper by
the English.
99
During this time the Zamorin made an organization, an All-Kerala
Confederacy against the Dutch and used the services of Padmanabha Pattar to bring
about this alliance. Padmanabha Pattar visited Kayamkulam, Vadakkumkur,
Thekkumkur and Parur. To finalise the course of action, all the representatives came
to Ponnani in the following year.
100
Meanwhile, the Dutch, under the captainship of
Van Imhoff, wanted to check the advance of the English power in Kerala and annexed
various territories. The emergence of Marthandavarma, one of the most powerful
rulers of Travancore, completely upset the cunning designs of Van Imhoff.

In such a situation, the English wanted to find out the reaction of the Zamorin
to the continuance of their factory in Calicut when a new Zamorin came to the throne.
During the ascendancy of the new Zamorin, there would be a change in his attitude,
and the English had to wait anxiously, for they had to make the expensive repairs to

97
T.P. Sankaran Kutty Nair, Op.cit., (1977), pp. 35-38.

98
Cochin Commission Diary 1, Vol. 2032 No. 20397, 1796-97, pp. 25-30.

99
Tellicherry Consultations, Vol. II, p. 29.

100
The press list of Ancient Dutch Records No. 156.

219
188
the Calicut Factors and regarding their stay at Calicut.
101
The new Zamorin did not
like to give any concession to the foreigners and wanted to collect customs duties to
be levied on all including the British who were exempted from it. Many unwanted
events took place and the English ships were subjected to harassment. One English
ship was seized by the pirate Kunjalikutti Ali, who was living under the protection of
the Zamorin. It instigated the English to conduct an expedition against the pirate at
Kota. In this expedition, the English captured some vessels, burnt some houses and
took steps to prevent further harassment.
102


Rise of the British:
Between 1757 and 1784 the development of the East India Company from a
predominantly commercial power into a predominantly territorial and ruling power
undermined the stability of its home government.
103
The Bombay Commissioners
first proceedings in the Zamorin having proceeded thus far in the measure towards the
arrangement of the northern districts, Mr. Farmer Esquire & Major Alexander Dow
arrived in the beginning of may 1792 at Calicut, the capital of the district composing
the ancient dominions of the Zamorin.
104
Under these circumstances it appears to
have been the object of Mr. Farmer to set aside the governments the Zamorin. Mr.
Farmer continued to complete the executives of the Zamorins engagements and
regulations took place related to the revenue. Before Mr. Farmer Esquire is departure
from Calicut is proceed in to the northern districts he appointed Mr. John Agnew, the

101
Letters Tellicherry to Bombay, Nov. 26, 1729. Letters from Tellicherry, Vol. I,
p. 15.

102
Ibid, p. 15.

103
C.H. Philips, East India Company 1784 1834, Manchester, 1940, p. 23.

104
Malabar Collectorate Records, Foreign Miscellaneous, Vol. 55, p. 96.

220
189
Resident at Calicut on the part of the government to the additional office of Collector-
general at the Durbar of the Zamorin. The general state of the progress made by
commissions from Bombay when they were joined in the middle of December 1792
by those from Bengal, who had been proceeded by only a few days, in their arrival at
Calicut by General Abercromby, the Governor of Bombay, who had come to the
Malabar Coast to assist the general condition of the Malabar Coast.
105


In 1793, consequent on an application from the Resident at Calicut respecting
the purchase of pepper and knowing that the resident at Anjengo had collected near
1400 candies of pepper. The Resident at Calicut had to provide 200 candies of pepper
at the market price with what was due from the Zamorin.
106


The end of the 18
th
century AD may be considered a turning point in the
history of Kerala, for the British established their power in there a steady process. At
the end of the Mysorean Wars the Zamorins as well as the local chieftains were made
pensioners and the British annexed Malabar with their territories. In course of time,
both Cochin and Travancore accepted the British supremacy.
107
Due to the
disappearance of the Dutch power from Malabar Politics a remarkable change took
place. It paved the way for the English East India Company as the only supreme
European power capable of perpetuating their stronghold not only in Malabar but
also the rest of India. Travancore alone could claim the largest association with the

105
Malabar Commission, Foreign Miscellaneous, p. 149.

106
Malabar Collectorate Records, Serial No. 5156A, General No. 25677, p. 13.

107
A. Sreedhara Menon, Social and Cultural History of India, Kerala, New Delhi,
1979, p. 55.

221
190
British power.
108
The impact of British supremacy created far reaching consequences
in the field of politico, socio-economic life of the country.
109


The relations of the Zamorins with the European powers, especially with the
English saw much ups and downs. The Zamorin could not trust any one of them and
wholly depended on the English. However, after much trial and error, he came to
have relations with the British only to oust the other European powers, particularly the
Dutch. These oddities and vicissitudes affected the political, economic and
diplomatic prospects of the Zamorin. The British, under the cover of help, sought the
pepper monopoly. British colonial expansion in India was not a matter of pre-
conceived pattern adopted by the authorities in England. Being a commercial
enterprise the immediate aim of the Company in this period was to make it a
profitable concern or the benefit of its own share holders. But even during the factory
period the business of the Company was not merely trade, but a mixture of trade,
diplomacy and war. The transfer of Malabar from Bombay to Madras presidency in
1800 was mainly due to the failure of Bombay officials to maintain law and order in
this territory. This failure was due to the Companys wrong handling of the peasant
revolts. Only after the suppression of these revolts, the British supremacy was
established in Malabar.
110
When the Malabar Coast was brought under the direct
political control of the British, they perhaps felt that their little ambition was fulfilled
against the Portuguese, the Dutch and Vacillating but undiplomatically attitude of the
Zamorin.

108
T.K. Velupillai, Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, p. 195.

109
The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala (1600-1885), Vol.1, compiled by
Regional Record Survey Committee, Trivandrum, 1970, p. 15.

110
K.K.N. Kurup, Modern Kerala,(Studies in Social and Agrarian Relations), Delhi,
1988, p. 66.
222
191
CHAPTER VII
SOCIETY AND ECONOMY UNDER THE ZAMORINS

Kerala of the medieval times had some peculiar socio-economic practices,
which, in many ways, were uncommon to the other parts of the nation. This is
gleaned from the hold the caste system and its attendant evils had on society. All
infections of the Dharmasastras had a practical hold on the kings and their people of
Kerala. This was made systematic by the caste Nambutiri Brahmins, their Kshatriya
rulers and their Nayar military officers. Malabar was one of the early regions that
came under the spell of the Brahminic codes and their concocted stories. One such
story is that of Parasurama as narrated in the Keralolpathi and the other is the
Mabali-Vamana story, the bedrock of the Onam festival
1
.

Calicut, occupying the major part of Malabar, was closely associated with the
customs and manners of the Malabar Province. The natives of Calicut adopted the
same practices as in other parts of Malabar. The people had always been
heterogeneous in character. The society itself was sharply divided on the basis of
caste and kinship.
2
These were the two fundamental principles of organization that
managed the entire structure of the society. The caste system, the basis of social
organization, acted as the medium through which the occupation of the people was
regulated to a large extent.
3
Groups of people having specific social ranks, defined
generally by birth and descent, marriage and occupations, were widespread in India.

1
K. Sadasivan, The Parasurama Tale of Keralolpathi: A Historical Reconstruction,
Paper presented in a National Seminar at Calicut, 2004.

2
K.K.N. Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History and Culture, Trivandrum, 1977, p.39.

3
T. Ramaswamy, Merchant Class South India, 1336-1665, Madurai, 1997, p.31.
223
192
Caste is rooted in a distant antiquity and even today it dictates to every person the
orthodox section in particular, the rules, regulations and restrictions of social
intercourse and occupation. Each caste has its own customs that restrict the
occupations, habits and diet habits of its members and their social contacts with
members of other castes. The Portuguese travellers in the 16
th
century first applied
the word casta in 1525 to denote the Indian caste system. The Portuguese word
Casta means breed or lineage.
4
Everything brings back to the elements of the old
family constitution; the true name of the caste is Jati, which means race. The
terms here correspond very adequately to; gens, curia, tribe in Rome; family, paratria,
phyte in Greece; family, Gotra, caste in India.
5


Most of the Indian languages mention it as Jati; however, this word, in fact,
does not correspond to the word caste. The caste system not only determines the
individuals social order on the basis of the group to which he is born but also
differentiates and assigns occupational and economic role. It has been rightly pointed
out that in actual operation caste affiliations take not the vertical homogenous class
and status forms of varna but the horizontal heterogeneous and segmental form of Jati.
Varna represents a scale of values.
6
In Malabar certain sections of people were
considered as high and some as low. The first group consisted of Brahmins, kings
and their branches, and Nayars, who formed the social hierarchy of priests, kings and

4
The World Book Encyclopaedia, Vol. III, Chicago, 1995, p.10, Britannica India,
Vol. I, Encyclopaedia Britannica (India), New Delhi, 2000, p.300.

5
Emile Senart, Caste in India, New Delhi, 1988, pp. 188-189.

6
Rajni Kothari, Caste in Indian Politics, Hyderabad, 1995, pp. 10-11.


224
193
nobility.
7
The other group consisted of the agrestic slaves, the fishermen, the artisans,
craftsmen, etc. They were considered the low caste people, as their work was
considered indecent. In the land which cradled Hinduism, life and thought were
shaped and dominated by caste. No wonder then, that caste has been of interest to
sociologists and anthropologists throughout the globe. The major implications of the
hierarchical division are that the caste system functions through, hierarchical birth
status groups and includes a symbolic expression of social distance and privileges
everywhere in India says Ghurye.
8
H. Cooley says, When a class is some what
strictly hereditary, we may call it a caste.
9


Religion too had its own share in maintaining this stratification. During the
advent of the Europeans in Malabar, the various strands of indigenous beliefs and
customs were collectively known to the Europeans as Hinduism.
10
It was the
principal faith of majority of the people of Malabar. Under the caste hierarchy, the
low caste people were denied their rights and treated as outcastes. With the arrival of
foreign missionaries in the soil of Malabar they gave asylum to the low caste people.
So a large number of the segregated people embraced Christianity to escape from
caste rigidity.




7
Stephen F.Dale, Islam and Social Conflicts The Mappilas of Malabar, 1498
1922, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Kerala, Trivandrum, p.8.

8
Rajendra Pandey, The Caste System in India (Myth & Reality), New Delhi, 1986,
pp. 1-3.

9
S. Sen & G.S. Mansukhani, (eds.), Society of India, New Delhi, 2001, p. 44.

10
James Hough, The History of Christianity in India, London, 1839, p.226.

225
194
Brahmins and Nambutiri Brahmins:
The Brahmins, the uppermost ladder of the society, took it their duty to be on
the super-structure of social hierarchy in Calicut. These Brahmins were otherwise
known as Nambutiris in Kerala.
11
These Brahmins are still divided into numerous
groups differing in customs and manners. They considered themselves to be the
Vedic Brahmins of the pure-Aryan type (blood), though it is impossible to maintain
such a structural superiority in a heterogeneous society. There is a definite scheme of
social precedence amongst the caste, with the Brahmin as the head of the hierarchy.
The term hierarchy is derived from the Greek word hierarchies combining two
words; heroes-sacred and arkho-rule. Hierarchy is a dharmic or metaphysically
determined system.
12
Dissemination of blood took place at all levels at all times.
Therefore, pure-blood group cannot exist. The pure-blood Aryans used Sanskrit as
their sacred language.
13
The term Nambutiri is popular in Kerala that is used to
designate a Kerala Brahmin. They were the caste of some inferior mixture of Indian
blood,
14
but in this context, it is to be noted that the term Nambutiri is essentially of
Tamil in origin. The syllable Nambu means sacred or trusted in Tamil Nadu.
The syllable thiri is an honorific suffix used in Malabar.
15
The term thiri when
used independently means the sacred lighting thread. Thereby, the word may mean
that the person can enlighten by performing the sacred duty in the temple. It is also

11
Sinnappah Arasaratnam, Maritime India in the 17
th
Century, New Delhi, 1994,
p.74.

12
Rajendra Pandey, Op.cit., (1986), p. 3.

13
L.A. Krishna Iyer, The Tribes and Castes of Cochin, Vol. II, Delhi, 1981, p.170.

14
K.K.N. Kurup, Op.cit., (1977), p.39.

15
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. I, Ernakulam, 1924, p. 28.

226
195
claimed that the term Nambutiri is derived from the Sanskrit word of Nam,
knowledge and Purikka (to impart).
16
But, it probably seems to be that the term is
more of an indigenous Tamil derivation. In the social hierarchy the highest place was
occupied by the Nambutiris. It is believed by some that they devised a well defined
system of maintaining superiority over the other castes in order to keep the latter in a
state of stupidity and ignorance.
17
According to legends, as enunciated in the Kerala
Mahatmiyam and Keralolpathi, the Nambutiris were brought to Kerala by
Parasurama and they received more rights from him.
18
Their traditional occupation
was priesthood and thereby attained high social status. The Malabar Rajas, like their
counterparts in other parts of India, though they wielded immense power, were but
subordinate to the Nambutiris. The spiritual vocation coupled with the performance
of rites and rituals enabled them to a considerable wealth. With the patronage of the
rulers, the Brahmins emerged as a prosperous group. Separate villages and tax free
lands were allotted for their secluded settlements. Such places were known as
gramams or mangalams or brahmaswams. They had their own sabhas for
transactions. Even the king could not wield political power within its limits and it
enjoyed complete autonomy. There was another authority called the Sanketam, the
administration of which was carried on by the temple officers who exercised great
power over the local chieftains, as well as the kings.
19
Corporations of such
Nambutiri Brahmins often lived on the proceeds of large agricultural estates

16
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Op.cit., (1981), p.170.

17
James Hough, Op.cit., (1839), p.226.

18
S.K. Nayar & C.A. Menon (ed.), Keralolpathi Malayalam Dept, Series,
University of Madras, 1953, pp. IX-X.

19
Walter Hamilton, Description of Hindostan and the Adjacant Countries, Vol. II,
Delhi, 1971, p. 294.

227
196
transferred to them by the kings and chieftains. Many Brahmins became affluent and
enjoyed great influence. However, all the Brahmins did not pursue the traditional and
hereditary occupation, some were engaged in secular and commercial professions as
well. Generally, in Kerala, the rulers spent large resources for the support and
comfort of the Brahmins.
20
But the Brahmins, who were not necessarily trained to
teach Vedas or perform sacrifices, obtained high posts in government services.

The Venetian merchant traveller Marco Polo of the 13
th
century makes note of
the customs and conventions that prevailed among the Brahmins. According to him,
the Brahmins were very often referred to as abraiman. The non Brahmins, are the
best merchants in the world and the most truthful, for they would not tell a lie for
anything on earth. When the foreign merchants who did not know much of the
country, approached them, dealt with them gently, sold their commodities in the most
loyal manner without demanding any commission. They ate no fish and drank no
wine, and lived a life of great chastity. On no account did they take the belongings of
others. They maintained close association with the kings, who were eager to purchase
precious stones and large pearls.
21
The Brahmins had no hesitation in giving Brahmin
girls to the Kshatriyas, who showered on these girls a lot of grace and sometimes
sold their kingdoms to the Brahmins by hook or by crook. A branch of Nambutiri
Brahmins, called Bhattar or foreign Brahmins largely lived in the Malabar
District
22
and they generally adopted the same policy of the native Brahmins. They
were immigrants from the Tamil Country, settled mostly in the neighbourhood of the

20
Shungoony Menon, A History of Travancore, Delhi, 1984, pp.55-57.

21
A.C. Moule & Paul Pelliot, Marco Polo The Description of the World, Vol. I,
London, 1938, pp.401-402.

22
Malabar Collectorate Records, V.4033-1, G.No.24562, p.29.

228
197
Malabar region. Among them were also Brahmins who came from the Tulu
Country.
23
Sheik Zein-ud-din, giving the earliest account of the social system,
mentions that the thread-wearing group of Brahmins and others of various degrees
high, low and intermediate grade formed the highest.
24
During the period of Duarte
Barbosa, the Malabar society was classified on the basis of occupational
differentiation. According to him, the Brahmins were then the land owners.
25


The Brahmins earned properties for their service to the temples. It is a fact
that the temples were centers of cultural life in Malabar as elsewhere during early to
the medieval period.
26
A board of trustees called uralars the rulers of villages
consisting Nambutiris were vested with the management of the temples and the
landed property which belonged to them. Sometimes the Nambutiri family would
have trusteeship right over more than one temple. With the religious performance and
other rituals of the temples, the practice of granting land and other objects to defray
the cost of maintenance also began. The grant of land during the medieval period
sheds a considerable light on the nature of the society and the ruling class. In the
meantime, the kings, ruling chieftains, men of respectable positions and even private
individuals on several occasions granted land to the temples. The Nambutiris who

23
Mansel Longworth Dames, Op.cit., Vol. II, New Delhi, 1989, p.33.

24
Shiek Zain-ud-din, Op.cit., (1833), pp.83-84.

25
Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the
beginning of the 16
th
Century, New Delhi, 1995, pp.33-71.

26
Elamkulam P.N, Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970,
p.337.

229
198
acted as the trustees of these land grants and priests of the temples gradually got
control over these lands.
27


The Nambutiris commanded great respect on account of the services in the
temple and of enjoying political power in the locality. Because of their services in the
temples, large portions of land came under their control and a good number of them
became great land lords or influential rulers.
28
It is learnt that the land of Malabar in
the 16
th
century saw under certain corporation, classified as Brahmaswams,
29

Devaswam
30
and Cherikal (special quarters meant for the high castes). The land of
the Nambutiris came under the category of Cherikal lands and property rights were
held by the respective ruling families.
31
Such land owning class wielded greater
power in the society, which inevitably enabled them to control the revenue but they
did not spill even a single drop of their sweating on the land to cultivate it. In fact,
they leased the lands out to various tenants. The lands of the Nambutiris and their
tenants were popularly known as Janmam (birth right) and Janmi respectively in
Kerala. Rights have originated in the early ages, it prevailed only during the medieval
period between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries A.D.
32
Their respectable position
in the society made their interference in the administration of the temple, namely

27
M.G.S. Narayanan, Political and Social Conditions of Kerala under the
Kulasekhara Empire unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Kerala, 1972,
pp.329-335.

28
L.A. Ravivarma, Castes of Malabar, Kerala Society Papers, Vol. II, Series. 9,
1932, pp. 182- 183.

29
Brahmaswam means a land of Brahmin settlement.

30
Devaswam means land donated to the upkeep of temple.

31
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.274.

32
Walker Report on the Tenures and Forms of Transfer of Land in Malabar dated
20
th
July 1801, Calicut, 1862, p. 65.
230
199
Samudayam (Sabhayogam), Even though they tried the cases of theft and offered
expiation to their sins, the property of the offender was confiscated as it was the
decision of the temple authorities.
33


The Brahmins followed some old traditional practices to maintain their
superiority and separate identity in the society. At the age of seven, they put around
their necks a leather strap two fingers width which they call Cressuamergan and
their hair shape is like a wild ass. The young Brahmins were not allowed to eat betel
when they wear that strap around their neck, passing under arm. When a young
Brahmin attained the age of fourteen, the leather strap from his neck was removed and
was declared a Brahmin. Then they put on three threads as a mark of being a
Brahmin which he wore all his life. During this occasion, they did this with great
paraphernalia which rite is called upanayana. This period of life was called
Brahmacharya (period of strict training in the gurukula method). Thereafter he was
allowed to chew betel,
34
a kind of recognition of his attainment of maturity.

The Brahmins gave much respect to mid chastisement. Among them, only the
eldest could marry from the same gotra and kula and the other brothers remained
unmarried throughout their lives, but could have liaison (sambhandam) with Nayar
girls or Kshatriya girls (clandestive sexual relations). The Brahmins guarded their
wives well but did not grant them freedom to move freely and if any of them died,
they did not marry again but had illegal sexual relations with his wifes sisters, who
too remained unmarried. This was polygamy in another way. These women gave
much respect to their husbands and never entertained ideas against their husbands.

33
TAS., Vol. IV, p.59.

34
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.121.

231
200
On the other hand, the treatment meted out to Nambutiri women was third rate, for
they had to move about in the Tarawad without upper garments.

A general custom that prevailed among was degrading and pitiable. It was
cruel that if a Brahmin woman had wronged her husband, she would have been slain
by poison. The Brahmin bachelors had the privilege of sleeping with and having
frivolous sex with Nayar women at the medieval period.
35
The vagabonds proclaimed
this illegal insemination leading to the birth of men of wisdom. The Nayar women too
considered this meritorious. This gave special privileges to the Brahmins contact
many Nayar women and thus polluted the society. They told that this wise
monstrosity of Nambutiri blood was meritorious and the off springs of such illegal
license were held of highbrain. These vagabonds had neither respect nor
responsibility. However, in the early ages, Brahmins were not allowed to mingle with
Sudras or other caste women. A Brahmin family called Taravad, was under the
control of the eldest son of the family called Karanavan, who was to legally marry a
Brahmin woman of the same gotra and kula, but could have any number of women
illegally. This system of marriage alone helped them keep the land undivided. The
younger male line of the Nambutiri families had, in fact, no property rights and,
therefore, could not marry from the Nambutiri Taravad. By general practice, he was
forced to seek sexual relations with Nayar women. Since the Nayar men were in the
army, their women had enjoyed the matrilineal rights and thus became polyandrous.
Brahmins wrote some scriptures highlighting these privileges. This can be gleaned

35
Book of Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, 1989, p.35.



232
201
from the practice of Smartavicaram a practice as stated by Sankaracharya.
36
Sons
born to such vagabonds and Nayar girls were treated as Anulomar. According to
Manu, the Brahmins were strictly prohibited from having intercourse with other caste
women and their children were given the status of Pratilomar (outcaste).
37
In course
of time, when the Nambutiri Brahmins and Nayars allied themselves and maintained
a social and religious pre-eminence,
38
this practice of illegal intercourse seems to have
sprung up. When women of the Nambutiri families went to worship their gods or to
visit a neighbouring area they were accompanied by their Nayar maid.
39
The accounts
of the later part of the 17
th
and 18
th
centuries A.D. clearly record the marriage customs
of the Brahmins. Winter Botham of the Malabar Commission observes that the
Brahmin tali-tier was a relic of the past when the Brahmin was entitled to the first
fruits, and it was considered a high privilege of every Nayar maid to be introduced by
them to womanhood. Justice Moor points out while the Zamorin marries, he must
not cohabit with the bride till the Nambutiri or chief priest had enjoyed her and if he
pleases he may have three nights in her company, because the first fruit of the nuptials
must be a holy oblation to the god she worships.
40
Generally, the Brahmins occupied
a respectable place in the society due to their spiritual services and were honoured by
the rulers. At present, the Brahmins followed a cordial relation with all people
without any caste discrimination. The Tali-kettu ceremony is, it may be noted that,

36
K. Sadasivan (ed.), South Indian History Congress, Proceedings Volume XVIII,
Annual Session Smartavicara According to Sankarasmrti, Dr. T. Vasudevan,
Kalady Kerala, Feb, 1998, pp.393-394.

37
M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Calicult, 1996, p.LXXXIX.

38
K.M. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1960), p.3.

39
Samuel Mateer, Native Life in Travancore, New Delhi, 1991, p.143.

40
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol. II, Madras, 1970, pp. 29-41.

233
202
referred to by Kerr; who, in his translation of Castaneda, states that, these sisters of
the Zamorin, and other kings of Malabar, have handsome allowances to live upon,
and when any of them reaches the age of ten, their kindred send for a young man of
the Nayar Caste, out of the kingdom, and give him great presents to induce him to
initiate the young virgin; after which he hangs a Jewel round her neck, which she
wears all the rest of her life, as a token that she is now at liberty to dispose of herself
to any one she pleases as long as she lives.
41


Nayars:
In the social hierarchy in Kerala, the Nayars ranked next to the Brahmins.
They occupied this place due to their military service. If the Nambutiri Brahmins
became great landlords through their exalted position in religion, the Nayars attained
their position through their excellent military service. In the caste system, though the
Nayars were considered of lower status as Sudras, in Malabar they ranked higher
than agriculturists.
42
They, in fact, not only acted as the feudal landlords, but
performed the functions of Kshatriyas.
43
Nayars became the dominant caste. After
the Perumal rule, the highest position in the social and political life of the state came
to be vested with ruling Kshatriyas and Nayars. The Nayars were the traditional
Naduvashies and Desavashies having military administrative control over the areas
under them.
44


41
Edgar Thurston, Ethrographic notes in Southern India, New Delhi, 1989, p. 127.

42
Samuel Mateer, Land of Charity, London, 1871, pp.34-35.

43
George Woodcock, Kerala - A Portrait on the Malabar Coast, London, 1967,
p.60.

44
L. Thara Bhai, Changing pattern of Caste and class relations in South India, New
Delhi, 1987, p. 16.

234
203
Regarding the etymological derivation of the term Nayar, scholars have
differing views. Some scholars consider it as the honorific plural of the word Nayan
derived from the word Nayaka which means the leader of the people. While others
think that it was derived from their custom of Naga worship.
45
Some scholars believe
that during the disturbed political condition in Kerala, due to the consequent attacks of
the Chola ruler Rajendra I in the eleventh century A.D., the Nayars, who wanted to
save their land from the Cholas, formed the famous Chavar army.
46
Talikettu
Kalyanam and Sambandham system of marriage to the Nayar ladies was there
depriving the sanctity of conjugal life among them and to create an army of bachelors
for protecting the land and their selfish interests. This peculiar marriage custom gave
the Nayar ladies freedom. The introduction of Talikettu Kalyanam, Sambandham
system of marriage and the matrilineal system of inheritance was for the formation of
the feudal army called Nayar militia. Mr. Nagam Aiya refers to Talikettu Kalyanam
as the formal ceremony of tying of a tali round the neck of the girl while he
mentions sambandham or Pudavakoda (literally cloth giving) as the ceremony of
actual alliance as husband and wife.
47
Its modern counterpart may be
tharkkolaipatai (the suicide army), who were compelled to dedicate themselves to
the defence of the country.
48
During the reign of the Zamorins the Nayars worked as

45
Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. V, Delhi, 1975,
pp. 291-93.

46
Chavar army means one who found one self to death for the honour of ones
country.

47
G. Krishnan Nadar, Socio Economic background of the Military History of
Travancore, Trivandrum, 1993, pp. 131-133.

48
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Op.cit., (1970), p.287.

235
204
secretaries and treasurers, unit chiefs called Kaimals.
49
According to the customs and
conventions of the Kerala society, the Nayars were considered matrilineal community
and a martial sect. They seem to have originated from the Naga tribe, who
worshipped snakes, followed non-Aryan customs, divided into sections according to
their vocations. They had a sense of pride in the clan and respect for their women.
50

In Malabar, the Nayars were mainly classified into three divisions.
51
They were the
ruling class, known as Samanthas.
52
The Zamorins of Calicut are also known as
Samanthas. The militia of Malabar consisting of agriculturists and the lower classes
such as barbers, washer men, potters and weavers. The three divisions were
commonly called Nayars but only the two divisions of arms race of Jati occupied the
first two places in the society.

The Nayars were ardent lovers of Hinduism and in Malabar, their
community followed the customs and manners of the Hindu religion. According to
the Malabar Collectorate records, the Nayars of Malabar were a race of people, who
are, in general, held in high esteem even by the Europeans. They were respected in
the society because they were intelligent, active, intrepid and independent.
53

Varthema mentions six classes or castes of Malabar in which the Nayars were

49
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp.13-14.

50
M.J. Koshy, Genesis of Political Consciousness in Kerala, Kerala Historical
Society Series, Trivandrum, 1972, p.9.

51
K.S. Mathew, Mariners, Merchants and Ocean Studies in Maritime History,
New Delhi, 1995, p.285.

52
Papers Readoption and marriage in the Travancore ruling family, Trivandrum,
1932, p. 41.

53
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-I-G, No. 24562, p.24.

236
205
ancient conquerors of the country.
54
Under the matrilineal inheritance, they followed
the system of marumakkatayam,
55
which prevails in the family organization of
Malabar. This term literally means descent through sister children.
56
They
adopted the practices of polygamy and polyandry in two forms, fraternal and non-
fraternal. Under fraternal polyandry, the wife of one brother was shared by all the
brothers. Generally, in the social customs a woman had a number of husbands, but
none could have any claim over her children. Enquiry into this practice had resorted
in various views. Some scholars raise the view as to whether polyandry was universal
or practiced only in few regions. In the Nayar community, the practice of polyandry
was less common.
57


The strength of Nayars lay in their being reorganized into a martial class.
58

They were appointed the military men or found militia of the state and owned very
large part of the land.
59
Since the Nayars had all the time to spend in the battle-field,
they seem to have liked the new system of inheritance. If a man had no family
obligations, he would have greater liking for martial life.
60
In Malabar, some of the
Nayars were considered as cultivators, though land cultivation was not their major

54
Sir Harry Johnson, Op.cit., (1977), p.74.

55
Sukhdev SinghChile, Beautiful India Kerala, New Delhi, 1988, p.11.

56
S. Manickam, The Moplahs of Malabar, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. I,
Serial 2-3, January 1976, p.273.

57
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Op.cit., (1970), p.150.

58
F. Fawcett, Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 286.

59
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.123.

60
Robert Kerr (ed.), Voyages of Travellers, Vol. II, Edinburgh, 1811, p.153.

237
206
occupation. Some left their lands to the lower caste people and slaves
61
and collected
rent.

The marriage and family organization of the Nayars followed the matrilineal
system. It was a unique feature of evolution of the social system.
62
Sheik Zain-ud-
din, has written about the customs and practices that prevailed among the unbelievers
of his period. In the Nayar society, polyandry and matrilineal inheritance existed.
63

As to the desired effect of the practice of polyandry, the Nayars were released from
the binder and labour of rearing children, and thereby their attachment to the family
diminished. No Nayar knew his father; every man looked upon his sisters children as
heirs.
64


Another traveller Francis Buchanan, who visited Malabar during A.D.1800 -
1801 on Welleslys behest, gathered information about the daily activities of the
natives of Malabar. He recorded the economic condition of the people, their
practices and the status of women. According to him, the women of aristocratic
Nayar families were in relation with a number of Brahmins and Kshatriyas, who
were included in the list of their husbands.
65
A general custom followed in the society
was that the males of a whole race were to take up compulsory military service from
the earliest youth to the decline of manhood. When a Nayar attained seven years, he

61
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-I, G.No.24562 , p.25.

62
J. Puthen Kalam, Marriages and Family in Kerala, Canada, 1977, p.5.

63
Sheik Zain-ud-din, Op.cit., (1833), pp. 94-96.

64
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.123.

65
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Op.cit., (1970), p.295.

238
207
was immediately sent to learn in the gymnasium to use the weapons.
66
Later, they
were mainly trained in the militia. They were experts both in handling the bows, and
arrows and fire arms.
67
They were good fighters too.
68
After completing military
training, they earned the title Naya and entered the military service. They alone
enjoyed the privilege of carrying arms. Only after they had been so equipped as to
bear arms, they could call themselves Naya.
69
They were also called Ayudhajeevins,
which means one who lives on arms. During the war, the whole of the Nayar caste
seems to have been on war footing.
70
This does not mean that all the Nayars were
soldiers.
71
Their main occupation was to safeguard the country through their military
service at the time of war. When peace prevailed in the country, many Nayars carried
weapons to act as guards of the travellers in Kerala.

Owing to their dedicated services to the state, the Nayars earned the title
Kaimal.
72
They were assigned large estates by the king and had obligation of the
Nayar militia to fight in support of the ruler. The Kaimals had a number of Nayar
fighters under them. The collection of revenue was used to maintain the palace
expenditure and the other portion was paid to the Nayars for the safeguard of the king.
They were closely associated with the ruling chieftains because of their military

66
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. III, Ernakulam, 1933,
pp.345-346.

67
A.J. Churchill, A Collection of Voyages and Travels, London, 1732, 111, p.561.

68
Ashin Das Gupta, Malabar in Asian Trade, 1740-1800, Cambridge, 1967, p.3.

69
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp.128-129.

70
George Woodcock, Op.cit., (1967), p.60.

71
C.J. Fuller, The Nayars Today, London, 1976, pp.6-7.

72
Edgar Thurston, Op.cit., Vol. V, (1975), pp.291-293.

239
208
service. They could wield considerable influence in the society. The rulers and the
chieftains granted them remuneration through lands, for it was a feudal practice then.
Subsequently, they became big land owners and large portions of land came under
their control. The divisions of big nadus into Naduvazhis and desam into
Desavazhis gave rise to a large number of Nayar feudatories. For instance,
Kavalappara Muppil Nayar, anaduvazhi defied the authority of the sovereign.
73
As
political leaders of the respective regions, they could gain dominant position in the
society and economy of the village under their jurisdiction. Later, they asserted their
independence from the Rajas and made themselves overlords in their respective
areas. A portion of a village or a unit of an administrative organization was called
tara. The area of a Nayar family was called a Taravad. It also played a significant
role over the vast areas of land under its control.
74
In the joint family under the
Taravad system
75
the senior male member, known as the Karnavar looked after the
affairs of the family.
76
The courage of the Nayars and their war against the landholder
of the State, earned them fame and glory, but in later days, they acted as chieftains.
Their meritorious services remind us of their names in the history of Malabar,
especially Calicut.

Tiyyas:
The Tiyyas occupied the social status next to the Nayars. They were called
by different names in different regions: in far south as Shanar, in central Travancore

73
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.278.

74
William Logan, A Study in Agrarian Relations of Malabar, Calicut, 1981, p.1.

75
The joint families are called the Taravad.

76
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.270.

240
209
as Ezhavas, from Quilon to Paravur as Chovgans, (Chevakas), in Malabar
(Calicut) as Teers or Tiyyas and still further north as Billavas.
77
Tiyyas were
predominant in north Kerala. According to tradition, they were migrants from Ceylon
to Malabar.
78
However, recent understanding is that they are the original inhabitants,
subdued by the Naga tribe (Nayars). The information available from records suggests
that though the Tiyyas were engaged in labour connected with agriculture, there were
skilled fighters, scholars and landlords among them. Some of them cultivated coconut
trees
79
and the Portuguese records describe them as the growers of coconut.
80


The Tiyyas planted or rear coconut trees. They tap toddy and distill arrack.
Toddy tapping is their chief occupation. Some of them cultivated their own land
while others worked as hired labourers of the Nayars and other people. They were
treated as low caste in Malabar. It is learnt from contemporary records that a
member of the Ezhava caste had to be away from a Nambutiri by a distance of thirty
feet. He had no access to the house of Nambutiris or Nayars, their temples, tanks or
wells. They had no freedom to use the road or foot path when a Nambutiri or a
Nayar was nearby.
81
The Tiyyas were also engaged in other works of hard labour like
wood cutting. Some Tiyyas, known as Chevakas,
82
learned the use of arms in the

77
Samuel Mateer, Op.cit., (1883), p.83.

78
Francis Day, The Land of Perumals, Madras, (1863), p.319.

79
Jacob Canter Visscher, Letters from Malabar, Madras, 1862, pp. 127-128.

80
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.60.

81
A. Aiyappan, Iravas and Culture Change, Madras Government Museum
Bulletin, Vol. V, No.1, Madras, 1943, pp.10-25.

82
K.V. Achudanandan (ed.), Vadakkan Pattukal, Kunnamkulam, 1985, pp.
24.26.28.86.162.

241
210
Kalari. Barbosa also says that some of them learn the use of arms and fight well
when they undertake it.
83
They followed certain practices such as talaikettu,
kappukettu, makkatayam (patriliny) and also marumakkattayam (matriliny).

The Chettis:
The Chettis form the commercial community of South India. The word
Chetti is derived form the Sanskrit word Sreshti (chief merchant) and is used to
indicate a separate caste. Their business was to conduct financing, banking and to
serve as trustees. They were the descendants of the present day Seths of North India
and the Chettis or Chettiars of South India.
84
The word refers to a trader and it is
one of the occupational terms which were often used as caste names.
85
The word is a
generic name for Vaisyas.
86
In the southern regions of Mysore, Andhra, Tamil Nadu
and Kerala the Chettiars are operating as the best known merchants and middlemen.
Among the Chettiars, some migrated to South East Asia and there they continue their
traditional occupation.
87
The Malabar, Chettis migrated from the Coromandal Coast
and were mentioned as Chatis by Duarte Barbosa.
88
They appear to have disappeared
from the places of Malabar.
89



83
Mansel Longworth Dames, The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol. II, New Delhi,
1989, p.60.

84
Romila Thappar, History of India, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1990, p. 112.

85
Edgar Thurston, Op.cit., Vol. II, 1975, pp. 91-92.

86
L.A. Ravi Varma, Op.cit., Vol. II, Series 9, Trivandrum, 1929, p. 190.

87
Romila Thappar, Op.cit, (1990), p.112.

88
Book of Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.71.

89
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), p.305.

242
211
The Chettis lived in towns and villages, and formed regular streets. They
lived in small estates situated in the higher ground at a little distance from their fields.
Their houses were surrounded by plantation of coconut, betel nut and jack.
90
They
traded textiles, precious metals and jewels.

The Vaniyans:
The Vaniyans existed only by trade. The word Vaniya is connected with
Vanikam,
91
meaning trade. Vaniyan is another form of Valanjayar; which means a
merchant.
92
They migrated to Gujarat and dealt with goods of every kind from many
lands. They were prominent and were busying themselves in the port towns of
Malabar.
93
In Malabar, the Chettis were mostly concerned themselves with internal
trade while the Vaniyans dominated overseas trade.

In the history of Kerala, during the medieval period, the real accounts about
the Chettis are concealed by the historians. But the Chettis originally migrated from
the neighbouring State, i.e the Coromandal Coast from very early stages. The
accounts of Barbosa and the early records mention the real history of the Chettis and
their descendants were commercial groups spread over the world. The Chettis and
the Vaniyans retained their own regional, social and religious customs and enjoyed a
considerable degree of autonomy. In some places, the Chettis enjoyed the position
along with the fighting Nayars.
94


90
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033, G.No.24562, p.37.

91
TAS., Vol. IV, p.122.

92
M. Srinivasa Iyengar, Tamil Studies, Madras, 1914, p.64.

93
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp.71-73, 77.

94
K.V. Achyudanandan, (ed.), Op.cit., (1985), p.147.
243
212
Calicut was glorified not only by native merchants but also by the foreign
merchants, who took active part in the revival of the city. Generally, the Arabs were
called the Paradesi Muslims.
95
The foreign merchants came from Mecca, Egypt,
Persia and Gujarat.
96
They thronged the port towns of Malabar, especially Calicut
and dominated the business scene as they were specialized in the immensely
profitable spice trade between Malabar and the West.
97
The native records mention
the Paradesis as Toppas and Jonakas.
98
They resided in a separate street known as
Jonaka teru. The Arabs were also called the Moors
99
and Mappilas.
100
Their
designation and the title Mappilas deal either with the great child or a bride groom,
which is considered a title of honour.
101
The Arabs, originally belonging to the
Arabian countries, followed Mohammadanism and most probably they had engaged
themselves in trade in the Malabar Coast, continuously before the arrival of
European powers. They were treated as an autonomous community. The Arabs were
industrious and enterprising plucky mariners and expert traders. Abdul Razzak, the
Persian ambassador, who visited Calicut in A.D.1442 at the court of the Zamorin,
describes the activities of the Arabs and the city of Calicut. He observes, Security
and justice are so firmly established in this city that the wealthy merchants bring

95
Fr. Henry Heras, South India under Vijayanagar Empire, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1927,
p.119.

96
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp.33-71.

97
Ibid, p.77.

98
Vadakkan Pattukal, Op.cit., (1985), p.64.

99
Book of Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p.3.

100
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-1, G.No. 24562, p. 19.

101
Yusuf Husain, Glimpses of Medieval Indian Culture, Bombay, 1957, p.12.

244
213
hither from maritime countries considerable cargoes which they unloaded and
unhesitatingly send into the markets and bazaars, without thinking in the meantime of
any necessity of checking account or of keeping watch over the goods. The officers
of the custom house take it upon themselves the charge of looking after the
merchandise, over which they keep watch night and day. When a sale is affected,
they levy a duty on the goods of one fortieth parts, if they are not sold, and they make
no charge whatsoever.
102
In course of time, the Arabs mingled with the natives and
were mostly engaged in export and import trade. Their prosperous trade attracted the
native rulers. The Arabs got much freedom than others. The account of Duarte
Barbosa clearly expressed the trade activities of the Arabs in Calicut. They sail
everywhere with many kinds of goods and have in the town itself the Moorish
Governor of their own who rules and punishes them without interference from the
king, save that the Governor gives an account of certain matters to the king. As soon
as any of these Arabs reached the city, the king assigned him a Nayar to protect and
serve him, and a clerk to keep his accounts and look after his affairs, and a broker to
arrange for him to obtain such goods as he was in need of and they paid good salaries
every month for these three persons.
103


The foreign Muslims were distinct in their social and cultural life from the
Malabaris. But they imparted their trading experiences to the locals. The local
Muslim merchants also carried out considerable business. The native Muslims were

102
K.T. Mohammed Ali, Kerala Middle East Relations, XXXIV All India Annual
Conference Institute of Historical Studies Souvenir, Kollam, 1997, p.87.

103
Book of Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., Vol. II, 1989, p.77.


245
214
mentioned as Mappilas.
104
They were the children of the Arab merchants by local
wives. They originally belonged to the Hindu community and later converted to
Islam. The native Muslims maintained cordial relations with the local population
through inter-marriage.
105
They were traders and cultivators.
106
Duarte Barbosa
mentions that the Mappilas spoke Malayalam and dressed like Nayars and had even
partly adopted the system of matrilineal inheritance common to Nayars. They were
spread over the Malabar region and thus he estimated that they formed twenty
percent of the population, and they were very influential in trade and navigation.
Later the Muslims occupied an important place in the administration of the Zamorins.
These Muslims wholeheartedly supported the Zamorin and, in turn, they got some
special privileges for the development of their commercial activities. Their military
practices over the sea waters gave strong opposition against the European traders and
the Muslim leaders served as the hereditary admirals of the Zamorins.
107

Subsequently, they quarrelled with the Zamorin due to the peaceful policy favoured
by the Europeans. Ma-Huan, the Chinese traveller was convinced that the majority of
the people in the kingdom of the Zamorin belonged to this group.
108
On the strength
of the account of foreigners we can estimate the Mappilas who made a remarkable
contribution to the prosperity of Malabar, especially Calicut. At present, in Kerala,

104
A. Sreedhara Menon, Gazetters of India, Kerala, Kozhikode, Trivandrum, 1962,
p.137.

105
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p.75.

106
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-1, G.No.24562, p.22.

107
Asghar Ali Engineer (ed.), Kunjalis The Muslim Admirals of Calicut, Kerala
Muslims: A Historical Prospective, Delhi, 1995, pp.91-92.

108
Ma-Huan Yai Shen-Lan, The Overall Survey of the Ocean Shores, 1433,
Translated and (ed.), J.V.G. Mills, Cambridge, 1970, p.140.

246
215
the Muslims ware the major community to decide the fate of the Assembly election in
the Malabar region. Thus, the Muslims of Calicut, along with the natives have been
responsible for the commercial growth of the city from the very beginning to the
modern period.

The Kammalas:
The Kammalas were the village community of smiths treated as one of the
lowest caste people in Malabar. The word Kammalar is a generic one used for the
five artisan classes of Tattan (goldsmith), Taccan (carpenter), Kaltaccan (stone
mason), Kollan (blacksmith) and Braziar. They were the non-agricultural
specialists.
109
They were otherwise known as Panchala (five groups).
110
The
carpenters or Asari played a notable part in the daily activities of the natives.
Carpentary or wood work was a common industry, practiced as a hereditary
profession. The skilled profession was fundamentally a village craft catering to the
different needs of the society. In the ballad on Aromal Cevakar, the Asari is
referred to as Viswakarma and Taccan.
111
They used implements such as uli
(chisel), mulakkol (stick of 24 inches), dantu (stick), kaival (hand sword) and
sanchi (bag).
112
The carpenters had acquired high knowledge in Tachin Sastram
having the capacity to predict the future things on the basis of omens. They mostly
concentrated near the temples and provided the agriculturists with implements and
tools required for their occupation.

109
Wiert Wiertsema, The Caste System and the Hindus and Muslims of Kerala,
Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. IX, part. I-IV, Trivandrum, 1984, p.88.

110
J.H. Hutton, Caste in India, Madras, 1986, p.12.

111
K.V. Achyudanandan, Op.cit., (1985), p.16.

112
Ibid., pp. 120-122.

247
216
It happened that a Malabarian named Joaodacruz, who had been in Portugal
as an ambassador of the Zamorin of Calicut, found himself on the fishery Coast at this
time. He advised the Paravas and worked for the advancement of socio-economic
sphere in the society. He advised them to get to the Portuguese Captain of Cochin
who was willing to help them. Paravas under the protection of the Portuguese
followed Christianity. After that they gained more knowledge about sanitation, basic
education, religion, and their upliftment in the society.
113


The lowest rung in the society was occupied by the Parayar and Pulayar or
Cherumar. They were the absolute property of their masters. They worked hard in
the soil and, enjoyed no privilege in the society. They suffered a lot due to low
wages. They had a life below the poverty line.
114


The traditional society of Kerala underwent remarkable changes in the socio-
economic sphere during the 18
th
century. Thus, transformation was a gradual process
like many other social changes in history. A society, dominated by the stagnant
element of medievalism and feudal institutions like caste hierarchy and customary
laws, now faced a serious threat from the historical forces released by the west.
115


113
Fr. Henry Heras, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1927), p.119.

114
Francis Buchanan, A Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore,
Canara and Malabar, Madras, (1860), p.67.

115
K.K.N. Kurup, European Impact on Malabar Society in the 18
th
Century, An
Analysis, Journal of Kerala studies, T.K. Ravindran (ed.), Vol. IV, part 11 &
111, 1977, pp. 429-430.

248
217
CHAPTER VIII
CULTURE UNDER THE ZAMORINS

The Meaning of Culture
The word culture is generally used to denote a way of life. In specific terms
it means the mental attainment of a society. Culture refers to the sum total of all the
aspects of human life. It is the revelation of human behaviour. A society is
culturally progressive if it is highly enlightened. Political, social and economic,
literary and religious conditions largely determined the cultural attainments of a
society. Every society has its own culture; the culture prevalent in Calicut was
somewhat different from that of the other parts of Kerala. It is mainly due to foreign
influence. With the advent of the Europeans the culture of Calicut got a new form
and meaning. The foreign mariners, traders and missionaries of diverse cultures of the
East and West travelled throughout the region to learn more about the native culture,
principles and practices. They in turn, left their imprint on the native life. This
contact, with the foreign powers brought about radical changes in the socio-cultural
life of the region. The warm welcome extended to them by the Zamorin had left an
ever-lasting impression on them. An open society is easily accessible to others and the
penetration of their traits. A free society accepts new ideas and makes changes.
Though predominantly a Hindu culture, the Zamorins kingdom was very much
accessible to the influence of western culture, for its mould was multi-cultural. From
the historical times it had accepted the foreign elements of the Jews, Arabs, Chinese
and other western culture. Absorption, assimilation and acculturation were the major
characteristics of the Zamorin culture, maintaining the strong base.

249
218
In the Zamorin country a researcher could find the synthesis of indigenous and
foreign elements. There were the Synagogues temples of the Jews, the Durgas of the
Muslims and the Churches of the St. Thomas Christians Syrian Christians and the
Syro Malabar Churches and the Roman Catholic Churches, Goethic with their
Goethic style. The fusion of western ideas of the Jews, Arabs and the Europeans has
given birth to a composite culture. This chapter deals with those aspects of the
cultural ramifications at the time of the Zamorins.

Generally, the rulers favoured the interaction of foreigners
1
with the natives.
This helped the introduction of new social order and cultural changes in the society.
Their foreign customs and manners, usages and beliefs, language and letters mingled
with those of the native tradition. The role of foreign merchants in one side and the
role of different religions like Jews, Christians and the Muslims developed an affluent
culture with high degrees of aesthetic involvement among the people of Kerala. The
strategy of social activities that the Aryans (Indo-Europeans) carried out in Kerala is a
case in political, cultural assimilation and dominance.
2


Importance to Cleanliness:
Among the writings of foreign travellers, some have offered materials for the
study of the life and culture of the people of Calicut.
3
As in other parts of Kerala the
people of Calicut also attached greater importance to purity, having caste and ritual

1
M.G.S. Narayanan, Cultural Symbiosis in Kerala, Calicut, 1972, p. 7

2
T.P. Sankaran Kutty Nair, (ed.), Modern India: Society and Politics in Transition,
New Delhi, 1986, pp. 342-343.

3
S.G. Bhatt, The Encyclopaedia of District Gazetteers of India, Vol. II, New Delhi,
1979, p. 799.

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219
value,
4
physical cleanliness and environmental neatness on health grounds. There are
many accounts which refer to the rules regulating the wearing of dress, cleaning the
vicinity of the houses and other matters relating to individual and household affairs of
day to day life. Duarte Barbosa
5
describes the women servants of the king of Calicut
who used to go with dishes of cow-dung when the king went from one house to the
other or to some temple, spilling it on the road by which he had to pass. We learn
from his accounts that there was a custom prevailing among the people of Calicut to
clean the places with cow-dung. The practice of the rulers and natives worshipping
and respecting nature shows their customs and manners in relation to nature.
Generally, the native Hindus of the West Coast followed the policy of religious
tolerance
6
and allowed foreigners to practise their beliefs without any restriction.
Economically, well-off people like Nayars, Kshatriyas, Ezhavas, including
Chekavas lived in neat and spacious houses provided with all necessary means of
life.

Residences of Kings:
The abodes of kings and the ruling classes were called Kovilagams (residence
or temple). The records of Malabar Commission of 1793 mention it as Colgun a
corruption of the word stated above.
7
Each Kovilagam had separate estates. The

4
The concept of purity and pollution was ingrained in the minds of every Keralite
of those days. Strict observation of this concept could be had from the socio-
religious practice of keeping distance.

5
Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar in the
Beginning of the 16
th
Century, New Delhi, 1995, p. 111.

6
A.L. Basham, Cultural History of India, New Delhi, 1988, p. 125.

7
Malabar Commission Foreign Miscellaneous, Vol. 55, 1793, p. 67.

251
220
senior male line was called Tampuran, (the lord master) while the female line was
called Tampuratti (the lord mistress).
8


The Zamorins of Calicut built Ampati Kovilakam for their princesses and, in
course of time, they built another palace or Kovilakam known as Kilakke Kovilakam
(eastern palace) and Putiya Kovilakam (the new palace) on the west of the Tali
tank.
9
The rulers were known by place-names such as Kovilakattu Raja. The
Pandiriyare Kovilakattu Raja was named Kilakkekovilakattu Raja.
10
There they
constructed high and smooth platforms where the higher people sat. It was plastered
daily with cow-dung.
11
The residents of the kings and feudal lords were strengthened
by building forts. Big residences and Kovilakams were protected with compound
walls, provided with big gates. They were built almost in the middle of the land and
were surrounded by trees and plants. These residences which were naturally
beautified had all the facilities. There were a number of rooms in big houses and a
big verandah in front of the house for enjoying the breeze. Besides, a kitchen room
was attached to the main building or kept apart from the main portion of the house.
12

In the families of well-known fighters, Kalaris had a place in the same compound. It
existed since the Sangam period.
13
A number of mini temples were attached to these
Kalaris for the worship of family deities and war goddesses. A newly constructed

8
C.A.Innes and Evans (ed.), Malabar Gazetteer, Thiruvananthapuram, 1997, p. 116.

9
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, Op.cit., (1938), pp. 2-3.

10
Malabar Second Commission Diaries, Revenue 1797, Vol. 1711, pp. 236-239.

11
Mansel Longworth Dames, Op.cit., Vol. II, New Delhi, 1989, pp. 8-9.

12
C.A. Innes & Evans (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), pp. 139-141.

13
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), p. 156.

252
221
house which had been whitewashed with mortar, had painted pictures. A beautiful
natakasala and a plantain grove with ripe fruits and coconut trees bearing dry
coconuts could also be seen. The fruit yielding and religiously important trees and
plants which adorned the land in which the houses were built, provided natural beauty
to the eyes and delight to the mind of the people who lived in them and helped them
in building up a healthy and comfortable life. In the first decade of the 18
th
century,
the traveller Captain Alexander Hamilton
14
visited many places in the Malabar
region, especially Kadattanadu. He had described the houses there as has been
mainly built of reeds and covered with coconut leaves. He also stated that when he
went to the palace for the first time he was innocently guilty of ill-manners, for
walking with him near his lodgings, he chanced to touch the thatch with his hat which
polluted it so much that as soon as he left the place, he stripped it of its covering
because religious rules forbade him to sleep under it when it was thus polluted, but it
was soon thatched anew.
15
Such was the nature of ritual purity attached even to a roof
of a house.

Everyday Life of the People:
The accounts of foreign travellers provide us with a lot of information which
help us to understand the daily life of the people. In the morning, they used to get up
early, irrespective of sex. The loud voice of cock helped them get up before dawn.
There was a general custom among both the rulers and the people to worship first the
deities of the Kalari. Then after going to the courtyard in front of the house, they
touched first the earth with their hands and then the forehead. They also offered

14
Captain Alexander Hamilton, A New Account of the East Indies, Vol. I, Edinburg,
1727, p. 299.

15
Ibid., p. 300.

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222
prayers to the sun God. All these remained unavoidable duties of their daily life. As
an indispensable part of Indian culture, worshipping of nature including that of earth
and sun has been in existence since the time of the Vedas. Even in the last part of
20
th
century, it was carried on, even though without much accuracy and sincerity.

As far as women were concerned, their main job after worshipping nature was
to sweep and clean the house and its vicinity. If there were maid servants they would
do such works. Otherwise, the ladies in the family themselves had to undertake this
duty. From these observations, one can understand that people used to sweep the
courtyard before dawn and that people gave much importance to cleanliness. The
people of Kerala considered bathing as part of their daily life rather than a matter of
religious life. William Logan
16
praised the people of Malabar, especially the Hindus,
for the importance they attached to a descent life.

Food and Drinks:
In the medieval Keralite society, there was a custom that food was the next
important thing to be dealt with after bathing. With the help of the accounts of
foreigners and native literary evidences, one can easily recapture the food habits of
the people, particularly the items preferred and ceremonial practices in connection
with dining. Rice has been, as of now, the staple food of the people of Kerala since
very early times.
17
Cooked rice and rice soup (gruel) were the general diet. They also
used ghee for strength and ginger to avoid stomach troubles, while preparing food.
The king had separate cooks in his palace to prepare bio food and had many

16
William Logan, Malabar, Vol. 1, Madras, 1951, p. 215.

17
A. Sreedhara Menon, Gazetteers of India, Kerala, Kozhikode, Trivandrum, 1962,
p. 240.

254
223
body guards for his protection. Before eating their favourite food, they offered it to
the gods. The rulers and the rich people followed this custom. It was a practice that
the kings food was taken by the principal priests to the idol of any of the gods, whom
they would worship, and it was offered to the idol by raising their clapped hands over
their heads with thumbs upwards. It was placed before the king after having left the
food exposed for sufficient time to the gods to satisfy his spiritual hunger.
18
In the
place of eating cooked items today, the people at that time ate fried rice, sugar candy,
bananas and tender coconut water and milk as drinks. Coffee was also used. A
special item was the milk - gruel. Intoxicating drinks like toddy and arrack were
taken with meat by people including the Nayars and those of the lower castes. The
men in the palace used golden and silver plates and plantain leaves for consuming
food. They took their meals by sitting on the mat or a wooden rostrum, of a height of
2 or 3 inches. People took the meals only after cleaning their legs, hands and face.
Fish was commonly used by most of the people.

From all these, one can understand that breakfast at that time was rice gruel.
Even today, there are old men who insist on taking rice gruel as their morning diet,
not only in Calicut but also in the whole of Malabar. During lunch, plantain leaves
were brought for serving cooked rice with curries. During festive occasions like
marriage, people served cooked rice with seven or nine dishes as special items. There
were uttumadams or uttupuras, the regular feeding houses,
19
attached to the temples
and kovilakams (palace). Food was provided to the Brahmins and wandering
sanyasis. In almost all the temples, elaborate arrangements were made for the

18
Harry Johnson, Great Travellers and Explorers, London, 1987, p. 77.

19
M. Desayar, Temples and Social Integration, Nattalam, 2000, p. 80

255
224
creation of a kitchen (madapalli), establishment to prepare different food items. The
uttumadams were patronised and financed by the kings, naduvalis and feudal lords.
During temple festivals also feasts were conducted. Many temples in Calicut and in
the northern Malabar region had huge assets in the form of lands and fields, thanks to
the generosity and magnanimity on the part of the rulers who were devotees of the
various deities and upholders of danadharma (gifts).

Chewing of betel is a practice which the people of Kerala were accustomed to
from very early times. This traditional habit is still continued in Kerala and Tamil
Nadu. Betel leaves are said to have medicinal value. Therefore, both men and
women chew betel together in order to make their companionship enjoyable. Marco
Polo, the Venetian merchant - traveller of the 13
th
century, records the habits of the
Malabar is using betel leaf with quality areca nut and fine shell lime, camphor and
incense.
20
In Calicut, areca-palm is largely cultivated in the parambu along with
other cultivations such as coconut, mango and jack fruit.
21
According to Duarte
Barbosa, one custom of the king of Calicut is that when he is seated, his private
attendants stand by him, and a page waited on him constantly holding a towel slung
over the shoulder full of betel leaves which he gave the king to eat, some times in a
small box, gilt or painted or ornamented in silver, or sometimes in gold. From this, he
takes it, leaf by leaf, adding a little shell-fish salt (ie., lime) dissolved in rose water as
an ointment, which he keeps in a little golden box, and in this way he gives him a leaf
with areca nut. They used it night and day. The people of Malabar used to give

20
A.C. Moule & Paul Pelliot, Marco Polo The Description of the World, Vol. I,
London, 1938, p. 413.

21
Gazetteer of India Kerala State Gazetteer, Economic affairs, Vol. III,
Trivandrum, 1989, p. 580.

256
225
betel leaf areca nut, lime and tobacco to their guests. This combination is still called
as murukkan. The betel leaves and areca nut are indispensable even now, both in
religious and other ceremonies. This combination is believed to have medicinal value:
first of all, though it affects the upper layer of teeth, it prevents the foul smell
emanating from the mouth; secondly, since lime has the property of calcium, it
strengthens teeth.

Dress, Ornaments and Cosmetics:
Owing to the advancement of culture the people used different kinds of dress,
ornaments and used cosmetics as well. The nature of the apparel was largely based on
their economic position.

The rich and aristocrats used cosmetics. Foreign notices tell us that the people
of Malabar, including Calicut, especially the elite used cosmetics to have a cooling
effect, attractive smell and freshness. It is said that the people showed special interest
in retaining and enhancing their physical appearance. Besides, they were interested in
acquiring and wearing best clothes and valuable ornaments. Sandal paste, in its liquid
form, sandal oil, antimony and vermilion were some of the cosmetics used by both
men and women.

The people of Malabar used variety of dresses, according to their capacity. In
general, with regard to the dressing system, men generally tied a cloth around the
waist hanging to the feet and put another small cloth (tuvartu) on their shoulders. The
ordinary people often used cotton clothes. The rich and the rulers used both cotton
and silk.

257
226
Marco Polo writes about the Malabar of the 13
th
century as: Now in all this
province of Malabar there is not a tailor; the people go naked at every season. The
air is always so hot that they wear only a piece of cloth around the waist. The king is
dressed just like others, except that his cloth is a fine one.
22
The observation of
Marco Polo that the people go naked at every season appears unbelievable. If that
was so, then the people of the 13
th
century Malabar were all uncivilized.

Describing the king and his dress, Ibn Battuta states, His clothing consisted a
great piece of white stuff rolled about him from the navel to the knees, and a little
scrap of turban on his head, his feet were bare and a young slave carried an umbrella
over him.
23
Speaking of the people of Calicut, Abdur Razzak observes in 1442 as.
They have the body nearly naked; they bear only bandages round the middle called
lankouth, which descend from the navel to above the knee. This costume is
common to the king and to the beggar.
24


When Vasco-da-Gama reached Calicut in 1498, the Zamorin granted audience
to him. On this occasion, the Zamorin was wearing a short coat of fine calico strewed
with branches and roses of beaten gold. The buttons were great pearls and the holes
of gold thread. About his middle was a piece of white calico which reached his
knees.
25
The following accounts clearly give the dress habits and their climatic
condition. People and their rulers in Kerala used verities of cloths. They often

22
Marco Polo, The Book of Sir Marcopolo, London, 1903, p. 338.

23
Ibn Batuta, The Travels of Ibn Batuta by the Rev. Samuel Lee Oriental Translation
Committee, London, 1918, p. 172.

24
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., n. 41, pp. 197-198.

25
Correa Gasper Lendas, Three Voyages of Vascoda Gama, London, 1869, p. 193.

258
227
changed their dresses due to the climatic condition. None of the foreigners has
understood the reality, for they did not apply their reasoning. Duarte Barbosa gives a
vivid account of the dress habits of the Malabar rulers. He noted that (the kings) go
naked from the waist upwards, and from the downwards are covered with white
cotton wraps and some of them with silk. Sometimes, they clothe themselves with
short jackets open in front, reaching half way down the thigh, made of fine cotton
cloth, fine scarlet cloth, or of silk and brocade.
26
There was not much difference in
the system of dressing of the Nayars and other communities. Women in houses were
not in the practice of veiling the upper part of the body. But they were described as
having covered the upper part of their bodies when they went out, by using (tuvartu).
There was a controversial view among the scholars regarding women covering the
upper part of their body. William Logan says that in the second part of the 19
th

century, women used to cover the upper part of their body when they went out.
27

This practice was also prevalent in Travancore.



Della Vella says, the king and all others, as I have said, commonly go naked;
only they have a cloth wherewith they are girdled, reaching to the mid leg; but when
upon any occasion the king is minded to appear much in majesty, he puts on only a
white vestment of very fine cotton, never using either cloth of good or silk; others also
when they please may wear the like garment, but not in the kings presence in which
it is not lawful for any to appear otherwise than naked, save the cloth above
mentioned.
28
Speaking about the people of Calicut, Della Vella again observes, as

26
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p. 104.

27
William Logan, Op.cit., Vol. I, (1951), p. 104.

28
Della Vella cited by K.P. Padmanabha Menon, Op.cit., n. 41, p. 198.

259
228
for clothing, they need little, both men and women going quite naked, save that they
have a piece either of cotton or silk hanging down from the girdle to the knees, and
covering their shame; the better sort are want to wear two either all blue or white
striped with azure sky blue colour and some other colour, a dark blue being most
esteemed amongst them.
29


Writing about Calicut, Varthema says, the dress of the king and queen and of
all the others, i.e. to say, of the natives of the country is this: they go naked and with
bare feet, and wear a piece of cotton or of silk around the middle and with nothing on
their heads. All pagans go without a shirt. Just like that, the women go naked like the
men.
30
Ralph Fitch says, The king goethe naked as they do all. He adds that both
men and women had only a cloth bound about their middle hanging down to their
knees all the rest of their bodies is naked.
31


Linschoten observes, They go all naked, only their middle covered, the
women likewise have but a cloth from their navel down to their knees, all the rest is
naked.
32
In the 16
th
century, Sheikh Zain-ud-din observes that the Nayars have their
bodies or the most part exposed, wearing only covering around their middles. In this
custom, both men and women, king and nobles, without exception agree.
33

Tavernier the traveller of the 17
th
century, says, The people go quite naked, only

29
Ibid.

30
Lodivicodi, The Travels of Varthema, London, 1863, p. 143.

31
Ralph Fitch, Englands Pioneer To India, by J. Horton Reley, London, 1899, p. 45.

32
Linschoten, The Voyage to the East Indies, Translated and edited by A.C.Burnel
and P.A. Thiele, Vol. I, London 1885, p. 209.

33
Sheik Zain-ud-din, Tohful-ul-Mujahideen (tr.) Roulandson, London, 1833, p. 65.

260
229
wearing a cloth which covers their private parts. The king himself is in that respect
like the least of his subjects, save that he wears little gold in his ears.
34


Captain Nieuhoff says, The men wear a large piece of calico wrapped round
their middle, which reached down their knees and was drawn through betwixt their
thighs, and tied together behind above their buttocks.
35
At the interview which Della
Vella had with the Zamorin, there were present two little princesses of the royal house
aged about 12 years. He says, they were all naked (as I said above, the women
generally go) save that they had a very small blue cloth wrapped about their
immodesty. The king himself was naked having only a piece of fine, changeable
fine cotton cloth, blue and white, hanging from the girdle to the middle of the leg.

Captain Alexander Hamilton, while giving an account of a visit at the
Malabar region speaks of the queen and daughters of the Raja as all naked above the
tavel, and they were bare footed.
36


Speaking of the dress of the women of Malabar, Grose says, The women of
this country are not allowed to cover any part of their breasts, to the naked display of
which they attach no idea of immodesty, which in fact eases by the familiarity of it to
the eye. Most of the Europeans at their first arrival experience the force of temptation
from such nudity on the basis of the ideas to which their education and customs have
habituated them, but it is not long before those impressions by their frequency entirely
wear off, and they view it with as little emotion as the natives themselves, or as any of

34
Tavernier, Travels of, p. 247.

35
Captain Nieuhoff, A Collection of Voyage and Travels of West of East Indies, Vol.
II, London, 1732, pp. 228-230.

36
Alexander Hamilton, Op.cit., , Vol. I, (1727), p. 307.

261
230
the most obvious parts of the body, the face or the hands.
37
Though Malabar used
to enjoy the monsoons, the climate, as of vow, was often temperate or hot. This is an
instance of how nature decides the dressing pattern of her own people.

A Critical Review of the Sources:
The above sources clearly express the truth that the people of Calicut dressed
scantily in the past. All the people without any distinction wanted to conceal only
part of their body with a costly or ordinary dress. Sometimes, the upper class
imposed restrictions on the low caste people in wearing dress. In the subsequent
period, the low caste people were not allowed to use clothes to cover the upper part of
their bodies. From the accounts of the foreigners, it could not be learnt reasonably
whether the king and the queen concealed their bodies.

The influence of the Portuguese:
The Portuguese gave importance to conversion and education. They founded
a college at Varapuzha near Cochin for training Christian priests. Their institutions
helped to spread the knowledge of Latin and Portuguese among the local people.
They introduced the art of printing in Kerala. St. Francis Xavier translated the Bible
and published it with the title Vedopadesam (teaching of the Veda, the Bible). The
Chavittunatakam, the Christian counterpart of the Hindu Kathakali originated and
grew into a popular form of entertainment under the patronage of the Portuguese
missionaries.
38



37
Grose John Henry, A Voyage to the East Indies, London, Vol. I, 1772, n. 41,
p. 201.

38
K.V. Eapen, A Study of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1993, p. 155.

262
231
After the arrival of the foreigners from 15
th
century onwards, a tremendous
change took place in the society. They introduced the modern dress in accordance
with their own interests. In Malabar and the whole of Kerala, people really attained
freedom to wear the dress, without any restriction, only after the 19
th
century. That
too was after a great stronger and benefice of lives.

Ornaments beautified the people. It was a fashion in the society to wear crude
and elaborate ornaments from time immemorial. People used various kinds of
ornaments. The important ornaments were chains, rings, ear rings, bangles and
girdles. Both men and women wore ear studs. From the example given above, one
can see that a section of people including those who were of political and social and
financial affluence lavishly used valuable cosmetics and ornaments. The Numbutiri
men wore finger rings, waist strings; the Antarjanams (Numbutiri women) used
silver, ear rings and bracelets. They were not allowed to wear gold ornaments. The
Nayars used gold ear rings, finger rings and waist rings. The Nayar women used gold
- plated cylinder (todu), golden necklaces and bracelets.
39
The Zamorin of Calicut
decorated his ears with golden ear rings studded with diamonds, sapphires and pearls.
He used bracelets studded with precious stones of great value. His fingers and toes
were covered with rings. Ornaments differed in their size and weight. In one ring on
his toe was a ruby of surprising lustre and in another ring was a diamond. The girdle
round his waist was made with precious stones set in gold.
40
The Nayar women
appeared before the Zamorin with beautiful ornaments. Duarte Barbosas description
of the bejewelled Nayar women is as follows: The thousand waiting women of the

39
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 238.

40
Harry Johnson, Op.cit., (1977), p. 76.

263
232
Zamorin assemble in the kings house, very much adorned with precious stones and
ankle rings of gold on their legs.
41
Captain John Nieuhoff
42
of the 17
th
century
mentions that the queens of Malabar used costly ornaments. According to him, the
ear, arm and the neck of the queen was adorned with precious stones, gold rings and
bracelets, and her hand covered with a piece of white calico. The kings of Malabar
wore very rich jewels of precious stones with pearls at their bored ears. They used
ornaments made girt with belts of precious stones, well worked, rich, and three fingers
broad.
43
Generally, the kings, higher officials, and rich people used cosmetics to
enhance their beauty. They also used sandal and perfumes.
44


The civilization of the people is generally glorified only through their dress,
ornaments and other activities. In the history of Malabar the progress in dress,
ornaments and cosmetics can be estimated through various accounts of the travellers
and the ballads. Pearls were fished in abundance in the Gulf of Mannar. Malabar
produced some incense from trees.

Educational System:
Education is the bedrock of secular achievement of mankind. The importance
of education was realised by the people of yore. Thiruvalluvar extols learning as the
only imperishable wealth
45
and the learned were held high esteem not only in the own

41
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), pp. 111-112.

42
Captain John Nieuhoff, Op.cit., Vol. II, n. 104, p. 230.

43
Mansel Longworth Dames, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1989), p. 8.

44
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., (1995), p. 112.

45
Tirukkural, 400.
264
233
land but also all over the world.
46
In Calicut, where division of labour based on the
caste system existed, people did not want to approach common schools and
educational institutions for getting knowledge on Sastras and labour techniques.
Those who were engaged in their own hereditary professions received skill and
knowledge in their professions through traditional means, like knowledge to a great
extent being obtained from generation to generation through hereditary means. In
other words, each caste in society was assigned to a special duty to be performed in
the body of politics for the smooth running of the society as an organism. As such,
the Brahmins performed religious duties, engaged themselves in the teaching of their
own people and the ruling personnel. They were also engaged in the study and
exercise of various sastras. The Brahmins were either Numbutiris or Bhattars. The
ruling community (Kshatriyas) were elevated from the Nayars who were engaged in
fighting and the use of the arms. Next to the Nayars, the Tiyyas were the major
community, engaged in agriculture, toddy tapping and animal husbandry. The
artisans generally called Aasari or Thachans were engaged in carpentry, blacksmith
(kalthachans) and metallurgy, and the Tattan or goldsmith worked in the art of
ornamentation. All the aforesaid professions required high skill and knowledge,
which were acquired from the gurus, or asans elders and predecessors.
47
Generally,
their parents acted as their asans, under whom they completed their apprenticeship.

The Portico Schools:
During the early centuries education was imparted through portico schools or
Eluttuppallies in the villages of Kerala. In course of time, with the spread of temple

46
Ibid., p. 397.

47
K.K.N. Kurup, Aspects of Kerala History and Culture, Trivandrum, 1977,
pp. 39-40.

265
234
construction the function of educational institutions also was carried out by most of
the temples of prominence.
48
The portico schools were administered by the village
school masters called Eluttachans.
49
The Eluttuppalies afforded ample facilities to
the pupils to acquire elementary education. These centres of learning first taught the
pupils to write in sand the letters of the alphabet and then were made to write short
sentences on ola (palm leaf) and commit to memory short verses of devotional
character. There, the students were taught arithmetic, astronomy and astrology. After
completing their primary education through Eluthuppalis, students went to study in
the Kalaries training in gymnastics and the use of arms and Sanskrit in Vedic schools
under well - trained teachers.
50
The Brahmins were responsible for the tremendous
changes in the cultural revival of Keralas social history.
51
However, they were also
responsible for privatisation of education in the medieval days of South India.
52


Literary Contributions:
In the field of Malayalam language and literature Kozhikode has made
remarkable contributions. During the reign of the Zamorins of Calicut, they made
remarkable contributions to the cultural progress of Kerala. The city of Calicut

48
V.R. Parameswarn Pillai, Temple and Culture of South India, New Delhi, 1986,
pp. 117-119.

49
In the 9
th
Century A.D. One Tunjattu Ezuttaccan, whose original name we do not
know, wrote the Adyauona Ramayana, a Malayalam work. This master
(eluttachan) is known as the father of Malayalam literature.

50
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 654.

51
K.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p. 61.

52
On the early ages, education of universal, i.e. education was for all without any
Sectarian prejudice. But in the medieval South India education was privatised and
offered only to the priestly and military classes. Iravatham Mahadevan, Early
South Indian Epigraphy.

266
235
became a rendezvous of scholars and many men of letters flourished there.
Themselves being great scholars, they patronised poets and scholars. In the last part
of the 15
th
century, Manavikrama Varma, the early Zamorin ruler, made an indelible
mark in literature. Eighteen distinguished scholars who were royal poets adorned the
court of Manavikrama Varma the Great (1466-1471). They were also known as
Patinettara kavikal.
53
Uddanda Sastrikal, Bhattathiri of Kasseri, the two Payyur
Bhattatiris Maharishi and Damodara Bhattatiri and Narayanan Nambudiri of Channas
were noted among them. They enjoyed the patronage of the Zamorins. The scholars
Uttanda Sastrikal and Kakkasseri Bhattathiri had earned the title of Pattathanam.
54

Manavikramavarma, the famous Zamorin, wrote the Vikramiya, a commentary on
Muraris-Anargharaghava. Uttanda Sastrikal wrote the Kokilasandesa in Sanskrit and
Mallikamruta Mimamsa was written by the Payyur Bhattatiris, or Kakkasseri
Bhattatiri wrote the Vasumati Manavikrama. It was a Sanskrit drama that describes
the marriage of Manavikrama with Vasumati, the daughter of Mangat Achan. The
famous tantric rituals and temple architecture was commonly known as
Tantrasamuchya was written by Chennas. Narayana Punams erudition earned him
Uttandas appreciation and an upper garment as a token of acceptance.
55
In the early
ages, education of universal, i.e. education was for all without any sectarian prejudice.
But in the medieval south India education was privatised and offered only to the
priestly and military classes. Calicut is famous for folk songs or ballads known as

53
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), pp. 156-157.

54
K.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p. 134

55
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), pp.156-157.


267
236
Vadakkan Puttkal. The most popular folk songs among them are which celebrate the
exploits of Tacholi Meppayil Kunju Othenan, the Robinhood of north Malabar.
56


Kerala of the medieval times witnessed the introduction of a new form of
literature called Manipravala literature. The term Manipravala literally means
literary ruby, where the term mani meaning ruby and Pravala, as outpouring. It
may simply mean literary outpouring. It is a combination of native and foreign
literary idioms, i.e. Kerala or Malayalam and Sanskirt, otherwise called grantha, a
form of script adopted in South India. It signifies the penetration of Sanskrit literary
forms in the prevalent language. It has a new literary style, diction, metre and idiom
as well as system. The spurt in this form of literature started coming out from the
early medieval days. Some of their works include Chandrotasavam, Unnunili
Sandesam, Unniccirutevicaritam, Unniyaccicaritam, Unniccirutevi and Damodara
Chakiyars Siva Vilasam.
57


The Impact of Bhakti on Literature:
The revival of the Bhakti cult witnessed the rapid progress of literature and
the people enjoyed the art of learning through it. A number of literary works which
came up during this period changed the outlook of the people to religions and
practices. Tunchat Eluthachan, the most prominent scholar of Malayalam, earned
the title Father of the Malayalam language. He wrote Adyatma Ramayanam,
Mahabharatham and Harinama Kirtanam. Another noted scholar, Melpattu Narayana
Bhattatiri wrote Narayaneeyam which deals with the major incidents in the

56
V. Venu (Director of Public Relations) District Hand Books of Kerala Kozhikode,
Department of information of public reference, Government of Kerala, Thiruchur
2003, 127.

57
K. Ramachandran Nair, Early Manipravalam - A Study, Trivandrum, 1971, p. 113.

268
237
Bagavatapuranam. Puntanam Numbutiri authored a number of Malaylam works,
including Gnanappana,Srikrishna Karnamritam and Santagopalan. These works
mostly narrated the story of Lord Krishna. Apart from these scholars, the rulers
themselves had also contributed much to the growth of literature. The Zamorin
Manaveda (A.D 1655-1658) wrote Krishnagiti. It describes the story of Lord
Krishna.
58
Another important work the Mamamkam Kilippattu was written by
Katancherri Namboothiri, who was a courtier of Bharani Tirunal. Manavikrama (A.D
1684-1705), the great Zamorin, describes the traditional festivals of Calicut like
Mamamkam and Thaipuyam.
59


Courses of Study:
To achieve the objectives of education, there was a definite curriculum.
Education in this period was not for all but for a few. The few were the high caste
Brahmins. As education during this period was based on religion, slowly religious
literature had the priority in the syllabi. Vedic study became an integral part of the
curriculum. Hence temple mutts and Sabha were known as schools and colleges for
higher learning. The term ottanmarmadam refers to a Vedic College. The term
Eluttachan means the professor of teaching.
60
The Vedic college imparted free
education in subjects like Vedas, Upanishads, Mimamsa, Vyakarna and Sastras.
61

Students were admitted to the study of all branches of Vedic studies. Since
knowledge of the Vedas was one of the basic qualifications prescribed to become a

58
Ibid., pp. 197-198.

59
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit. (1962), p. 653.

60
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), pp. 156-158.

61
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1962), p. 653.

269
238
priest in the temples, the Vedas were taught intensively with their respective
commentaries.
62
In the northern parts of Kerala as else where in South India, during
the reign of Zamorins the educational institutions were called pallis (ezhuthu pallis),
a term derived from the Jain monastery, called Samana Pallis in Tamil, whereas in the
southern parts of Kerala they were called Salais, including Tamil Nadu.
Parthivasakharapuram Salai in Munchirai Kanthalur Salai in Trivandrum or the
Srivallabha Perumchalas in Kanyakumari may be cited here for instance. For the
maintenance of the institutions the rulers and the common people contributed a lot as
mentioned in some of the epigraphs of Kerala.

With the establishment of educational institutions, their maintenance became
the responsibility of the king. As they needed finance to meet out various expenses,
they mobilised the resources through royal endowments and public contributions.
63

The villages and lands given to such institutions were known as Salabhoga lands
which were generally exempted from the payment of taxes. Part of the income
obtained from the villages, lands, fines and other means were utilised for the welfare
of the teacher and the teaching. Tirunavai, the Zamorins cultural centre was richly
endowed by the Zamorins.
64


A host of teachers recruited to the educational institutions played a significant
role in imparting Vedic and military education as well as moulding the character and
personality of the students. The teachers were called asan or guru or acharya during

62
S. Krishnaswamy Aiyangar, Bhatta Vritti The Indian Historical Quarterly,
Vol. XXI, Calcutta, 1940, p. 383.

63
TAS., Vol. V, No. 36, p. 145.

64
Ibid., p. 653.

270
239
the ancient period.
65
But the teachers of the Salais in some places were known as
Sattars, probably due to their life long learning, and in some places as Bhattar.
During the period of the Zamorins of Calicut the teachers or the scholars were
honoured by the title Bhatta.
66
As a mark of respect, the Battars were known as
Battacharyas, in which the last syllable acharya meant as asan (master). Besides, the
Bhattas received thanam from different assemblies of the rulers.

Literary Assembly:
A literary assembly known as Revathi Pattathanam called also as Taliye
Pattathanam
67
and Tadbhava Pattathanam functioned.
68
It was an assembly of
scholars. The assembly was conducted in the Tali temple at Calicut. The main object
of the assembly was to give money to eminent Bhatta scholars. The assembly was
held every year when periodic proficiency test was held. It was attended by scholars
from far and near. The assembly was the symbol of the intellectual life of the ancient
and medieval Kerala.
69
The assembly meeting commenced its celebrations on the day
of Revatiasterism in the month of Thulam
70
(October November). During the reign
of the Zamorins, the Anyonyam was held in the Katavallur temple. There were
competitions for the students trained in mutts. A competition was also held among
outstanding scholars associated with the mutts. Meritorious scholars were selected by

65
V. Mitra, Education in Ancient India, New Delhi, 1964, pp.16-17.

66
K.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p. 134.

67
V.R. Parameswaran Pillai, Op.cit., (1986), p. 117.

68
Madhava Menon, A Hand Book of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram, 2000,
p. 159.

69
K.J. Koshy, Encyclopaedia of India, Kerala, Vol. XX, Trivandrum, 1986, p. 202.

70
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), p. 156.

271
240
the representatives of all the sabha and mutts of Kerala and the head of the Payyur
family acted as the Chief Judge.
71
The scholars who wished to take part in the
discussions had to pass through a preliminary test and the successful candidates were
presented to the Zamorin who gave them each a piece of Sandal wood bouquet of
Jasmine flowers and some betel leaves and nuts. All the scholars sat on their
respective seats in front of the royal family.
72
The functions continued for seven days.
The first day was allotted for the obeisance of the royal family and the remaining days
for the discussion of the scholars. The winners were honoured with the title Bhatta
and a cash award.
73
Discussions were on such projects like Mimamsa, Vyakarana,
Vedanta, etc.

The temples also imparted informal education which was not meant for all but
the high caste number. The recitation, chanting and expositions held in temples
served as informal education. Temples thus became one of the centres of transmitting
knowledge.
74
Besides, temples imparted technical education too. The visible
monuments in the temples of the technical skill of artisans and craftsmen of
successive periods bear testimony to the high standards of technical education. The
study of architecture and other technical arts was believed to have been a part of the
eighteen vidhyas or sciences taught in the educational centres of South India.
75
In

71
Ibid., p. 157.

72
V.R. Parameswaran Pillai, Op.cit., (1986), pp. 118-119.

73
K.V. Eapen, Op.cit, (1993), p. 134.

74
M.R. Ragavavariar, Temple Festivals in Medieval Kerala, Journal of Kerala
Studies, Vol. I, Part. I, Trivandrum, 1975, p. 63.

75
S. Gurumoorthy, Education in South India (Ancient and Medieval Period),
Madras, 1979, p. 141.

272
241
Kerala Jyothisham (astrology) was handled by the Kaniyans, and Ayurvedam by the
Ezhavas, which were taught as hereditary sciences. There were the sorcerers or
mantravatis who belonged to the Pana, (village bands of musicians) Pulaya, (tillers of
the soil), Kurava (those who tell the future) and Velan (the arrowmen or the hunters)
of the fifth caste and they studied these under their own elders.
76
This proves that the
high caste people of Calicut, like their counterparts in other parts of Kerala, took keen
interest in education irrespective of their sex. The Brahmacharis studied or at least
they were able to read, write and understand religious literature such as the
Ramayana, Bhagavata and the Mahabharta. Though the Kaniyans professed in
predicting time-futuristic fore casts and the Ezhavas professed in Ayurveda
medicine, they were not allowed to learn Vedic scriptures of the Mimansa. The
meritorious works of scholars had tremendous impact on the cultural life of the people
of Calicut under the Zamorins.

Festivals:
Festivals have been an integral part of Indian culture since ancient times to
modern days. Since ancient times, the people of Kerala have been fond of festivals
and they spent money, time and energy for organising both social and temple
festivals. The temple festivals were mostly connected with the gods, goddesses and
kings and chieftains. Annual festivals were celebrated with regard to the founding of
temples. These festivals provided the people with an opportunity to fulfil religious

76
K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. II, Ernakulam, 1929,
pp. 241-244.
Panar in the Sangam age when the royal bands and poets. The Pulayar of those
days in the extreme south were the tenders of the lands, Kuravar and Velans
were the inhabitance of the Kurinchi tract of land.



273
242
obligations and vows. The festivals became important socially, culturally and
religiously. There were festivals conducted regularly on dates significant to the deity
concerned and were celebrated on the days fixed according to astronomical calendar.
All festivals instituted by the kings, nobles and other public and charitable institutions
were celebrated for the propitiation of gods and goddesses at the time of distress and
difficulties such as famine, flood or drought or war. In Kerala, some of the festivals
like Onam
77
and Vishu
78
are connected with harvest and commencement of the new
year respectively. Annual, monthly, weekly and daily festivals were an order of the
day. Even in such temple festivals, certain segments of society were debarred from
participating in proximity to the campus of the temples. They could stand at a
particular distance only and watch what was going on. In this way, one can argue that
temple festivals encouraged social integration, that too in a partial way. The Onam
festival was granted on request by the most judicious native king Mahabali, who was
put down by the feet of Varana, the avatar of Vishnu, a story of Aryan subjugation
of the Dravidian king whose rule was noble and threatened the gods who took
vengeance on him.

The Mamankam or Maghamagham:
Maghamagham was an ancient festival followed by the rulers of Calicut from
time immemorial. Now-a-days, it is popular in some parts of India like Kumbakonam
in south India and also in Ujjain, Nasik and Hardwar, Prayag in North India in the
month of Maagha (January February) on the day of the full moon in the tenth
asterism. Mahaa-makham (the great sacrifice), Mahaa-maham (the great festival)

77
Fewcett, Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 294.

78
Ibid., p. 297.

274
243
Mahaa-ankam (the very great fight) and one or two other compound words have been
suggested as the original of the Malayalam word Maamaankam.
79
In Kerala, the
tradition is that it was celebrated at first by the Cheraman rulers of Kodungallur.
80

During the middle ages, the Zamorins were the protectors of this festival. It was the
meeting of the great National Assembly of the rulers who met once in 12 years.
81

During the days of the emperors, they instituted it on the day of great sacrifice which
is the Maghamagham day.
82
The festival was celebrated at Tirunavai, the centre of
the Siva temple on the banks of the river Nila or Bharatapuzha,
83
which flows
through Tirunavai and with the temples of Brahma, Vishnu and Siva. There was a
faith among the rulers who attended it that the sacred waters of the Ganges appeared
in some miraculous fashion in that river on the occasion of Maghamagham. During
this occasion, in ancient Malabar, all offices were held only for that period, and all
transactions, appointment; contracts and tenures had to be renewed at the end of the
12
th
year.
84
On this occasion, all parties assembled in the solemn conclave at
Tirunavai, and readjusted all existing relations among themselves, including the over
lordship of the entire Malabar. The functions of this festival continued for twenty
eight days, when the planet Jupiter was in retrograde motion in the sign of
Karkadagam.and at the time of the lunar asterism in the month of Makaram, the

79
S. Hemachandran, (ed.), Kerala Society Papers, Vol. 1 & 2, Thiruvananthapuram,
1997, p. 329.

80
K.R. Vaidyanathan, Temples and Legends of Kerala, Bombay, 1988, p. 15.

81
P.K.S. Raja, Medieval Kerala, Annamalainagar, 1953, p. 20.

82
N.B. Paygee, Self- Government in India, New Delhi, 1980, p. 188.

83
C.K. Kareem, (ed.), Malappuram District Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1988, p. 28.

84
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Social History of Kerala, Vol. II, Madras, 1970, p. 129.

275
244
festival used to culminate.
85
Historians are varied on their opinions about the total
number of the days of this festival. P.K.S.Raja mentions that the function was
conducted for 29 days,
86
but others say that it was celebrated for 38 days. After the
capture of Tirunavai by the Zamorin, the festival was celebrated for 30 days.
87


On the occasion of the festival there were processions for 25 days resembling
a Roman triumph in its imposing grandeur, each day surpassing its predecessor in
pomp and display. But all the while the Zamorins person was guarded with strict
vigilance, especially on the last seven days of the procession. Fire works and mock
fights between ships arranged by Shabatra Koya (Nayar chief, or even a Muslim
leader, the right hand man of the Zamorin) were conducted on the last four days. On
the last day of the festival, the Zamorin used to come in procession, ascend the
Manittara, a wooden erected on a hillock facing the deity in the Tirunavai temple
and stand on it. It was on one such occasion that the followers of Valluvanadu Raja
killed the Zamorin and avenged the death of the princess in the Tirunavai war.
88


The festival was called great sacrifices to indicate the self-immolation of the
ruler, truly and apt designation for the ceremony which ends with the sacrifice of the
king who presides over its celebration. Duarte Barbosa says,
89
In the province of
Quilacare there is a gentle house of prayer, in which there is an idol which they hold

85
Madhava Menon, Op.cit., (2000), p. 158.

86
P.K.S. Raja, Op.cit., (1953), p. 28.

87
G. Krishnanadar, Nayar Militia in Travancore, Unpublished Ph.D Thesis,
University of Kerala. Trivandrum, p. 25.

88
Ibid., pp. 25-26.

89
K.P. Padmanaba Menon, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1929), pp. 386-387.

276
245
in great account, and every 12 years they celebrate a great feast there. It is a very
great affair. This temple possesses large lands and gets much revenue. A concourse
of people assembles there on that day. Scaffolding was erected and silken hangings
are spread over it. On that day the king goes to bathe at a tank with much fanfare.
Thereafter, he prays before the idol and mounts to the scaffolding, and there, before
all the people, he takes a very sharp knife, and begins to cut off his nose, ears and lips,
and as much flesh off himself as he can, and he throws it away very hurriedly. As
much of his blood is spilt, he begins to faint, and then he cuts off his throat himself
and he performs this sacrifice to the idol, and whoever desires to reign other 12 years
and undertake this martyrdom for love of the idol, has to be present looking on at this,
and from that place they raise him a king.

After the last days of Cheraman Perumal, the kingdom of Malabar was
divided into many petty principalities. Among the petty rulers, the ruler of
Valluvanadu conducted the festival. At that time, the Zamorins wanted to expand
their power over the petty rulers of the neighbourings. The Zamorins subdued all the
rulers but Valluvankonatiri, the ruler of Valluvanadu
90
challenged the authority of
the Zamorins. Before the domination of the Zamorins over Valluvanadu, the ruler of
Valluvanadu had acted as the protector of the Mahamakham festival.
91
The first
battle between the two rulers occurred in A.D.1101. After this battle, the Zamorins
occupied an important place in Malabar and they were also called the protectors of
the festivities or Rakshapurusha.
92
The Zamorins thereafter became the masters of

90
A. Galletti, The Dutch in Malabar, Madras, 1911, Dutch Records, No. 13, p. 65.

91
TAS., Vol. II, p. 54.

92
Adoor, K.K. Ramachandran Nayar, Gazetteer of India, Kerala State Gazetteer,
Vol. II, Part. I, Trivandrum, 1986, p. 267.
277
246
the temple at Tirunavai
93
. The festival was celebrated presided over by the Zamorin
and the other rulers who accepted the supremacy of the Zamorin and attended it with
their separate flags or represented it by a male member of their families.
94
In 1743,
the last Mamankham was held at Tirunavai.
95
The modern Zamorins followed a new
custom that a Jubilee is proclaimed throughout his dominions at the end of twelve
years. At that time, they celebrated the function for ten or twelve days.
96


During the reign of Zamorin rule in Calicut the Muslims played a vital role in
Calicut. The Zamorins gained the support of the Muslims. If any problem occurred
for the Zamorins, the Muslims largely supported the cause of the Zamorins.
According to it, Calicut itself was so named in honour of one Koyakutty a Mappila
through whose instrumentally the Zamorin got himself nominated at the famous
Kottam at Tirunavai, on the occasion of the Mahamakam as the ruler of all Kerala.
97

Now a Sarvodaya Mela held at Tirunavai every year on the bank of the river Bharata
Puzha.
98




93
Ashin Das Gupta, M.N. Pearson (ed.), India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800,
Calcutta, 1987, p. 164.

94
Malabar Collectorate Records, Vol. 4033-1, General No. 24562, p. 14.

95
C.K. Kareem (Comp.), Kerala District Gazetter, Malappuram, Ernakulam, 1986,
p. 28.

96
K.V. Krishna Ayyar, The Kerala Mamankam, Kerala Society Papers, Vol. I &
II, Series 6, Trivandrum, 1997, p. 328.

97
Achyuta Menon, Ancient Kerala studies in its History & Culture, Trichur, 1961,
p. 143.

98
M.P. Bezbaruah, (ed.), Fairs and Festivals of India, Vol. II, New Delhi, 2003,
p. 24.

278
247
Onam:
Onam celebration starts in the temple of Thrikkara situated at a distance of six
miles from Ernakulam and are believed to be that seat of Mahabali, when he was the
ruler.
99
Onam has been the national festival of Kerala since ancient times. It is said
that Onam was once celebrated in other parts out of Kerala. During the Sangam
period, this festival was celebrated in Tamilaham. The festival was celebrated on the
birthday of Mayon or Vishnu with the asterism Onam (Thiruonam), being the
destroyer of the demons. The victorious soldiers adorning themselves with blue
coloured attire and intoxicated with liquor and zeal of victory participated in this
celebration.
100
Generally, all the sects of Kerala celebrated the Onam festival. Truly,
this festival might have been a religious event as it was conducted in honour of the
deity Mayon or Vishnu.
101
In the territory of Cochin Raja at Trikkara, a temple was
dedicated in the 7
th
Century A.D. to Vamana, the fifth incarnation of Vishnu. Its
priests were the chiefs of Edappalli, a small kingdom in the vicinity of Cochin. After
the marriage alliance was established between the two families of Cochin Rajas
Perumpadappu Swarupam and Edappalli Kingdom, Onam became the most
important for these royal families. In course of time, the relation between these two
rulers was not cordial. As a result, Perumpadappu chief allied with the Zamorin and
thereafter the festival became an important one for the Zamorins family too.
102
This
popular festival occurred annually in the last days of the month of August or early in

99
ONAM A Festival of Kerala Census of India, 1961, Vol. I, Monograph Series
No. 2, Ministry of Home Affairs, New Delhi, 1966, p. 8.

100
M.E. Manickavasagam, Culture of the Ancient Cheras, Kovilpatti, 1970, p. 147.

101
Adoor, K.K. Ramachandran Nayar, Op.cit., Vol. II, Part. I, 1986, pp. 124-125.

102
K.R. Vaidyanathan, Op.cit., (1988), p. 15.

279
248
September. Generally, the festival lasts for 10 days, though its importance is only for
3 days. During these long festival days people preferred to play different games
known as Onam games, including boat racing, carpet making with flowers. At
present the festival is performed in the temple from Atham of Chingom to ThiruOnam
of Chingom. The festival starts with lying of Pookalams (flower carpets) at the
front courtyard of the temple. Flowers for the flower carpet are generally plucked
from the plants in the temple premises by the temple servants. On Uthradaom day an
Onathappan is installed at the centre of the flower carpet and offerings are made. On
the Thiru Onam day, after worship of Onatahappan, all the deities of the temple are
worshipped and are then wrapped with new yellow clothes.
103
It was celebrated with
much pomp and show and gifts and presents were given to friends, relatives and
neighbours. As said elsewhere in this study, the origin of the Onam festival has
much connection, in hiding the truth of the establishment of Aryan domination over
the natives, the Dravidian, whose king Mahabali represented. Today, the people of
Kerala, though they very well know the roots of it, are not ready to rethink and rewrite
the fact of it. In reality, the Onam festival ought to have been one of mourning rather
than a boon as scholars view it. The whole story is beyond the comprehension of
reasoning and self respect that Mahabali is depicted as a demon king, whose rule,
though was judicious and of the prosperous, ought to have been one of respecting the
Brahmin priests. This story draws comparison with the Kualit view of the creation of
Kerala (Parasuramakshetsam) by Parasurama. Scholars must work to bring out the
truth of distilling facts and figures from fiction and myth,
104
like perception of Onam

103
ONAM A Festival of Kerala, Op.cit., New Delhi, 1966, p. 9.

104
Fewcett, Op.cit., (1985), pp. 292-294.

280
249
one of the harvesting festival and as well as a New Year festival. Additional
dimensions to the festival for most of the people in Kerala should be provided.

Architectural Development:
The architecture of Kerala shows a distinct style even from the early period.
Naturally, the Keralites were a God-fearing people and believed in the existence of
the supreme power that had been protecting them from all dangers and evils. They
were convinced after the living king whom they called Ko and housed him in Kovil
(temple or palace). The omnipresent God as a visible king is the protector against
all evils and, therefore, he is housed in kovil which was conceived of after the
residence of the living king.
105
Thus man in his quest for God, the invisible, built
temples as visual symbols of the divine presence. In ancient times, temples were built
of ordinary materials like brick, bamboo or wood. During the Chera rule, a
tremendous change took place in the field of temple architecture.
106
During the
medieval period, a few architectural changes were much in temple architecture and
during the Zamorins rule in Calicut; the temples were built by the codified principles
of vastusastras, of the Sthapatis.
107
In Calicut, the Tali and Tirunavai temples,
occupying a unique place in Kerala style, were constructed with mud bricks, pillars
and ventilators.
108
As in the neighbouring Tamil Nadu, there was revival of Tamil
bhakti. Tamil bhakti here means the bhakti cult that encouraged in the country which
began to have a wide range of coverage including the neighbouring Kerala. The

105
K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, Development of Religion in South India, Madras, 1963,
p. 27.

106
Stella Kramrisch, The Art of India, London, 1965, p. 16.

107
H. Sharkar, An Architectural Survey of Temples of Kerala, New Delhi, 1978, p. 3.

108
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1972), p. 42.

281
250
revival of the bhakti reverberated now from Kerala, particularly from Kaladi in the 8
th

Century. This bhakti was now Tamil oriented bhakti, but Sanskrit oriented bhakti.
This revival had its immediate impact of region, temple art, architecture, sculpture
and their interpretation.

The Tali Temple:
Tali usually mean a Shiva temple and the Tali temple at Calicut one of the
most famous and the best of the eighteen Talis in Kerala. About the 14
th
Century, the
Zamorins were the richest kings. Due to the economic prosperity of the empire they
encouraged building of temples and as a great patron of sculptures, art and learning.
They were closely associated with the Tali temple (Plate three Front view of Tali
Temple).

Legend has it that Parasurama halted in this place for a long time and had
darshan of Lord Shiva with His Consort, Uma. Lord Shiva at the request of
Parasurama, became a Jyotir lingam here. It is also said that later a saint popularly
known as Narayanans brother of Mezhattur Agnihotri, performed the installation of
other deities now in the temple premises. Saint Narayana, according to the records,
performed the first Kumbhabhishekam festival Kalasha in this temple about 1800
years ago.
109


The Rajarajesvaram at Thanjavur to the Imperial Cholas, the Tali was to the
Zamorins.
110
Both of them were built for Lord Siva; but both of them contain idols
of Vishnu, Bhagavati, Ganapati, and Ayyappan only in the case of the Tali temple.

109
Shankara Narayana Rao, Temples of Kerala, Bangalore, 2001, pp. 62-63.

110
The word Tali itself literally means a temple. words like Mautali or karrali
are found mentioned in the inscriptions of South India.

282
251
They contain the Hindu religious legends and legend based sculptures. The
measurement of the Tali temple is bewildering. It is 218 feet long from east to west,
and 270 feet broad from north to south. A sacred tank attached to the temple is in a
pretty good condition. It is 240 feet long from east to west and 349 feet broad from
north to south and is used for bathing. Close to this is a tank known as Kandam
Kulam. It is used for washing. It is 349 by 140 feet. The Tali represents decoration
that can exist among wood, laterite, granite, plaster and stuccoo in Kerala story telling
art.
111


Revathi Bhattadanam one of the important conferences held in the temple
premises. Firstly started in the year1309 AD. Owing to love affairs a civil war arose
between the Zamorin and the Numbutiris. In this war number of Numbutiris was
killed or due to Starvation a number of Numbutiris lost their life. In order to avoid
the sin the Zamorin conduct the rituals of Bhattadanam every year in the month of
Thulam (October-November). It is other wise known as Revathi Bhattadanam.
Eminent scholars participated in it. The conference took place in the spacious
agrashala with in the temple premises. It was not held from 1766 to 1792 due to the
invasion of Hyder Ali. After an interval of 26 years again resumed in the year
1792.
112


The Tirunavai Temple:
Tirunavai Nava Muhunda temple is one of the eleven of the 108 divine places
of the Vaishnavas (108 Thiruppathigal of the Vaishnavas). This temple is situated on
the banks of the river Bharatha Puzha in the Tirur taluk. This Vishnu temple

111
M.Ronald., Bernier, Temple arts of Kerala, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 57-58.

112
Shankaranarayana Rao, Op.cit., 2001, p. 64.

283
252
(Muhundan) is considered to be one of the most famous divine temples of Kerala.
Historically and traditionally it is remembered by the Hindus as a place of divine tour.
It is hailed as an important place was oblations for the diseased ancestors are
performed, particularly for the paternal ancestors. It is believed that the consecration
of the temple and the installation of the deity (saligram) are connected with the nine
brothers, the sons of Rishaba and Jeyanthi, and king and queen of ancient Ayodhya.
There are traditions connecting Markandaya with this temple. The historical
Mamankam festival was celebrated on the sands of Bharatha Puzha River near this
temple. It has not yet been established exactly in the origin and date of the festival.
This temple is housed with shrines with titular deities like Ganapathi, Devi,
Mahalekshmi etc.
113
(Plate Four, Front view of Tirunavai Temple)

2. The Tiruvannur Temple:
The Tiruvannur temple is situated in the hamlet (desam) Panniyankara. The
original name of the temple was Tirumunnur (the Holy Three Hundred) The
Zamorin lived near this temple. Siva is the main deity, though Vishnu, Ganapati, and
Ayyappan are also installed. The temple is 246 feet long from east to west. The gate
of the temple is styled precisely on the pattern of Mudobidri temple in South Kanara
erected by the Jains. The Zamorin established a Brahmin feeding house at
Tiruvannur. Sree Krishna Jayanthi is celebrated every year with the usual temple
rites.
114




113
Mohan Nedum Kompil, Thirunava Mukunda Mahathmyam (Mal.), Malappuram,
2005, pp. 17-23.

114
S.Jeyashankar, Census of India Special Studies Kerala Temples of Kozhikkode
District, Thiruvananthapuram, 2002, p. 269.

284
253
3. The Varakkal Temple:
The Varakkal temple is in Edakkadamsam and is 96 feet long from east to
west and 66 feet broad from north to south. It is dedicated to the goddess Bhagavati,
and gods Ganapati, Ayyappan and Dakshinamurti. It is fabled that the image in this
temple was placed by Parasurama with his own hands. In this temple, the dasra
festival is famous. In this function, thousands of people congregate here for the
performance of ancestral obsequies on the occasion of new moon in the month of
Thulam (October-November). On this day, all married men go with their wives with
a presents of sweet meat, plantains, etc. There is a belief that failure to visit on the
occasion of Varakkal new moon, entails forfeiture of relationship and this made
thousands of couples visit this temple.
115


4. Bilatti Kulam temple:
Bilattikulam temple is in Kacheriamsam. The main deity is Vettakorumakan.
It is 24 feet long from east to west and 19 feet broad from north to south. A 40
days festival is celebrated here in December - January.

There is a tank attached to this temple. It is 378 feet from east to west and 150
feet from north to south, and is used for washing purposes.

5. The Arikkodikavu temple:
The Arikkodikavu temple is in Kasaleaamsam in which Bhagavati, Ayyappan
and Andi Maha Kalan are worshipped. The temple is 120 feet long from north to

115
Ibid., p. 71.

285
254
south and 108 feet broad from east to west. In the month of Kanni (Sept- October) a
festival lasting for 10 days is celebrated here.
116


6. Hanuman Kavu:
In this region, Hanuman or the monkey God has attained importance among
the people, since he is considered as the helper of Lord Rama and even to those in
distress. It has a small Srikovil, and the mandapam. In the surrounding walls, there
are paintings of the Devas. The temple of Hanuman Kavu, situated in the village of
Alathiyur near Tirur in Malappuram district, is believed to have been consecrated by
the Saint Vasista, about 3000 years ago. The temple known as Perum Thiru Kovil
(big temple) for Hanuman Kavu was under the control of the villagers for the long
time. Later the Raja of Vettam took control over the temple and finally the
administration of the temple pass on to the Zamorin of Calicut.
117


Architecture of the Temples:
Wood, being the major material for the construction of temples, and is found
in abundance in Kerala they rarely used stone for such constructions. So the
adhistana of the Vimans or Srikovil is of moulded stone. The walls have a good
number of colour paintings. The roof is in timber and is directly placed on the wall
plate on top of the walls. The roof may be, says K.R. Srinivasan, alternatively being
of metal sheet copper or brass. When compared to the temples in Tamil Nadu, these
temples have only four essential parts viz: vimana to the adhistana or base, the baitti
or wall, the sikhar or roof and the stupi or final. There is no prastara and griva. The

116
Innes & Evans (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), p. 465.

117
Brocher, Kshetrangal ilude of Mathru Boomi on Malappuram (Mal.), Kozhikode,
2006, p.13.

286
255
Srikovil is built as a square or circle. The mandapas and gopurams are in rectangular
shape. They are called padippura. These temples usually have only one entrance on
the east or west of the Srikovil.
118
The pranala or water outlet projected from the
northern side may be of a characteristic thick shape, long cylindrical and tube-like
with a narrow bore made through it. There is a namaskara mandapa which is
absent in the temples of Tamil Nadu. Besides the inner prakara, which is simpler,
there is an outer prakara in big temples. This outer prakara has storied gopuram
entrances on all the four sides, and detached halls or mandapas in the courtyard.
119


Other Types of the Temples:
Sometimes, the Srikovil or Vimana is circular in size. There is more than one
storey. The top storey over the innermost wall is covered over by a council or four-
sided kuta roof with a single finial in the case of circular, octagonal and square
structures. In some temples, the Srikovil is like the vimana. The internal core
containing the garbagraha sanctum is that of vimana. The pedestal of the principal
deity on the sanctum floor is called pittika. The space all around inside the cellar is
called antara mandala.

Dating back to the 14
th
century, the temple is a five example of the total
integration that can exist between wood and laterite. The Tali Temple is square,
double walled, and two storeyed, decorate walled, and two storeyed, with metal
sheet gable roofs as in the temples of Padmanabhasvami or Anantasayanam
Temple in Trivandrum, and the Srikovil of the celebrated Guruvayar Temple. The
adhistana contains the five reliefs on both the sides and rear faces. The karnakutas

118
K.R. Srinivasan, Temples of South India, New Delhi, 1993, p. 196.

119
Ronald M. Bernier, Temple Arts of Kerala, New Delhi, 1982, p. 57.
287
256
contain the extreme bays. In the recesses, there are narrow windows between close-
set pairs of pilasters carrying panjara tops reaching the level of the kapota of the
prastara.

Mosques:
The Muccunti Mosque inscription:
In Muccunti Palli or Muccunti mosque is a unique one not only because it is
one of the rare stone inscription of the Zamorin because it registers a permanent grant
of by the Hindu monarch to the Muslim place of worship in his capital. In the case of
Muccunti mosque and other old mosques of Calicut the architectural style based upon
the typical Hindu temple with pillars, Kerala type ventilators and even huge tank in
the neighbourhood of the mosque. He ordered that the daily expenses of one Nali rice
should granted to the Muccunti mosque.
120
In course of time, due to the impact of
Arab settlers of Calicut, there appeared a revival of a new architectural sty le. They
built mosques with the complex style of the combination of the native and west Asian
architecture. The Malabar mosques are generally covered structures comprising of a
big prayer hall in the form of a rectangular cloister in the centre and with covered
verandas on all sides. The closed verandas around the sanctum sanctorum of the
mosques appear to be constructed with pradakshinapatha. These mosques also
resemble a typical multi-storeyed house in Malabar and they were built on the top of
a foundation of laterite stones. The double and triple ridged roofs are the main
features of the Malabar mosques.
121
(Plate Five & Six)

120
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1972), pp. 40-96.

121
K.J. John, The Muslim-Arabs and Mosque Architecture in Malabar, Ajanta
Series Muslim Studies, Kerala Muslims a Historical Perspective, (ed.), Asghar
Ali Engineer, New Delhi, 1995, p. 50.

288
257
Tuhafat.ul-myahiddin mentions that two of the ten mosques founded in
Kerala by Maliq-Ibn-Dinar are in Calicut. The mosque at Pantalayini was built in
imitation of the one at Mecca. It is a venerable building.
122
Another important port
town of Vadakara near Calicut has the Jummu Jamath mosque which is believed to
have been built by Malik Dinar in Hijra 21. It is said that one Abdullah Musalian of
Edakattur supervises the renovation of the mosque. Alfia Karan a great scholar lived
and taught conducted classes on Islamic studies in this mosque. Thacholi Othenan
one of the stalwart in kalari function in the vicinity of this mosque. With in the
Lokanar Kavu (temple) compound there was a place built for the family of Othenan to
witness the temple festival beside this place another one was built for the Muslims.
This indicates that religious amity existed during that period. Moreover Othenan used
to do gymnastic activities only after getting the blessings of Mutha Marakkiar of
Kottakal by Logan. Kottakal near Vadakara was the head quarters of Kunjali
Marakkiars the admirals of the Zamorins of Calicut.
123


Innes and Evans:
These mosques follow a pattern set by Mali-Ibn-Dinar and party. In the
mosque, there are 7 divisions. (1) Inner or main hall (2) an outer hall (3) veranda has
on all sides at a slightly lower level. (4) Upstairs over the inner hall, and sometimes
over the outer halls also (5) a house or tank for absolution. (6) a hall for water supply
(7) a toilet. These mosques are called Kaba in Mecca.


122
C.A. Innes & Evans, (ed.), Op.cit., (1997), p. 465.

123
P.K. Muhammed Kunhi, Keralathile Muslim Pallikal Samanuaya Sakshikal (Mal)
Kozhikode, 2002, pp. 36-37.

289
258
The architecture of the mosques in Kerala is that of temple architecture. The
centre portion of the mosque is akin to Srikovil the sanctum sanctorum. This is
surrounded by the Aukanam for circumambulation. The third structure worship, of
the map is mandapam. It is used for the courtyards of pillared walls and the most
significant thing to note is that the mosques of all over the world never have the above
structures.

In Kerala, however, the temple style was adopted, giving importance to the
central hall of Srikovil. The structures are built up with wood work. It consists of
several doors and widows of massive sections. This part covered with huge pillars,
and beams. The floorings are decorated with exquisite carvings, tresses, rafters and
reapers in large number. A stone inscription found in the Mucceunti mosque at
Kuttchire in Calicut obviously reveals that the Zamorin patronised the mosques in
Kerala. The inscription mentions that the order of Punturakkon. This is to be
executed by the officer, called Kettuviliyan. Who ordered that daily expenses of one
nali of rice shall be granted to the Mucceunti mosque. Punturakkon was the official
title of the Zamorin of Calicut supposed to be conferred on by Cheraman Perumal,
the king of Kerala, for service in the battle of Puntura.
124


The Muslim invaders had a definite purpose of conversion. Their conception
of equality of men posed a challenge to the Hindu set up. Contract between the Hindu
& Muslim led to conversion. Even some rulers like the Zamorin of Calicut
encouraged conversion to Islam. He gave orders that in every family of fishermen in
his dominion one or more of the male members should be brought up as
Muhammadans. As a result, two different cultures attracted each other. Islam is

124
M.G.S. Narayanan, Op.cit., (1972), p. 3.

290
259
different from Hinduism, but its long association led to a fusion. As Sir John
Marshall says, seldom in the history of mankind has the spectacle been witnessed of
two civilisations, so vast and so strongly developed, yet so radically dissimilar as the
Muhammadan and Hindu, meeting and mingling together.
125


St. Thomas Christians:
The history of the Church in Kerala dates back to the coming of St.Thomas,
the Apostle in A.D 52 at the port of Muziris. Most of the churches are on the coastal
belt. He stayed in the Jewish quarter. According to one tradition, St. Thomas
converted many of them to Christianity. The Kerala Christians use even today, the
prayer books of Keralas Syrian-Christian community. It was the language of the
Iraqi Jews. After the arrival of the Portuguese the Jews largely retreated. The
Portuguese destroyed the Jewish settlement in Cannanore and the famous Cochin
Synagogue in 1661. During the regime of the Dutch the Jews enjoyed a number of
privileges. The Portuguese records of the sixteenth century say that the St. Thomas
Christians told them that they had originally come from Tamil Nadu and settled down
in Kerala. A large number of the Syrian Christians resented to this foreign incursion
in the internal affairs of their church. Later the Syrian Christians divided into a
number of sub-divisions.
126


The earliest churches are either previous temples converted as churches, or
new churches, built in the form of Hindu temples. With the advent of the Portuguese
and Dutch influence in India, the style of European church architecture was

125
P. Subramanian, Social History of the Tamils, (1707 1947), New Delhi, 2005,
p. 3.

126
S.C. Bhatt & Gopal K Bhargava Land and people of Indian states and Union
Territories in 36 Volumes, Vol. XIV, New Delhi, 2005, pp. 31-33.

291
260
introduced. Although the European styled churches followed the West Asian
pattern, many modifications were made to suit the climatic conditions, and
availability of building materials in this region. The ancient churches contain massive
walls and large openings. The interior parts of the churches are decorated with mural
paintings, cornices and mouldings. The plan of the church is in the form of a cross
with a raised platform used as the altar and it has two side rooms and the main prayer
hall.

The Jews:
The Jews came from Europe to Kerala during the 1
st
century A.D.
127
They
were the smallest religious group in Kerala. Before the king Bhaskara Ravi Varma in
Kerala in 1000 A.D.
128
No real records are available on the information about the
early settlements of the Jews in the Malabar Coast. Anjuvannam the headquarters of
the Jewish guilds, and they assembled in their corporate headquarters at anjuvarnnam,
a trading corporation.
129
The Syrian copper plate and the Jewish copper plate prove
that the Jews and the Christian from west Asia were able to gain the confidence and
support of the Chera kings, who admitted them in the exclusive ranks of the highest
aristocracy by conferring on them certain concessions. The Zamorin of Calicut, in
spite of their Hindu orthodoxy treat with tolerance and respectable position in the
society.
130
According to Gundert, anjuvannam was one of the four emigrated
merchant tribes and the term stood for one of the trading communities. Foreign

127
Jeannetta Bossert, India Land, People and Culture, New Delhi, 1974, p. 210.

128
Epigraphica Indica, Vol. III, p. 68.

129
Annual Report of Epigraphy, 1926-27, Part III, Para. 46.

130
M.G.S. Narayanan, Perumals of Kerala, Calicut, 1996, p. 158.

292
261
merchants of Jewish principality are a corporate body of the community.
131

Dr. Burnel understood that anjuvannam referred to the colony of the Jews.
132

Venkaya considered it either to be a semi-independent
133
corporation or a Jewish
principality.
134
The Cochin Jewish copper plate of Sthanu Ravi granted Joseph
Robbon, a Jewish merchant the right to best as the head of the guild.
135
The term
Anjuvannam appeared in several places and each dealt with different meanings. The
Jews believed that Anjuuvannam was a village and Joseph Robbon was appointed by
the Perumal as the prince of the village.
136
The Jews traded in pepper and got the
enemity the Moors. Finally, of in AD 1526 the Moors destroyed their settlements.
Then they settled in Cochin and received the protection of the ruler of Cochin.
137
The
Portuguese were also not the friends of the Jews. In 1565, the Portuguese enlarged
and strengthened the fortress at Craganore against the Zamorin of Calicut, who
invaded Cochin the same year.

Music:
Music was one of the few exhilarating and elevating arts, if performed without
flows. There were three types of music which flourished in Kerala in the Zamorins

131
H. Gundert, Transaction and Analysis of the Ancient Documents engraved on
Copper Plats in Possession of the Syrian Church and the Jewish of Malabar,
Madras Journal of Literature and Science, 13, No. 30, Part I, pp. 115-146.

132
Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, pp. 73-73.

133
Epigraphica Indica, Vol. V, p. 294.

134
Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, pp. 73-74.

135
Epigraphica Indica, Vol. III, p. 68.

136
K. Sadasivan, The Cochin Jews: Their History, Society and Identity. Proceedings
of South Indian History Congress, 10
th
Volume, Rajapalayam, 1990, p. 143.

137
Jeannetta Bossert, Op.cit., p. 210.
293
262
period. They were classical music, Malayalam music and Mappila music.
138
Ancient
Sanskrit verse enumerates about 20 Ragas which were used during religious
performances. There were some earliest musical treatises. Tamil epic
Cilappadikaram mentions Chakiyar Kuthu. The other treatises are Sangeeta
Chudamani, Sangeeta Vidhikal and Sangeeta Majarai.

Apart from Carnatic or Classical music, Kerala had over the years evolved its
own style of music known as the sopana style. This serves as the accompaniment to
Kathakali or the Keralas unique dance drama. Swathi Thirunal was a great musician,
and he composed a number of songs in Sanskrit, Malayalam, Tamil, Telugu, Canarese
and Hindi. His music falls in the categories of Varnam, Kirtanam, Podam, Tillana,
and Raga malika.

Other great musicians were Ireyimman Thampi and Shadkala Govinda Marar.
They lived during the times of Swathi Thirunal. Trayimman Tahmpi wrote three of
the best Katakalis and the best lullaby in Malayalam, in addition to several varnas,
kirtanas, and padas.

The third variety of music is the Mappila song. The Mappila songs have
attracted many eminent music poets. One among them was Mahakavi Moyeen Kutty
Vaidyar, who wrote his famous vhad and Hunein. The humourous poet, Kunjayan
Mudaliyar wrote Kappapattu. Kappa means tapioca and pattu means music.

Krishnanattam and Ramanattam:
Krishnanattam owes its existence to the powerful Zamorin rulers of Calicut
who held power at the beginning of the 9
th
century. Their power over the Coastal

138
C.K. Kareem Kerala and her Culture An Introduction', Trivandrum,1973, p. 53.
294
263
region famed as the largest exporter of species. The Zamorins were not only great
rulers but also men of learning, literature and different kinds of art. Krishnanattam
became very popular during the reign of the Zamorins. Manavedan himself prepared
the stage version too, and as this relied heavilyon dance it was given the name
Krishnanattam- dance of Krishna. Krishnattam closely associated with the Zamorin,
because to perform Krishnanattam used to be deputed for nine days every year in the
Guruvayur temple.
139
Krishnanattam was a 15
th
century dance-drama. It required a
number of actors and was composed in Sanskirt by the Zamorin of Calicut. But it was
written in Malayalam. It was an imitation of Jeya Devas Gita Govindam.

Krishnattam was a form of votive offering, which takes eight days to be
presented in full. Its actors were recruited from Nayar or Numbutiri families. It was
performed in the Zamorins palace. The play begins with the birth of Krishna and
ends with his death. The play has abhinaya in the form of facial expression and hand
gestures though it was not so highly developed then as in the Kathakali form. The
make-up, dress and ornaments and music were similar to Kathakali. Most of the
characters paint their faces in various conventional designs but some of them put on
masks.

Ramanattam:
Ramanattam developed out of Krishnattam. Its theme was the life of Rama.
In this dance-drama masks were discarded. There was a richer variety in facial make-
up. The play was written in Malayalam. When this art developed its scope, it came to
be known as Kathakali.
140
Ramanattam was based on Ramayana. Ramanattam was

139
Mallika Sarabhai (ed.), Performing Arts of Kerala, Ahmedabad, 1994, pp.113-117.

140
L.A. Krishna Iyer, Op.it., Vol. II, (1970), p. 143-144.
295
264
in Manipravala style and performed by the Raja and his Nayar soliders. It continued
for eight days.

Kathakali:
Kathakali, the dance-drama of Kerala, is a world famous form of performing
art, having its own entertainment value. A classical dance-drama, it reveals the
ancient and medieval traditional arts of the people of Kerala. M.J. Koshy regards
Kathakali as a play. The term was derived from the idea of presenting a story in the
form of a play.
141
This traditional art occupied an important place in the social history
of Kerala because all the people regarded Kathakali as their intimate form of
entertainment. During important festivals in Kerala, Kathakali is performed and is
very popular.
142


The origin of Kathakali depends on many theories prevailing in Kerala. The
earliest court jesters of Kerala, the Chakiyars used a particular method to explain the
puranic stories through suitable gestures. This popular form of dance-drama in
Kerala is known as Chakiyarkuttu.
143
Later, it evolved in different names in different
periods. It was the first stage of Kathakali. After that, Chakiyarkuttu was
transformed into Kutiattam, which required more than one Chakiyar to take part in
the dance. It received patronage from rulers such as Kulasekhara Varma, Tholan and
Uddandakavi. They gave all assistance to improve it.
144



141
M.J. Koshy, Op.cit., Vol. XX, (1986), p. 243.

142
Adoor K.K. Ramachandran Nayar, Op.cit., (1986), p. 290.

143
George Vallatt, Discovery of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1977, p. 57.

144
Ibid., pp. 57-58.

296
265
Another theory that existed in the society regarding the origin and
development of Kathakali was that it was an improvement on the Krishnattam, a
kind of dance-drama. This kind of dance-drama was developed by Manaveda, the
Zamorin ruler of Calicut. The dance-drama called Krishnattam was based on the
model of folk dance Ashtapadiyattam meaning (eight step dance).
145
In Kerala,
before the time of Manaveda many folk-dances had prevailed but none of them had
been preserved, for there was no method of preservation. After the introduction of
Manavedas Krishnapadi, he commemorated the event by ordering the performance
of his play.
146


His play increased his fame and glory and it led to the jealousy between the
Zamonin ruler and the ruler of Kottarakara. He wrote Ramanattam and staged it
with the help of trained actors.
147
According to Krishna Iyar,
148
Kathakali is a
wonderful treasure art, tracing its origin to Kamsanatakam and
Meenakshinatakam. In these dramas some events of Kathakali were adopted even
today. These are locally known as Kudiyattam which was cultivated and moulded
by Aryan Numbutiri. Those who follow these art forms moulded them into
Kathakali. Another view is that the Kottarakara Thamburam of South Kerala
introduced a new style in the dancing which came to be called Kathakali.
149



145
A. Sreedhara Menon, Op.cit., (1994), p. 365.

146
C.R. Boxer, Portuguese India In the Mid 17
th
Century, New Delhi, 1980,p. 234.

147
Ibid.,

148
L.A. Krishna Iyar, Op,cit., Vol. II, (1970), p. 143.

149
M.J. Kashy, Op.cit., Vol. XX, (1986), p. 243.

297
266
Generally, all accept that Kathakali is a world famous dance-drama, a unique
contribution of Kerala to dancing. Later rulers introduced many changes in its style.
The recital and singing were done by professional singers.
150
The make-up in
Kathakali based on five main categories of Pacha (Pacca) Kathi (Katti), Kari (Kari),
Tadi (tati) or Minukku (Minukku). Each category of make-up denotes a particular
behavioural type.
151


Kathakali is based on the system of Natyadharmi, which was taken from
Bharathamunis Natyasastra.
152
It is a harmonious blending of music, dance, vadya
and abhinaya.
153
Angika (body languages), Ahariya (costumes including head
gear, make-up ornaments and jewellery), Vachika (narration by singers and neck
movements matched to the words by the actors) and sattvika (evocation in inner
feelings, emotions and sentiments) are blended in the art. Nrita, Nritya and Natya
are used as the medium to render the story. In almost all aspects the rules and
regulations of Natyasastra were followed. The vocal musical instrument geta and
vadya are used on the occasion of plays.
154
The basic alphabet of twenty-four
gestures stands for many different things and the specific meanings are determined by
the context. In the gesture serial blending can evolve and extend representational

150
George Vallatt, Op.cit., (1977), p. 58.

151
Dravidian Encyclopedia (People & Culture), Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1993, p. 378.

152
P. Venugopalan & Ettamanoor Kannan, Natya Sastra and the Body Language of
Kathakali, Aspects of Indian Classical Theatre and Its Relevance to Modern
Period, Nagercoil, 2002, p. 6.

153
L.A. Krishna Iyar, Op.cit, Vol. II, (1970), p. 143.

154
Venugopalan and Ettamanoor Kannan, Op.cit., (2002), p. 6.
298
267
significance. Various related and expressive bodily movements are supported with
hand gestures and its paramount importance is the movements of the eye.
155


The common concept of dance and music of Kathakali increased the dandaka
structure of music and the sari (Chari) dance. The instruments Chenda and Maddala
are used as the main instruments and the timing instruments Chengila (ging) and
Elattalam (Cymbals) are used as two vocalists. Later on, Sudha maddalas came to
be used to develop this art.
156


The age of the origin of this glorious art, is not known. Some scholars are of
the view that it is earlier to the origin of Ariyanisation. According to Faubius
Bowers, Kathakalis atmosphere in its natural setting is real in the light of present
day life with its synthetic union of song and drama; it engenders in the spectator a
sense of primitive power. Its elemental importance seems to relate to the dawn of
man himself, but Kathakalis age and history are not primordial. What can be said
about Kathakali and about all art forms still extant is that there was dancing among
the inhabitants of India before Ariyanisation, that the Aryans developed a higher
degree of art, and that the oldest codifications and source of art-information are the
Sanskrit shastras and their copious commentaries and glossaries. It is evident that
vernacular drama forms, rising after the decline of Sanskrit, have preserved elements
of the vast Sanskrit resource. Out of the dramatic ferment among the people arose the
immediate fore-fathers of Kathakali, viz., Krishnattam, which was created by the

155
Krishna Chaitanya, India The Land and People of Kerala, New Delhi, 1994,
p. 141.

156
K.N. Panikkar, Folkore of Kerala, New Delhi, 1991, pp. 139-140.

299
268
Zamorin in 1657.
157
The abinaya in kali is essentially an symbolic one. Kali
connoisseur may be called a spectator while the actor performs his role with the help
of stylized sounds and bodily gestures. A kind of kali mainly based upon eyes and
ears to absorb the work of art. Kali is thus not merely a form of entertainment it is a
Sutra (aphorism) elements of bhashya (explanation) and Varttika (commentary).
158


Kalari Payarru:
Since early times, the people of Kerala have been familiar with the Kalari
culture. It is associated with the heritage and legendary character of Kerala. This is
an ancient and traditional art of Kerala, descended from the sage and the legendary
hero, Parasurama who founded Kerala
159
. Kalari-payirru represented the regional
system of martial practice. The Sanskrit word khaloorika means a military training
ground. Similarly, the Malayalam word kalari was derived from the Sanskrit word
khaloorika
160
. It influenced the evolution of Kathakali
161
. The term has a Tamil
(Dravidian) root., derived as that of kalari paddy field kalari might have evolved
from the Dravidian root Kalari, the art, to learn. Kalari was a martial art. Kalam
means field. Kalari means field. It was taught to the youths of Kerala in self-defence
and offence. There were Vadakkan Kalari in Northern Kerala and Thekkan Kalari
Southern Kalari. Vadakkan Kalari became very popular in the Calicut region. In

157
L.A. Krishnan Iyar, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1970), p. 144.

158
D. Appakuutan Nair, K Ayyappa Panikkar, (ed.), Kathakali the Art of the non-
worldly, Bombay, 1993, pp. 17-18.

159
K.N. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1991), p.141.

160
M.D. Raghavan, Folkplays and Dances of Kerala, Trichur, 1947, p.43.

161
Mallika Sarabhai, Op.cit., (1994), p,129.

300
269
the southern kalai there were sixty four centres, developed as a military force by
Anandapadmanabhan Nadar, the lieutenant of Marthandavarma.

The word kalari refers to different meanings. The place, open space,
threshing floor, battlefield are mentioned as the meaning of kalari in Malayalam.
With the same meaning arena, area for dramatic gladiatorial or gymnastic exhibitions,
assembly, place of work or business are referred to as the meaning of kalari in Tamil.
The Malayalam word payirru means payil in Tamil. It means accustomed and
practiced
162
. It simply means to learn. Kalari is one of the martial arts to develop
their physical fitness and warfare. Both male and female were admitted to the kalari.
The Chief Instructor in the kalari was neither the Kurup nor Panikkar. Training
started at the age of eight. Advance forms of training included archery and
knowledge of the eighteen techniques in ankam. All religious set of people were
attracted by the martial art kalari.
163
Kalari also means a temple where the family
deity presides. The word has also other meanings like assembly, business place etc.

The origin and development of this martial art was to protect the country from
the attack of neighbouring rulers. Historically, the Chera territory was frequently
attacked and threatened by the Cholas. To prevent this menace, the Chera rulers took
efforts to transform the whole country into a military training camp. During this
period, the kalaris acted as gymnasia where training was imparted in offence and

162
Phillip.B.Zarrilli, When the body becomes all eyes. Paradignue, Discourses and
practices of power in Kalaripayarru, South Indian Martial Art, New Delhi, 1998,
p.25.

163
T.P. Sankaran Kutty Nair, (ed.), Modern India: Society and Politics in Transition,
New Delhi, 1988, p. 354.

301
270
self-defence on a regular basis
164
. It was practised mainly as means of physical
exercise and as medicine. The Malayalam term Sarirabhava generally was used in
kalari but it rightly emphasizes the physical exercise
165
. Some scholars point out that
kalari or gymnastics was a popular institution or school where Nayars were taught
warfare and letters. Its teachers were Nayars
166
. Another view is that kalari was a
military academy of the Nayars of medieval Kerala
167
. During the medieval period
that is from 15th century to 17th century Kalarppayaru came to the forefront in
Kerala when the mighty Cheras were divided into many petty principalities and were
ruled by local chieftains
168
. During this period, a group of people called Chaver
Nayars or Suicide squards, laid down their life during attacks.
169
Kalari may be a
response to the Chola invasion of the Chera country in the 9
th
and 11
th
centuries A.D.

In later days, when the Numbutiris occupied the rank of the Nayars, they
introduced many changes in the kalari system. According to the rules and
regulations, the knowledge of Sanskrit was most essential for any scholar. They were
acknowledged as teachers when the Nayars were forced to take military training, at


164
Krishna Chaitanya, Op.cit., (1994), pp. 20-22.

165
K.N. Panikkar, Op.cit., (1991), p.141.

166
K.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p.109.

167
Ashin Das Gupta & M.N. Pearson (ed.), India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800,
Calcutta, 1987, p.165.

168
Chummer Choondal, Christian Folklore, Trichur, 1988, p.6.

169
Krishna Chaitanya, Op.cit., (1994), p.23.

302
271
the expense of intellectual equipment
170
. According to the prevailing customs at that
time kalari was attached to the goddess, Kali
171
or Bhagavati
172
.

Various kinds of physical exercises combined with scientific methods of
offence and defence are applied with varieties of weapons when actual fight
continued. This system can be classified into four disciplines as, maithzhil, kolethari,
angathari and verumka
173
. The training centres had a special room where the floor
was below the ground level. In these centres, initially the students gave their respect
(obeisance) to the goddesses and other gods and touched the feet of their guru and
started their exercises
174
. In some centres, parikaras or the captains of war imparted
skilfully instructions related to warfare
175
. The Nayars gave training to their sons at
the early age of seven
176
.

Duarte Barbosa, who visited in the early part of 16
th
century, has recorded the
martial spirit of the Nayars and Tiyyas. Every small unit a desam had its own kalari.
Asan or fencing master presided over it, where training was given in the use of sword
and shield, bow and arrow and the lance. After they had completed their training,
they were admitted in the local militia. This art attained prominence during the
medieval period in the history of Kerala (15
th
to 17
th
Century A.D) when the country

170
E.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p.109.

171
Mallika Sarabhai (ed.), Op.cit., (1994), p.129.

172
E.V. Eapen, Op.cit., (1993), p.109.

173
Krishna Chaitanya, Op.cit., (1994), p.20.

174
Mallika Sarabhai, Op.cit., p.129.

175
Sukhdev Singh Chile, Beautiful India Kerala, New Delhi, 1998, p.12.

176
Duarte Barbosa, Op.cit., n.60, 1995, pp. 71-73.

303
272
was divided in to a number of feudal principalities ruled by feudal chieftains. Every
village had its own Kalari. Tiyyas, Christians and even Muslims had their own
Kalaris.
177


This training was imparted not only to the Nayars but also to persons of
different castes. The northern part of Kerala followed the method of Kalarippayirru
of Parasurama, called Northern Kalarippayirru and the Southern part of Kerala,
especially the Travancore and South Travancore areas followed a new method of
kalari (atimurai) known as Southern Kalarippayirru which is said to have been
taught by sage Agastya
178

.
Wood was the Primary material used in structural constructions in the
Malabar area. Stone was rarely used and specially for laying the foundation it may
be due to the cost involved in bringing stones to the construction sites. Wood was
available in large quantities and was not prone to wear and teak due to the vagaries of
nature likes heavy rainfall and extra ordinary heat at different periods of the year. The
transportation of logs of wood from the forest area to the working site through the
rivers and lakes could not be costlier than the transportation of stone. The logs were
cut and floaded through this rivers and back waters. The Environment around the
area is full of small mounts infested with thick forest and not rocky from which stones
for construction would be cut off. So the people found it easy and cheap to have
major constructions using wood instead of stones. The Art of construction during that
period did not evolve into the manner of modern concrete constructions so most of the
temples and palaces as well as the houses of Nayar chieftains and others were wooden

177
Dravidian Encyclopedia, Op.cit., Vol. II, (1993), p. 348.

178
Philip B. Zarrilli, Op.cit., (1998), p. 240.
304
273
construction. The structure of the Malabar temple is of Nagara style. That is
circular in shape neither square nor rectangular like the Dravidian style. The
Zamorins of Calicut made remarkable legacy to the cultural progress of Kerala
particularly in Calicut.
305
i
CONCLUSION
Kerala or the early Chera Nadu is the western part of the Western Ghats (to
them the East) of Peninsular India. It has a long Coastal belt from Poovaru in the
South to the southern part of Mangalore in the North and the Arabian Sea in the west.
It has rugged mountain, slopes rivers, flowing down to the west and greenish flora and
rare specimens of fauna. The Zamorins Country of Calicut is located in the northern
part of Kerala in the Malabar Coast, which the early Arabs called the Mabar, the
land of the Hindus. In this Mabar region was the country of the Elimalai,
Ezhilmalai in Tamil and of the kingdom of Nannan in the Sangam age. This place had
been one of the brisk trading centers, where the Jews, Arabs and the Christians
concentrated and conducted large scale trade and exchanged cultural features.

Calicut enjoying the seasonal rains and temperate climate has been a land of
spices, rare woods and sea-shells. It, no doubt, produced the costlier spices, which
were in great demand in the western countries. Besides, its healthy climate favoured
the cultivation of different crops, though Kerala does not have much paddy land
except that of Wayanadu. The Coastal belt of Calicut attracted a large number of
foreigners, who had accessibility to engage themselves in trade activities with other
countries. Moreover, the involvement of some natives in the field of agriculture in the
land available directly turned their attention in the field of trade. They therefore
produced the commercial crops in large quantities and participated in trade activities.
In fact, it witnessed changes of great significance in the socio-economic spheres.
However with the advent of the Jews and the Arabs and Christians, the various
sections of the society, finding trade and commerce lucrative in Calicut started trading
with the foreigners. The positive response of the natives to the aliens brought about
306
ii
unique transformation in the position of agricultural labour and commercial
production. It also increased the opportunities of trade and employment which drew
more people to the towns, accelerating urban growth and social mobility. These
eventually led to the break-up of the caste system in the Calicut region.

The social setup in Calicut as elsewhere comprised of many castes, high,
higher the highest low, lower and the lowest. These were mainly based on their birth
and occupation. The Nambutiri Brahmins and the Nayars possessed the highest and
the higher status respectively owing to their ownership of the land. The Nambutiri
Brahmins enjoyed a superior social status among the other castes. As the elite caste
they were hegemonic and enjoyed a dominant role in the social and religious
institutions. People of other castes same times including the Nayars too depended on
the property of these Nambutiris for they enjoyed the backing of royal authority.
Caste was the main deciding factor in the economic organization, division of labour
and exercise of power. In the traditional village social system, numerical strength was
not considered a barrier to dominance. Political authority, high caste ranking and
economic power coupled with education and Shastraic knowledge, power of
arbitration mediation and counseling made these Brahmins hegemonic and the
dominant in the society.

South India has always been an attraction to the foreigners. Herodotus, the
Father of History records that India was a land of golden ants. The Romans have
found the voluminous trade in black gold (pepper) as a part of their economy.
Strabo, Pliny the Elder, the author of the Periplus Marine Erythraean and Ptolemy and
the Arab traders and travelers have all left their recollections of the Malabar spices,
pearls and woods.
307
iii
Calicut (Kozhicode) in the West Coast of India in particular was one of the
brisk trading centers from time immemorial. The Westerners the Ionian Greeks, the
Egyptian Arabs and the Romans had kept continuous commercial contact with the
region. The Jews of the times of Solomon too had kept steady trade contacts with that
Coast which could be had from the South Indian linguistic terms found in Hebrew
literature. But this commercial contact with the West was some what lost because of
political changes that took place in the Western World and the Western Coast of India
perhaps from the 3
rd
century A.D. to 8
th
century A.D and from 11
th
century, A.D. to
15
th
century A.D. In fact, then again, because of sea changes that took place Sea
routes were also lost. But these routes were renewed and new ones were discovered
in addition to the existing land routes, towards the end of the 15
th
century A.D.

By about the end of the 3
rd
century A.D. the political power of the Cheras
declined, dealing a severe blow to internal and inter-continental trade. However, it
was not totally lost, for the Jews, the Arabs and the Chinese were on the waters for
some more time until the recognizing of the lost political power by the emergence of
the Perumals, who, in fact, revived the Chera hegemony over the Western Coast, but
only to be lost to the vast military and naval power of the Cholas of medieval times.
With the renunciation of the throne of the Perumals by the famous Cheraman
Perumal in favour of embracing Islamic faith and going on a pilgrimage to Mecca, the
Empire of the Perumals got fragmented into petty principalities. One of the
principalities that consolidated its power was the Zamorins of Calicut.

The Nayars, as the upper class next only to the Nambutiris, were then
divided into Naduvazhis and Desavazhis, discharged administrative as well as
military functions, in addition to judicial responsibilities in their respective nadus and
308
iv
desams. They lent their land to the cultivators without foregoing their janmam right
to safeguard their interests. The rulers of the kingdom mainly depended on them for
soldiers in times of emergency. The custom of the mighty rulers was to collect taxes
from the principalities and the chieftains. Through this income they maintained the
temples and discharged their administrative functions.

During medieval period in Malabar many institutions were patronized by the
rulers and also by influential individuals. Besides the foreigners particularly the Jews,
the Muslims and the Christians were the champions who brought about cultural
changes in this region. For the growth of Hinduism the Hindu dynasties and the
Hindu associations spent large amount of money. Their support not only brought
about changes in the religious life but also introduced changes in the field of
traditional cultural activities. Similarly, the Jews, the Muslims and the Christians did
yeomen service to spread their religions. They built Synagogues, mosques and
churches in their own artistic styles and wrote in their languages. It made fusion with
Indian culture. Generally, the period of the Zamorins of Calicut witnessed the growth
of literary works. The same principle was adopted by the Muslims in Muslim
literature and the Christians for English literature. One of the remarkable changes
they brought about was found in their attempts to remove the caste system in the
society, which, in fact, spoiled the harmony and understanding.

The victory of the Portuguese at her colonies had been virtually guaranteed by
the superior technology, navigational skills and equipments. Vasco-da-gamas arrival
at Calicut on 20
th
May 1498 was a turning point in the history of Calicut. It gave
signals for the Portuguese to establish contact with important rulers and traders in this
area. The hostile attitude of the Zamorins with their neighbours guaranteed the
309
v
Portuguese the strategic domination over commerce in spices, which simultaneously
permitted penetration of polities in the country. Through their penetration they
increased their trade activities and political power. This attracted all sections of the
society to contact the Portuguese and stood to gain. The kings, chieftains, nobles,
merchants, farmers, artisans and craftsmen were mostly the beneficiaries. The
activities of the catholic missionaries were an event which was destined to add new
dimensions to the history of the social life of the people of Calicut.

The Portuguese contributed a great deal in trade and commerce, religion and
institutions in Malabar. This was possible for the natives positive response. The
development of new cities and townships opened new awareness of employment. As
more and more Portuguese merchants reached the port towns of Calicut and other
centers, more houses were to be constructed for them. Their mode of construction
with white stones, brick, roofed with lime clay on tiles was used by the natives. The
Portuguese built many warehouses on the important ports. Besides, they opened
many institutions to help the poor and the sick under the leadership of their
missionaries. Through their missionary activities they converted a large number of
natives to Christianity. They gave special privileges to the converted Christians,
which inspired others to settle in towns and become Christians.

The economic gains of the Portuguese created a new attitude among the
European nations watching the activities and attitudes of the Portuguese. The Dutch
East India Company played a major rote in ending the Portuguese regime in the
Malabar province. Though the Portuguese and the Dutch were European powers,
they could not tolerate the growth of the other, in the Indian waters and harbored to
bring down each other. They followed the policy of getting closer to the Zamorins to
310
vi
keep them at a distance. If the Zamorins were friends of the Portuguese, they were
the enemies of the Dutch and vice versa. Each one of them tried to be the masters of
the land and sea. Their attitude created new alliances among the native rulers one
whom supported the Portuguese and others to the Dutch. For the mutual assistance
the Dutch got rights to build factories and continue trade rights. They gave more
attention to increase their volume of trade facilities rather than building an empire in
the Malabar region. Even though they contributed to the growth of religion and
missionary activities, their ambitious policy of expansion particularly in Travancore
gave a fatal blow to their power.

Following the Dutch, the British tried to have their foothold in Calicut. The
rise of the British was made possible the fall of the Dutch. The British did yeomen
service to the development of Calicut. Initially, the British made peaceful relations
with the Zamorins. It was their diplomatic policy that stood them in good stead to
expel all other European powers. In Malabar the British followed the diplomatic
policy against the alliance between the Mysoreans and the French. Besides, they
survived the weakened position of the other European powers like the Dutch and the
Danes and took steps to completely evacuate them from Indian waters and political
power. They conducted systematic wars and got success in their goals. The British
stopped the advance of Tipu Sultan to the Travancore region and unseated him in the
Malabar region.

After the establishment of their power, they introduced many changes in the
political, social, cultural and religious institutions. For the safety of their
administration in Malabar, the British introduced a centralized administration. They
abolished the pension scheme and other privileges of the petty rulers, but, at the same
311
vii
time, they gave pension and some privileges to the rulers. In the society they created
a new social pattern in which all were treated equals. They started many missionary
works to uplift the poor and needy in Calicut. The major achievement of the British
in Calicut was the spread of a new form Christianity. By supporting these missions
they converted a large population to Christianity. In short, a new social awakening
opened up among the masses. Their commercial interest increased the spice trade and
made monopoly of pepper trade. The pepper monopoly of the British enhanced the
fame and glory of Calicut not only in Europe but also in the international markets.

The Mysorean interlude in the Malabar province made many remarkable
changes in the political, social, religious and economic fields. The first step taken by
the Mysoreans was to consolidate the shattered areas in the conquered territories. For
this purpose, the powers of the Rajas were reduced and replaced the feudal hierarchy
through a strong centralized government. The steps taken by the Mysoreans in this
region totally changed the feudal character of the Malabar society. They introduced
a code of law for abolishing the social evils of polyandry and the exposure of bosom
of women naked. Besides, they started giving financial assistance to the marriage of
poor girls. Their role was to convert many Hindus to Islam. The defeat of Tipu
Sultan at the hands of the British paved the way for the whole of Malabar to be
occupied by the British.

The natural wealth of Calicut and political sovereignty of the Zamorins
exposed Calicut as a great trade emporium to the world. Its spices like pepper,
chinnamon and other valuable products highly attracted foreigners. With the
permission of the native rulers they established their trade settlements at Calicut.
Later, they tried to capture power. It created a tense situation between the natives and
312
viii
the aliens. Even though they brought about many reforms for uplifting the natives,
their mighty military strength and the diplomatic ideas made them a conqueror of
Indian territories. The commercial significance of the city of Calicut and the
settlement of foreigners totally changed the way of life of Calicut. Cultures met and
married and new ones born with all the characteristics of the old and the new. This
cultural fusion very much helped the formation of a synthetic culture. Native art and
architecture, language and literature, music and dance embraced the Western styles
and a hybrid culture sprang up in Calicut. Toleration in religious life enlarged
cosmopolitan outlook and the old ones giving way to the old ones.

The economic condition under the Zamorins was however irregular. They did
not take steps for increasing their wealth. Much pitiable was their position that they
could not collect taxes from their own people. Therefore, they had to resort to
extraction of land revenue. Neither they attempted on land reforms as the one done
by Martandavarma in Travancore, ie. From Kettezhuthu (by hearing and fixing) to
Kandezhuthu (Seeing and fixing), nor they could keep away themselves from granting
huge revenue to the temples and the priestly classes. The rulers were not able to
control the input and output. The Zamorins were fond of flattery and wasted much of
the income in opulence and pleasures. As a result, the social economy under the
Zamorins was unfavourable for the progress of the kingdom.

The Zamorins were not adepts to the nature and significance of the modern
communication system. Due to lack of modern communication system the Zamorins
were not in a position to collect information and the advancement of his enemies.
Though the European powers were on one side and Haider and Tipu on the other were
contemporaneous to the Zamorins, the later did not understand the necessity of a
313
ix
stream lined communicating system. Nor they learnt anything from the network of
transportation attempted by Tipu in the Malabar region. The Zamorins did not learn
any lesson from Tipus reforms in the judicial front as well from the social reform
front. This weakness on the part of the Zamorins paved the way for the rise of the
Mysoreans and the European powers. Neither the Zamorins nor his officers had the
foresight to understand the movements of the Mysoreans and the Europeans in general
and the British in particular.

The strategic, diplomatic and the military approaches of the Zamorins were
not at all a match to the superiority of the European powers. Among the Europeans
the British over shadowed all the others in subjugating the Zamorins and the
Mysoreans.

When the Europeans as well as Haider and Tipu were conquering the kingdom
of the Zamorins the later did not rise up to defend their kingdom. They were not able
to gain the support of other chieftains against whom the Zamorin was in a situation of
continuous feud. The petty feuds coupled with fragmented loyalty wiped away the
time, energy, men and material of the Zamorins. Dissatisfaction of the chieftains with
the Zamorins too had its advent impact on the stability of the state. So the later was
not able to face the onslaught of the European and the Mysorean powers.

As for as the Zamorins were concerned they never followed a constant
political alignment with the local chiefs. They used to change political relations with
the Portuguese the Dutch and the British often and always resulted in their suspicion
of the Zamorins. Therefore, where they were in dire used of help non extended.

314
x
The military prowess and the technology of the Zamorins were less advanced.
They only used the traditional of warfare, i.e the kalari system. The kalari was not a
matching technology in front of the advanced technology of warfare and modern arms
and ammunitions of the Europeans and the Mysoreans. For instance, Tipus first and
foremost policy was to lay good roads. Other wise it was very difficult to move from
one place to another. For efficient administration, the Zamorins ought to have
appointed trusted and loyal persons as high officials. Laying goods roads was
automatically a vast network in the fields of trade and communication. Such a policy
was not at all followed by the Zamorins, though their contemporaries showed the
way.

The political immaturity of the Zamorins did not provide them the required
opportunity to have any idea about the movements of the foreign powers particularly
the Mysorean and the British. It is learnt from the study that they were always
vacillating and unsteady in their relations with the others. The British took their
weakness advantageous then and succeeded in establishing their authority over
Malabar. With the dethronement of Tipu of Mysore by the British and their
accession to power, the Zamorins became rulers in name sake without any power or
authority to wield.
However, poor their political show was, the Zamroins tolerance and broad
mindedness helped the emergence of a cosmopolitan culture in Calicut. The
patronage extended to the priestly class. The temples, their arts and crafts made
Calicut an attraction for peaceful social living. Though political convulsions were
there religious tolerance, patronage of arts and thoughts, encouragement of trade and
commerce, support to language and literature, particularly to the rise of Manipravalam
literature, withstood all shadows of shame of Calicut.
315
i
NATIONAL ARCHIVES OF INDIA NEW DELHI

Department Branch Date Year
Foreign Department Select Committee
Proceedings
5
th
June to 20
th

July
1786
Foreign Department Select Committee
Proceedings
20
th
July to 21
st

November
1768
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 23
rd
Feb 1781
Foreign Department Political Department 13
th
March 1781
Foreign Department Secret Proceedings 23
rd
September to
21
st
October
1783
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 1
st
May 1782
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 6
th
May 1782
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 6
th
June 1782
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 8
th
July 1782
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 23
rd
September 1782
Foreign Department Consultations 15
th
April 1782
Foreign Department Secret Proceedings 20
th
January to
27
th
February
1783
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 20
th
January 1783
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 23
rd
January 1783
Foreign Department Secret Consultations 6
th
March 1783












316
ii
TAMIL NADU RECORD OFFICE AND RESEARCH CENTRE
CHENNAI

Volumes No Year
1896 Malabar Second Commission Correspondence 1792
1973 Journals of Revenue Department Malabar Commission 1793
Malabar Commission Foreign Miscellaneous 1793
Malabar Commission Foreign Miscellaneous 1794
1974 Malabar Commission Journal 1793-94
1975 Malabar Commission Journal 1794-95
1976 Malabar Commission Journal 1795
2032 Cochin Commission Diary 1795-97
1710 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Revenue 1797
1711 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Revenue 1797
1712 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Revenue 1797
2153 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2151 Diary of the Government Committee at Malabar 1797
2139 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2138 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2140 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2135 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2136 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2142 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2147 Government Committee Diaries 1
st
Oct to 11 Oct 1797
2148 Government Committee Diaries 11
th
Oct to 16 Oct 1797
2146 Government Committee Diaries 20
th
Sept to 30 Sept 1797
2137 Government Committee Diaries 1797
2033 Cochin Commission Diary 1797-1798
1730 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Political 1798
1698 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Public 1799
1699 Malabar Second Commission Diaries Public 1799
1787 Malabar Second Commission Minute Books Revenue 1800
1789 Malabar Second Commission Minute Books Revenue 1801
ANJENGO Consultations
TELLICHERRY Consultations

317
iii
CALICUT ARCHIVES, CALICUT

Clemenston. P., A Report on Revenue and other matters connected with
Malabar.

Edward Thornton., The History of British Empire in India, Vol. IV.

Frank Penny., Fort. St. George Eighteenth Tour of H.E. The Honble The
Lord Pentland.

John Shaw., Charters relating to the East India Company from 1600-
1761.

Lirtuswarden Conner., A Descriptive Memoir of Malabar.

Thomas Munro., A Report on the Revision of the Judicial System in the
Province of Malabar.

Thomas Warden., Report on the Land Tenures in Malabar.

William Tackkeray., A Report on the Revenue affairs in Malabar and Canara.















318
iv
NALANDA ARCHIVES, THIRUVANANTHAPURAM

Volume No General
No
8831 Malabar Collectorate Records Commercial Department 29345
8299 Malabar Collectorate Records Commercial Department 28813
2270 Malabar Collectorate Political Department 20644
4033-1 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
4033-3 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
4033-4-1 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
4033-4-2 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
2381 Malabar Collectorate Records 20746
4033-5 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
4033-6 Malabar Collectorate Records 24562
4034 Malabar Collectorate Records 24563
5156 A Malabar Collectorate Records 25677
2648 Malabar Collectorate Records 21013
4032 Malabar Collectorate Records 24560
2565 Malabar Collectorate Records 20930
7753 Malabar Collectorate Records 28267
2652 Malabar Collectorate Records 21017
2315 Malabar Collectorate Records 20680
2312 Malabar Collectorate Records 20677
2314 Malabar Collectorate Records 20679










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