Publisher Bucharest University, Faculty oI Foreign Languages and Literatures Paideia Publishing House Address of the Editorial Board Paideia Publishing House Bucharest, 15 Tudor Arghezi Street, sector 2 e-mail: antoanetaoyahoo.com, oIfcepaideia.ro http://www.paideia.ro Editors Antoaneta Olteanu, Bucharest University Nicolae Constantinescu, Bucharest University Editorial Board Otilia Hedesan, West University, Timisoara, Romania Nicolae Panea, University oI Craiova, Romania Narcisa Stiuc, Bucharest University, Romania Vilmos Keszeg, ,Babes-Bolyiai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania Petru Ursache, ,Al.I. Cuza University in Iassi, Romania International Editorial Council Rajko Mursic, University oI Ljubljana, Slovenia Eva Pocs, University oI Pecs, Hungary Czeslaw Robotycki, Jagiellonian University, Cracow, Poland S.M. Tolstaia, Institute oI Slavic and Balkan Studies, Moscow, Russia Milos Tomandl, Charles Universiy, Prague, Czech Republic ISSN 2067-5666 Revist de etnologie yi antropologie 1ournal of Ethnology and Anthropology Volume 1, Number 2, April 2009 Cuprins/ Contents Studii/ Articles ......................................................................................................7 Heather J. Murphy Jirtually Human. Space ana Culture in the virtual Worla ...............................7 Alexandra Tttan Reaaing the Apothropaic. Practices ana Mentalities of Defense ........................17 Bogdan Neagota Aspecte aemonologice in culturile populare slave .......................................27 Antoaneta Olteanu Ofranae rituale la popoarele balcanice ........................................................33 Carmen Drbus Gastronomia, parte a memoriei colective (Literatura popular aroman) .....................................................................51 Petra Novak The Apostle Peter in the (Folk) Culture of Slovenian People .......................57 Gyz Zsigmond Specihc Transylvanian Games ana Toys .......................................................67 Gheorghe Pavelescu The Soul-bira in the context of Inao-European Culture .................................75 Anamaria Stnescu The Image of the Turk in Romanian Folk Culture .........................................79 Spela Pahor ,Po molku ni kaf pisati`. Nekaf paberkov o pregovorih in rekih na poarocfu aanasnfe Slovenske Istre ...............................................89 Recenzii/ Reviews .............................................................................................105 Autori/ Authors .................................................................................................113 7 Studii / Articles HEATHER J. MURPHY VIRTUALLY HUMAN: SPACE AND CULTURE IN THE VIRTUAL WORLD This research and the ensuing report was undertaken as part oI a Iour-week undergraduate research project conducted between October and November 2008, with the theme oI space analysis Irom a cultural perspective. She extends a debt oI gratitude to her co-conspirators Ior this project, Luke Buckley and Katie Chapman, and also to Dr. Richard Baxstrom, Dr. Joost Fontein, and Akshay Khanna Ior their constructive comments, keen eyes, and helpIul suggestions along the way. And oI course, none oI this would have been possible without the advice, inIormation, and support Irom all oI the wonderIul Second LiIe residents who contributed to this study. Key words: Virtual Anthropology, Internet, Transnational, Embodiment, Gender, Proxemics Cercetarea de Ia se constituie ca parte a unui proiect de cercetare studenesc pe o perioad de patru sptmni, ntre lunile octombrie noiembrie 2008, avnd ca tem analiza spaiului din perspectiv cultural. Mulumim celor care contribuit la realizarea acestui proiect, Luke Buckley si Katie Chapman si, de asemenea, Dr. Richard Baxstrom, Dr. Joost Fontein si Akshay Khanna pentru comentariile constructive, ochiul critic si sugestiile oIerite pe parcursul activitii. Si bineneles, nimic din tot ceea ce am realizat nu ar f Iost posibil Ir sIaturile, inIormaiile si suportul tuturor locuitorilor din Second LiIe, care au contribuit la acest studiu. Cuvinte cheie: antropologie virtual, internet, transnaional, ncarnare, Gender Studies, proxemic There is a aance oor, ana this aance oor is lit. On it lie small, equiaistantly spacea boxes, arrangea in a gria pattern. The lights from the oor moaulate intensely, perhaps to compliment the bi:arre ana eccentric movements that take place on its surface. There is structure to this place. no-one hangs arouna aimlessly, or simply walks through, ana in each area of aancing, all are synchronisea, with every arm, boay ana leg movement precisely co-orainatea. Every person in this club is partaking in an activity, activities that follow strict rules, ana activities that are aesignea, hxea ana enforcea. Like many rules, they only become apparent when they are broken. Suaaenly, a loua bang is heara. a woman with a pet tiger runs through the club, ana a shea appears on the aance oor. In real life, one might be rubbing ones eyes at this point, but this however, is not real life. The worla you have enterea is aissimilar to any you are likely to have encounterea, you have enterea Secona Life. Introduction With technological advances enabling internet users Irom all over the world to interrelate with each other on a much greater scale, and with virtual communication allowing ideas to be shared and projects to be embarked upon without participants ever needing to physically meet in real liIe`, as it were, it is oI no surprise that the internet has been a breeding ground Ior social exchanges which may never otherwise have taken place. Internet users Irom the opposite side 8 oI the globe to each other can meet` online, enter conversation, and, over time, come to build a legitimate relationship into which all parties oIten invest great amounts oI time and emotion. OI course, there are many online platIorms Irom which such an encounter can occur, and each has its own characteristics and principles which undoubtedly, iI unconsciously, attribute to the type oI relationship that its users go on to establish with each other. Textual-based chat rooms, Ior example, cause the participants to rely to a much greater extent upon the linguistic exchange, as that is all they have to interact with each other. On the other hand, a more graphic virtual environment not only relies on the textual exchange, but also on the way that a user chooses to present their avatar literally, their virtual representation to other users. With this in mind, then, it is arguable that the latter type oI platIorm has much more infuence on how its` users interact, and as such may be thought oI more in terms oI a society group than the textual chat room. And oI course, with that, come all the usual concepts and rules that we have come to recognise Irom a society Irom the hierarchical power structures, to the etiquette rules, and Irom the gender stereotyping to the unspoken taboos. I will examine how the virtual space Second LiIe` (hosted at: www.secondliIe.com) has a very specifc culture oI its own, which has been curiously produced through the merging oI cultures oI its international users, and how space is construed in this ultimately space-less domain. Second LiIe is a user-created virtual world, which enables 'users to build virtual lives, with virtual bodies, virtual objects, and virtual homes, so that can have real tangible value ana meaning (Jones 2008:4, italics mine). Indeed, Second LiIe is much more than a virtual space. Its pixelated graphic environment, its use oI colour, and the participants` visible avatars all make it a greater sensory Ieast than the standard online chat room. The in-game currency, Linden Dollars, has a real world exchange rate with U.S Dollars, and as BoellstorII notes, 'virtual worlds are places in their own right (BoellstorII 2008:112). BoellstorII`s assertion naturally bears an idea oI distinction between virtual space and real space, whereby although in the grander scheme oI the internet, a domain space is entirely abstract and has no physical location, it is on the other hand map-able` in the sense that it can be located on an abstract map oI relations to other web spaces. This project will explore the space oI Second LiIe, particularly in the context oI gender, proxemics & embodiment, to gauge the extent to which the construction oI space in Second LiIe is dependent on culture in real liIe. Rather than being a process oI disembodiment and distinction, as argued by scholars such as Nakamura (2002:39), I will assert that participants in Second LiIe act in ways that are consistent with Western cultures`, and that the cultural norms and spatial behaviour associated with real liIe (RL) are actively maniIested in Second LiIe (SL). This will be contrasted with the way in which Second LiIe as a transnational space is conducive to the synthesis oI culture and identity. Our aims are perhaps best articulated by Hannerz`s thoughts on transnational space: 'These days, rather than seeking out the comIortable intimacy oI village liIe, we debate the cultural distance between ship and shore, and the ways oI traversing that distance (Hannerz 1997:2). Methodology The study oI Second LiIe presents unique methodological issues rarely Iound in other areas oI anthropological enquiry. A key concern is one oI (selI) representation. In Second LiIe, communication is with specifcally and intentionally constructed identities, and the link between a Second LiIe avatar and a real liIe person is never made explicit, and is, I argue, irrelevant. Succinctly, as one inIormant explained: .not all girly avatars are RL girlys |sic|`. This presents 9 Studii / Articles a crucial methodological problem when attempting to gauge to what extent real (Western) liIe is maniIested in Second LiIe. This problem was overcome by only linking Second LiIe and real liIe in two circumstances; frstly, where the cultural ideal, and thereIore the link, is overt and explicit, such as gender or racial representation, and secondly, where the link between Second LiIe and real liIe was established in conversations concretely detailing this link (such as the group discussion 'Are SL churches similar to RL churches?). The frst approach is supported by the work oI Nakamura, who notes that 'the specifc ways in which internet users choose to represent themselves online. reveal|s| a great deal about the cultural and ideological investments and thus assumptions about both the other and themselves (2002:60). This approach was adopted in light oI the scope oI the research project a Iour-week undergraduate project, rather than a two-year doctoral feldwork , and by maintaining such a distinct methodological approach in the establishment oI links between Second LiIe and real liIe, assuming that such a link existed beIore the link was logically established was avoided. A secondary issue with the study oI Second LiIe is its size. It cannot be emphasised enough the extent to which Second LiIe literally represents a 'parallel world (Jones 2008:22), and naturally a Iull consideration oI the world as a whole is Iar beyond our means! ThereIore, this research Iocused on a specifc area oI Second LiIe, widely accredited by residents to give the best example oI 'what SL is all about The Shelter. As per standard anthropological research, I resolved to commit to participant observation in The Shelter and its surroundings, conducting interviews in the manner oI inIormal instant messaging, or local area chat. It was oI impetus that whilst such virtual research was dealing with a rather new domain oI anthropological interest, it was crucial to remain IaithIul to established methodology, just as iI Ior example it was an obscure alien tribe under scrutiny. This was oI maximum importance as ultimately, it is only by using the methods that we know best that any data can be meaningIully analysed later on. Furthermore, this Ielt harmonious with Second LiIe`s status as a social application, and also allowed Iocus on a particular space without undertaking too onerous a task in too short a time period. All oI the empirical research has been virtual, and with the exception oI the methods detailed above to establish links between Second LiIe and real liIe, the world oI Second LiIe was taken as it currently was at the time (October/ November 2008), and the accuracy oI residents` real liIe identities was not called into question. This again takes a similar methodological approach to Nakamura, who notes, 'I did not try to ascertain the real` |racial| identity oI the other players on the site. In any case, the veracity oI this inIormation would always be in doubt, and it hardly seemed to matter, in a way (2002:53- 54). This approach is similarly adopted by BoellstorII (2008) and would appear perhaps to be the only one possible in a virtual world where anonymity is a key principle. In this report, all names have been removed, to ensure anonymity and confdentiality. Limitations Just as Larson writes about research methods when studying real liIe cultures, virtual ethnographers are inevitably limited by their unIamiliarity with the behaviours oI those in the society they are studying (1982:139). Some oI the initial interviews conducted were restricted by a lack oI knowledge about acceptable topics oI conversation in Second LiIe; Ior example, avatars were oIten reluctant to communicate openly iI too many questions were raised about real liIe too soon aIter meeting. Furthermore, just as the presence oI an ethnographer can easily and irreIutably infuence a situation, there were cases where the initiation oI a topic oI conversation 10 clearly infuenced the social exchange. However, by creating an avatar, becoming Iully and legitimately involved in Second LiIe and keeping to inIormal interviews, such an impact was kept to a minimum, in order to maintain as authentic an experience in Second LiIe as possible, without research politics interIering. To this end, I did not actively seek to tell others upon frst contact oI my research incentives, but all oI the relevant inIormation was publicly displayed on the avatars` profles, should other users wish to read it. In total, the research team consisted oI 5 avatars (controlled by 3 users), who over the course oI the Iour-week feldwork period covered all races and genders oIIered by the Second LiIe program. The research avatars operated in Second LiIe at all diIIerent times throughout the day, in order to randomise the inIormant spoken to, and one oI them even remained unclothed Ior the duration, in an attempt to identiIy unspoken taboos which may convey Second LiIe/real liIe relations. Space & the Transnational An important question in the context oI the space oI Second LiIe is what kind oI space Second LiIe actually is. As a parallel world, Second LiIe could be argued to represent any oI the numerous categories oI space outlined by Low & Lawrence-Zuniga (2003), but that is beyond the scope oI this project. Firstly, to tackle the concept oI Second LiIe as a transnational` space: in BoellstorII`s study oI Second LiIe, the epithet oI resident` is employed to denote those who use the program. This terminology, however, is neither unproblematic, nor neutral, and thereIore merits examination. BoellstorII implies that as Second LiIe is, as Jones notes, a user-created 'parallel world (2008:22), residents` do not simply use Second LiIe, participate in Second LiIe, or play Second LiIe; users live Second LiIe. It is thus, at least Ior some, a home, and as we will argue later, it is not a realm that is entirely distinct Irom the real, with the cultural practice oI real liIe users maniIesting in SL residents: 'Quite contrary to the belieI that cyberspace oIIers a way to escape gender, race, and class as conditions oI social interaction . recent critics suggest that online discourse is woven oI stereotypical cultural narratives that reinstall precisely those conditions (Punday 2000:192). A concise example oI this arose in a conversation regarding how to (acceptably) behave in Second LiIe. The notion oI manners arose, and a resident was asked '.so are manners important in Second LiIe? Her reply was: 'OMG |sic| the most important! Manners, oI course, are culturally relative (Winkelmann 1999:4), and do represent a clear a link between Second LiIe and the real world, as it is a users understanding oI manners that inIests a residents expectations. This maintenance oI home ties while living abroad represents the frst use oI the term transnational` (Schiller et al 1992:ix in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:27), and it is thereIore clear that, according to this defnition, Second LiIe is a transnational space`. Aihwa Ong takes a diIIerent approach, defning transnational spatial processes as 'situated cultural practices oI mobilising that produce new modes oI construing identity and result in zones oI graduated sovereignty based on the accelerated fows oI capital, people, cultures and knowledge (1999, in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26), and Second LiIe can be seen to ft this defnition exactly. As one commentator indeed remarked, perhaps this example implored the very essence oI '(n)etiquette. Indeed, by allowing people Irom all over the globe to communicate in real time and providing an environment in which 'land |is| owned (BoelstorII 2008:94), Second LiIe rapidly accelerates the 'fows oI capital, people, cultures and knowledge and is thus not only a vector oI culture, but a 'situated cultural practice that generates a process oI mobilisation. Second LiIe also produces 'new ways oI construing identity in allowing the 11 Studii / Articles construction oI an avatar and a potentially (un)representative selI. This is perhaps most apparent in the context oI gender, whereupon 'Second LiIe provided an opportunity to refect upon and transIorm |a resident`s| actual world gender (BoellstorII 2008:142). The identifcation oI Second LiIe as a transnational space generates a number oI issues, particularly in the context oI embodiment, as I shall explore. Embodiment The traditional boundaries oI this abstract anthropological concept are, to some degree, removed when dealing with the virtual presence, which 'derives Irom our ability to separate embodiment as perIormance` Irom embodiment as (proprioceptive) sensation` (Egoyan 2007). As Second LiIe is ultimately a creative venture, (most) restrictions upon gender expression that we may have in the physical world, in essence, disappear. Embodiment can also be examined in the way in which we interact with space, and thus it is logical to engage in a discourse oI virtual embodiment`. But oI course, all oI this analysis presumes to some degree that the virtual world is an embodied space. Nakamura disputes this by stating that 'cyberspace is a disembodied place; the need to create a very clear, recognisable personality is thus a practical one (2002:39). II here, 'embodiment means a physical presence, and one accepts the assumption that the avatar is abstract and therein cannot be a physical presence, then perhaps Nakamura`s view is arguable. Through interaction with Second LiIe residents however, I am inclined to take a more holistic approach to the term. As suggested earlier, I crucially understand embodiment to include the decisive mental processes and interactive emotive conduct oI an individual that is to say, cognition`. The avatars in Second LiIe are not autonomous characters, but are virtual representations (the veracity oI which, as argued by BoelstorII (2008) and Nakamura (2002) is irrelevant), engaging with a virtual environment. II one accepts that avatars are representations (just as it may be argued, the human body is a representation), then one must similarly accept that avatars are embodied to varying extents by the characteristics oI that which they represent. This view can be maintained in light oI the strong emotional investment that is visible in Second LiIe. Many residents relayed that physical pain experienced by the avatar is in many ways coextensive with both emotional and physical pain experienced by the human user. One resident, Ior example, told that they had been sexually abused, which seems bizarre when one considers that a resident has the ability to teleport away at any time, and aIter all, the avatar itselI is composed merely oI pixels. The user Iurther noted that this sexual abuse caused deep emotional angst, which maniIested itselI physically as stress related illnesses. Here, it seems that the incident reported is reminiscent oI the real liIe actuality, just without the physicalities. This observation clearly raises a number oI questions which are beyond the remit oI this project; however, it is clear that models oI transnational culture postulated by scholars such as Baudrillard Iail to explain behaviour evident in our feldwork. Baudrillard claims that there is a 'generation by models oI a real without origin or reality: a hyperreal (in Poster (ed.) 1988:166) in transnational spaces. This statement would lead one to assume that hyperreal spaces are somewhat distinct Irom other spaces, yet Baudrillarrd`s Simulacrum identifes the essence and the appearance, that is the stimulation and the reality, to be indistinguishable - a view which virtual pain being (in certain circumstances) coextensive with physical pain seems to support. Here, I take an understanding that the hyperreal directly concerns the realm oI representation, yet is precisely the zone where distinction between the real and the represented is suspended 12 and in terms oI pain coextensivity, it is exactly the Irame oI hyperreality that oIIers itselI up. Jones, similarly, asserts a view that would explain this coextensivity, arguing that 'the boundary between the actual and virtual is not solid (2008:19), and this is something that this research into Second LiIe appears to support. Furthermore, though, it must be noted that when juxtaposed against physical pain, virtual pain may appear to be asocial, which simply cannot be the case, as Iundamentally, pain and therein the body more generally must always necessarily be experienced socially iI it is to be meaningIul. On the other hand, I must also acknowledge that an accurate analysis oI such a boundary calls Ior a re-thinking oI the concept oI embodiment which is Iar beyond the limits oI this project. It does however, merit Iurther study, and iI such a discourse were to be entered into, I Ieel that it would oIIer insight to how much oI embodiment is actually to do with perIormative Iunctions oI the entire social being, rather than just oI the physical body. A Iurther critique oI embodiment as per Second LiIe regards the methodology oI this very research: as we sought inIormation through interviews within the very program, that itselI limits the research to what inIormants say about their bodily experiences which is already another register. Perhaps a more acute Iocus could be upon the materiality oI one`s existence in the virtual realm, as oI course this is a group oI users sitting at computers, articulating bodily and emotive experience through their fngertips, through a trained and articulate reading oI (arguably unconscious) codes though this is grounds Ior a much greater research proposal. Proxemics
The extent oI Second LiIe as another world means that all traditional ideas oI locality must be ignored, as the abstract virtual Iundamentally has no physical anchor. In much ethnographic work, such as Larson`s on the people oI Kilbroney in Northern Ireland, the local expectations oI decency are examined in relation to acceptable proxemics (1982:132). In the case oI Second LiIe however, new and diIIerent concepts oI decency are Iormed as original defnitions oI local are no longer applicable. People Irom all around the world communicate on Second LiIe, meaning that there is a simultaneous meeting oI diIIerent cultural values the very essence oI the transnational. For example, a group conversation was entered into where the participants (or at least, the residents!) were Irom Germany, Greece, Italy, Poland, Serbia and the UK. In order to proceed with the intended communication, a compromise was reached and English was adopted as the common language to enable interaction. Although Ior this exemplar conversation, an agreed mutual language was spoken, the people behind the avatars would not share the same real liIe experiences, and thus the same real liIe cultural norms. Instead, social norms oI the new, communal space must be created in light oI users present, which are then adopted by all. This was observed in multiple instances with, Ior example, it clearly being socially acceptable to approach strangers and strike up conversation an act which oIten is not socially supported in real liIe. Another notable rule was the RL taboo`; indeed, when the topic oI real liIe was raised without having a strong prior relationship with another Second LiIe resident, our avatars were usually ignored and oIten treated with scorn. This is a key illustration oI how in Second LiIe, just as in real liIe, taboos and expectations go unspoken, and can only be understood through behavioural observation. Returning once again to localities, Hall`s theory oI proxemics (1963) is almost extraneous when considering Second LiIe. It is important to take into account however, as the rules oI proxemics in Second LiIe (iI indeed it is accepted that there are such rules) contrast sharply to those in real 13 Studii / Articles liIe, it reinIorces that Second LiIe as a transnational space does indeed generate 'new modes oI construing identity |resulting| in zones oI graduated sovereignty based on the accelerated fows oI capital, people, cultures and knowledge (Ong 1999 in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26). Hall acknowledges that the distances between people in diIIerent social settings will vary in diIIerent cultures (Rehm et al, 2005:128), but it may be argued, however, that no such distance exists at all within Second LiIe. It was observed that to physically sit on top oI another avatar was deemed not only acceptable, but actually, a Irequent occurrence. It is likely that such a use oI space is acceptable due to the distance that the creation oI an avatar and the computer screen places between the users. By having an avatar, a screen, and usually a distance oI up to thousands oI miles separating the human users, thus the air oI danger or discomIort that comes with an invasion oI intimate space is removed. This experience oI virtual space between users is perhaps why a sense oI escapism is oIten associated with Second LiIe, as with much internet social networking, and also why many who fnd Iace to Iace conversation challenging can thrive in the virtual world. These fndings contrast signifcantly with Bailenson`s conclusion that social distances surrounding avatars in virtual worlds correlate with actual distances in the real world (Rehm et al, 2005:129). A number oI social norms that one may expect to be refected Irom real liIe are in Iact absent Irom Second LiIe culture as a whole. One such example is social taboos and expectations surrounding appearance to others, whereupon it is commonplace, Ior example, Ior avatars to wander around nude, with no comments to suggest that other users are oIIended by this. OItentimes, when a resident approached our unclothed research avatar, they helpIully oIIered advice on how to attain clothing, but never was this done IorceIully, and never was any pejorative comment made to change the avatar`s appearance. Also worth noting was that the nude avatar received no signifcant Iurther attention Irom other users; to contrast, iI a nude young Iemale was to traverse the streets oI Edinburgh, taboo aside, it is Iair to assume that she would receive a signifcant increase oI male attention! When considering Hall`s arguments regarding proxemics in another way, however, it may be arguable that the structure oI spatial distances does operate; but in terms oI the emotional rather than the physical. To illustrate, whilst avatars can pile upon each other in the virtual physical` sense, only those within a certain radius (oI 30 virtual metres) can communicate. Furthermore, only those within eyesight can be engaged in (private) instant messaging, which brings a realm oI exclusivity to the proxemical structure, particularly in reIerence to interactive communication. Gender As Second LiIe has indeed been consciously dreamt up by programmers, created by users, and maintained by residents, it is a unique object oI anthropological study in that it is entirely cognitive. Everything within the space has been consciously put there, be it to refect real liIe, or to provide escapism Irom it (such as the inclusion oI avatar fight and teleportation). Therein, avatar construction tends to conIorm to (Western) cultural standards oI what is considered attractive or normative. One commentator acutely observed, '.only two genders? How unimaginative! Jones reiterates this argument by saying that since the majority oI users oI online worlds are (generally) male, white and bourgeoisie, their particular cultural view impacts the virtual space (2008:23). We propose that this refects an inescapable aspect oI anthropological study, in that whatever culture one may be studying, it can only ever be Iully understood or made sense oI through the knowledge embedded in one`s own cultural Iramework. 14 In many ways, the avatar is a user`s opportunity to refect an ideal, even imaginary, representation oI themselves or indeed, oI others to an audience who have also undergone the very same new identity creation process. In Second LiIe, gender boundaries are to some extent redundant, as they are completely cognitive constructs; many residents have commented that their avatar Ieels more like them` than their physical body ever has done. This mental and physical correlation oI embodiments can be perIected much more easily virtually than in real liIe, because Ior example, it is Iree, painless, and doesn`t confict with any socially constructed behavioural taboos which things such as gender reassignment may infict. In support oI this, Jones asserts that 'the avatar becomes an opportunity to express deeper personal identities that require radical reconfguration oI bodily space (2008:24). This echoes the fndings oI my own research, and how I view the use and Iunction oI Second LiIe as a space in light oI this. In turn, however, this issue then leads us to the need to Iurther reassess the concept oI embodiment itselI, as addressed earlier. It was observed that while multiple appearances were oIIered to users creating their avatars Ior the frst time, with everything Irom contrasting hair styles and eye colour, to varying Iashion items, strict restrictions were placed upon gender defnition. Upon creation, only the two traditional ideas oI Western gender (male or Iemale) are made available, and in a signifcantly standard Iorm`. To highlight this, one resident remarked, 'Not all girls are RL girlys (sic) and the importance oI this remark lies twoIold. Firstly, it reveals that the dual gender split is precisely that it only contains two initial genders, not even allowing Ior variation within, let alone outwith. This line oI thought ties in with the very topical discourse on Iemininity and masculinity appearing in the plural, as in the appointment oI the very frst ProIessor oI Masculinities (Oystein Gullvg Holter, University oI Oslo). The second signifcance, that said, is that ultimately there is no accurate way to know whether the genders oI real liIe and Second LiIe do actually correlate. BoellstorII asserts that a 'male/Iemale binarism continue|s| to predominate in graphical virtual worlds (2008:140), and this is in agreement with our observations. BoellstorII also writes that in virtual worlds, the Iact that a person`s true gender may never be known actually provides that user a chance to 'refect upon and transIorm their actual world gender (2008:142). This claim is supported by fndings Irom inIormal interviews, with statements such as 'you nevr |sic| know iI a girls (sic) a girl, or a boys (sic) a boy`. Clearly, in some cases real liIe males adopt Iemale characteristics, and vice versa, on Second LiIe. However, reasons Ior this choice to adopt a contrasting gender can be contested. Stone argues that male to Iemale cross dressers 'enjoy the attractive and pleasurable qualities oI being othered without having to experience the oppression and disempowerment that are part oI its contribution as well (in Star (ed.) 1995:253). The Iact that most oI the avatars observed had stereotypical gender identities, however, can be argued to disagree somewhat with this statement. Further to this, though, it must be acknowledged that any Iurther meaningIul Ioray into this arena should be an inter-disciplinary one, inclusive oI psychology, sociology, and other disciplines besides anthropology. Most oI the male avatars encountered ftted a Western masculine stereotype with broad shoulders, muscles and short hair. Equally, most Iemale avatars had distinctly Western Iemale qualities, oIten dressing in provocative clothing. Thus, gender representations on Second LiIe cannot be interpreted as Iully refective oI real liIe, in which gender stereotypes, although still present, have arguably dissipated to a great extent oIten through the rise oI Ieminism and metro-sexuality. ThereIore, even iI a Second LiIe cross-dresser does so with the intention oI experiencing what it is to be a member oI the opposite sex, it is unlikely that they will ever obtain 15 Studii / Articles an accurate experience. Instead, they exist in and contribute to a world where the Ieminine body is objectifed to a similar extent as beIore Ieminism took hold in the West, and one wherein any gender-related experience users may have are actually a result oI a conglomerate, creative environment. Hegland and Nelson address this issue oI the adoption oI stereotypical gender identities in their discussions on real liIe cross dressers, identiIying how male cross dressers, 'don all the trappings oI Iemininity, and appear to embrace bodily what many women have been struggling against Ior decades the objectifcation oI the Iemale body (2002:156) an observation which can be applied somewhat to Second LiIe, but only subjectively. Such observations on how gender is constructed and interpreted in Second LiIe demonstrate that although avatars do indeed 'conIorm to cultural standards oI what is considered attractive or normative, (Jones 2008:23), they exist in an entirely diIIerent cultural context to that oI contemporary Western society. BoellstorII reinIorces this point by stating that 'gender in online worlds is also constructed through a range oI social practices (2008:143), indicating that cultural conventions about gender in Second LiIe (as indeed any other social concept) are Iormed through a creative and transnational process. Undoubtedly, though, the social practices within Second LiIe cannot escape the infuence oI social practices in real liIe as aIter all, the residents cannot escape the users - and so to return to Punday`s critique, activities in virtual worlds do not in Iact provide, 'a way to escape gender, race, and class as conditions oI social interaction, but actually reinIorce the conditions through, 'stereotypical cultural narratives (Punday 2000:192). Conclusion Naturally, an ethnography oI the (not just) virtual` will always be a tough one, and there will always be aspects that must be overlooked in Iavour oI others, and considerations that lie beyond the remit oI such a task, but I have aimed to identiIy some oI the more interesting questions raised in an attempt to drawn attention to this domain. Second LiIe and similar virtual social platIorms are too oIten taken as the strange or the bizarre, and a penchant Ior the disenIranchised` oI society. Indeed, this is a view taken by a minority oI its residents, it occasionally being articulated that 'a lot oI people on here seem to do it because they can`t have real Iace to Iace relationships. As a space, though, it is clear that Second LiIe can provide a portal through which those uncomIortable with physical relationships can engage with people that they would otherwise be unable to, and this is supported by consideration oI Hall`s proxemics. This research however, has shown that this would be an extremely simplistic understanding. Second LiIe is not merely an escapist space, but is truly a 'parallel world (Jones 2008:4), where '|I|nternet users represent themselves within it solely through the medium oI keystrokes and mouseclicks, and through this medium they can describe themselves and their physical bodies any way they like (Nakamura 2002:35, italics mine). Nakamura would argue that this is a process oI disembodiment, but contrarily I have Iound that the cultures oI real liIe are actively maniIested in Second LiIe, a process that is particularly apparent in the context oI gender and the proliIeration oI stereotypes, whereupon, 'virtual bodies in Second LiIe |represent| a tendency oI the technology to refect the culture in which it exists (Jones 2008:26). An intrinsic element oI Second LiIe is thereIore representation, and our research shows strong evidence that real liIe and Second LiIe are not entirely distinct, but interweaved and co-dependent. Indeed, Second LiIe is a transnational space that produces 'new modes oI construing identity (Ong in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:26), and it can be argued that space in Second LiIe (Iundamentally, a 16 Ioreign` space) is embodied by the home cultures oI residents, thus representing the frst use oI the term transnational` (Schiller et al 1992:IX in Low & Lawrence-Zuniga 2003:27). This then, interestingly, simultaneously appears to both agree ana contrast with the notion oI hyper-real` transnational space |as postulated by scholars such as Baudrillard (in Poster (ed.) 1988:166)| in that it is at once separate Irom, but equated to, whilst also untouchably superior Irom, the real. Conclusively, this research supports the claim oI Second LiIe as an embodied, engendered transnational space, which Iundamentally links to greater theoretical issues such as what is the body?` and what is physical experience?` in the context oI virtual space, that oI their own accord do indeed merit Iurther study. References BoellstorII, T. 2008. Coming of Age in Secona Life. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Egoyan, M. Dec 9, 2007. http://embodiedresearch.blogspot.com/2007/12/virtual-embodiment.html Accessed 17:23, 03/11/2008. Hall, E. T. 1963. A System Ior the Notation oI Proxemic Behavior. American Anthropologist (65) 5, 10031026. Hannerz, U. 1997. Fluxos, Fronteiras, Hibridos: Padarras-Chav deux Antropologia Transnacional. Mana (3) 1: 7-39. Hegland, J. and Nelson, N. 2002. Cross Dressers in Cyber Space: Exploring the Internet as a Tool Ior Expressing Gendered Identity. International Journal of Sexuality ana Genaer Stuaies (7) 2/3. Jones, D. 2008. I, Avatar: Constructions oI SelI and Place in Second LiIe and the Technological Imagination. Gnovis Journal of Communication, Culture & Technology (6). Larson, S. 1982. The two sides oI the house: identity and social organization in Kilbroney, Northern Irelend. In A.Cohen (ed.) Belonging. Iaentity ana Social Organisation in British Rural Cultures. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Low, S. and Lawrence-Zuniga, D. 2003. The Anthropology of Space ana Place. Locating Culture. OxIord: Blackwell Publishing. Nakamura, L. 2002. Cybertypes. Race, Ethnicity, ana Iaentity on the Internet. London: Routledge. Poster, M. (ed.) 1988. Jean Bauarillara. Selectea Writings. StanIord: StanIord University Press. Punday, D. 2000. The Narrative Construction oI Cyberspace: Reading Neuromancer, Reading Cyberspace & Debates. College English (63) 2. Rehm, M. Andre, E. and Nischt, M. 2005. Lets Come Together - Social Navigation Behaviours oI Virtual and Real Humans. In Proceedings oI INTETAIN. 336-336. Stone, A. 1995. Sex and Death Among the Disembodied: VR, Cyberspace, and the Nature oI Academic Discourse. In Star, S. The Cultures of Computing. OxIord: Blackwell Publishing. Winkelmann, M 1993. The Evolution oI Consciousness. In Anthropology of Consciousness (4) 3. 17 Studii / Articles ALEXANDRA TTRAN READING THE APOTROPAIC: PRACTICES AND MENTALITIES OF DEFENSE This article addressed the relevance oI the apotropaic concept. When describing a type oI magical or religious ritual, the term is able to express some oI its Iundamental coordinates: circumscription, demarcation, agency, aggression. By the very means oI ritual as perIormative action, the apotropaic elements are made visible and, to a certain extent, tangible. When describing a general human social or individual attitude towards the surrounding world, the apotropaic is grounded in existential insecurity, anguish and a Iundamental need to make sense whether we address the subjective mechanisms oI reconfguring one`s memory or the social mechanisms Ior constructing identities. Articulated through a particular dialectics oI retrospection versus projection, the apotropaic concept can Iunction as a prospective reading able to retrace not only the inIernos, but also the culturally-represented paradises oI every society. Key words: apotropaic; ritual; magic deIence; protection; analitical tool; Romanian religious holidays; witchcraIt situations; acculturating Iear; liminarity Lucrarea de Ia se doreste o scurt introducere a conceptului de apotropaic si a aplicabilitii sale generale. Pentru a ilustra ideea de apotropaic, ncep prin evocarea a dou imagini-simboluri care pot Iunciona drept chintesene ale acesteia: Cercul Magic si Capul Medusei. Din punct de vedere strict etimologic, termenul de apotropaic provine din limba greac veche, cu sensul de: ,a te Ieri de ru, ,a alunga rul sau ,a-l ntoarce din drum. n calitatea sa de concept si unealt analitic din cadrul a variate discipline, apotropaicul este Iolosit pentru a denumi setul particular de gesturi, ritualuri, atitudini psihologice individuale sau dispozitive materiale (precum amuletele sau talismanele) menite s previn si s protejeze de ru. Odat plasate n cadrul mai general al modalitilor dinamice general-umane de raportare la supranatural si la toate lucrurile necunoscute, riturile apotropaice sunt cele care scot n eviden o atitudine negativ Ia de exterior, din moment ce practicarea lor echivaleaz cu o Iorm de securizare a indivizilor si comunitii prin evacuarea si demonizarea supranaturalului. Una dintre multiplele Iee posibile de relaionare cu necunoscutul, atitudinea apotropaic accentueaz modelul unei relaii de tip confictual. Ca Iorm de a culturaliza Irica si de a negocia securitatea n orice societate dat, conceptul de apotropaic poate Iurniza un cadru analitic pentru orice Iorm social sau cultural de includere/excludere, construcii identitare si diIerenieri. Cuvinte cheie: apotropaic, ritual, aprare magic, protecie, instrument analitic, srbtori religioase romnesti, cazuri de vrjitorie, aculturaie, liminaritate The Magical Circle and the Medusa`s Head are two powerIul images evoked here as quintessence Ior the idea oI apotropaic. The Magical Circle is commonly known as part oI witchcraIt or sorcery rituals: the magician`s saIe zone is represented by a circle drawn or imprinted on the foor, in order to protect the perIormer against the supernatural powers invoked. The Iorms may vary, Irom cords around towns and churches to rings and bracelets as individual ornaments; yet, the value and Iunction oI a magical circle is always the same: to protect within its limits Irom outside menacing Iorces, may those be ghosts, epidemics, enemies or evil spirits. Medusa`s Head embodies the very apotropaic principle oI fghting fre with fre, or using the horrible to 18 repel the horrible. As expressed by Marjorie B. Garber and Nancy J. Vickers (2003), Medusa`s Head has over time been seen as the epitome oI the apotropaic object` (p. 2). Once attached onto Athena`s shield, it becomes a powerIul means oI warding oII the very terror it aroused. The main apotropaic values expressed through the symbolism oI the Magical Circle are: the limit, circumscription, prevention, protection as demarcation. Its deIensive and rather passive characteristics are juxtaposed by the aggression oI Medusa`s gaze, capable oI turning a man into a stone. The apotropaic coordinates expressed through the symbolism oI the Medusa`s Head are: the look/the sight as action, agency, and protection as aggression. Whether static or dynamic, deIensive or oIIensive, both dimensions underlined by the symbolism oI the Magical Circle and the Medusa`s Head are equally to be Iound in the apotropaic idea. The word behind the image BeIore considering it as a symbol, gesture, idea, ritual or concept, the apotropaic is a word. Based on ancient Greek etymology, apotropaic` means to ward oII evil`/`to turn away Irom evil`, Irom apo~ away Irom, oII` and tropos~ turning`. From a strict etymological point oI view, then, it isn`t necessarily very clear iI the human agent turns himselI away Irom evil (as a motrical back-turning or reIuse) or iI one acts directly to oppose and block the evil, Iull-Iacing the attack. From a Iunctional point oI view, this diIIerence in human actor`s approach (which resumes the relationship between the Magical Circle and the Medusa`s Head sketched beIore) is only a matter oI shading, as long as the result is the apotropaic fnality oI keeping away and apart Irom evil. The very idea oI evil is also something not directly present in the etymology oI the word. Nevertheless, it belongs to the term due to its cultural and linguistic context oI emergence. In ancient Greek language and culture, this turning away` was understood precisely as a relation to and against anything defned as evil 1 . Addressing this specifc context, Jane Ellen Harrison (1903) builds a system which describes the ancient Greeks` religion by opposing the newer religion oI the Olympians, defned as ao ut aes: I give that you may give`, to the darker elements oI a religious stratum primarily concerned with malevolent ahaimones, defned as ao ut abeas: I give that you may go, and keep away` (p. 7). The distinction operated by Jane Ellen Harrison (1903) goes as Iollows: It is clear then that Greek religion contained two diverse, even opposite, Iactors: on the one hand the element oI service (theraipeia), on the other the element oI aversion (apotrop). The rites oI service were connected by ancient tradition with the Olympians, or as they are sometimes called the Ouranians: the rites oI aversion with ghosts, heroes, underworld divinities. The rites oI service were oI a cheerIul and rational character, the rites oI aversion gloomy and tending to superstition. (p. 10) Forging the concept Placed in the Iramework oI various disciplines, Irom European national ethnologies to anthropology, archeology, literary criticism, philosophy and so on, the term apotropaic` becomes a concept and an analytical tool, employed Ior denominating the particular set oI rituals, gestures, psychological attitudes or material devices (such as amulets and talismans) 1 A good example is the defnition provided by William Smith (1870) Ior the proper noun Apotropaei: certain divinities, by whose assistance the Greeks believed that they were able to avert any threatening danger or calamity` (p. 247). 19 Studii / Articles meant to prevent and protect Irom harm. In regard to this conceptual usage, I Iollow the general meaning consecrated in Romanian ethnology, where the term apotropaic` has a certain tradition oI employment while distinctively lacking conceptualization. Observing various textual contexts oI ethnological employment, apotropaic` is commonly understood as prevention (ante-facto), distinct Irom other magical or religious approaches dedicated to therapeutic and healing interventions (such as exorcism), oI post-facto character. From an anthropological cultural critique`s point oI view, apotropaic` has to be acknowledged as a name given to specifc meaningIul ensembles by a scientifc community. It represents a conventional tool oI certain heuristic value; nevertheless, it is an elitist concept, as long as the term doesn`t belong to the common actors` vocabulary, when describing their magical or religious means oI deIense. The task (or the privilege) oI qualiIying various cultural and social aspects as apotropaic` Ialls under the mastery oI ethnologists, in their particular dimension as text creators 1 . On the other hand, the apotropaic seldom is a pure genre. As any other polarizing meaning core, it maniIests itselI in vaster ritual contexts, where it coexists with other Iunctional desired fnalities: propitiating, augural or Iertilisatory. Exploring the meaning: the apotropaic dimension of human behaviour The apotropaic has to be placed in the more general Iramework oI human modalities oI relating to the sacred, the supernatural and all the things unknown. In this respect, Jean Cazeneuve (1958: 7-10) portraits three major attitudes: The frst one treats the sacred as something dangerous, ambiguous and threatening to the established order oI things. This rather negative attitude inIorms the basis oI all apotropaic actions, those in which human actors (individuals or collectivities) intend to oppose, repel or evacuate the malevolent maniIestations oI the sacred. The second one attempts to manipulate the supernatural and the hidden Iorces, to control and command them according to the particular interests and needs oI the actors. This point loosely describes the magical attitude. The third attitude corresponds to religion, as a Iorm oI acknowledging a transcending reality and accepting human`s conditioning upon the divine. II we agree that each type oI ritual represents a specifc way Ior the human actor to relate to the world, apotropaic rituals point out a negative attitude towards the exterior, as long as practicing them equals with a Iorm oI securing the individuals and the community by evacuating and demonizing the supernatural. As one oI the many possible Iaces oI human relating to the unknown, the apotropaic attitude represents the pattern stressing out a conficting approach. Any type oI magic is anthropocentrical, as long as magic defnes the human as the Iorce-center oI its action, as cause and receiver/benefciary oI its eIIects. The apotropaic rituals particularly highlight this statement about the centrality oI the human being. As a relation between the human actor (individual or collectivity) and the evil that has to be warded oII, apotropaic rituals emphasize the Iaces oI this evil, as being anything that contravenes the general human interests and well-being. From mice to feas, Irom sparrows or scorpions to illnesses and epidemics, Irom evil eye to evil spell, Irom hail to fre and strangers, enemies, ghosts or death, the list oI 1 As expressed by CliIIord Geertz (1973), the fnal visible product oI ethnographic work is the written text: In short, anthropological writings are themselves interpretations. They are, thus, fctions; fctions, in the sense that they are something made`, something Iashioned`. not that they are Ialse, unIactual, or merely as iI` thought experiments.` (p. 15) 20 these Iears oI` is potentially endless and has yet a single, uniIying meaning: they represent all that is or might be contrary to human liIe, its security and prosperity. The particular Iorms oI Iear, as well as the ritual or social modalities oI prevention/ protection/ deIense varied throughout time and space, in accordance with the particular social, cultural, economical or historical circumstances. For instance, the ritual object known in Romania as the plague`s shirt` 1 (cmaa ciumei) initially responded to the historical circumstances oI plague and, later (19 th century), cholera epidemics. The scorpion 2 , as menace and embodiment oI evil, required protection and cultural devices Ior warding it oII only in those regions Iamiliar with this particular arachnid. Acknowledging the culturally and historically-conditioned Iaces oI Iear equals to ascertaining that the apotropaic is a conventional name Ior a constant dimension oI human behavior in space and time, whether we reIer to psychological individual attitudes or to socio-cultural mechanisms. Reading the apotropaic in ritual contexts: Romanian religious holidays In order to illustrate the dynamics and logic oI the apotropaic, I will briefy sketch a Iew ritual exemplifcations, based mainly on Romanian material. I will selectively address some oI the apotropaic rituals that marked a temporal, seasonal crossing, through the meaningIul moments oI the calendar. Each one oI the apotropaic elements oI this context represents, in my view, a statement regarding a border or a limit, explicitly assumed and oriented against any transgressions. 1he :twelve days' of winter The period marked by Christmas (Crciun), New Year`s Eve (Anul Nou) and Epiphany (Bobotea:) is known in ethnology as the cycle oI the twelve days` (Mesnil 1997: 272), an apart allure conIerred by the popular belieI in the instability oI this period symptomatic Ior the moments oI passage in general and Ior the renewals oI time in particular. The Christmas` Eve traditional custom is, in Romania, going carol-singing Irom household to household. Previously observed by strict ritualistic prescriptions 3 , the custom was considered to possess a strong apotropaic dimension (Oisteanu 2004: 21), as part oI a wider complex oI meaning and Iunctions, illustrated by a belieI Irom the Bucovina region: The devils do not wander around only on Christmas and New Year`s Eve, nor does any other impurity, because they Iear the young boys then carrying the carols` (Niculi-Voronca 1998: 66). 1 The plague`s shirt` is documented Ior the Transylvania region up to the beginning oI the 20 th century. By that time, it was employed in fghting oII any type oI epidemics aIIecting humans or domestic animals. As shown by Pavelescu (1998) Ior the region oI Apuseni Mountains, the process oI its making was observed by strict ritualistic prescriptions: seven or nine women (magic numbers) gathered around in a house where they had to complete the shirt in a single nighttime Irom spinning to tissuing, tailoring and sewing it. The shirt thus obtained was placed somewhere at the village`s boundary beIore the dawn, so that it may keep away the epidemics haunting neighboring villages (p. 52). 2 For Iurther reading upon powerIul apotropaic symbols in Muslim Iolklore and Byzantium, see Finbarr Barry Flood (2006) and Jurgen Wassim Frembgen (2004). 3 Until the recent past, the role oI young male bachelors organized in age groups used to be highly important Ior the social liIe oI every Romanian village. In the context oI Christmas Eve` customs, the spatial mobility oI this group (required to go carol- singing in every household, throughout the night) was a normative part oI the ancient structure oI the custom. One dimension oI the prescribed behavior on this occasion was the loudness oI the group. Whether it was a maniIestation oI cheerIulness or acoustic expressions through specifc instruments (drums, bells), the noisiness oI the group had a marked apotropaic character, due to the common belieI that the evil spirits are thus Irightened and kept away. The basic Iunction oI going carol-singing was the magical Iocusing oI various ,expressions oI desires` (Brlea 1981: 269) in the spoken and sung words, a process intimately linked to the perceived liminarity oI this temporal crossing, sought to dormantly contain all the Iuture possibilities. 21 Studii / Articles 1he Easter Cycle The Easter Cycle consists oI three mobile-calculated religious holidays: Palm Sunday (Floriile), the Easter (Patele) and the Whitsuntide (Rusaliile). The particular character oI these religious holidays is the symbolic emphasis on the green branches` complex, signals oI springtime arrival and considered to possess special magical virtues. In the case oI Palm Sunday, in the past as well as today, the specifc Iorm oI these green branches are those oI the willow tree`s. As Ior the Whitsuntide, the best-documented valorized plants are: linden tree leaIs, oak leaIs, nut leaIs and garden plants, such as lovage and basil. Besides their Iertilisatory and augural virtues, all these plants have in common an apotropaic value due to an inherent magical potency oI warding oII evil. The green branches oI Whitsuntide were harvested on Saturday evening and then strategically placed around the household, the stable and on all house entrances (Pamfle 1997: 21). Their apotropaic valorization is to be observed Irom these actions oI magically circumscribing the domestic spaces, in order to protect in Iuture the territory thus cut out Irom any exterior evil. The willow tree buds oI the Palm Sunday undergo a process oI being hallowed in the church, during the specifc morning religious service. AIter being thus consecrated, the willow tree buds are brought home, where their magical apotropaic eIfciency Iollows two directions. On the one hand, the willow tree buds become a talisman, placed mainly under the religious icon a passive generic protection projected onto the Iuture. On the other hand, it becomes an active key-ingredient in more elaborated magical apotropaic actions throughout the year, such as the simplest, most common Iorm oI kindling a willow tree bud under the threat oI hail storm, a magical attempt oI keeping it away. This particular apotrope is one oI the many cases that illustrate an interesting Ieature oI the magic-religion relation in a rural society: the Iact that, outside the religious space (the church), the religious hallowing becomes an act oI magical consecration, oI potentiating the special virtues that various plants and objects are considered to possess. The Easter proposes a symmetry to this: the extraction oI certain objects oI religious signifcance Irom this initial ritual context and assigning them various other supplementary magical Iunctions. Such is the Easter candle, when used in the liturgical context oI Good Friday or the Easter Sunday`s mass. Similarly to the Palm Sunday`s willow tree buds, this candle is to be kept close to the house`s main icon throughout the year and kindled whenever there is a danger approaching, may that be thunder storm or someone`s illness in the Iamily. The candle`s initial role as key-object in a specifc religious context prologues itselI secondarily outside this consecrating Irame, by taking over an apotropaic magical value Ior an extended temporal period. Saint Ceorge A religious holiday that voices, by contrast, the necessity oI the magical protection mainly Ior the very moment oI the holiday, not (only) Ior an extended Iuture, is Saint George (23 rd oI April). In the evening preceding it, the locals oI Piatra Fntnele village, Transylvania region, make objects known as Sangior:i`, consisting oI a small square sod with a branch oI hip rose pierced through its middle. Each household places such a Sangior:` on top oI the Ience or gate pillars. The square sod with grass addresses the seasonal context oI springtime arrival. The hip rose branch and the placing on the household`s entrance are two elements oI apotropaic value. The cultural Irame- scenario oI the Saint George`s holiday is the belieI that its eve is the most Iavorable moment Ior mana theIts, carried out by a category oI evil beings known as strigoi`. The hip rose represents the best documented apotrope Ior the Romanian territory in fghting-oII this category oI supernatural beings. Placing it on the Ience or gate pillars is an action oI magically circumscribing and thus securing the household perimeter. The threatened mana oI this period in mainly milk`s, but there are equal preoccupations to magically guard the crops` mana. 22 These Iew examples oI apotropaic practices inscribed in the key-moments oI the calendar and marking seasonal crossing point out, on the one hand, to a general dynamic cosmological pattern oI Chaos versus Order (Oisteanu 2004: 15), particularly highlighted throughout these liminal moments oI passage (Gennep 1996); on the other hand, they point out to an active human involvement in trying to direct and infuence the hidden powers. The 'text` of apotropaic rituals in the 'context` of contemporary Romanian society The ethnological studies present the apotropaic rituals as part oI a larger socio-cultural modality oI mediating the complex relation between human actors (individuals and communities) and the exterior, the unknown, the strange. The ensemble represented by apotropaic, propitiating and augural rituals as part oI traditional rural society seemed to Iunction as a protective screen, as a space Ior circulating meaning and multiple negotiations. This organic vision might as well represent an eIIect oI retrospective reading, as embedded in ethnological perspective. Nevertheless, there is a relation established by Marianne Mesnil (1974) between the text` or the scenario oI the unIolded events` and the context` or the social reality to which this text belongs (p.7), which sustains an approach oI integrative vision upon apotropaic rituals, as part oI a larger cultural Iramework. II we consider the already illustrated apotropaic rituals as text` belonging to the context` oI a rural traditional agricultural society, we Iurther have to consider this relationship varying in accordance with the transIormations oI the context` term. Romanian contemporary society continues to undergo major economical and social changes, with obvious eIIects upon the modalities oI conceiving evil and protection Irom it. These transIormations continuously reconfgure the profle oI the Romanian rural society, to the extent that the split between the socio-cultural reality and the text oI apotropaic rituals can no longer be absorbed by the social dynamics` (Mesnil 1974: 42). In order to illustrate this, I will exempliIy with a personal feldwork observation. In the summer oI 2008, I documented the staging oI a particular apotropaic ritual in Reteag, a village in the Transylvania region oI Romania. The ritual, occasioned by the Iact that the Iamily`s cow delivered a calI, consisted oI knitting together three iron chains, and placing this knit onto the stable`s threshold 1 . Neither the cow nor the calI was to leave the stable thus magically guarded Ior an observed period oI time, and no strangers were allowed to enter. At the same time, no object was to leave (as a loan) or to enter (as a giIt) the household. The Iamily perIorming this ritual is agricultural, their main sources oI income being obtained through household animal labor, potato crops, Iruit growing and occasionally day-laboring outside the household, by means oI a horse-waggon. They are placed in a larger social context marked by a progressive transIormation oI the village structure and profle. Some oI the neighboring houses, bought or inherited, are being restored by city Iolks, as holiday or country-retirement comIortable accommodations. The insidious conIrontation between two diIIerent ways oI liIe is best 1 This particular ritual has to be placed in the Iramework oI the complex agricultural scenario regarding the magical theIt or loss oI the milk. For a comparative reading oI this scenario in Eastern Europe, see Marianne Mesnil (1990). Arnold Van Gennep (1996: 158) documented the existence oI this ritual in Russia, occasioned by the cow`s fst exiting the stable in springtime. Aurora Liiceanu (1996: 42) and Gheorghe Pavelescu (1998: 58) documented the same ritual Ior Maramures and Apuseni Mountains oI the Transylvania region. Whether a chain or a crowbar, the apotropaic Iunction oI iron (one oI the universally best-known apotropaic substances) and the specifc Iunction oI the threshold (illustrator par excellence oI the liminarity principle) highlight a specifc display oI apotropaic ritual mechanics. The evil sought to prevent or expel also varies, Irom premeditated witches` magical attacks to involuntary loss oI the mana` principle through a magical transIer, or the eIIects oI the strangers` evil eye. 23 Studii / Articles illustrated by the Iact that the neighbors encourage this Iamily oI agricultural sustenance to give up some oI the domestic animals they keep, in order to reduce the labor volume and thus allow themselves to start enjoying the very modern pleasures oI leisure` and holiday`. Needless to say, most oI the neighbors disapproved the staging oI this apotropaic ritual, as something best suited with the distant past. In contemporary Romania, the whole way oI liIe grounded in agricultural rural type oI production is changing. For the time being, it`s diIfcult to assert whether the outcome oI a genuine reIorm is to be expected. The insuIfcient amount oI subventions, the lack oI an authentic support Irom the state and the contradictory character oI governmental politics regarding agriculture, are all elements sustaining a rather pessimistic attitude on behalI oI the rural actors. Adding to these the natural catastrophes (foods and droughts) that compromised last years` agricultural production, the new exigencies determined by Romania`s joining the EU in 2007 (whose logic tend to dissipate and dilute somewhere on the sinuous track between the local authorities and the individual producer) and the abandonment oI the villages by migration, we obtain the picture oI a rural world still on a path oI (re)confguring the very basics oI its ways oI living. Apotropaic dimensions of witchcraft situations: ritual gestures and internal memory In order to address the apotropaic practices and mentalities in today`s Romania, I chose the Iramework represented by witchcraIt situations. While conceding that the witchcraIt discourse may not be the only relevant context oI analysis Ior the apotropaic today, it seems nevertheless to be one oI the most coherently assembled. The particular motivation oI choosing the subject lies in its extraordinary recurrence during feld investigations, compared to its weak illustration in contemporary specialized studies. More specifcally, I came across numerous stories and personal experiences regarding magical aggressions, witchcraIt and sorcery, during feld investigations Iocused on the rather more benign pole that oI apotropaic magic embedded in religious holidays and the moments oI passage. Discussing the apotropaic embedded in witchcraIt accusations oI today`s Romania leads toward reassessing the complex relationship between popular magic and the Orthodox Church which, as part and illustrator oI a continuously changing society, still requires a great deal oI Iurther feldwork and theoretical consideration. For the purpose oI this presentation, I will limit my approach strictly to the apotropaic elements. In the particular Irame oI witchcraIt situations, the relevance oI apotropaic behavior takes not only a ritual Iorm, but also the Iorm oI an individual psychological dimension: the subjective interior relation to one`s memory. The ritual aspect is inIormed by various typical elements oI magical deIense. The preeminence oI red color, whether as a thread on the wrist or as a patch rapping up, with a talismanic value, other apotropaic substances (garlic, pepper, Irankincense, silver) is largely common. The individual protection requires constant wearing inside out oI any piece oI underlinen. There is also an important individual protection provided by religious objects employed as bodily amulets, such as small icons, crosses and Irankincense granules. The domestic space is protected by specially Iorged talismans, as described above, placed mainly on the threshold. The generic protection insured by the house`s main religious icon is supplemented by yearly religious hallowing oI the interior space (especially on the Epiphany, the 6 th oI January), repeated in times oI danger. In contemporary Romania, all these mechanisms oI protection address, in rural as well as in urban areas, the threatening possibility oI being bewitcheThe psychological dimension oI the apotropaic behavior marks the actor`s entrance into the witchcraIt discourse. As E.R. Leach said 24 (1949: 163), the diagnosis oI sorcery is normally retrospective a kind oI symptom analysis`. The key-moment oI assuming the diagnosis oI being bewitched, along with the motivation Ior Iollowing a Iuture set oI necessary therapeutical actions, triggers the process oI what Kathleen Marks (2002: 47) calls rememory`: a suspended moment oI retrospective rearrangement oI happenings, discussions, interactions, reinterpreted as parts (signs) oI the current situation. As in any selective re-memory, a set oI previously irrelevant elements become signifcant and, in the particular context oI witchcraIt accusations, highly suspicious (a casual shake-hand, an unexpected visit), so that the resulted coherent ensemble oI past events can sustain the diagnosis oI being bewitched. In this discursive Irame, the apotropaic maniIests itselI as a tropos: a turning, returning and fgure oI speech (metaphor), Ior a process oI (re)adjusting the memory. The dialectics of social identitary constructions: the apotropaic dimension of belonging and rejecting As a Iorm oI acculturating Iear and negotiating security in any given society, the concept oI apotropaic can provide an analytical Iramework Ior any social or cultural Iorm oI including/ excluding, identity constructions and diIIerentiations. Carlo Ginzburg (1996) reminds us that, Irom a social point oI view, the dead can only be represented by those imperIectly inserted in the social body` (p.305). The marginals oI every society whether they are women, lepers, Ioreigners, minority ethnic groups, religious groups, vagrants, shepherds or homeless people are those social groups concentrating, at various historical moments, the majority`s or the dominant group`s cultural representations about dangerousness and the radical alterity. To put it bluntly, the marginals oI every society or community are symbolically assimilated, in various Iorms and various degrees, to the embodied Iaces oI the unknown, the very strangers within`. Their social placement oI liminarity involves a position oI ambiguity: halI-way in (society, liIe), halI-way out (death and the supernatural). This threshold defning the marginal situation is the topos oI the apotropaic approach, as a tropos or turning away Irom the diIIerence. Frederik Barth (1969) changed the perception about ethnic identity when he stated that the ethnic boundary... defnes the group, not the cultural stuII it encloses` (p.15). Ethnicity (or national identity, Ior that matter) could no longer be addressed as a reifed category Irom an essentialist perspective. As with any other identity, ethnic identity is a process oI boundary-maintaining. Defning oneselI is a matter oI relating, due to the internal Iunctional paradox embedded in the very idea oI identity`: it represents the sameness` (to others in space and to oneselI in time) and, at the same time, diIIerentiation (Heckman 1999: 5). ThereIore, it develops within apotropaic limitations spatial and temporal manoeuvre zones Ior negotiations, transgressions and evacuations. The apotropaic refex as social mechanism contours the two Iaces oI the identity` coin: belonging means, at one end, to be included (the Magic Circle`s circumscribed perimeter oI saIety); to the extreme other end, to exclude (the Medusa`s Head aggressive stare repelling the outside, the alterity and the unknown). In conclusion, this article addressed the relevance oI the apotropaic concept. When describing a type oI magical or religious ritual, the term is able to express some oI its Iundamental coordinates: circumscription, demarcation, agency, aggression. By the very means oI ritual as perIormative action, the apotropaic elements are made visible and, to a certain extent, tangible. 25 Studii / Articles When describing a general human social or individual attitude towards the surrounding world, the apotropaic is grounded in existential insecurity, anguish and a Iundamental need to make sense whether we address the subjective mechanisms oI reconfguring one`s memory or the social mechanisms Ior constructing identities. Articulated through a particular dialectics oI retrospection versus projection, the apotropaic concept can Iunction as a prospective reading able to retrace not only the inIernos, but also the culturally-represented paradises oI every society. References Barth, Frederik (ed.) (1969) Ethnic Groups ana Bounaaries. The Social Organi:ation of Cultural Difference. Boston, Little Brown and Company. Brlea, Ovidiu (1981) Folclor romanesc, vol. I and II. Bucuresti, Minerva. Cazeneuve, Jean (1958) Le Rites et la Conaition Humaine. Paris, P.U.F. Flood, Finbarr Barry (2006) Image against Nature: Spolia as Apotropaia in Byzantium and the dr al-Islm. The Meaieval History Journal, Vol. 9, No. 1, 143-166. Full-text |online|. SAGE Journals Online, http://mhj. sagepub.com/ |Accessed 21 th July 2008|. Frembgen, Wasim Jurgen (2004) The Scorpion in Muslim Folklore. Asian Folklore Stuaies, Vol. 63, No. 1, page number: 95. Full-text |online|. Questia Media America, Inc. Available Irom: www.questia.com |Accessed 15 th January 2009|. Garber, Marjorie B. and Vickers, Nancy J. (eds) (2003) The Meausa Reaaer. New York, Routledge. Geertz, CliIIord (1973) The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, Basic Books. Ginzburg, Carlo (1996) Istorie nocturn. O interpretare a sabatului. Iasi, Polirom. Harrison, Jane Ellen (1903) Prolegomena to the stuay of Greek religion. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Hekmann, Susan (1999) Identity Crises: Identity, Identity Politics and Beyond. In: S. Hekmann (ed.) Feminism, Iaentity ana Difference, London, Frank Cass, p. 3-27. Leach, E. R. (1949) Primitive Magic and Modern Medicine. Health Eaucation Journal, Vol. 7, 162-170. Full text |online|. SAGE Journals Online, http://hej.sagepub.com |Accessed 5 th November 2007|. Liiceanu, Aurora (1996) Povestea unei vrfitoare. Bucuresti, ALL. Marks, Kathleen (2002) Toni Morrison`s Beloved and the Apotropaic Imagination. Questia Meaia America, Inc. Full-text |online|. Columbia, University oI Missouri Press. Available Irom: www.questia.com |Accessed 8 th
February 2009|. Mesnil, Marianne (1974) Trois essais sur la Fte. Du folklore a lethno-semiotique. Bruxelles, Editions de l`Universit de Bruxelles. Mesnil, Marianne (1990) L`Europe des Aires Culturelles. In. Premier atelier europeen sur la culture orale europeene. Strasbourg, Conseil de l`Europe, p. 206-217. Mesnil, Marianne (1997) Etnologul, intre arpe i balaur / Marianne Mesnil and Assia Popova Eseuri ae mitologie balcanic. Bucuresti, Paideia. Niculi-Voronca, Elena (1998) Datinile i creainele poporului roman, aaunate i ae:ate in oraine mitologic, vol. I and II. Iasi, Polirom. Oisteanu, Andrei (2004) Oraine i Haos. Mit i magie in cultura traaiional romaneasc. Iasi, Polirom. Pamfle, Tudor (1997) Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu Etnograhc. Bucuresti, Saeculum. Pavelescu, Gheorghe (1998) Magia la romani. stuaii i cercetri aespre magie, aescantece i man. Bucuresti, Minerva. Smith, William (eds) (1870) Dictionary oI Greek and Roman Antiquities. Ancient Library Web Site. Full text. |online|. London, C. Little and J. Brown. Available Irom: http://www.ancientlibrary.com/smithbio/index.html/ |Accessed 12 th March 2008|. Van Gennep, Arnold (1996) Riturile ae trecere. Iasi, Polirom. 27 Studii / Articles BOGDAN NEAGOTA ASPECTE DAEMONOLOGICE N CULTURILE POPULARE SLAVE The present presentation emphasises several aspects regarding the similarities and the diIIerences in the origin, role and Iunctions change oI mythical fgures, iterative in the cultures oI the Slavic peoples, aspects supported and / or criticized by critics such Bystron, Brukner, Niederle. In order to understand the early religiosity oI Slavic peoples, we shall emphasize the historical and cultural context in which the Slavic peoples converted to Christianity. Key words: Slavic Ethnology, demons, ritual, religion Expunerea puncteaz cteva aspecte privind similitudinile si diIerenele n ceea ce priveste originea, rolul si schimbarea de Iuncii a unor fguri mitice reperate n culturile popoarelor slave aspecte susinute si/ sau criticate de critici precum Bystron, Brukner, Niederle. n scopul nelegerii religiozitii timpurii a popoarelor slave, este punctat si contextul cultural- istoric n care popoarele slave s-au convertit la crestinism. Cuvinte cheie: etnologie slav, demoni, ritual, religie ConIorm teoriei clasice lansate de Bystron 1 , n tradiiile slavilor septentrionali (polonezi, cehi, ucraineni, rusi) apar ndeosebi daimonii Ieminini kourotrophi (boghinke, mamune, a:iwo:one 2 ), specializai n Iurtul si schimbatul copiilor, prin substituirea cu odraslele proprii, n vreme ce, la slavii meridionali, sunt invocate mai mult fguri mitice absente de tip roafenice/ suafenice, similare Parcelor grecesti 3 si infuenate de acestea. Acestora li se pregteste o mas cu mncare si butur n prima noapte dup nasterea copilului. Teza nu se susine ns, ntruct Parcele sunt atestate si la slavii septentrionali 4 , n contextul religiei populare a vechilor rusi, asa cum apare aceasta consemnat n Preaicile ruse si n Cronicile ruse, n care e criticat persistena credinei n Rodjanice si a sacrifciilor aduse acestora chiar n rugciunile adresate Maicii Domnului. Polemici similare apar si n alte texte medievale, precum Preaica ae la Chrystolubiec (despre rugciunile nlate unor diviniti pgne wile, Roa, Ro:anice s.a. 5 ), Cuvantul aespre cum pganii aaorau iaolii (catalog al divinitilor slave 1 J.St. Bystron, Riti familiari slavi, Cracovia, 1916, p. 53. 2 D:ivo:ony si Mamuny boginki Iur copiii oamenilor, nlocuindu-i cu ai lor ap. T. Pamfle, Mitologie romaneasc. I, Dumani i prieteni ai omului, Bucuresti, 1916, p. 205. 3 cI. Nornele scandinave. 4 vezi Aleksander Brkner, La mitologia slava, Nicola Zanichelli, Bologna, 1923, pp. 166-167. 5 ,Non solo per ignoranza Iacciamo il male (poco prima si legge: avendo promesso di servire il Cristo, perch serviamo i diavoli?`), ma mescoliamo certe nostre pure preghiere col maledetto culto degli idoli, la Madonna, tre volte santa, con le Ro:anice, alcuni preparano soltanto la mensa di Natale, ma altri anche le trape::e (tavole, mense) del pranzo rituale, che e poi una tavola sacrilega, oIIerta a Roa e a alle Ro:anice per oIIendere Iddio Sermone ael Chrystolubiec, ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 168. 28 pgne 1 ) si n alte documente ecleziastice 2 . Peste tot e atestat existena, la slavii septentrionali, a meselor si banchetelor rituale consacrate Ro:anice-lor: popieliny (cenus), popielec (ziua cenusii), popielinki (la polonezi), kolaciny (la huuli), aawia:ywanie (dezlegare), klast w kas:u ('punerea n tre, adic strngerea banilor pentru moas la rusi), babc:yna kas:a (babka e moasa la bielorusi), banii pentru ,tre (na kasicku la cehi) 3 . Roa:anicele sunt entiti Ieminine legate de nastere, atestate n diIerite culturi slave Roa, Ro:anice / Roa:anice (la sloveni), Suafenice, Sofenice, Suaicke (la cehi), Orisnice (la bulgari) si care nsoesc omul nc de la nastere, find deopotriv bune si rele. Bystron propune identifcarea, n acest context, a aluatului ritual si a trelor cu pruncul si echivalarea botezului cu ceremonia de primire ce sIrseste prin ingerarea plcintei rituale, care l-ar reprezenta pe noul-nscut. Ipoteza e ns criticat cu argumente de Brkner: Il Iato dunque non esisteva, ma sulla sorte del neonato vegliavano le buone e le cattive divinita del parto; e queste si supplicavano con sacrifzi, nella convinzione che esse stesse venissero a segnare la sorte, fssando il corso di tutta la vita. In seguito, nel corso della vita stessa, bisogna ancora invocare altre divinita, conIorme ale circonstanze, ecc. (...) Soltanto di un Iato cieco non vi puo esser questione, poich altrimenti a che pro` servirebbero i sacrifzi propiziatori? E naturale che il culto delle divinita del parto si conservasse piu a lungo tra le donne, e non era per caso che a loro si rivolgevano i popi colle loro domande del conIessionale 4 . Totodat, Brkner respinge si interpretarea lui Niederle despre conceptul de destin la slavi ca rezultat al infuenelor grecesti (via bulgari) 5 , susinnd caracterul genuin si originea protoslav a divinitilor Roa (cI. roaiti, a naste) si Roa:anice / Rofenia (mam, matc, soart), atestate la toi slavii 6 si n texte medievale: Procopius din Cezareea, observnd concepia slavilor despre destin, propunea, n buna tradiie a apologeilor crestini o hermeneutic fzicalist a divinitilor panteonului slav 7 , iar Helmold, mai trziu, interpreta crestinizant panteonul pgn slav, n contextul hermeneuticilor medievale 8 . Rofeniele sunt 1 ,In conseguenza i Greci erano soliti a sacrifcare ad Artemido (!) ed Artemisia, cioe a Roa e alla Ro:anica. (...) (Dopo il santo battessimo aderirono a Cristo, ma anche ora nel contado pregano di nascosto Perun, ecc), non riescono ad abbandonare il maledetto uso, cominciato nel paganesimo e durato fno ad ora, di apparecchiare una seconda tavola, dedicata a Roa e alle Ro:anice, colla quale cosa scandalizzano i Iedeli cristiani, oIIendono il santo batessimo e suscitano l`ira di Dio. Dopo il santo battessimo i popi, dediti al ventre, stabilirono d`introdurre il tropar (canto ecclesiastico) della Nascita della Vergine nel banchetto delle Ro:anice, nella quale occasione si Iacevano doni ai popi. SiIIatti preti sono parassiti e non servi di Dio. E la domenica, dipinta una donna di Iorma umana, la pregano, la salutano, la baciano, benche non sia che creatura ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 169. 2 ,Apparecchiando la tavola a Roa (oppure a Rod a alle Rozanice`) e mescendo stupidamente le bevande alle Ro:anice (demoni); ,tagliano i primi capelli ai bambini, e cuociono il tritello per la congrega delle Ro:anice. 'A che scopo tagliano pane, Iormaggio e miele per le Ro:anice? Pronunziando una grande bestemmia disse gia Isaia: guai, a coloro che danno a bere e a mangiare alle Ro:anice! Sreznievski, ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 169-170. 3 ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 169. 4 Brkner, op. cit., p. 174. cI. Anicikov, Testimonian:e e aocumenti aella mitologia russa., pp. 267, 281 despre obligaia preotului de a ntreba Iemeile la spovedanie dac nu a svrsit acte cultuale ctre daimonii Ieminini pagni: ,Non hai compiuto colle donne i peccati riprovati da Dio? Non hai pregato le Wile e Roa e le Ro:enice e Perun e Chors e Mokos:, non hai bevuto e mangiato? Tre anni di digiuno con inchini per penitenza. (.) Hai pregato i diavoli con le donne, cioe la Ro:anica e le Wile ed altri simili? (.) Ancora avendo commesso colle donne i peccati odiosi a Dio, pregare le wile ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 174-175. 5 L. Niederle, O mythologii slovanske (Zivot starich Slovanu, II,I) La mitologia slava, Praga, 1917, p. 69 ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 181-182. 6 Brkner, op. cit., pp. 182-183. 7 Procopius, Historia, III,23 sq. 8 Helmold, Preaica sulla aomenica. ,cio che e peggio di tutto si e apparecchiare la tavola alle Roa:anice e ogni altro servizio diabolico, il sacrifcare alle wille e l`adorare le creature ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 171-172. cI. Marinov, La creaen:a popolare e le usan:e religiose bulgare, 1914. 29 Studii / Articles ,epiIanii sau ipostaze ale vechii Zeie-Mame chtoniene, Mati sira :emlia (Mama rn- jilav`) 1 , al crei cult a supravieuit pn n secolul al XIX-lea 2 . Mai mult, entiti similare wile-lor si roa:anice-lor sunt atestate si n culturile populare vecine din spaiul baltic, ca diviniti ale celei de-a treia Iuncii (n lectur dumzilian 3 ): Laima este, n tradiiile religioase lituaniene, o divinitate Ieminin a destinului, care patroneaz existena uman nc de la nastere, n vreme ce, n religia vechilor letoni, ea guverna deopotriv cstoria, belsugul vegetal si animal, intrnd ulterior n sincretism cu Fecioara Maria 4 . Laume, cealalt divinitate lituanian, toarce si deapn frul vieii, asemenea Parcelor, dar avnd conotaii erotice. Tot legate de complexul ritual al nasterii si de imaginarul copilriei, trebuie menionate si o serie de entiti demonice de tipul bau-bau, specializate n Iurtul somnului si a linistii pruncului, precum Buba (la polonezi), nrudit cu termenii care denumesc sperietoarea (bobo, bubak, bubac: / bobak) si sperietoarea pentru copii din tradiiile lituaniene baube, baubas, baubo:ius, derivate probabil din acelasi radical (*bu 5 ). Ali daimoni Ieminini se remarc n Iurtul propriu-zis de copii umani nebotezai si n schimbarea acestora cu propriile odrasle: Bogienca (n tradiiile ucrainene), D:ivo:ony / Mamuny boginki (din Iolclorul polonez) 6 . Practicile apotropaice utilizate pentru aprarea pruncilor de agresiunea daemonic sunt nrudite cu cele din spaiul cultural romnesc 7 (vezi supra). Entitile nimIoide sunt amplu documentate n perimetrul slav (bereghinie, vile, rusalke, mawke). Bereghiniile sunt cele mai vechi ,nimIe slave, acvatice sau montane ( sl. bereg, br:eg 8 ), atestate n epiIanii colective (n numr de trei sau de nou) si conIundate uneori cu vampirii (upirie, pol. upiori) 9 . Jilele / Wilele (rus. vila, ceh. vila, bulg. vili, polon. wilawa) sunt entiti arhaice 10 plurale (sunt n numr de 30), atestate iniial la toi slavii si ocultate sau ,nghiite ulterior, n contextul dinamicii politeiste, de alte semidiviniti: n Iolclorul rus, de exemplu, numele lor originar (wile), a Iost uitat, vilele find nlocuite cu alte entiti (mawke, nawke, rusalke), n Iolclorul bulgar vila e identifcat cu sufetul unei Iete moarte si nengropate, iar n tradiiile slavilor occidentali vilelor li s-au substituit a:iwo:onele (atestate n Polonia si Boemia 11 , unde numele vila ajunge s nsemne ,broasc rioas, prostnac). Ipotezele etimologice propuse nu ajut prea mult la clarifcarea Ienomenologiei acestor entiti (lat. aies violae, srbtori de primvar, celebrate pe cmpuri si n pduri; dup Veselovski, lit. veles 12 , germ. Jal-holir, gr. elysios). Examenul comparativ le leag ns invariabil de elementul acvatic (izvoare, Intni 13 ) de practicile rituale 1 Mati sira :emlia e srbtoarea solstiial de var (cI. Snzienele si Rusaliile n.n.), constnd n aprinderea ritual de Iocuri, o scald colectiv, si conIecionarea unui idol de paie (kupala), sprijinit de un copac sacru (mesteacn), tiat si curat de crengi si de Irunze de ctre Iemei. (Marija Gimbutas, The Slavs, London New York, 1971, p. 169. cI. M. Gimbutas, Ancient Slavic Religion. A Synopsis, n 'To Honor Roman Jakobson. Essays on the Occasion oI His Seventieth Birthday, The Hague Paris, vol.I, 1967, pp. 738 sqq.). 2 Mircea Eliade, Istoria creainelor i iaeilor religioase, vol.III, Editura stiinifc si enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 1988, pp. 37-38. cI. Evel Gasparini, Il Matriarcato Slavo. Antropologia aei Protoslavi, Firenze, 1973. Vladimir Propp, Feste agrarie russe, Bari, 1978. 3 Enrico Campanile, La religione aegli Slavi e aegli Balti, n 'Storia delle religioni (a cura di Giovanni Filoramo), vol.I (Le religioni antiche), Editori Laterza, Gius, 1994, p. 602. 4 Eliade, Istoria creainelor i iaeilor religioase, vol.III, p. 33. 5 Brkner, op. cit., p. 184. 6 ap. Pamfle, Mitologie romaneasc, pp. 194, 205. 7 ,Tot astIel si slavii, care cred n vile, Zne rele ale codrului, Iac la Iel. Gh.F. Ciausanu, Superstiiile poporului roman in asemnare cu ale altor popoare vechi i nou, Bucuresti, 1914, p. 289. 8 cI. germ. Berg (munte, mal, coast, rm). 9 Brkner, op. cit, p. 175. 10 n sec. al IX-lea, clugrul medieval Hamartolos identifca Vilele cu Sirenele. 11 H. Machal, Nakres slovanskeho bafeslovi (Disegno aella mitologia slava), Praga, 1891 ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 178. 12 Despre interIerenele religioase balto-slave, vezi Brkner, op. cit., pp. 133-134. 13 Un document polonez din sec. al XIII-lea menioneaz existena unei Intni a wilelor, wilski klaae:. 30 pentru provocarea ploii 1 si de cultul ,apelor vii (mbierile cu fnalitate curativ 2 ): ,Le wile e le bereghinie appartengono al culto delle acque dei fumi, delle sorgenti, delle Ioreste e delle montagne: culto non senza importanza accanto a quello del Iuoco. Si sacrifcava alle sorgenti e ai pozzi per Iar scendere l`acqua dal cielo, sopratutto dunque nei periodi di molesta siccita; ma a loro si sacrifcava altres per curare - non solo per lavare gli occhi 3 . Rusalki sunt ,succesoarele medievale ale arhaicelor bereghinie si wile, mai ales ncepnd din secolul al XVI-lea, n Rusia 4 , find asociate apelor. Etimologiile cele mai Irecvente deriv numele rusalcelor din lat. aies rosae, rosalia si, implicit, din numele srbtorii Rusaliilor ( rus. Rusalifa) 5 . Excepie Iace ipoteza lui Niederle, care asociaz termenul sl. rusla, curs de ap 6 . Speculaiile istorico-religioase Iormulate la nceputul secolului al XX-lea, viznd identifcarea originii rusalcelor, suIer ns de tarele cognitive tipice acestui tip de demers. AstIel, D. Zelenin, plecnd de la credina popular c sufetele copiilor mori nebotezai se transIorm n Rusalke, ncerca s explice caracterul nociv si ostil al Rusalki-lor prin integrarea lor n clasa sufetelor copiilor si Iemeilor mori de o moarte nenatural 7 . Niederle extinde ipoteza pn la a susine caracterul ,manistic al rusalcelor, acestea find sufetele oamenilor ngropai n muni, n pduri, n ape, de-a lungul drumurilor 8 : ,Tutti questi esseri, le nawke, le rusalke, le Ianciulle e le donne silvestre, in parte anche le wile, il cui carattere poetico ci e noto dalla tradizione popolare, quanto alla origine loro non sono nient`altro che anime di bambini, ragazze e donne (specie le fdanzate) deIunte, e che vanno vagando in riva ai corsi d`acqua o lungo le strade silvestri 9 . El distinge vilele atmoIerice, ,spiritualizri ale meteorologiei de vilele-rusalce, apariii Iantomatice ale morilor nempcai 10 . Teoria sa va f susinut pn trziu de unii cercettori 11 , din pcate Ir a se ncerca o analiz de tip stratigrafc, pe nivele morIodinamice (deopotriv morIologice si istorice) de semnifcaie. Brkner respinge att ipoteza unui cult al strmosilor ct si pe cea a cultului pruncilor nebotezai (care aparine stratului crestin al religiozitii slave), cu att mai mult cu ct teoria lui Niederle opereaz o distincie arbitrar ntre sufetele brbailor deIunci si sufetele copiilor/Ietelor/Iemeilor moarte 12 . El se mulumeste s constate solidaritatea 1 ,Presso i Serbi, in tempo di siccita, si portava in giro una Ianciulla vestita di Ironde, spruzzandola d`acqua e accompagnando l`azione con una cantilena che aveva per ritornello oi' aoao' oi' aoaole, onde la Ianciulla stessa era chiamata Doaola. (Brkner, op. cit., p. 178); cI. Paparuaa, Drgaica, Mumulia ploii din tradiiile populare romnesti. 2 ,In primavera, dopo i primi Iulmini, comincia questo singolare pellegrinaggio k kluc:am (verso le sorgenti`), in certi giorni da tempo prestabiliti, per san Giorgio, san Nicola, l`Ascensione, il D:iewiatnik (nono giovedi dopo Pasqua) ecc. Prima della domenica delle rose non si prende acqua altro che per bere; dopo questo giorno prendono anche bagni, abberevano e bagnano i cavalli, sia per guarire da una malattia che per preservarsene in avvenire. Non e lecito sputare nell`acqua, specie nell`acqua corrente (Brkner, op. cit., p. 178). 3 Brkner, op. cit., p. 178. 4 Niederle, O mythologii slovanske (Zivot starich Slovanu, II,I) La mitologia slava, Praga, 1917, pp. 53 sqq. ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 179. 5 ,Cuvntul exist n paleoslav sub Iorma rusalifa si la ceilali slavi din aproprierea romnilor: la rusi rusalfa nealfa, rusalnafa sau rusalka, toate cu semnifcaia de sptmna Rusaliilor`; la ruteni rusali, aproape cu aceleasi sensuri ca n limba romn: 1. Rusalii, 2. Srbtoare cu jocuri si dansuri n prima zi a postului sfnilor Petru si Pavel. Alturi de aceste semnifcaii, la ambele popoare, asa numitele Rusalki (ca si Rusalci la bulgari) joac acelasi rol cu Rusaliile si ielele de la romni S. Goicu, Termeni cretini in onomastica romaneasc, Editura Amphora, Timisoara, p. 82); cI. srb. rusalna nealfa (Sptmna Rusaliilor) ap. Romulus Vuia, Originea focului ae cluari, n ,Dacoromania II, 1922, p. 224. 6 Niederle, ibia. 7 ap. Brkner, op. cit., pp. 179-180. 8 Niederle, op. cit., p. 57. 9 Niederle, op. cit., p. 53 (cap. 'Il culto degli avi e i demoni che ne ebbero origine).. 10 ,Le wille dell`aria sono semplice personifcazione delle Iorze naturali atmosIeriche, a quanto pare, piuttosto una, anzi che anime dei trapassati trasportate sui venti e sulle nuvole, mentre invece le altre wile presentano maniIestamente la stessa origine e gli stessi caratteri che le Rusalke, con le quale coincidono (Niederle, op. cit., p. 59). 11 ,(Rusalcele n.n.) reprezint duhurile Ietelor moarte nainte de logodn. Locuiesc n palate, n Iundul apelor si i atrag pe cei imprudeni n ap, silindu-i s triasc cu ele (ap. Goicu, op.cit., p. 82). 12 Brkner, op. cit., pp. 180-181. 31 Studii / Articles dintre rusalce si elementul acvatic, precum si relaia cu srbtoarea Rusaliilor: ,Ele (rusalcele n.n.) triesc n ap de toamna pn n duminica trandafrilor (prima dup Rusalii). Atunci ies si se aseaz pe crengi, n special pe cele de mesteacn, si se leagn, strignd ctre cei ce trec: omule, hai s te legeni!`' 1 Imprudentul e constrns s suporte gdilitul pn ce moare. Totodat, n aceast perioad sunt postulate si unele interdicii legate de scldat, datorit primejdiilor pricinuite de prezena activ a rusalcelor: mbolnviri neasteptate sau nec (cel ce se scald e tras la Iundul apei si necat de Rusalki). n tradiiile Iolclorice bulgare, rusalki (sg. rusalka) sunt prezentate ca samodive, nimIe sau zne acvatice, silvestre ori cmpenesti, a cror proximitate e asociat unor toponime. Prezena unor nume de localiti ca Rusalifite / Rusalskite Grobista este legat de credina popular c samodivele joac n timpul nopii 2 . Navki / mavki, iniial daimoni Ieminini ai munilor si stncilor, avnd o Iuncie adjuvant n gestele eroice balcanice, srbe si bulgare (Cantecele funaki-lor, vitejilor), sunt asimilate, n interpretatio christiana, motivului deIunctului nempcat (sufetele copiilor nebotezai si ale Ietelor nemritate se transIorm n navke navi, cadavre). n Balcani se pstreaz att numele lor arhaice, vile (la bulgari) si samovile (la srbi si la croai), ct si motivul mitico-choreutic (vilino kolo, cercul/hora vilelor 3 ). Complexul mitico-narativ al Babei Iaga 4 , specifc Iolclorului rus, e integrat n contextul mai larg al riturilor pubertare Ieminine si al iniierilor eroice 5 : Baba Iaga ca Mam teribil 6 , izomorI cu Mama Paurii (din tradiiile orale romnesti 7 ), Buschmutter (la sasii din Tranilvania) 8 , Sima- Simodina 9 , Vila (n Iolclorul srb 10 ), Bogienca (la ucraineni 11 ), Dzivozony, Mamuny boginki (la polonezi) 12 . n elaborarea demonologiilor Iolclorice slave nu e exclus si o component dualist, cu att mai mult cu ct, dup datele Iurnizate ndeosebi de lingvistica istoric (A. Meillet, E. Benveniste, R. Jakobson), se pare c exist o conexiune strns ntre lexicul religios slav (e vorba despre comunitatea etnic slav dinainte de migraie) si cel iranian (terminologie ritual, nume de diviniti etc.), nc din mileniul I a.Chr.: ,Che queste congruenze Ira il lessico religioso iranico e quello slavo siano da interpretarsi in termini di infusso culturale dell`Iran sulla Slavia e mostratto in tutta chiarezza dalla vicenda di *aeiwos. Il passaggio di questo termine, inIatti, da dio` a demone` ha la sua giustifcazione non nella cultura slava, bensi in quella iranica, ove 1 A.E. Bogdanovici, Pere:ytki arewnfago miro:ercanifa u Biolerusow Resiaui aellantica conce:ione ael monao presso i Biancoruteni, Grodno, 1895, p. 77 ap. Brkner, op. cit., p. 177. 2 Konstantin Popov, Mestnite imena v Ra:lo:no, Sofa, 1979, p. 149. 3 Brkner, op. cit., pp. 176-177. 4 Aleksandr AIanasiev, Fiabe popolare russe, tr.it., Grandi Tascabili Economici Newton, Roma, 1994. 5 A se vedea interpretarea istoricist a lui V.I. Propp, Racinile istorice ale basmului fantastic, Editura Univers, Bucuresti, 1973, cap. III (Paurea misterioas), pp. 49-127. 6 Gh. Musu, Din istoria formelor ae cultur arhaic, Editura Stiinifc, 1973, pp. 87-101 (Baba Iaga). cI. Erich Neumann, The Great Mother. An Analysis of the Archetype, Bollingen Series XLVII, Princeton University Press, |I.a.|. 7 A se vedea, inter alia, motivul gardului cu capete umane: ,n jurul bordeiului Babei-Iaga erau nfpi 12 pari cu cte o cpn de om, numai al 12-lea era gol. (Bruyere, p. 67); cI. Vuk, p. 35 (basm srbesc): ,Numai un par striga: babo, d-mi un cap! ap. L. Sineanu, Basmele romane in comparaiune cu legenaele antice clasice i in legtur cu basmele popoarelor invecinate i ale tuturor popoarelor romantice, Bucuresti, 1895, pp. 640-641. 8 Pamfle, op. cit., p. 205. cI. Sineanu, op.cit., p. 994. 9 Dumitru Sandru, Folclor romanesc, Editura Minerva, Bucuresti, 1987, p. 437 (Descntec de sperietur, Muntenia). 10 Vuk SteIanovici Karadjic, Cantece populare sarbeti, Editura Minerva, Bucuresti, 1977, pp. 283-289 (Legenda cetii Skadar: Jila Paurii ain munte saboteaz zidirea cetii Skadar, cernd jertIa uman: gemenii Stoian si Stoiana, de negsit si prima soie de mester care va aduce a doua zi merinde), 307-308 (Balada srbeasc despre zidirea orasului Skodra). cI. Ciausanu, op. cit., p. 289. 11 ap. Pamfle, op. cit., p. 194. 12 Driade care Iur copiii oamenilor, nlocuindu-i cu ai lor ap. Pamfle, op. cit., p. 205. 32 la rivoluzione religiosa di Zarathustra aveva ridotto le antihe divinita indoiraniche al rango di demoni. Cio signifca, dunque, che l`innovazione nacque in Iran e di li passo nel mondo slavo 1 . Pentru ilustrare, ne vom reIeri la Mokosi, o divinitate slav minor, de provenien indian (demonul indian Makhas), probabil mediat de scii, Ir a se putea exclude ns o derivare direct dintr-un analogon iranian, neatestat nc. Succesorul etnografc, atestat n cultura popular rus, al lui Mokosi, este Mokosa, un duh domes tic cu cap mare si brae lungi. n acest context, ar f vorba despre un dualism sui generis, de inspiraie zoroastrian, ale crui date Iundamentale sunt transmise de populaiile slave n migraie si pe care se vor altoi ulterior elementele specifce dualismelor tardo-antice (maniheism, paulicianism) si medievale (bogomilism). Dincolo de limitele cognitive proprii istoricismului, teoria ar putea ns explica n ordine istorico-religioas succesul relativ mare pe care l-au avut ereziile dualiste n rndul populaiilor slave abia ncrestinate, att la cele din sud (bulgari, bosnieci, srbi), ct si la slavii septentrionali (ucraineni, rusi). Pentru nelegerea religiozitii populare specifce populaiilor slave timpurii, nu trebuie uitat contextul cultural-istoric n care s-a Icut ncrestinarea, nu prin convertiri individuale, ci prin conversiuni colective, impuse n general de puterea central: moravii n 863, bulgarii n 885, polonezii n 966, rusii n 988. Ultimele grupuri de slavi nc pgni sunt suprimate cu violen si, n 1168 e distrus cetatea balto-slav de la Arcona, care constituia bastionul vechilor credine 2 . Problema infuenei zoroastriene, relativ clar n termenii lingvisticii indo-europene, se complic ns atunci cnd se trece la examenul istorico-religios, dat find srcia surselor pentru religia slavilor n primul mileniu, respectiv inexistena unor texte indigene din perioada precrestin 3 . Or, bazele istoriciste ale ipotezei sucomb tocmai aici, pe Iondul precaritii verigilor intermediare probate documentar si arheologic. 1 Enrico Campanile, La religione aegli Slavi e aegli Balti, n 'Storia delle religioni (a cura di Giovanni Filoramo), vol.I (Le religioni antiche), Editori Laterza, Gius, 1994, pp. 588-589. cI. Gherardo Gnoli, Le religioni aellIran antico e Zoroastro. La religione :oroastriana, ibid., pp. 453-565. G. Gnoli, Zoroasters Time ana Homelana. A Stuay on the Origins of Ma:aeism ana Relatea Problems, Naples, 1980. 2 Campanile, op. cit., p.587. Andr Vauchez (a cura di), Storia ael cristianesimo, vol.5, Edizioni Borla/Citta Nuova, Roma, 1999. 3 'Se le cose sono abbastanze chiare dal punto di vista linguistico, manca pero, sul piano documentario, una conIerma specifca di tratti iranici nell`antica religione slava; e cio dipende dal Iatto che le nostre Ionti poverissime (...) e talora anche contraddittorie non ci permettono di rispondere nemmeno alla domanda che pur sarebbe Iondamentale in materia d`infusso ianico, se, cioe, vi siano elementi di dualismo nell`antica religione slava (Campanile, op. cit., p. 589). 33 Studii / Articles ANTOANETA OLTEANU OFRANDE RITUALE LA POPOARELE BALCANICE The present article is intended to emphasize some aspects oI the ritual oIIerings similarities and diIIerences in the context oI Balkanic area , oIIerings regarding the representations oI diseases (plague, smallpox etc.) and also representatives oI the human world. The oIIering, in its diIIerent Iorms, is a ritual instrument by which it is attempted the communication oI the actual world with the world beyond, in order to obtain a balance, a harmony between the two worlds, by calming the spirits Irom the world beyond, to protect the actual world. We shall analyse the ritual practice oI giving oIIerings oI the Balkan peoples (Romanian, Bulgarian, Serbian, Greek), in terms oI spatial and temporal, the importance oI the individualisation in space and time being wellknown. From the temporal perspective, the oIIering covers the period oI the important celebrations, days oI saints (the infuence oI the Christian common practices oI the Balkan peoples), mosi, known as the moments oI connection between the two worlds and magical practices conductive. Particular attention is given to the oIIerings given in the so-called alms in honor oI the spirits oI the dead, perIormed by all Balkan peoples. In these alms and beyond, the space coordinate is very important, as it individualizes and strengthens the practice oI ritual. In places as the cemetery, the grave, ,Apa Smbetei' gets a particular signifcance, being emphasized by the role assigned to particular objects brought as oIIerings (Iood, clothing, always accompanied by the ritual ring bread and the candle). Key words: comparative ethnology, slavic mithology, demons, ritual oIIer, popular believes Articolul si propune s puncteze cteva aspecte legate de oIrandele rituale diIerene si similtudini n contextul spaiului balcanic , oIrande care vizeaz att reprezentrile bolilor (ciuma, vrsatul etc.), ct si exponeni ai lumii umanului. OIranda, sub diverse Iorme, se constituie ca un instrument ritual prin care se ncearc comunicarea lumii de aici cu cea de dincolo, n sensul obinerii unui echilibru, a unei armonii ntre cele dou lumi, prin mbunarea spiritelor de dincolo si astIel, protejarea lumii de aici. Se analizeaz practica ritual a oIeririi oIrandei la popoarele balcanice (romni, bulgari, srbi, greci), n termeni spaiali si temporali, find cunoscut importana circumscrierii spaiale si temporale a oricrei aciuni rituale. Din punct de vedere temporal, oIranda se circumscrie perioadei marilor srbtori, mai ales religioase (infuena practicilor crestine find comun popoarelor balcanice), Mosilor, cunoscute ca momente de legtur ntre cele dou lumi si propice practicilor magice. O atenie deosebit se acord oIrandelor oIerite n cadrul asa-ziselor pomeni n cinstea spiritelor morilor, ofciate la toate popoarele balcanice. n cadrul acestor pomeni si nu numai, important este coordonata spaial care circumscrie si ntreste practica ritual. n acest sens locuri precum cimitirul, mormntul, ,Apa Smbetei capt o semnifcaie aparte, find potenat de rolul atribuit obiectelor aduse ca oIrand (alimente, obiecte vestimentare nsoite mereu de colacul ritual si de lumnare). Cuvinte cheie: etnologie comparat, mitologie, oIranda ritual, credine populare Cnd vorbim de oIrande aduse de ranii romni, ne reIerim la dou situaii n care este vorba de ritualuri ndreptate spre fine din alt lume. Avem, pe de o parte, reprezentri ale bolilor (n principal, ciuma, vrsatul) care pot aciona nemijlocit asupra viilor, producnd neplceri 34 sezoniere considerabile, si, de cealalt parte, exponeni ai lumii umanului care, prin moarte, s-au mutat n lumea cealalt, din care revin periodic pentru ,ntreinerea contactului cu rudele lor rmase n via. Datoria Ia de ei este mai degrab moral de suport material al lor n lumea cealalt, n care trebuie s se acomodeze si s duc un trai ct mai aproape de cel de acas , dar nu putem scpa din vedere nici practicile apotropaice, ntruct nemulumirea lor (venit mai ales din partea celor decedai nainte de vreme) se putea maniIesta Ioarte neplcut Ia de semenii lor vii. n ceea ce priveste analiza comparativ a oIrandelor n regiunea Balcanilor, n studiul de Ia, Ir ndoial, Ir pretenii de a f exhaustiv, vom Iace reIeriri la tradiiile bulgresti pentru a scoate n eviden, comparativ cu materialul romnesc, anumite diIerene. S nu uitm c n spaiul balcanic religia ortodox este predominant, asa c, n mare parte, oIrandele tradiionale aduse morilor sunt infuenate de prescripiile religioase, asa c nu vom insista asupra acestor elemente. Ofrande aduse demonilor bolilor n reprezentrile populare romnesti de sIrsit de secol al XIX-lea si nceput de secol al XX- lea, demonii redutabili, pstrai n memoria popular n numeroase credine, sunt ciuma si vrsatul. Sub infuena crestinismului, le-a Iost alocat un sInt patron sau mai muli (aceiasi si la bulgari si la romni), n zilele crora se si perIormeaz rudimentele de ritual sacrifcial. Selecia noastr, desi ntmpltoare (sau determinat numai de numrul mare de credine si practici rituale pstrate) este susinut de o credin romneasc interesant: SI. Haralambie, se spune, ,strnge toate bolile din lume, iar SI. Varvara le ine nchise sub o piatr mare 1 . Ciuma era marcat pe 18 ianuarie, de SI. Atanasie, si pe 10 Iebruarie, de SI. Haralambie. Ca la toate pomenirile rituale, se Iceau colaci, sfnii la biseric, sau azime simple, calde, mprite apoi vecinilor si celor din cas; pentru mbunarea sIntului si a bolii, ,ca s se ndure sIntul si s nu dea drumul ciumei din lan 2 , pinile puteau f unse cu zahr, miere sau cu unt 3 ; se putea da de poman coliv, mai ales trectorilor. Cu aceast ocazie, din colacii sfnii, se puteau obine remedii pentru tratamentele viitoare: o parte din pinea ritual era pstrat si Iolosit cnd apreau cazuri de boal. Printre remediile Irecvente se numra si agheasma, obinut n aceast zi: ,n aceast zi se obisnuieste s se Iac agheasm, adic pltesc preotului ca s le sfneasc ap, care e bun pentru Ielurite boli; o parte din ap este but, cu o parte se spal, parte o dau vitelor de but sau stropesc cu dnsa vitele, grajdurile, surile, iar restul l arunc prin Intni 4 . n cazuri extreme, cu practici ce amintesc de trecutele jertIe sngeroase, chiar umane, se tia o gin care era preparat si dat de poman n cinstea sIntului. n vechime ns, oamenii nu pregetau s-si sacrifce un semen pentru a scpa de molim (n cazul de Ia, holer): ,ntr-un sat, dac a vzut c nu mai scap de holer, oamenii au luat un biat voinic, i-au Icut o groap n pmnt, adnc ct el si strmt, asa ca s poat sta un om n picioare. Au luat apoi biatul, l-au pus n groap si au pus pmnt peste el de viu, si el a murit acolo. Asa a scpat satul de holer 5 . Reminiscenele credinelor populare mai vechi, bulgresti si srbesti, Iac reIerire la cium sau holer vzute ca niste personifcri ale destinului. Asemeni ursitoarelor, demonii atac numai oamenii menii s se mbolnveasc, evident, n urma unor greseli de ritual Icute. Ciuma si 1 Th.D. Sperania, Rspunsuri la chestionarul ae srbtori pganeti, B.A.R., 1907., VI, I. 181. 2 Iaem, VI, I. 179. 3 Ibiaem, I, I. 286; II, I. 40 v., 111v; III, I. 11v.; VI, I. 15 v.; 154. 4 Simion Florea Marian, Srbtorile la romani, I, Bucuresti, Editura Fundaiei Culturale Romne, Bucuresti, 1994, p. 194. 5 I.A. Candrea, Folclorul meaical roman comparat. Privire general. Meaicina magic, Polirom, 1999, pp. 141-142. 35 Studii / Articles atac victimele cu sgei sau le taie capul cu o coas. Ea are o list de nume (tefter) ale persoanelor pe care trebuie s le atace cnd se apropie de sat. De regul se opreste la hotar, lng o Intn; i ntreab pe oamenii venii la ap despre casele pe care le caut; vine numai dup cei pctosi (,Dac e primit cu cinste sau dac se pzeste curenia si nu se Iac pcate, atunci nu omoar. De aceea, cnd se aude de cium, fecare se grbeste s-si curee curtea, casa, cosarele si pivniele, se Iereste de a Iura sau de a mini, iar brbatul nu umbl dup Iemeie n vremea ct colind ciuma 1 ). La srbi, de asemenea, ciuma are la gt o carte, n care sunt scrise numele celor care trebuie s moar 2 . Tot o asemnare cu demonii destinului se poate Iace si n urma mesei speciale pregtite pentru ea, pine, vin si sare, ca un obol adus din partea credinciosilor. Credinele grecilor, asemntoare, sunt mai mult dect convingtoare: ,ciumele sunt n numr de trei: prima are n mn o Ioaie mare de hrtie, a doua, o pereche de IoarIeci, iar a treia, o mtur. Prima nscrie numele n catastiI, a doua si rneste victima, iar a treia o mtur 3 . O credin interesant, izolat, la bulgari, e aceea reIeritoare la cium vzut ca un gardian al cureniei. Asa cum am vzut mai sus, i predepseste cu precdere pe oamenii care nu-si cur gospodria n cinstea ei; mai mult, nevoia de a-si pstra curat copilul care o nsoeste pretudindeni i-a Icut pe oameni s-i pregteasc o oIrand mai puin ntlnit: ,n fecare cas se pregteste cte o albie si un pieptene, si n fecare sear se toarn n ea ap cald, pentru ca, noaptea, cnd va sosi ciuma cu copilul ei, s-l poat sclda 4 . Jrsatul, bubatul era prznuit ntr-un ciclu de trei zile, ntre 4 si 6 decembrie (acelasi lucru se ntmpl si la bulgari). SI. Varvara, ca patroan principal, dar si SI. Sava si Nicolae erau patronii bolii, care cunostea, n reprezentrile populare, trei Iorme uzuale, fecreia dintre ele alocndu- i-se cte o zi. Ca si n cazul credinelor balcanice reIeritoare la cium, vrsatul era trimis, n mentalitatea popular, ca urmare a nclcrii unor interdicii, ca pedeaps pentru necuviin s.a. n ceea ce priveste cuplul Iormat, credinele romnesti oIer inIormaii interesante: Varvara si Sava (se spune uneori c Varvara e sora sIntului Nicolae sau SI. Varvara si SI. Sava sunt prinii sIntului Nicolae) 5 sunt dou sfnte ce umbl cu vrsatul din sat n sat, din cas n cas, si celor care n-au inut aceast srbtoare li se trimite boala copiilor 6 . Asa cum am spus, la romni se crede c n aceste trei zile serbate se mparte bubatul (vrsatul): mare, mic, mijlociu 7 . Aceasta e si reprezentarea bulgarilor care, mai conservatori, vorbesc concret de personifcarea bolii si nu de o aparen crestin a ei. Vrsatul este cunoscut n medicina popular sub mai multe nume Sarka, Baba Sarka, Blaga-Medena , find ipostaziat ns de trei surori: Edria, Brusnia, Sipania. Ziua consacrat lor este ns 9 martie, dar oIranda ritual este turta uns cu miere, mprit rudelor si vecinilor. Si aici sunt reIeriri la o jertI animal, care trebuie preparat numai n condiii speciale: pn nu se vindec bolnavul si nu se conving c nu se va mai mbolnvi nimeni se interzice s se farb n cas gina-oIrand. Dac jertIa este oprit, atunci va f oprit si duhul bolii, care, de durere, l va omor pe bolnav. De aceea jertIa se ferbe n vecini 8 . 1 Iaem, p.136. 2 V.V. Slasciov, Sravnitelnafa characteristika persona:ef ukrainskof naroanof aemonologii i aemonologiceskich persona:ef serbov, cernogorcev, chorvatov, musliman, MGU, 1992, p. 219. 3 Candrea, op.cit., p. 136. 4 E.M Nazarova, Bolgarskafa mifologiceskafa leksika v etnograhceskom i etnolingvisticeskom osvescenii, MGU, 1986, p. 175. 5 Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 132 v; VII, I. 191 v. 6 Ibiaem, III, I. 219. 7 Iaem, I, II. 309 v; 69 v; II, I. 34 v. 8 Nazarova, op.cit., p. 155. 36 Ritualul de mbunare si de protecie cuprindea, la romni, mai multe episoade: realizarea oIrandei rituale, de regul turte cu nuc, unse cu miere (barburii), oIerite direct demonului, n locuri de trecere, consacrate reprezentanilor lumii celeilalte (,Femeile care au copii Iac dou turte n acea zi si una se pune la streasina casei. Se spune c vrsatul, cnd trece pe lng acea cas, se abate, mnnc din turt, bea ap si apoi pleac nainte, la alt cas) 1 sau druite, ca mprtsanie, chiar copiilor din cas. O alt oIrand, asociat si ea, asemeni colacului, lumii morilor, este apa lsat peste noapte, pentru a f consumat de demon. Lng cas se mai pune o coI cu ap, n credina c, atunci cnd va trece vrsatul, s mnnce din turta pus la streasin, s bea ap din coI si s plece mai departe, la alt cas. Tot ca o reminiscen a meselor de poman pentru mosi, de care vom vorbi mai jos, ntlnim si reIeriri la oIrande complexe: Iemeile mpart pine (trei turtie necoapte), o strachin de Iasole nefart, o sticl cu vin si un caier de ln sau de cnep. Aceasta ca s fe Bubatul bun ca pinea si ca vinul, moale ca boabele de Iasole si ca lna 2 . La bulgari, de SI. Varvara, apreau reprezentri asemntoare cu cele ale romnilor. Ca si n cazul Ciumei, Baba Sarka (de aceast dat sor a SI. Nicolae, alturi de Sava), putea f suprat pe oameni dac n cas nu era curenie; nevoia ei de curenie se explic si prin prezena, n cadrul oIrandei, a sticlei cu ap si stergarului. Ca si la romni, se prepara o mncare pe baz de boabe ferte (varvarka), de gru sau porumb. Sunt prezente de asemenea turtele unse cu mierea gesturile magice de ungere a copiilor, cu valoare aprotropaic, dar mai ales de propiiere, de mbunare a duhului bolii: ,Mamele obisnuiesc s-si mbrbureze copiii, ungndu-i pe Ia cu miere, cu ap n care s-a topit zahr etc., ca s fe Ierii copiii de vrsat sau de Iriguri, sau, dac s-au mbolnvit, boala s fe dulce ca mierea, ca zahrul s.a.m.d. n apa cu care se spal copiii s-a splat n prealabil o icoan, pentru ca Iaa copiilor s fe curat ca icoana 3 . Practici asemntoare se Iceau si de SI. Marina (17 iulie), tot pentru protecia mpotriva vrsatului: ,Este obiceiul c se Iace pine cald si se unge cu miere, si unge si copiii pe Ia cu miere, ca s nu dea vrsatul peste copii 4 . Ofrande aduse morilor OIrandele aduse morilor pot f disjunse n jertIe oIerite nemijlocit la nmormntare sau n perioada consacrat transIerului total al rposatului pe lumea cealalt, respectiv sacrifcii din cadrul cultului general al morilor, n care erau mbunai nu exponeni izolai ai morilor Iamiliei, ci ntreaga comunitate. nmormntarea find unul dintre actele ce presupunea implicarea activ a ntregii comunitii, nu e de mirare c si la actele de pomenire se presupunea participarea nu numai a Iamiliei lrgite, ci a neamului, a vecinilor, a satului ntreg. Fie c e vorba de nmormntare sau de Mosi (raaunia), oIrandele erau, n principal, constituite din aceleasi elemente impuse de ceremonialul Iunerar. Aceasta si pentru c prima poman Icut pentru mort putea s nu f Iost sufcient sau corect realizat, si atunci pomana din cadrul Mosilor putea ndrepta unele omisiuni importante. n rndurile ce urmeaz ne vor reIeri aproape exclusiv la materiale romnesti, Icnd cteva reIeriri la credinele popoarelor nvecinate numai cnd sunt elemente diIereniatoare. 1 Candrea, op.cit., p. 170 2 Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 211. 3 Tudor Pamfle , Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu etnograhc, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 1997, p. 234. 4 Adrian Fochi, Datini i eresuri populare ae la sfaritul secolului al XIX-lea. Rspunsuri la chestionarele lui Nicolae Densuianu, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1976, p.191. 37 Studii / Articles a. Primele oIrande aduse rposatului erau nc acas, nainte de nmormntare. ,Masa de sicriu se Icea n ajunul nmormntrii, noaptea, cnd era ncrcat masa cu bucate si lsat asa pn n zori, pentru ca sufetul mortului s poat mnca n voie. Uneori aceast mas era ntins pe toat durata priveghiului (cele trei zile). Credine din Maramures spun nc c aceast mas se punea si pentru ursitoare, care apreau astIel pentru ultima dat n viaa rposatului, la cptiul lui: ,Atunci cnd moare cineva, se punea pe mas un pahar cu horinc, mncare pentru ursitoare. Vin si cnd moare un om, da nu le vede nimeni n cas, pn dimineaa a treia zi 1 . OIrandele aduse la nmormntare nu se deosebesc Ioarte mult de cele druite la srbtorile specifce. Nu lipsesc lumnarea si colacul, indispensabile sufetului mortului n drumul spre lumea cealalt, banul sau banii oIerii, apa, lsat n cas, peste noapte, sau slobozit (crat de o Iat timp de trei pn la patruzeci si patru de zile la vecinii rposatului, mai apoi la sase luni, un an sapte ani...), tmierea si, nu n ultimul rnd, oIrandele alimentare tradiionale: coliva, alimentele de post sau de dulce, butur. n general, colacii nu aveau reprezentri variate. Totusi, n Banat, de exemplu, se Iceau, de Florii, colaci ornamentai cu aluat, n diIerite fguri, pentru toi membrii Iamiliei, de mrime diIerit, n Iuncie de vrsta fecrui membru al Iamiliei 2 . Nu lipsesc nici vesmintele oIerite de poman, spre a-l mbrca, pe lumea cealalt, pe mortul proaspt disprut (toate acestea oIerite, de regul, la patruzeci de zile de la moarte, cu ocazia parastasului Icut atunci). Cnd pomana se Icea acas, dup nmormntare, n aIara meselor pentru oamenii venii, se mai amenaja o mas special pentru rposat, de regul, rotund, pe care se punea mncare, butur, colac si lumnare. Lng aceast mas se punea si un scunel, precum si un toiag (uneori o creang de mr mpodobit). b. Moyii b.1. Condiionarea temporal: Cele mai multe meniuni din secolul al XIX-lea atest, n satul tradiional romnesc, urmtoarele zile consacrate pomenilor rituale: Mosii de Crciun, Mosii de iarn (smbta dinaintea Lsatului de Sec), Mosii de primvar (de Sntoaderi), Mosii de Sfni (Mucenicii), Mosii de presimi, Mosii de Florii, Mosii de Joimari, Mosii de Pasti, Pastele Blajinilor, Mosii de Sngeorz, Mosii de Ispas, Mosii de Rusalii (Mosii de var), Mosii de Rusitori, Mosii de Snziene, Mosii de Sn-Petru, Mosii de Snt-Ilie, Mosii de Schimbarea la Ia, Mosii de Snt-Maria Mare, Mosii de Ziua Crucii, Mosii de Smedru, Mosii de fori de mrisor, Mosii de schimbarea patronului casei, Mosii de curastr (din laptele muls a treia zi dup ce Itase vaca). Momentele cnd se putea stabili o legtur ntre lumea noastr si cealalt, a morilor, le constituiau, Ir ndoial, marile srbtori, hotare temporale recunoscute ca atare si Iolosite si n numeroase practici magice. Acum erau recomandate cu deosebire oIrandele alimentare, care puteau ajunge cu siguran la destinarii ce prsiser de mult lumea alb. Momentul era extrem de important, cu att mai mult cu ct gestul magic Icut acum avea un impact semnifcativ pe lumea cealalt: ,La Mosii de Var si de Iarn toi rposaii ntru Domnul mnnc si se satur bine din aburul ferturilor date de poman, asa c poate s le ajung pentru un an ntreg; ,Lumnarea pe care o dai n aceast zi si masa nu se vor mai sIrsi niciodat 3 . Dintre toi acesti mosi, unii aveau un caracter mai general, de pomenire a tuturor morilor Iamiliei, cunoscui si uitai. La Mucenici, de exemplu, exista obiceiul Iacerii unor colcei 1 Florica Lorin, Mariana Kahane, O iposta: a ursitoarelor in creaine i ceremonialuri, n Folclor literar, II, Timisoara, 1968, p.181. 2 Valer Butur, Cultur spiritual romaneasc, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1992, p.343. 3 Sperania, op.cit., V, I. 345 v, VIII, I. 33 v. 38 antropomorf, numii branauei, braaoi, unsi cu miere, oIerii n general copiilor. n unele locuri, n aIara lor, se mai Icea un colac special, mai mare, numit, semnifcativ, uitata, pentru sufetul morilor care n timpul anului ar f Iost uitai nepomenii. Colacul era jucat de copii n jurul Iocului din curte, uns mai apoi cu miere si consumat 1 . Painea uitailor se Icea si de Joia Mare o turt de Iin, crestat pe margini 2 . Altele dintre aceste pomeniri intrau n categoria pomenirilor sezoniere. nainte de a se bucura de buntile aduse de fecare anotimp, cei vii erau obligai s aduc mici oIrande specifce morilor, pentru a se putea delecta mai n voie de consumul respectiv. Asa erau Mosii de fori de mrisor, primvara, cnd se druiau bucheele de fori de primvar (ghiocei, aglice, micsunele); Mosii de Sngiorz lapte, cas; Mosii de var cirese; Mosii de Snziene, Sn-Petru si de SI. Ilie presupunea mprtsirea cu mere dulci, castravei (Mosii de SI. Ilie: La SI. Ilie morii vin pe la casele lor. Femeile cheam copii strini de prin sat si, adunndu-i sub un mr nescuturat, l scutur pentru ntia dat, ca s culeag copiii mere, iar morii s se veseleasc. Femeile n vrst nu mnnc mere pn n aceast zi, iar acum, mprind pentru sufetul rposailor, mnnc si ele 3 ), de Schimbarea la Ia sau SI. Maria se ddeau de poman struguri (coliv de struguri) sau porumb s.a.m.d. n aIara acestor mari srbtori ale mosilor, smbta (anumite smbete din an sau orice smbt) era consacrat morilor si mai ales pomenilor aduse acestora. Credinele romnesti reIeritoare la caracterul Iunerar al acestei zile a sptmnii sunt numeroase: ,Ce dai n ziua ei, vezi pe ceea lume. Smbta orisice dai e poman. Poman s Iaci toat sptmna, dar, dac n-ai Icut smbta, nu-i primit. Smbta cerul e deschis, atuncia asteapt sufetele si se uit, oare le-a trimis ceva, de pe ast lume. Dac nu li s-a dat nimic, se supr si se roag la sufetele celea, crora li s-a dat de acas; acelea stau la mas cu ceea ce li s-a dat dinainte. ,mprumut-mi si mie pn smbt, zice sufetul, c poate mi-or da si i-oi da napoi!' Dar dac si smbta viitoare nu capt, atunci sufetul cruia i-i dator vine si-l pisc si cere: ,D-mi ce-i al meu!!' Sufetul plnge si blestem: ,S dea Dumnezeu pn la anul s vin si ei aici, neamurile ce are, s vad cum m necjesc eu!' 4 . Exist o explicaie pentru preIerina necondiionat pentru aceast zi: Raiul numai smbta e deschis si atuncea sufetele intr. Sufetele trebuie s stea n iad pn ce-si Iac canonul, si dac ies peste sptmn stau pn smbt la SI. Petru si smbt dimineaa, pe la rsritul soarelui, cnd prind cucosii a cnta, raiul se deschide si sufetele intr, iar iadul se nchide, cci dracii nu pot suIeri s aud cucosii cntnd. Iadul numai ct smbta si duminica e nchis. Smbta, cnd dm noi aici de poman, si duminica, cnd se roag preoii 5 . b.2. Condiionarea spaial: Nu ntmpltor, tot acum se credea c sufetele morilor, mai ales n ajunul srbtorii, coboar n lumea aceasta, pentru a se mai bucura o dat de ea 6 , sau, 1 Butur, op.cit., p.341. 2 Iaem, p.343. 3 Pamfle, op.cit., pp. 131, 132 4 Elena Niculi-Voronca, Datinile i creainele poporului roman, aaunate i ae:ate in oraine mitologic, Ed. Saeculum vizual, Bucuresti, 2008, I, p. 270; II, p. 217 5 Niculi-Voronca, op.cit., I, p. 318 6 Cei care vedeneau de Crciun rmneau pe pmnt pn la Boboteaz, iar, n cealalt jumtate a anului, soseau la Joi-Mari si plecau de Smbta Mosilor, nainte de Rusalii. n unele locuri, Iemeile, n preajma Pastelui, mergeau la morminte si le tmiau, invitndu-i la plecare pe mori s revin n sat cu ele (,Sculai, sculai/ si acas-aidai! (Butur, p.344). Morii mai zburau la cer si de Ispas, de aceea atunci se ddeau de poman pentru ei azime calde, ceap verde si rachiu, ca hran de drum (Butur, op.cit., p.345). 39 Studii / Articles dup altele credine, stteau la poarta raiului, unde asteptau cu nerbdare oIrandele ce li se cuveneau. De aceea se recomandau Iocurile rituale (ca la Joi-Mari, SI. Dumitru, de exemplu), la care spiritele se puteau nclzi, si, nu n ultimul rnd, mesele lsate ntinse si peste noapte (ca la Crciun, Anul Nou, Lsatul de Sec s.a.), din care se nIruptau si rposaii (uneori, la srbtori mai mici, era sufcient s se lase pentru ei pe mas un pahar cu ap si un colac; n alte situaii, asteptarea lor se Icea cu Iast: pentru ei se scotea aIar o mas, pe care se puneau colaci si ap, dar se aduceau si scaune, pe care s se odihneasc 1 , ca, de altIel, la prima poman, dup nmormntare). n unele situaii, reprezentarea nu Icea reIerire la prezena fzic a sufetului mortului pe pmnt; n locurile sacralizate, cum erau cimitirul si chiar mormntul, se putea realiza cu siguran un transIer mai bun, de aceea, mai ales n perioada srbtorilor de primvar, se obisnuia datul de poman peste mormnt (Joi Mari, Paste, Ispas). De asemenea, un alt loc/ instrument sacralizat ce asigura o legtur necondiionat cu lumea cealalt era Apa Smbetei, vzut, mitic, ca o ap ce, nconjurnd pmntul, sIrseste pe lumea cealalt, dar si orice ap care, n ziua de smbt, putea s devin un mesager: ,cnd nu se putea da cuiva un lucru de poman, se arunca pe ap smbta, n credina c atunci sunt mai bine primite, c astIel ajung n apa Smbetei, care le va duce n locurile cuvenite 2 . ntruct cea de-a doua cale era mai complicat si era mai difcil ca pomana s ajung unde trebuie, exista obiceiul de a meni pomana, de a indica persoana creia i se destina. Oamenii spuneau: ,Pomana trebuie s-o menesti, c, dac nu-i numit, nu se atinge sufetul mortului de ea 3 . Punctul de destinaie al apei Smbetei era Valea cu Dor, cum era numit, metaIoric, inutul morilor. Cteva rspunsuri din chestionarul lui Sperania precizeaz mai bine ce se ntmpl cu pomana adus morilor la Mosii de Rusalii: n aceste zile se desteapt toi morii si se duc pe Valea cu Dor. Acolo gsesc tot ce li s-a dat de poman n cursul anului. Cine nu gseste nimic ia rn n poal si se ntoarce mhnit. Oalele se mpart, pentru ca cei mori s aib cu ce bea ap pe lumea cealalt. n zilele de Mosi se lucreaz orice, dar nu se toarce, cci se crede c se ntorc colacii de la mori ndrt. Acum nu se dau lturile aIar, c bieii mori stau cu gurile cscate n aceast zi, asteptnd colaci, si lturile le dau n gura lor. Nu se mtur, c se d praI n ochii morilor, care stau dup us, pn a doua zi, cnd, dup terminarea liturghiei, si iau zborul ctre cer 4 . b.3. Implicarea comunitii: Pentru morii Iamiliei sau pentru propria persoan 5 , de poman se putea da oricnd considera de cuviin omul. Existau ns zile din an n care ntreaga comunitate instituionalizase pomenirile, din dorina de a se asigura c nu vor f situaii de nerespectare a memoriei celor disprui si satul ntreg va f Ierit de eventuale nemulumiri ale morilor neamului. Cele mai simple pomeniri constau dintr-un colac si o lumnare, mprite vecinilor sau strinilor, accesibile oricui. n unele cazuri se organizau si mese pentru ntreaga comunitate, de regul n curtea bisericii, cnd fecare Iamilie venea cu pomana, pe care o punea fe pe mese special conIecionate, pstrate la biseric, sau pe Iee de mas puse direct pe pmnt. Din puinele descrieri ale acestor obiceiuri, afm c masa (amplasat pe latura sudic sau nordic a bisericii) 1 Butur, op.cit., p.340. 2 Iaem, p.345. 3 Apua Ion H. Ciubotaru, Marea trecere. Repere etnologice in ceremonialul funebru ain Molaova, Ed. Grai si sufet Cultura naional, Bucuresti, 1999, p.196. 4 Sperania, op.cit., II, I. 106 v; III, II. 14 v; 169 v; V, I. 26 v. 5 n Moldova de Jos era obiceiul ca oamenii s dea de poman, pentru propria persoan, ntr-o zi de smbt, tot ce le va trebui pe lumea cealalt (Butur, p.345). 40 era ,alctuit din dou grinzi masive Irumos cioplite si mprite, prin linii transversale, n sectoare reprezentnd neamurile. Uneori streasina acoperisului bisericii era prelungit, pentru a oIeri adpost mesenilor 1 . La cele mai multe biserici, mesele erau cioplite din piatr, rotunde sau dreptunghiulare, afate sub cerul liber, nsirate unele dup altele, pe neamuri (cum se poate vedea n Iaa bisericii de lemn din Surdesti). n aIar de mesele organizate la Mosi, romnii mai Iac mese colective si cu ocazia hramului bisericii din localitate, srbtori de si mai mare amploare, la care sunt invitate rude din alte asezri, chiar ndeprtate, precum si locuitori ai satelor nvecinate. Masa de la hram seamn oarecum cu ceea ce se ntmpl n ntregul spaiu balcanic. Spre deosebire de bulgari, de exemplu, sau de srbi, care Iac kurban sau slava, masa presupune sacrifcarea unui animal sau a mai multe, dar Ir un ritual specifc, n care se s fe implicai nemijlocit donatorii. Mai mult, n fnalul petrecerii, pus integral sub semnul Iunerarului, nu se admit dansurile colective, de nici un Iel. Hora, chiar si Iunerar, este o raritate n spaiul romnesc, spre deosebire de bulgari, unde si avea un rost bine consfnit de tradiie: ,la biseric, de nedeie, se Icea pomenirea viilor si morilor; pe vremuri se Icea si hor. inea o zi si o noapte 2 . Spre deosebire de pomenirile individuale eIectuate n curtea bisericii, unde fecare Iamilie si expunea oIrandele, pe care le schimba mai apoi cu constenii sau pe neamuri, la hram alimentele erau puse si consumate la comun. Toate Iamiliile din sat contribuiau cu ceva la prnzul care se punea pentru mori, la hram, n curtea bisericii. La SI. Gheorghe, de exemplu, la hramul bisericii se asezau mese n curtea bisericii si se Icea o mas comun pentru tot satul. Se pregteau bors cu peste, sarmale, pilaI, Iriptur, brnz. Se Icea colac si coliv. La SI. Maria Mare se Icea mas pentru strinii din alte sate, apoi pentru cei din sat. Nu era obligatoriu ca cei din sat s mnnce. n ograda bisericii sunt mese si scaune Icute de oameni. De vreo 20-30 de ani, doi, trei oameni strng banii de la toi, se duc la Iasi si cumpr ce trebuie. Se strngeau Iemeile la o cas alturi de biseric si pregteau bor, sarmale, chiper (ardei) umplui, perje cu carne, pilaI. Acum se pune brnz, msline, mezel, Iriptur, prjoale, cozonac 3 . Caracterul de oIrand este dat si de Iaptul c, n multe locuri, donatorii pomenii trebuia s-i serveasc pe cei invitai la hram, ei nsisi mncnd mai apoi acas, la un mini-hram n Iamilie. Singura excepie o constituiau cele mai srace persoare din satul ce organiza hramul, care erau invitate si ele la mas. De Iapt, este general la romni credina c pomana e mai bine primit dac este dat unor strini si unor sraci, nu rudelor rposatului sau celor care o oIer. Asa cum am menionat mai sus, hora ritual la pomenirilor romnilor este o excepie. Nu este vorba nici de o consfnire a ceremoniei sau de valoare apotropaic, asa cum se ntmpl la bulgari. Pentru pomenirea morilor se Icea hor la Spasovden. Dup revenirea de la cimitir, oamenii se adunau n piaa satului si jucau hora, orientat spre stnga, n cinstea morilor. Hore speciale pentru mori se Iceau, la romni, mai ales de Paste, o hor special nainte de hora propriu-zis a viilor, comandat de membrii Iamiliei care dorea s-si pomeneasc membrul decedat: n prima si a doua zi de Pasti se Iace hora de poman, la care morii vin si privesc pn asfneste soarele. Celui decedat, fcu ori Iat, i sunt menit trei hore. Familia mparte n timpul jocului ou rosii, dulciuri, butur, bucheele de fori, batiste, legturi de cap, prosoape, stergare etc. Pe alocuri se mpart si pui de mr. Un fcu duce pomul la casa celui decedat la locul unde se desIsoar hora, urmat de Iamilie, care poart oIrandele; alaiul este nsoit si de lutari 4 . 1 Butur, op.cit., p.349. 2 Srbtori i obiceiuri, I, coord. I. Ghinoiu, Ed. Enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 2001, I, p.225. 3 Iaem, IV, 2004, p.328. 4 Marcela Bratiloveanu-Popilian, Obiceiuri ae primvar ain Oltenia. Calenaarul ortoaox i practica popular, Ed. Constantin Matasa, Piatra-Neam Bucuresti, 2001, p.174-175. 41 Studii / Articles Iniial, hora se Icea numai pentru morii necstorii, acum se Iace si pentru cei tineri, de pn la vreo 40 de ani, indiIerent dac au murit cu sau Ir lumnare: Acum se cumpr un brad de hrtie, se aduce acas, vin lutarii, cnt; dac mortul e dnac, pomul este dus de un biat, iar dac mortul a Iost nsurat, este purtat de un brbat. Lutarii cnt acas si pe drum, pn la locul cu hora, se ntorc si iau si ceilali pomi, iar cnd s-au adus toi ncepe jocul. nainte joac cel ce a adus pomul, urmat mai apoi de mai muli biei, neamuri, de ali biei, Iete, neveste, brbai etc. Se Iace trei ani la rnd 1 . Tot n aceast categorie trebuie incluse si dansurile Iunerare interpretate la srbtorile consacrate morilor. Vom exemplifca, n rndurile de mai jos, cu Lioara, practicat de obicei de Iete n unele cimitire din Bihor a doua zi de Paste, n Duminica Tomii sau de Rusalii. Mai poate f numit Jocul pe morminte, Moara, Mioara, Milioara, Jocul Felegii. Ceremonialul ncepe n cimitir (jocul pe morminte), nconjoar biserica si apoi se continu prin antrenarea si a altor persoane, pe uliele satului, peste cmpuri, spre satele nvecinate. n timpul jocului, rolul suratelor din lumea de dincolo, care poart nume de fori (Lioara, Viorica, Milioara s.a.) este interpretat de suratele lor din lumea de aici. Dansul se compune din mai multe secvene ceremoniale; mprirea suratelor n dou cete inegale (una din cete are o surat n plus); aranjarea suratelor lor de o parte si de alta a mormntului; trecerea suratelor din ceata mai mare n ceata mai mic, cte una, n ordinea textului rostit sau cntat de participante sub Iorm de dialog (Ietele din ceata mic sunt invitate s-si aleag o surat din ceata cea mare) cu scopul, subneles, al reIacerii echilibrului ntre lumea de aici si lumea de dincolo; constituirea perechilor (o surat de aici cu o surat de dincolo); construirea podului, un tunel prin ridicarea braelor suratelor perechi care se in de o nuia, batist, nIram; trecerea pe sub pod (tunel) dintr-o lume n alta a persoanelor nsoite 2 . b.4. Coninutul pomenii: n Iuncie de anotimp si, desigur, de pregtirea material a gospodarilor, coninutul pomenii era diIerit. Indispensabile erau colacii, lumnrile, pe cnd variabilele erau sarmalele, carnea de porc, crnaii, piItiile (iarna), Iasolea, prunele uscate s.a. Coliva, un aliment pus n legtur exclusiv cu lumea morilor, era prezent Irecvent la Mosii de iarn, Mosii cei mari (SI. Dumitru). Se Icea din boabe de gru fert ndulcit cu miere, n care putea f amestecat nuc pisat. La Mosii de iarn, de exemplu, cu o sptmn pn la Postul Mare, se mpreau vase de lut cu sarmale, rcituri, lapte cu tocmagi. Pe ulcioare se puneau colaci. Dac ddeai sapte ulcioare cu ap puin ndulcit si o lumnare, Iormai un izvor pe lumea cealalt. Aceasta era valabil pentru orice srbtoare. Se mai ddea cte un obiect de mbrcminte: o cmsu, o bucic de pnz, la casele mai srace. La Mosii de Rusalii se mpreau strchini, ulcele de lemn, linguri de lemn; pilaI, sarmale, tiei cu lapte, orez cu lapte, Iriptur. n vase se punea lapte, vin, ap. Se puneau trandafri la coada cnii. nainte se puneau si Iragi, cinci, sase cnie, ci mori aveau. De cni se legau cu a colacii 3 . Srbtoarea prin excelen a morilor o constituiau Mosii de Smedru (Mosii de toamn, Mosii cei mari). n aIara Iocurilor rituale ce se aprindeau pentru nclzirea sufetelor morilor, oIrandele alimentare cuprindeau Iructe de sezon (mere, pere, prune, nuci), colaci sau covrigi (eventual pine cald), gru fert, eventual lapte, brnz si, bineneles, lumnarea 4 . n aceast zi se invocau spiritele mosilor pentru sntate, belsug, spor n cas: ,Voi, mosi strmosi,/ S-mi 1 Iaem. 2 Ion Ghinoiu, Comoara satelor. Calenaar popular, Ed. Academiei Romne, Bucuresti, 2005, p.91-92. 3 Srbtori, IV, p.336, 340. 4 Butur, op.cit., p.348. 42 fi tot voiosi,/ S-mi dai spor n cas,/ Mult pe mas,/ Cu mult ajutor/ n cmpul cu fori! 1 . La Mosii de ajun, un alt moment ritual important, pe lng alimentele specifce (turte nmuiate n ap cu zahr, presrate cu miez de nuc pisat sau cu semine pisate de cnep, blide umplute cu bob Icluit si prune ferte, colaci, vin rosu, gru fert, ndulcit cu miere sau cu zahr), morii primeau acum colindeele bee din lemn de alun, decorate romburi albe si negre ce alternau , date de poman sau nfpte n morminte, lng cruce, ,pentru a f morilor la ndemn n noaptea de ajun, cnd se deschid mormintele (n unele locuri se mai atest si astzi punerea n groapa mortului a unui toiag sau b). Apa dat de poman aprea la Mosii care presupuneau mprirea de recipiente (Mosii de Iarn, de Rusalii, Joia-Mare, Ovidenie). Ritualul cel mai elaborat se Icea de Joi-Mari (cte trei cobilie de ap, vrsat pe iarb, parte pentru mori, parte pentru Iertilitate; ap era vrsat si pe mormintele morilor), de Rusitori (Marea morilor), cnd avea loc obiceiul slobozirii apelor, unde o Iat nrudit cu mortul ncepea s care ap la casele vecinilor de sufetul morilor. n trecut, n Joia Pastelui se desIsura obiceiul Joiele, la care participau Ietelor ntre 13 si 15 ani (nainte de a se prinde n hor), care continua sase-opt sptmni dup Pasti, n fecare joi. Fetele Iormau grupuri de cte sase-opt si fecare Iat avea ,joia ei. Ritualul are un pronunat caracter Iamilial si Iunerar. Obiceiul dura nou ani. Dup ce o Iat care l-a nceput crestea si se mrita, era continuat de alt Iat din Iamilie si tot asa pn la nou ani, pn se umplea Intna morilor. Miercuri, naintea Joii Mari, la asfnit, fecare Iat, Ir a f vzut de nimeni, si spa ,joia ei, adic un san n Iorm de cruce, ncadrat de un dreptunghi cu colurile rotunjite. n Joia Mare, la rsritul soarelui, se Icea prima udare. Fiecare ,joi se uda cu trei cobilie (sase glei) de ap. Apoi fecare Iat ducea trei cobilie de ap btrnilor si bolnavilor. Timp de sase- opt joi la rnd, dup Pasti pn la Mosii de var, Ietele procedau la Iel. De Mosi, la prima udare, Ietele schimbau ntre ele dou vase umplute cu ap si acoperite cu custuri de pnz. Pe toat durata ritualului, stenii aveau grij s nu calce ,joiele spate, stiind crei Iete i aparine 2 . n sIrsit, un element ntlnit, dup stiina noastr, mai rar n spaiul balcanic, l reprezint pomul de poman. n satele romnesti, la nmormntri, pomul de poman (de regul, un brad) se Icea numai pentru morii tineri, nelumii. n regiunea Transilvaniei se ntlnea ns pomul se ntlnea si la pomana de dup nmormntare, Ir a se Iace reIerire la vrsta celui rposat: ,pe lng bucatele ce se af (la masa de comnd n.n. A.O.), care, de obicei, sunt sup de tiei si Iriptur, se pune un colac mare n care se mplnt un copcel ncrcat cu mere, turte, covrigi, prune si nuci si apoi, cnd cnt preotul ,unde umbreaz darul tu, Mihaile Arhanghele, toi mesenii salt si leagn colacul cu copacul 3 . Pe lng oIrandele alimentare, n pom se mai puneau o scri si porumbei din aluat (impostazieri ale ascensiunii, respectiv ale sufetului), un stergar si o can cu ap, precum si numeroase alte fgurine de aluat (sgeat, stea, luceaIr, lun, IoarIec s.a.). Dac bradul era un Iel de pereche a celui mort, menit s-i fe nsoitor pe lumea cealalt, pomul de poman avea cu totul alte semnifcaii: putea f simbolul vieii pmntesti pline de belsug, pe care mortul trebuia si dincolo, umbra la care s se odihneasc, lcas de odihn si adpost al sufetului sau loc din care acesta si lua zborul fnal. Asa cum atest inIormaiile din regiunea Moldovei, nu era vorba de un simulacru, si de un pom adevrat, scos din pmnt cu tot cu poamele lui, si rsdit mai apoi la mormnt. Sunt mai puine situaiile cnd pom de poman devine un pom din livad, umplut cu 1 Simeon Mangiuca, Clinaariu fulianu, gregorianu i poporalu romanu... cu comentariu pe anul 1882, Oravia, 1881, p. 140. 2 Lucia Berdan, Feele aestinului. Incursiuni in etnologia romaneasc a riturilor ae trecere, Ed. Universitii ,Al.I. Cuza, Iasi, 1999, p.53 3 Teodor T. Burada, Datinile poporului roman la inmormantri, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 2006, p.29. 43 Studii / Articles alimentele si obiectele druite, netiat sau nersdit ulterior, care rmne ns n custodia celui ce-l primeste 1 . Participarea ntregului neam la alctuirea pomului era un semn de omagiu adus decedatului, dar si o contribuie personal pentru sufetul propriu: ,toi ci sunt de Ia ajut la mort, pun cte o poam la Icut, s aib si ei parte pe ceea lume 2 . Pomul de poman se realiza si cu ocazia diIeriilor mosi. n Joia Mare, n Bucovina, era dus la biseric pentru sufetul morilor. n el erau puse mere, poame, colcei si turte dulci 3 ; de Paste, n reg. CalaIat (nuc, portocal, mr): se obisnuia s se duc pom la biseric, pomul mortului. Se ducea o ramur din care se prindea poame, covrigei, foricele cocosi turte. Azi se duc Ir pom, pe stergar. Lucrurile se mpreau la cei ce slujesc la biseric, preot, diacon 4 . Explicaia apariiei lui la srbtorile calendaristice o poate da inIormaia de mai jos: Fceau pom numai cei ce au avut mori n Iamilie n acel an. Se ducea o creang de porumbel (este mai rotund ca prunul) sau prun si se mpodobea cu mere, portocale, biscuii, pur ntr-un ciur n care se aseza un merindar (stergar), nou Ieluri de colaci, numai din ap, sare, Iin, o IarIurie, o can, o Iurculi, o lingur. Cine a vopsit ou punea si ou. n pom se puneau turte, nuci, prune uscate. Preotul l slujea. O parte se mprea la copii, restul se lsa preotului. Cei nou colaci: colacul, arhanghelul, pupza, SI. Maria, trei crestue si patru colcui 5 . Nici de ziua patronului sufetelor morilor, Arhanghelul Mihail, nu putea lipsi o asemenea oIrand: La Arhanghelii Mihail si Gavriil se Icea mare pomenire Hrhanger. Se Iceau pentru toi morii din Iamilie pomi la biseric ncrcai cu turte. Se Icea o mas lung, pe care puneau pausele: canceu cu vin, colac pe canceu si lumnare. Tot pe mas se puneau pomi ncrcai cu turte, turt dulce. Pomul era o creang de prun, nfpt ntr-un colac, fxat pe Iundul unui cos. Restul cosului era plin cu colaci, care se mpreau la sraci. Copiii primeau turtele. Popa si cantorii primeau colacul de paos si vinul. Dac erau pomenini mai muli mori, pentru fecare se Icea cte un pom 6 . Bibliograe Agapkina, .., . - , Moscova, Indrik, 2002 Lucia Berdan, Feele aestinului. Incursiuni in etnologia romaneasc a riturilor ae trecere, Ed. Universitii ,Al.I. Cuza, Iasi, 1999 Bernea, Ernest, Moartea i inmormantarea in Gorful ae Nora, Ed. Vremea, Bucuresti, 2007 Bratiloveanu-Popilian, Marcela, Obiceiuri ae primvar ain Oltenia. Calenaarul ortoaox i practica popular, Ed. Constantin Matasa, Piatra-Neam Bucuresti, 2001 Burada, Teodor T., Datinile poporului roman la inmormantri, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 2006 Butur, Valer, Cultur spiritual romaneasc, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1992 Buzil, Varvara, Painea aliment i simbol. Experiena sacrului, Chisinu, 1999 Candrea, I.A., Folclorul meaical roman comparat. Privire general. Meaicina magic, Polirom, 1999 Ciubotaru, Ion H., Marea trecere. Repere etnologice in ceremonialul funebru ain Molaova, Ed. Grai si sufet Cultura naional, Bucuresti, 1999 0 Ciubotaru, op.cit., p.171-174. 2 Niculi-Voronca, op.cit., p.286. 3 Butur, op.cit., p.344. 4 Srbtori, III, p.302. 5 Srbtori, III, p.303. 6 Srbtori, III, p.292; Srbtori, IV, p.254. 44 Dorondel, SteIan, Moartea i apa. Ritualuri funerare, simbolism acvatic i structura lumii ae aincolo in imaginarul rnesc, Ed. Paideia, Bucuresti, 2004 Fochi, Adrian, Datini i eresuri populare ae la sfaritul secolului al XIX-lea. Rspunsuri la chestionarele lui Nicolae Densuianu, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1976 Ghinoiu, Ion, Comoara satelor. Calenaar popular, Ed. Academiei Romne, Bucuresti, 2005 Ghinoiu, Ion, Lumea ae aici, lumea ae aincolo. Iposta:e romaneti ale nemuririi, Ed. Fundaiei culturale romne, Bucuresti, 1999 Ghinoiu, Ion, Jarstele timpului, Ed. Meridiane, Bucuresti, 1988 Kurban in the Balkans, eds. Biljana Sikimic, Petko Hristov, Institute des Etudes Balkaniques, Belgrad, 2007 Lorin, Florica, Kahane, Mariana, O iposta: a ursitoarelor in creaine i ceremonialuri, n Folclor literar, II, Timisoara, 1968 Mangiuca, Simeon, Clinaariu fulianu, gregorianu i poporalu romanu... cu comentariu pe anul 1882, Oravia, 1881 Marian, Simion Florea, Inmormantarea la romani. Stuaiu etnograhc, Ed. Grai si sufet cultura naional, Bucuresti, 1995 Marian, Simion Florea, Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu etnograhc, I-II, Ed. Fundaiei culturale romne, Bucuresti, 1994 Mesnil, Marianne, Popova, Assia, De la moi la nou-nscui. painile celor patru:eci ae mucenici, n vol. Eseuri ae mitologie balcanic, Ed. Paideia, Bucuresti, 1997 Nazarova, .., , lucrare de diplom, MGU, 1986 Niculi-Voronca, Elena, Datinile i creainele poporului roman, aaunate i ae:ate in oraine mitologic, Ed. Saeculum vizual, Bucuresti, 2008 Pamfle, Tudor, Srbtorile la romani. Stuaiu etnograhc, Ed. Saeculum I.O., Bucuresti, 1997 Plotnikova, .., , Moscova, Indrik, 2004 Srbtori i obiceiuri, I, Oltenia, II, Banat, Criana, Maramure, III, Transilvania, IV, Molaova, coord. I. Ghinoiu, Ed. Enciclopedic, Bucuresti, 2001, 2002, 2003, 2004 Sedakov, .., . , Moscova, Indrik, 2004 . .. , I-IV, Moscova, 1995- 2009 . . , Moscova, Indrik, 2003 Slasciov, V.V., , , , , lucrare de diplom, MGU, 1992 Sperania, Th.D., Rspunsuri la chestionarul ae srbtori pganeti, Bucuresti, B.A.R., 1907 45 Studii / Articles Pomana mortului, Oltenia (AIEF) Poman ae haine, Cimpofeni, Gorf, 1939 (AIEF) 46 Dat ae poman, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean) Colac i co:onac aat ae poman, Boti:a (foto Felician Stean) 47 Studii / Articles Joia Mare, Cimpofeni, Gorf. 1938 (AIEF) Poman la mormant (foto I.H. Ciubotaru) 48 Masa moilor, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean) Mas ae poman, Buaeti, 2008 (foto Antoaneta Olteanu) 49 Studii / Articles Joc ae poman, Cornereva, Cara-Severin (AIEF) Pasc i colaci ceremoniali, Cupeni (foto Felician Stean) 51 Studii / Articles CARMEN DRBUS GASTRONOMIA, PARTE A MEMORIEI COLECTIVE (Literatura popular aromn) Le papier La gastronomie, partie ae la memoire collective. La litterature populaire aroumaine se propose a analyser la signifcation de la rcurrence des ralits alimentaires dans les anecdotes de Lanthologie ae prose aroumaine transpose est prsente par Hristu Cndroveanu. On observe une Iorte infuence orientale- mditerranenne dans les ingrdients de base et mme dans la maniere de prparation. Forcs plusieurs Iois par les malheurs de l`histoire a dmnager, ils ont gard des particularits de leur culture, mais ils ont pris, d`une maniere alluvionnaire, des coutumes des autres, parmi ils ont vcu. Toutes les anecdotes de cette Anthologie ont la nourriture comme prtexte des vnements, dans l`environnement rural, ou la distance entre la nature et la culture n`est pas encore brusquement coupe. Les rois, les paysans, les gitans ; les paresseux, le vilains et les perspicaces tout rcit moralisateur se tourne autour des lments Iondamentales dans les divers tapes de la nourriture (et de la civilisation) le lait, le miel, le bl et la pain, le riz, le vin et pas beaucoup de viande, dans l`esprit de la cuisine mditerranenne. Mot clefs: anthropologie gastronomique, procc alluvionaire, communaute en mouvement Articolul dezbate semnifcaia recurenei realitilor alimentare pe baza Iolclorului aromn. Sunt discutate particularitile specifce ale acestei culturi, inclusiv infuenele sudice, mediteraneene. n spiritul buctriei mediteraneene, sunt analizate att materiile prime, adesea cu valene rituale, sacre, utilizate n buctrie, ct si preparatele secundare, indiIerent de mediul social din care proveneau persoanele implicate n proces. Cuvinte cheie: antropologie gastronomic, proces aluvionar, comunitate n miscare Necesitate si ritual n acelasi timp, mncarea este element al antropologiei generale, particularizat n Iuncie de structurri si reprezentri socio-antropologice. ConIorm lui Claude Lvis-Strauss, din punct de vedere antropologic cantitatea este semnul barbariei culinare, n timp ce rafnamentul calitativ este semnul ,domesticirii mncrii si a actului de a mnca, desi Poirier spune: ,ca s existe un echilibru dietetic chiar si empiric realizat, e nevoie de o oarecare abunden; aceasta condiioneaz alegerea alimentelor, alegere ce rmne limitat pentru destule popoare. 1 Oricum, obiceiurile culinare componente ale unui cod cultural - ajung s refecte, fe si parial, o istorie a comportamentelor umane prin Ielul n care se raporteaz indivizii unii la ceilali, dar si la univers. Toate anecdotele din Antologie 2 , cap. Literatura popular, au mncarea ca pretext al ntmplrii, ntr-o lume n care mediul rural se situeaz n continuitatea celui natural, Ir rupturile bruste ale urbanului. Fr a avea posibilitatea (doar ntr-o msur prea mic) s-si dezvolte Iorme culte de literatur, literatura popular a comunitilor lingvistice devine depozitarul sublimat estetic al unui mod de via: ,Este cunoscut predilecia aromnilor pentru basm, ca si pentru specii 1 Jean Poirier (coord.), Ethnologie generale, Gallimard, Paris, 1968, p. 855, trad. aut. 2 Antologie ae pro: aroman, Ed. Univers, Bucuresti, 1977, selecie de texte, transpunere si prezentare de Hristu Cndroveanu. 52 nrudite cu basmul, freasc avnd n vedere att arhaitatea, simplitatea vieii lor n mediul montan, ct si absena unei literaturi culte n dialect, nainte de ultimul ptrar al secolului al XIX-lea, cu puine excepii. 1 AstIel, n mentalitatea arhaic, ritualizarea vieii cotidiene este (sau cel puin a Iost) puternic, actul de a mnca are Iuncii simbolice exemplifcatoare sau care evit ruptura dintre concret si abstract. Laptele matern hran primar strns legat de apariia si finarea omului, este elementul salvator n snoava Fata ager la minte. Privarea de mncare este asimilabil suspendrii vieii; mpratul cel ru din poveste cere nchiderea unui om, poruncind ,s nu i se dea nimic de mncare, s-l lase asa, s moar acolo de Ioame (p.21). naintea vizitelor permise ficei sale, o tnr vduv luz, aceasta era atent controlat de teama c ea ar putea ascunde mncarea care i-ar ine tatl n via. Ingenioas, ea i d tatlui su lapte matern; aici laptele matern si lrgeste semnifcaia antropologic, de la freasca legtur mam-copil la cea de copil-printe, viaa find aIect si intelect n acelasi timp: ,Cu o dragoste Ir margini, artat ttne-su, si cu mintea ei ager, a izbutit Iata asta s-l scape de la o moarte sigur pe om! (p.29). Asociat cunoasterii 2 , laptele este viaa vesnic secondat de nelepciune, abunden si Iertilitate, component a spaiului paradisiac unde ,curge lapte si miere. Tot din seria alimentelor primare Iace parte si mierea. Asa cum observa Lvi-Strauss, ,metaIorele inspirate de miere sunt printre cele mai vechi ale limbii noastre si ale altor limbi, care au precedat-o n timp. Imnurile vedice asociaz intenionat laptele si mierea care, conIorm Bibliei, vor curge pe Pmntul Fgduinei 3 . n Lupul i vulpea, Cumtrul-Nicola si Cumtra-Mara pornesc la vntoare mpreun, dar gsesc o oal cu miere. Lcomia celor doi se maniIest diIerit, traducnd, la nivelul Iabulei, naturi umane diIerite: lupul, agresiv, nestpnit doreste consumarea imediat a przii; cu nimic mai puin lacom, vulpea propune temporizarea evenimentelor, pentru a pune mna pe ntreaga prad. InIormaii despre pinea sfnit, prescura, n ritul ortodox (aromnii find covrsitor majoritari ortodocsi) gsim tot n aceast snoav: ,Popa se nturna de la biseric spre cas, cu mgarul ncrcat de prescuri. Ea l vzuse de departe si se-ntinse lng crare, preIcndu-se moart (p.21). Trimind lupul la moarte sigur prin sIaturi manipulative, Cumtra-Mara l nvinge pe Cumtrul-Nicola n raportul Ior fzic/viclenie. Cele dou simboluri mierea si prescura Iuncioneaz simbologic n drumul de la natur la cultur. De altIel, Lvi-Strauss observa Iaptul c miturile care au n centru mierea ,evoc timpurile n care omul ignora agricultura si se hrneau cu Irunze, cu ciuperci de copac, cu lemn putrezit, nainte ca o Iecioar celest, transIormat n sarig 4 , le-a revelat existena grului 5 . Trecerea de la natur la cultur se Iace lin, pentru c, iniial, n unele mituri grul avea aparena unui arbore slbatic care crestea n pdure. Diversitatea culturii umane este legat tot de acest arbore mitic, dobort de oamenii care i-au recuperat smna; astIel, apare ,pe de o parte, diversitatea speciilor cultivate (la origine, ele erau reunite toate pe acelasi arbore), si, pe de alt parte, acelea ale popoarelor, ale limbilor si ale obiceiurilor, rezultant a dispersiei primei umaniti 6 . Mitul mierii se plaseaz ntr-o perspectiv anti-neolitic pentru c pledeaz n Iavoarea unei economii ,de colect, de recoltare creia i mprumut vestmintele varietii 7 . Circulaia miturilor, a legendelor dintr-un spaiu cultural n altul este una din premisele apariiei literaturii universale si comparate. 1 Hristu Cndroveanu, Cuvant inainte la Antologia., p. 8. 2 J. Chevalier, A. Gheerbrant, Dicionar ae simboluri, vol. II, Ed. Artemis, Bucuresti, 1995, p. 198. 3 Claude Lvi-Strauss, Mythologiques 2, Du miel aux cenares, Paris, Plon, 1967, trad. aut. 4 Specie de opossum. 5 Iaem, p. 60, trad. aut. 6 Ibiaem. 7 Ibiaem. 53 Studii / Articles O povestire mitic din America de Sud, de Iapt, legenda unei liane numit tripes ae renara st, conIorm lui Lvi-Straus, la originea aventurilor vulpii n cutare de miere. n lupta cu celelalte vieuitoare (pasrea, soprla), ea moare blestemat si se transIorm ntr-o lian consumat de indienii aborigeni. Povestirea vulpii n cutarea mierii circul n mai multe variante n triburile amazoniene. De altIel, tot Lvi-Strauss consider c, spre deosebire de America de Sud, care a pierdut ,gustul mierii n Iavoarea tutunului, Europa l-a pstrat, chiar si dup ce a prins gustul acestuia; mierea si tutunul au valori de semantic antropologic opoziional, att sub aspect diacronic, ct si sincronic. Mierea rmne o constant semantic puternic a spaiului european n antropologia gastronomic. Dup osmoza aIeciunii cu inteligena, n care laptele matern este vehiculul ntlnirilor, complementaritatea teoriei si a practicii este probat tot printr-un simbol culinar castronul urias plin cu pilaI dulce. Element de baz al buctriei balcanice, preparat n nenumrate Ieluri mai austere sau mai complicate, orezul este, la Iel de important precum grul n cele europene, ndeplinind Iuncii ritual-simbolice similare. Asa cum cultivarea grului este trecerea de la natur la cultur n civilizaiile de extracie european, n cele asiatice difcila cultur a acestui aliment semnifc iesirea din armonia cosmic, ruperea relaiilor dintre cer si pmnt. El mai are si semnifcaii pe care le are laptele, acelea de belsug si puritate. Dup ce savanii mpriei s-au chinuit s gseasc soluii pentru a putea mnca pilaIul cu lingurile imense, un supus cu puin stiin de carte gsi soluia: la un capt al lingurii va sta cineva care o va ridica plin din castron, ca altul s o poat mnca. Actul mncrii este ales pentru a proba necesitatea Iuncionrii teoriei cu practica. Aliment ptruns din gastronomia turceasc n cea european, intermediarul geocultural find Balcanii, orezul a ptruns fresc n buctria aromn, veche tritoare n acest spaiu. n Cei trei lenei Mitu, Pitu, Chitu , mncarea este pretext al descrierii unei atitudini Ia de via. Dup ce gsesc o lir n rn si Iac un mare eIort comun s o ridice, cei trei ajung la un han, ducnd, la Iel de chinuit, mpreun, moneda; eIorturile par a-i coplesi, strnind hazul celorlali. Ei comand hangiului ,Plcint, carne, vin, iaurt, oIerind inIormaii despre obiceiurile culinare, dar si despre ceea ce se putea gsi la un han ntr-un anumit timp si loc; de altIel, si n ziua de astzi, plcinta (burekul, pita) cu iaurt este o mncare tradiional n Balcani. Ct despre meseria de hangiu, ea era practicat n mod tradiional de aromni: ,Hangiul, diavolul, nu le-a prea stat n preajm; a auzit ce vor, puse s le Iac plcinta, le ferse carne, le-a umplut o coI cu vin |tot butur iniial tradiional mediteranean| si le-a adus si IarIuria cu iaurt (p.23). Cum nici unul nu se decide s se miste (dup ce luaser hotrrea c primul care va vorbi ori se va misca va tia plcinta), un cersetor, atras de aroma mncrii gtite, se apropie de masa celor trei rmasi imobili si ncepe s mnnce plcinta, ,mai nti Ioaia de deasupra, apoi urzicile cu ou, brnz si lapte din ea, apoi marginile si Ioaia de jos nimic n-a lsat, nicio Irmi (p.25). Iat, asadar, o plcint Icut din aluat Ioi, specifc spaiului balcanic. Dup ce termin plcinta, carnea si vinul destinate celor trei, mnji Ieele celor trei lenesi cu iaurt, iar un cine de pripas le linge iaurtul de pe Ia si-l musc pe unul de ureche, moment n care grupul reia contactul cu realitatea, dar prea trziu. Uleiul si vinul sunt alimente de baz ale spaiului mediteranean, intrnd n diverse ritualuri, asa cum se ntmpl si n cultura ebraic. Nastratin-Hogea, personaj aluvionar al spaiului balcanic, nu putea lipsi din Iolclorul aromnilor. n snoava De-ale lui Nastratin-Hogea, hangiul Dimache devine expresia lcomiei n a crei capcan va cdea. Trei drumei prinsi pe drum de vremea rea se ntorc la hanul abia lsat n urm, petrecnd noaptea n osp. Cum mncarea s-a terminat spre diminea, hangiul le ferbe, pentru merinde, zece ou, pe care uit s le treac n nota de plat. Dup trei ani, drumurile i poart la acelasi han si, dorind s fe cinstii, i amintesc hangiului de datorie, intenionnd s o 54 citeasc, ba chiar cu dobnd. Hangiul pretinde o sum exorbitant, o mie de Iranci, pentru c cele zece ou ar f scos pui care ar f Icut ou, la un moment dat, apoi ali pui etc. Cltorii l solicit pe Nastratin-Hogea, celebrul avocat, care ntrzie s apar n sala de tribunal. Aprodul trimis s-l aduc, ,l gsi ferbnd niste gru (p.41); anunul lui c va merge la tribunal dup ce grul fert va f trimis pe cmp si semnat! strneste stupoarea aprodului si a judectorului, care apoi se amuz de o asemenea explicaie si d cstig de caz cltorilor: asa cum grul fert nu ncoleste, nici oule ferte nu puteau Iace pui. Interesant este aici Iolosirea a dou alimente cu caliti germinative, ca argument si contraargument oul si grul. Ideea c oul este germenele lumii este regsibil att n culturile europene, ct si n cele asiatice, doar aspectele privind maniIestarea find diversifcate. Ct despre gru, el este vzut ca un produs metaIoric al ,snului terestru 1 , asa cum laptele este produs al snului matern. Ptruns n Europa din spaiul mediteranean, el este, n antropologia culinar, victoria culturii asupra naturii, moartea si renasterea, ciclul etern al vieii victorioase. Grul sfnit, ca bob sau preparat, este parte a unor numeroase ceremonialuri religioase n toate cultele mari, simbol esoteric n misterele eleusine si-n ceremonialuri dedicate lui Dionysos si Osiris, el este permanenta iniiere la care este supus Iptura prin nastere si nviere. Pentru a atrage atenia mpratului asupra calitilor sale, un stean simplu se autoinvit la masa mpratului, aducndu-si de acas ,o gin umplut cu fsticuri, stafde, orez si altele (p.32); preparatul pare rafnat pentru omul simplu al spaiilor etnoculturale n care aceste ingrediente sunt exotice si scumpe, dar n anecdota Steanul i gina sunt Iolosite de ctre o persoan de condiie aparent modest, traducnd obiceiuri culinare de evident infuen turco-greceasc. Comunitate supus de istorie dislocrii destul de Irecvente, si-a pstrat elemente identitare, dar a si absorbit cutume ale celor alturi de care a trit. Contaminrile la nivel de gastronomie sunt fresti, pe de o parte, date find materiile prime afate la ndemn ntr-un anumit spaiu, iar, pe de alta, gradul sporit de socializare al Iemeilor cu Iemei din alte comuniti etnice. Porionarea ritual a ginii umplute traduce un ntreg sistem de semnifcaii privitor la ierarhiile sociale: ,Steanul lu un cuit si o Iurculi si mpri gina: capul l dete mpratului, aripile le ddu bieilor acestuia, picioarele slugilor, iar mijlocul plin l opri pentru sine si ncepu s mnnce (p.32-33). Aparent, deciziile nu par potrivite n raport cu calitatea bucilor distribuite, ns explicaia sa oglindeste o continuitate ntre natur si cultur: ,i ddui capul, pentru c esti capul nostru; filor vostri le ddui aripile, c ei v sunt ca niste aripi, ajutorul vostru; mai detei slugilor picioarele, c slugile nu Iac alta dect alearg n sus si n jos. Pentru mine, care sunt om de mijloc, mi oprii mijlocul. (p.33). E de observat c adesea n anecdotele aromne cel care supune la ncercri este mpratul nelept, tolerant, cu simul umorului sau, dimpotriv, ,abras (ru, violent); mncarea este, ntr-un Iel sau altul, elementul de mediere ntre acesta si supusii si. n anecdota etnic Cum ae nu-s iganii haiauci, iganul Tmie, nsoit de fii si, Colta, Culaie si Albul, stui de umilina cersitului, ,si umplur tristile cu pine (p.33) si se retraser n muni, atrasi de mitul haiduciei, care le-ar putea conIeri demnitate si aur de viteji. ns nu pornesc la drum nainte de a-si lua alimentul de baz, consumat destul de repede, la umbra copacilor la care-si Iceau planuri. Temporar, drumul le oIeri un cmp de mure, dar Iructele abia le potolir temporar Ioamea. Ajungnd la o moar, anun, cu Iast, morarul c sunt haiduci si doresc o turt mare; Ioamea si lipsa experienei haiducesti anuleaz orice vigilen, moara e nconjurat de ,jndari, sIrsind cu toii sub cuitele acestora. Nu doar c nu-si pot depsi condiia, dar nu-si pstreaz nici vieile. 1 Chevalier, Gheerbrant, op.cit., p. 115. 55 Studii / Articles O reconfrmare a condiiei neIericite a iganului, datorat unui comportament ancestral deIectuos prin insensibilitatea Ia de suIerina aproapelui, exist n unica povestire moralizatoare cu pretext biblic (Iisus nainte de a f rstignit) De ce fur pstorii. Pstoritul este o ndeletnicire tradiional a aromnilor si ea nu poate f dect pozitiv valorizat n literatura lor popular. Un pstor afat n trecere pe lng Mntuitorul afat lng cruce n asteptarea rstignirii si vznd piroagele cu care urma s fe intuit, le Iur, spernd c-l va scpa e chinuri. Un igan lie, afat din ntmplare pe acolo, Iace rapid altele (stiut find Iaptul c se ndeletniceau cu ferritul), astIel c iganul este blestemat s fe menit nenorocului, pe cnd pstorului ,S te vd mereu mbrcat si stul, iar de Iurat s nu te lasi, si nici necazuri s nu ai din asta (p.37). A f stul este o component a norocului divin, cu btaie lung pn n zorii crestinismului. Snoavele creeaz o atmosIer tipic Iolclorului aromn, optimist si reIuznd nIrngerea, aplicnd sanciuni tarelor morale, ,tonic si mereu constructiv, nviorat potenat permanent de spiritul ironic, persifant, sntos al omului din popor 1 . Din textele avute n vedere, lipseste vntoarea, fe n scopuri alimentare, fe ca plcere, relaia lor cu universul find una Iundamental blnd, iar violent numai cnd circumstane inevitabile o cer. Si la nivelul gastronomiei, ,aromnii au reusit s mbine particulariti ale propriei identiti cu identiti naionale ale populaiei din rile-gazd, dar nu si-au pierdut constiina fletic naional 2 . Buctria aromn este puternic infuenat, evident, de cutumele oriental-mediteraneene, Iapt fresc, datorit ariilor culturale n care au trit, iar istoria asimilrii lor n aceste spaii a Iacilitat trecerea de la contaminare la inserie. Asa cum observ Poirier Iaptele reIeritoare la alimentaie Iurnizeaz, Ir ndoial, exemplele cele mai clare de imbricare a Ienomenelor materiale n ansamblul culturii; problemele mediului natural si problemele tehnice find, desigur, strns legate. Alimentaia este, adesea, condiionat att de valorile admise de ctre o societate dat concepia sa despre lume, religia sa etc., ct si de resursele de care dispune 3 . Ceremonialul gastronomic, limbaj non-verbal, traseaz puni ntre realitatea accesibil si cea inaccesibil, mediind trecerea de la Natur la Cultur, raporturile omului cu alimentaia urmnd, succesiv ori analogic, calea transIormrii si a conservrii mediului natural. Bibliograe Anovska, Kleanti, Sociolinguistic aspects in the Aromanian folk tales n vol. The Romance Balkans, Serbian Academy oI Sciences and Arts, Institute Ior Balkan Studies, Belgrade, 2008 Antologie ae pro: aroman, Ed. Univers, Bucuresti, 1977, cap. Literatura popular, Selecie de texte, transpunere si prezentare de Hristu Cndroveanu Chevalier, Jean, Gheerbrant, Alain, Dicionar ae simboluri, vol. I, II, III, Ed. Artemis, Bucuresti, 1995 Ethnologie generale, volume publi sous la direction de Jean Poirier, col. Encyclopdie de la Pliade, Gallimard, Paris, 1968. Kahl, Thede, Istoria aromanilor, Ed. Tritonic, Bucuresti, 2006 Lvi-Strauss, Claude, Mythologiques.1.2,Le cru et le cuit, Paris, Ed. Plon, 1964. Du miel aux cenares, Paris, Ed. Plon, 1967 Msnil, Marianne, Popova, Assia, Dincolo ae Dunre. Stuaii ae antropologie balcanic, Bucuresti, 2007, trad. de Ana Mihilescu si Mariana Rdulescu, PreIa de Vintil Mihilescu 1 Cndroveanu, op.cit., p. 8. 2 Thede Kahl, Istoria aromanilor, Ed. Tritonic, Bucuresti, 2006, p. 55. 3 Poirier, op.cit., p. 929. 57 Studii / Articles PETRA NOVAK THE APOSTLE PETER IN THE (FOLK) CULTURE OF SLOVENIAN PEOPLE The article talks about diIIerent types oI occurrence oI Apostle Peter in Slovenian culture. First his biography is presented and appearance oI his name in diIIerent terms and matters is summarised. It has been ascertained that St. Peter is a patron oI several proIessions that can be associated with his operation or proIession, and to some that that kind oI a link can not be established. Frequency oI variations and descriptions oI personal and geographical names is listed as well as the number oI parish churches and succours churches named aIter St. Peter. There are 62 that kind oI examples on Slovenian territory. There are also some belieIs associated with St. Peter, most oI them associated with his name day 29 oI June. Involvement oI the society in European cultural space, development oI language and culture is clearly refected in diIIerent words, also in words that do not mean people`s names, and in terms and phrases as a part oI a general lexis St. Peter`s name can be Iound as a name or a part oI a name Ior a plant, a Iruit, clothing, a doll, housing in the barn and also in certain phraseology and Iolk derisions. At the end an analysis oI Christian stories in which St. Peter occurs is briefy presented. Key words: Saint Peter, spiritual and material culture oI Slovenian people, religious tales Articolul aduce n discuie diversele apariii (imagini) ale Apostolului Petru n cultura sloven. nainte de toate este prezentat biografa acestuia si se Iace o trecere n revist a apariiei numelui su n diIerite materiale. Este bine cunoscut Iaptul c SI. Petru este patronul ctorva bresle care pot f asociate cu meseria sau aciunile lui, dar si cu altele cu care nu se poate stabili o conexiune anume. Sunt enumerate variaiile de nume proprii si nume geografce, precum si un numr de biserici numite dup SI. Petru. Sunt 62 asemenea exemple pe teritoriul Sloveniei. Exist, de asemenea, cteva credine asociate cu SI. Petru, cele mai multe find asociate cu ziua lui din calendarul crestin 29 iunie. Implicarea societii n spaiul cultural european, dezvoltarea limbii si culturii se refect clar n diIerite cuvinte, chiar si n cuvintele care nu denumesc nume ale oamenilor, ci n termeni si expresii aparinnd lexicului general numele SI. Petru poate f ntlnit ca nume sau parte dintr-un nume dat unei plante, Iruct, unei piese de vestimentaie, ppusi si, de asemenea, n anumite Irazeologii si bancuri populare. Articolul se ncheie cu o analiz prezentat succint, a unor povesti crestine n care apare SI. Petru. Cuvinte cheie: SIntul Petru, cultura material si spiritual a poporului sloven, povesti religioase
1.1 ST. PETER`S BIOGRAPHY
A Iew words about him, the leading Christ`s disciple. Apostle Peter was born in the fshing village oI Betsajda (Galilee). He got married and moved to the city oI Capernaum. He was a fsherman and the Bible emphasizes the importance oI this proIession a lot. He received an invitation to Jesus` company by Jesus him selI (Come to me and I will make you a fsherman oI the people and 'Do not be aIraid, now you will fsh people! (Luke 5, 3-11) 1 . Jesus taught 1 The Bible says that Jesus called Peter and his brother Andrew when they were throwing nets into the sea, and said to them: 'Follow me and I will make you fshermen oI people. They leIt the nets and Iollowed him (Mk 1, 16-18). 58 the crowd that was in Peter`s boat and that meant that Peter would be a mediator between Christ and other people in Church. The task oI 'fshing people was entrusted to him not by his own will, but by the God`s power. Christ also changed Peter`s name: you are now Simon, the son oI Jona: you are going to be named Cephas. Jesus Christ himselI clearly stated the signifcance oI this name: 1 'You are Peter (a rock), and on this rock I will build my church and inIernal doors (the power oI hell and time) shall not overcome it and I will give you the keys to the heavenly kingdom... (Mt 16, 13-17). Peter was not ready Ior this plan that goes beyond human power yet. He needed persistent cultural education to obtain strong Iaith. The condition Peter had to Iulfl in order to get this job was to unconditionally believe in Christ`s divine power. He oIten proved himselI still being too humanly enthusiastic, but Jesus never reIused his dedication and ambition, instead he perseveringly spoke to him to count on God`s purposes. Peter soon occupied a high position in Jerusalem and with Jesus` power and help made a number oI miracles. He was preaching with enthusiasm and he set out Ior several missionary trips. BeIore he came to Rome, Peter operated particularly successIully in Antioch and Asia Minor. In Rome he was stopped by Nero, who ruled the Rome at that time. Nero sentenced him to death with crucifxion in the year 64 or 67. Peter died with the words: 'to be crucifed with the head down, because he was not worthy to die like Jesus Christ (Schauber, Schindler 1995: 323). 1.2 ST. PETER AS A PATRON 2
St. Peter was chosen as a patron by diIIerent Popes, diocese oI Osnabruck, butchers, glassworkers, carpenters, watchmakers, locksmiths, blacksmiths, people who worked in smelteries, potters, bricklayers, brick makers, builders oI bridges, stonecutters, tailors, millers, fshermen 3 , fsh merchants, ship owners, castaways, penitents, people who go to conIession, virgins (Schauber, Schindler 1995: 322). People turned to St. Peter also when they had troubles with snakebites, Iever, rabies, obsession, pain in the legs and wolves. 1.3 PETER AS A NAME 4 The Church had a major infuence on giving names to people and so it was only natural that Peter as the beginner oI Church or the frst Christ`s successor is put at the top oI the name list. The voice image oI names changed over time, Slovene language, as well as other Slavic 1 Peter answered to Jesus` question, who is the Son oI man, at the source oI river Jordan under the mighty cliII: You are Christ, the Son oI the living God. Peter said only what God revealed to him, and so expressed his will to be a messenger oI not only human but also God`s truth. 2 Jesus predicted that Peter would deny him shameIully three times. Peter was still claiming that he would not. 3 Every Christian is given a name oI a saint when baptised, and this saint becomes his guardian, deIender and a role model. When a young man chose the proIession later in his liIe in order to survive, he again chose a patron Ior protection. The city where he lived also had a patron saint, and patron`s fags were worn on various occasions trough the streets in solemn processions. II there was a threat oI any kind, people asked the saint to perIorm a miracle. The reason Ior the choice oI a saint as a patron is usually Iound in the miracle that has happened in his liIe, sometimes the reason is Iound in details oI his martyrdom or it can even be a voice association oI his name and a Iunction that should be carried out. 4 A word or more words used Ior distinguishing and defning people: to name a child (SSKJ 1995 : 295). Birth names, hypocoristic and nicknames oI Alpine and Pannonic Slavs are listed in registers Irom the 7 th century and are comparable with other Slavic names. This heritage preserved only in surnames, house names and geographical names, because once it was Iorbidden to give names that were not saintly. (Snoj 2002 : 37) 59 Studii / Articles languages, had its own abbreviations, reductions and other lexical changes. Foreign names that were similar in voice to our names, could became our names (Petrus Peter). The name Peter is frst listed in 9 th century (in year 847) in the second book oI Material for the history of Slovene people Petrus is mentioned and in Vipava land register in the year 1499 Slovene version Peter Tupelshhakh, the Iarmer Irom Planina, is registered. The name Petra is a Iemale version oI the name Peter. It appears in 18 th century and is used much less Irequently. The name Petra was modern in years 1980 and 1994 (Keber 1996: 390). Today 1 the Irequency oI usage oI both names is as Iollows: Peter is the name oI 13.146 men (or 1, 3 oI all men). Among male names Peter is in tenth place when ordered by Irequency. Petra is the name oI 9.192 women (or 0, 9 oI all women). Among Iemale names Petra is listed in fIteenth place when ordered by Irequency. Peter in French is Pierre; in Spanish Pedro, in Italian Pietro, Piero, in Dutch Pieter, in German Peter, in English Peter, abbreviated Perry, in Danish Peer and Per; in Russian Petr; in Polish Piotr; in Croatian and Serbian Peter. Diminutives oI the name are Petrac, Petrc, Petrc, Petric, Petriha, Petrik ... (Keber 1996: 394). 1.4 SURNAMES DERIVED FROM THE NAME PETER
The name Peter was one oI the most Irequent names when surnames started to Iorm in Slovenia. It is why it can be concluded that the surnames derived Irom that name are quite common: Petric, Petric, Petrus, Peterlin (ger. morpheme -elin) and also Petrl, Peterle, Peterlic, Petrlic. Other surnames derived Irom Peter are Peterca, Peterec, Peterca, Petercic. When suIfx -in or -ina was added: Peterin, Petarin, Petrin, Petrinec, Petrinic, Petrincic; suIfx -ica: Petric, Petrca; suIfxes -ik,-ka,-ko: Petrik, Peterka, Petrka, Peterko, Peterkovic, Petrak; -n-Peternac, Peternanec, Peternik, Peternel, Petrnel. 1.5 LOCAL GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES DERIVED FROM NAME PETER As the names are a rich source Ior Iorming surnames, so are they Ior Iorming geographical names. Keber divides local geographical names into two groups; St. Peter could be Iound in the second group in which the name oI the place was given aIter the name oI the church (the church, however, was probably named aIter a saint that was chosen Ior its patron). Many places or parts oI places were named aIter churches and they usually start with S., St., Sent- or S-. These names repeat the saint`s name and all its attributed value. In Carinthia names oI places start with St- (Sent), Ior example: St. Peter at St. Jacob`s in Roz; St. Peter near KlagenIurt; St. Peter near Grabstanj, St. Peter near Velikovec. Saint`s name assimilated in a local name oI Sempeter near Gorizia, Sempeter in Savinjska dolina. In one local name the epithet shortened to extreme: Speter, dialectally Spieter. When it comes to names oI settlements St. Peter is a dominant Iorm oI the name eighteen places in Slovenia are named that way. Petric is a name oI six settlements (near Dravograd, Podvelka near Sostanj, on Pohorje, near Horjul, near Sava). 1 internet: www.stat.si (3. june 2009) 60 Following names are also derivations Irom the name Peter: Petrusnja village near Grosuplje; plural Iorm Peterlin a small village near Ajdovscina; Petercek (a small village on Pohorje), Petrin (a small village on Haloze), Petrina (a small village near Kocevje); Petrinci near Ribnica; Petrinova saw is a village near Breginj: Petrena (a small village in Slovenske Gorice); Peternel (a village in the valley Kozce, three very small villages near Globasnica, Cerkno and Vojsko); At Peternel`s (a small village in Hlevnik in Brda); Petrinje near Kozina; Petrerej near Pliberk; Petrinjska vala; Petrinjski kras; Petrovc a name oI a mountain village near Ljubelj and Litija; a village Petrovo (Spodnja Kapla and in Pohorje); Petrovsek (a village near Vrhnika); Petrova vas near Crnomelj; Petrovo brdo; Petrovski potok (a leIt tributary oI Baca); Petrovce near Zalec; a village Petrovo selo near Celje. Pavel also appears next to Peter, a name oI a village St. Peter and Pavel in Brda. In one case next to Peter there is also a place determinative: St. Peter on Kronska gora in the Misllinja valley. St. Peter is also a name oI a mountain in Bela krajina (Merku 1996: 110). When national consciousness started to rise at the end oI 19 th century, old Slavic names gradually started to appear. This phenomenon continued during 2 nd World War and even strengthened aIter it. This happened because many immigrants came Irom other republics oI Yugoslavia. Most oI the names were not related to saints. 1.6 PARISH 1 AND SUCCURSAL 2 CHURCHES OF ST. PETER
People started to name the churches aIter their saints or even started building churches to honour them. They had to trust the saint and believe in him and only then could he become their patron. The place where the saint is buried or where he worked is the centre oI his worship - in Peter`s case that place is Rome, Vatican City. From there the worship spreads to all directions and iI we pinpoint all the places we get a circle around the saint`s tomb. There are 27 parish 3 churches and 35 succursal 4 churches oI St. Peter in Slovenia. That makes 62 altogether. There are 20 churches (9 parish and 11 succursal) named aIter both St. Peter and St. Paul (Plesec 1983: 60-63). 1.7 BELIEFS AND SAYINGS ASSOCIATED WITH ST. PETER OR WITH HIS NAME DAY Believes listed in this chapter tell us that common people knew how to create, deepen and strengthen their lives and made them richer perIorming the rituals on the St. Peter`s name day in the summer according to the calendar and in the holly time according to the Church 1 Parish the smallest unit oI catholic church (SSKJ 1995 : 1712). 2 Territorial unit oI catholic church that does not have its own priest and is subordinate to the parish (SSKJ 1995 : 876). 3 12 LJ: Ljubljana Sv. Peter, Blagovica (Lukovica near Domzale), Komenda, Naklo, Preddvor, Radece, Radovljica, Selca, Spodnji Log (Stari trg next to Kolpa), St. Peter Otocec, Crnomelj; MB: Bocno next to Dreti, Buce (Smarje near Jelse), Gornja Radgona, Sv. Peter on Kronska mountain, Sv. Peter on Medvedje selo, Sv. Peter under Sv. gorami, Sv. Peter near Maribor, Sv. Peter in Savinjska valley, Zice, Zavodnje; KP: Gabrovica (Komen), Ilirska Bistrica Sv. Peter, Klanec (Kozina), Sempeter Pivka, Sempeter Gorica, Temnica (Kostanjevica in Karst) (Plesec 1983: 60-61). 4 14 LJ: Kamni vrh near Ambrus, Gora above Begunje in Gorenjska, Studenc on Bloke, Dolenje Jezero (Cerknica), Stankovo (Brezice), Korita (Dobrnic), Prigorica (Ribnica), Zaudlje (Dragatus), Kamniska planina, Drasici (Metlika), Dvor near Polhov Gradec, Koritnice (Raka Krsko), Loz (Stari trg near Loz), Psata (Sv. Jakob next to Sava), Zunovec (Sentrupert), Dob near Sentvid near Sticna, Bodovlje (SkoIja Loka), Gorenji Mokronog, Jezero (Trebnje), Vrh above Zelimlje; MB: Ribicje (Gortina Muta), Sv. Rupert above Lasko; KP: Odoline (Hrpelje), Grgar (a cemetery), Gorice (Hrenovice), Izola, Ovcje (Kosana), Perati (Livek), Osek (above the village), Piran, Loje (Podmelec Most over Soca), Brezovo Brdo (Hrpelje), Dobravlje (Vipavski Kriz), Raven. 61 Studii / Articles year. People held on to Christianity, but never reIused pre-Christian way oI thinking. This proves that liIe in Iormer historical periods was rich. Even though time has changed, not much disappeared Irom Iolk tradition (Kuret 1989: 5). Some sayings listed bellow, are also connected to this.
1.7.1 Weather ,Petrovo` (June 29) is also an important day Ior the weather. According to the calendar we celebrate it in the middle oI the ripening oI the grain crops. Farmer`s concern Ior the harvest included weather observation and so some sayings, thoughts and believes emerged:
'Rye should be already mature on the St. Peter`s day. (Dolenjska, Raka); Reapers are waiting Ior the day aIter St. Peter and Paul`s and Ior rye only in the morning, in the aIternoon it should be ready Ior harvesting and they go and harvest it (Krsko polje), Millet has to be, on St. Peter`s day, already so large that the crow can hide in it (surroundings oI SkoIja Loka). According to this believes a cuckoo bird should also fy Irom our places, when it sees in the feld a bunch oI rye. 'ThereIore when the cuckoo aIter St. Peter`s day cuckoos, it won`t be a good year (Kuret 1998: 498). The summer heath must start on the holiday oI St. Peter and St. Paul`s, so 'St. Peter puts the wood on the fre, in contrast to St. Jacob, who 'puts on stumps (Lj-Polje). 'St. George puddle and St. Peter drought make a good year. Farmers should be aIraid oI rain during this period. 'II it rains on St. Peter`s day, the wheat will be brown was believed in Dolenjska and Bela krajina. Elsewhere Peter`s rain promised rotten walnuts (Stajerska, Spodnja Kranjska), or bad nuts (Bela Krajina), or small chestnuts (surroundings oI Ljubljana, Dobrunje). 'When there is thunder on St. Peter`s day, there are no nuts and walnuts that year (Stajerska region) (Kumer 2006: 52). In Koroska they say that 'buckwheat goes to kost 1 , iI it rains on St. Peter`s day, so they look Iorward to rainy day that day. In phraseology, there are words that name specifc weather: Rozec, St. Peter`s horn (Prekmurje) 'rainbow; Petrus`s meint`s gut (German) 'the weather is nice, it has improved; Petrus blinzelt (German) 'thunder and lighting; Petrus SchiII (German) 'it is raining cats and dogs; Petrovo sunce (Serbian) 'sweltering heath, very hot. 1.7.2 Believes, customs 1.7.2.1 The res People believed in their simple way, that they can make the Sun`s power greater with magic. The magical tool was fre; fre`s magic power would not only help the Sun. but the people and their stock, too (Kuret 1989: 383). Deity whose worshipping is interweaved with worshipping oI St. Peter`s is closely connected to worshipping oI the Sun and in Sun`s honour big ceremonial fres were lit. The tradition did not die and so St. Peter`s fres are known in mainly in western Slovenia; in Beneska Slovenija, in the valley oI Soca, around the town Most na Soci, in Slovenian Istria, as well as in Notranjska region (around Logatec) and even in the Dolenjska region. A connection with bonfre-rituals is represent also in Bela krajina, where on the morning oI Peter`s day they collect fowers Irom the rooIs beIore the sunrise and lay them on the road. The wheels take away all diseases and the house is saIe (Kuret 1998: 496 ). 1 It means there is going to be a good harvest (Plesec 1983 : 61-63). 62 1.7.2.2 Climbing on the tree There is a belieI that iI you climb a tree on St. Peter`s day, there is a great danger oI dying. The belieI comes Irom times beIore St. Peter. It is spread throughout Slovenia and diIIers only in phrases: Prekmurje: 'II you climb a tree on St. Peter`s day, especially a cherry tree, you Iall oII. 'Anyone that climbs a cherry tree on St. Peter`s day certainly Ialls oII and kills themselves (St. Jurij on Scavnica); 'On this day you can not go on the tree, because there are snakes on it (Slovenske Gorice St. Andraz); the same is believed around Lasko. Dolenjska: 'On the St. Peter`s day man should not go on the cherry tree, because he ,Ialls down` (Krsko); 'On this day you must not climb a tree, especially a cherry tree, because St. Peter kicks you oII (Zagradec). Gorenjska region: 'On the St. Peter and Paul`s day the snake is wrapped around the tree; iI one still dares to climb it, one should know that there are 99 bad lucks on the world. So the presumptuous one can get hurt. (Cerklje) Koroska region, Podjuna and Roz: 'St. Peter`s day is so holly that even the snake hides on a tree. Whoever picks cherries that day, surely Ialls oII (Kuret 1998 : 496). 1.7.2.3 Drowning Believe that iI you go into the water on St. Peter`s day you drown, is spread mostly in Stajerska region and around Ptuj and Ormoz. Also in Krsko you must not go in the water, otherwise you drown. In Bela krajina (Crnomelj) they slaughter the master` cock that ran the chicken Iamily and reached the age oI a year and a halI. This custom represents the memory oI the cock that (aIter Luke`s gospel) sang three times beIore Peter denied Jesus Christ (Kuret 1998: 497).
1.7.2.4 Saying good words for the last hour Saint Peter is strongly weaved in peoples believes and their imagination and it is suggested that it is so because oI the people who spread Christianity. People wanted to say some good words Ior themselves in their last hours, because Peter has the keys to the heavenly kingdom. I myselI have more than once heard that people, who were clinically dead, said that they had already seem Saint Peter and that he awaits them at the door oI the heavenly kingdom 1 . 1.8 NAMES OF OB1ECTS AND OTHER THINGS ASSOCIATED WITH THE ST. PETER`S NAME
Involvement oI the society in European cultural space, development oI the language and culture are all refected in diIIerent words that derive Irom people`s names and are names Ior other things in liIe and are a part oI general lexis (Keber 1996: 49). 1.8.1 Plants Keber says that almost all Iamous names are represented in the names oI plants. It is so also with Peter ex. the name oI a fower Petrov kljucek (Peter`s key), a healing plant with Ieathered leaves and purple red clustered blossom (SSKJ 1995: 1181). Names deriving Irom saints` names are also Iound in naming Iruits that mature at the time that a saint has its name day. The name Peter is related Iollowing terms: petrovka (a pear which matures at the time 1 Oral source oI Petra Trojar (1998). 63 Studii / Articles oI St. Peter`s day June 29; a tiny pear greenish-brown colour which ripen in early July (SSKJ 1995: 839); petrovac (early potatoes) Kostel at Kolpa // petruha (Eastern Stajerska); petrovaca an apple or a pear which ripens around St. Peter`s day (Keber 1996: 55, 394).
1.8.2 Animals The bira of St. Peter reIers to the original Peter`s (Simon`s) proIession. AIter Erjavec Pletersnik listed it in his dictionary 1 (2006:358). Also reIerring to St. Peter is St. Peters ear, a sea animal, haliotis turbeculata in Latin 2 (Keber 1996: 395; Pletersnik 2006:707). It is a snail that has no curves and is in a shape oI a bowl. It lives in the sea and is pasted on a rock. (SSKJ 1995 : 575).
1.8.3 Objects We describe everyday objects with names that derive Irom people`s names. Peter is no exception. Hypothetically we could assume that the suit worn by the French character Pierrot, is indirectly linked to Peter when he was learning Ior God`s work. The character oI Pierrot is a humorous character in French pantomimes, a deceived lover or crazy servant. And that is where the name Ior the suit comes Irom pierrot. Russian Petruska 'a puppet, the main comic character oI Russian theatre is also connected to that. A night bowl (a bolt) is named aIter the Spanish Peter (Pedro), but no connection to the St. Peter could be Iound there. Peter is also the name oI the housing in the barn on which they thresh corn, and the space above that foor. Originally it meant some sort oI scaIIolding that was related to grain drying and threshing (Slovenian ethnologic lexicon 2004: 413). Many legends are connected to threshing corn.
1.8.4 Games Black Peter is a game oI cards, where the looser is the one who ends up with a Black Peter card in their hands. Children`s game 'Is Peter home? where the adult touches child`s nose and asks: 'Is Peter at home?. Why do this games have such names is still unknown.
1.8.5 Phraseology 3 Very rich phraseology that is closely connected to St. Peter, his liIe and experience was Iormed mainly because oI long Christian tradition. Keber says that the everyday usage led to a loss oI connection with the Bible itselI and so may terms can not be linked to the Bible at all (Keber 1996: 65). It seems to me that it is the same with St. Peter. Phraseology in which the onset oI the name Peter: Slovenian: Peter or Paul 'anyone; German: Dem Peter nehmen una aem Paul geben 'to take or borrow Irom someone and give it to someone else; Serbian: Kostati kao svetog Petra kafgana 'very expensive; German: Petreskopf haben 'be stubborn; Croatian and Serbian: Na lifevo Petrovo 'indefnitely, an indefnite period oI time; English: Petrov novcic, Peters penny 'voluntary giIts to the church. Petrinar is a secular priest in opposite to monk, Ior example Jesuit. The Spanish term: ni aon Pearo ni Periquillo 'neither fsh, fesh nor Iowl and phraseology como Pearo en su casa 'without any consideration, ruthless, bold; German: Der Blaue Peter // English: Blue Peter is a term that denotes departure oI a ship; Italian Gabbare San Pietro 'to leave priesthood (Keber 1996: 394-395). 1 St. Peter`s bird die Sturmschwalbe (thalassindroma). 2 Gemeines Seeohr, die knotige Ohrschnecke (haliotis tuberculata), u. St. Peter`s. 3 Fixed term, whose meaning is entirely predictable. 64 German Maister Peter means 'executor, miesepeter 'moody person, miesepetrig as 'grumpy, moody. Similarity to grumpiness could only be seen when comparing it to some legends oI St. Peter, where Peter is grumpy when he does not understand Christ`s deeds and keeps reminding him oI his (human) illogicality. In other situations, it suggests people`s derisions (by Keber): 'Peter in Pav sta pila bokav 'Peter and Paul were drinking a cup; 'Peter Peter ma rit na veter 'Peter Peter has his bottom on the wind; 'Peter, Set` r, kokosar. Goni zabo na vrsaj 'Peter, Set`r, poulterer. Chases a Irog on a haystack; 'Ka je zaba tusta, Pet`r jo pohrusta 'When the Irog is Iat, Peter eats it (Keber 1996: 394). The research made in 2007-2008 showed that St. Peter is represented in Christian stories throughout Slovenia. I acquired a collection oI 155 notes oI the mentioned stories Irom the whole territory. Legends, which I gathered, are Irom the entire Slovene ethnic territories, within the borders, and partly Irom areas oI ethnic minorities outside the borders oI Slovenia. All Slovene Dialectal groups are covered, with the diIIerent number oI legends (in terms oI individual dialects within the dialect group). I ascertained that there are some areas in which legends are more widespread in areas where they are not traced at all. Here are fve areas in which the legends are most Irequent: Pohorje, Karst, an area southeast oI Ljubljana, Goriska and Porabje. In no other period oI Slovene literature was there published so much Iolklore material (in my case also legends) than in 2 nd halI oI the 19 th century. The type that is represented the most is the one that sits on variants oI (jokes) Christ and St. Peter walking through the land or oI creation oI the world. In my research the land is Slovene territory and each local area introduced their own characteristics, Ior example names oI places (Bovec, Tomaj, Koroska, Pohorje ...), or any other characteristics oI the area, Ior example wine growing areas the wine, Karst people smoked ham or a drought problem, areas oI Soca a problem with cold, etc. In the legends one can see Slovenian Iolk culture: the activities with which people dealt, craIts, trade, transportation and everyday people`s liIe Iood habits, clothing and housing and barns and stables. As most important the (hard) liIe oI Slovene Iarmer is presented that refects historical and political reality. Mostly the agriculture is mentioned and also some diIIerent variants oI it: the work in the feld, harvest, helping to work on the feld. Furthermore, stable and pasture animal breeding is represented. Viticulture is only mentioned in legends that originate Irom the wine-growing areas. Among the craItsmen landlord and blacksmith are mentioned, both mostly with negative qualities. Trade is rarely mentioned. Among the means oI transport only carriages are mentioned in the legends (connected to drivers) and boats (connected to boatmen), but rarely. OI all the dishes most Irequently bread and diIIerent variants oI it occur. Most oIten it is the social status that is emphasised with the bread (poverty, luxury). Only water and wine are presented as drinks. All three courses that support our culture are presented (breakIast, lunch and dinner). Despite the Iact that the dress defnes social background, it was rarely mentioned, probably because oI the lack oI Iairy people (Princes, Queens, etc.). Usage oI linen as the only material to make clothes Irom indicates that there was nothing else to use as a clothing material in the 2nd halI oI the 19 th century and in the 1st halI oI the 20 th century in Slovenia rural areas. Farmers grew fax, they separated seeds Irom the rest oI the plant, dried it and crushed it. Houses and places people lived in are not described in legends, they are only mentioned. Social status is described mostly with adjectives that stand beIore nouns (example: poor, very beautiIul ...). 65 Studii / Articles As Christ summarised Peter`s conversion with the words: 'Simon Simon, Satan wanted to have you and siIt you like wheat, but I begged Ior you so that your Iaith does not Iade, so can Peter`s learning be a support to people in their personal growth. Many legends that were created much later on show us that at the beginning the missioners 1 praised as the frst oI all saints him, the frst among Christ disciples, the keeper oI heavenly kingdom`s keys. Probably as a result oI this the image oI apostle Peter in (Slovenian) material and spiritual culture is despite the modern trend still very much alive. That enables diIIerent aspects oI research in ethnological and Iolklore felds. References: ENCIKLOPEDIJA SLOVENIJE (1987). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. KEBER, J. (1996): Leksikon imen, izvor imen na Slovenskem. Celje: Mohorjeva druzba. KUMER, Z. (2006): Od Florjanovega do velikega smarna. Celje: Celjska Mohorjeva druzba. KURET, N. (1998): Praznicno leto Slovencev: starosvetne sege in navade od pomladi do zime. Ljubljana: Druzina. LETO SVETNIKOV, 2. zvezek (2000). Celje: Mohorjeva druzba. MENCEJ, M. (2001). Gospodar volkov v slovanski mitologiji. Ljubljana: FilozoIska Iakulteta, Oddelek za etnologijo in kulturno antropologijo. MERKU, P. (1992): Svetniki v slovenskem imenoslovju. Trst: Mladika. OROZEN, M. (2006): Slovenske narodne legende v prozi: globinsko pomensko sporocilo in povrsinska jezikovna ubeseditev. In: Slovenska kratka pripovedna proza. Irena Novak Popov, ur. Ljubljana: FilozoIska Iakulteta, str. 605618. OVSEC, D. (1993): Danes je tvoj god, ime je znamenje. In: Gea, 3 (10), str. 48-49. PLESEC, C. (1983): Pregled cerkvenih zavetnikov (v Sloveniji). Ljubljana: C. Plesec. SCHAUBER, V., SCHINDLER Hanns Michael (1995): Svetniki in godovni zavetniki. Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. SLOVAR SLOVENSKEGA KNJIZNEGA JEZIKA (1995). Ljubljana: ZRC SAZU, DZS. SLOVENSKI ETNOLOSKI LEKSIKON (2004). Ljubljana: Mladinska knjiga. SNOJ, M (2002). O etimologiji osebnih in zemljepisnih imen na Slovenskem. V: Jezikoslovni zapiski 8 (2), str. 37-40. STANONIK, M. (1999): Slovenska slovstvena Iolklora. Ljubljana: DZS. http://www.biblia.net VORAGINE, J. (1999): Die Legenda aurea. 13. izdaja. Gtersloh: Gtersloher Verlaghaus. http://www.stat.si SVETO PISMO STARE IN NOVE ZAVEZE. Slovenski standardni prevod. (2007). Ljubljana: Svetopisemska druzba Slovenije. 1 At the time when European nations were converted to Christians. German apostle St. BoniIace had the big oak hallowed to God Donar cut down and on the same spot he then built a church in the honour to St. Peter. Ovsec thinks that other missioners were doing similar things with other people (1993: 48). 67 Studii / Articles GYZ ZSIGMOND SPECIFIC TRANSYLVANIAN GAMES AND TOYS The author treats the play culture oI Hungarians Irom Transylvania. First oI all he talks in detail about some Transylvanian toys made oI a special material and about some interesting popular card-games. In the introduction we have a short history oI the research, then the presentation oI two toys made oI mushroom (the raw material oI the tinder ball and oI the tinder mouse is Tinder Iungus, Fomes fomentarius) and several not or barely known card-games which are parts oI some customs. The explanation oI rules is completed by allusions to the social environment, to the Iunctions oI mentioned games, to their role in the community. For example it is mentioned that one card-game (ass:onyfogas `women`s capture`) is one kind oI communication which is above languages: playing this card-game one greets and talks to the other gypsies speaking diIIerent languages but knowing this game in the same way. So this card-game is one expression oI their aIfliation to the same great community. The study is Iocused on adults` games and toys. Key words: hungarian Iolk toys and games, popular customs, Transilvania, beech spunk toys, playing cards Autorul prezint rolul jocului si a jucriilor n cultura popular maghiar din Transilvania. nainte de toate d detalii despre jucrii Icute din materii prim mai special si despre jocuri de cri populare mai interesante. n introducere se Iace un scurt istoric al cercetrii si apoi prezentarea a dou jucrii Iabricate din ciuperci (materia prim a mingii de iasc si a soricelului din iasc este iasca de Iag (Fomes fomentarius), si apoi a ctorva jocuri de cri (variante) Ioarte puin sau deloc cunoscute n literatura de specialitate (hlcul, 21) care sunt pri integrante ale unor obiceiuri. Explicaia regulamentelor este completat de aluzii la mprejurri (socio-culturale) si la Iunciile jocurilor menionate n comunitatea respectiv. De exemplu se menioneaz despre jocul de cri numit ass:onyfogas `prinderea (ducerea) Iemeilor` este un Iel de comunicare translingvistic: rromii care l exerseaz se salut si vorbesc n limbi si dialecte diIerite, dar joac la Iel acest joc, n acest mod, jocul de cri devine si o expresie a apartenenei lor la aceeasi mare comunitate. Cuvinte cheie: jocuri si jucrii populare maghiare, obiceiuri populare, Transilvania, jucrii din iasc de Iag, jocuri de cri Introduction There are considerable gaps especially in the feld oI research on the games oI adolescents and adults. However, the world oI the games oI bigger children and oI grown-ups is also a rich and interesting feld oI research. In what Iollows I will make a presentation oI games other than children`s games in the frst place. I will approach my subject matter by examining more deeply a certain segment oI it. Can the Hungarian ludic culture oI Transylvania I`m thinking here oI both traditional and less traditional games be considered a special one nowadays? I think yes. There is a great variety oI people and languages in this area, and this has an impact on the world oI Transylvanian games as well. That is why, Ior instance, people Irom the mother country fnd it peculiar when they hear oI Szeklers playing ofna. Oin is the name oI the popular sports- game a kind oI meta (ball-game) played especially by Romanians in our region. I mentioned 68 thus a sports-game, but I don`t intend to dwell on this topic. In the frst place, I would like to speak about some specifc Transylvanian toys made oI special material as well as about some popular card-games. Playing is an ancient and universal characteristic not only oI man but also oI many other creatures. Its importance is indisputable, although this is not always refected in research. Most oI the time the concept oI the game was identifed with the concept oI children`s game and this decreased the interest in it (Niedermller 1990: 531), contributing to the Iact that so Iar Iolklore studies have Iocused on children`s games. One oI the best-known old books, in which we fnd data about Transylvanian games, is Pter Apor`s Metamorphosis Transylvaniae Irom 1736. The scientifc research started in the 19 th
century. In the frst volume oI the Collection of Hungarian Folk-Poetry, published in 1872, already appeared popular games, among them the Nativity play ('betlehemes) Irom Csikszk (collected by Balazs Orban). The frst volume oI collections on Transylvanian popular games, Ferenc Trk`s work entitled The S:ekler Worla of Chilaren after One Thousana Years was published in 1896 in Saint George. Elek Benedek published Szekler Children`s Songs and Game-Songs and Puzzle Stories already in 1882 (together with Job Sebesi), his bigger collection was published in 1898. Aron Kiss`s Collection of Hungarian Chilarens Games Irom 1891 is oI major importance; this is the only complete monographic work on games up to now. The research on children`s games and on popular games in general doesn`t have its proper theoretical and methodological Irame; it is mainly restricted to publication oI data. The research on the Hungarian tradition oI games is characterized by serious lack oI proportion. For instance we have a considerable amount oI collected material in the feld oI singing and dancing games but there were hardly any publications on popular card-games Ior a long time. In the 20 th
century the frst sign oI a qualitative change in this respect is represented by Maria Kresz`s general work published in 1948. This was Iollowed in respect oI publication because the material is earlier by JozseI Bakos`s work entitled Chilarens Games from Matyusfla which has as its worthy and successIul Transylvanian continuation Klara Gazda`s book entitled The Worla of Chilaren from Es:telnek, published in 1980. 1. Games and mushrooms. Toys made of tinder Not a very long time ago, in 1994, was published Lajos Istvan`s interesting little book, called Chilaren instruments from Korona. This book it is about instruments made oI diIIerent materials, especially about ones made oI tile, considering that Korond (Corund) is the Iamous village oI potters. In this zone called the Salt zone (Sovidk), there exists a unique Iolk trade called toplas:as ('tindering). The people dealing with tinder make the toy Irom their own special material. Mice and even balls are made oI beech-tinder (Fomes fomentarius). Adolescent girls and boys play with the mouse. It was oIten utilized in the fonos (social gatherings when people spinning and entertainment went together). Today boys use it in balls. They scare the girls with that. They try to throw the mouse into the girl`s blouse. This kind oI playing has another aim, too. It helps them get closer to the girl they like, because they try to get the mouse out Irom the girl`s blouse aIter throwing it in; slowly, patiently, not to hurt the girl, but continuing dealing with her. II the girl, aIter trying to look angry, decides to put the mouse on her blouse, this is considered a victory; it shows that this game is not only one which needs materials and demands skill it is not only a devilry, as I heard Irom the 90 years old Vince 69 Studii / Articles Math but it`s also a kind oI mate fnding game, a Iunny game. It would be interesting to fnd out iI the pine-cone-mouse Irom the Museum in Szolnok was used Ior the same purpose as the tinder-mouse. The making oI the mouse is a playIul work Ior the tinderer. They don`t sell them Ior much money, but they usually make many oI these cheap articles. This is a good opportunity Ior the tinder to be used, so, this way nothing is thrown away. Vince Math and his daughter, Julianna, explained the making oI the mouse. The exterior oI the mouse-body is made oI the pickings oI the tinder; the interior is made oI clay brought Irom the watercourse. This is burned out. There is a Iorm (a casting mould), the mouse is made out oI clay, and they put the toplo (tinder) on it. The moustache is made oI human hair or out oI goat hair. It is stamped with glue. The dry clay is burned in the oven. The tale is made oI rubber (Irom the tyre oI the car). An ironed yellow rag or tinder it is glued to the inIerior part oI the mouse. While the metal (the clay) it is still raw, they put the pin in. When the mouse is ready they curve the base. They draw the eyes with 'duko paint, which is on a matchstick. They make more glue with four and water. The tinder ball (toplolabaa) is also a toy made oI beech-tinder. This is made only oI mushrooms, not like the mouse. Tinder balls are no longer made. They consider that it is a waste oI material, and it isn`t worth making it. A woman Irom Zagon (Szeklerland, county oI Covasna) told me in 1992, that she once got a tinder ball Irom her grandIather. I asked a lot oI people in Korond iI they still make tinder balls and usually I got negative answers. The oldest tinderer, Vince Math remembered that in the time oI the rag balls they used to make tinder balls, but only then, never aIterwards, except those, which were made Ior me having this unique opportunity by Andras Molnos. I tried them with his grandchildren. It is a good Ieeling playing with that ball; it Ieels good to touch it. But their time is over. Children no longer play with it, modern balls replaced them, and the tinder is used Ior other purposes. Nowadays it is an interesting museum piece, which when touching it Ieels like velvet.(Zsigmond 2006: 60) 2. Card Games from Transylvania 1 The game called hlko is the most important traditional game in my hometown in Aranyosszk (region between Turda and Aiud). It competes with the American seven (hetes) and the game called sixty-six (hatvanhatos). The event to which it is linked is the carnival. The hlko Irom Aranyospolyan it is usually played at carnival. Sometime the hlko could have been a game oI keeping awake, oI the watcher as in Kalotaszeg and Udvarhelyszk (Szkelyderzs). The games Ior keeping you awake were played on the Hungarian speaking area, but we also know that Romanians Irom Bihar (Bihor) also used to play it (Ujvary 1982: 145-153). Until now only Imre Katona (1962), Klara Gazda (1980) and Zoltan Vasvari (1996) were the ones who dealed with card-games. The latter speaks about card-games in his book Cara-game in the 20 th century in peasant culture. The elementary use oI cards is Ior Iun, Ior playing. The card-games were once war games, like chess. Especially the card-games in which hands are important kept this Ieature. The hlko is also a war game between city and town, peasants and lords. Maybe because oI this characteristic the ladies were not allowed to play cards Ior a long time. Some games are played even today only by men (in Aranyosszk the twenty-one, on the Nyiko`s Valley the hlko, on the Kis- Kkll`s Valley the so called one-hundred-two). The spending oI time is exactly the role oI this 1 See also: Zsigmond 2000. 70 card-games (hlko and twenty-one). Both oI them belong to well defned in some cases ritual times, occasions (carnival, watcher). The passion Ior the game is not very important, because they are played especially on some events. This is also proved by the Iact that these games are only played in winter, when there is less work on the felds. The hlko was oIten played when someone was travelling. This became a habit among those who were oIten travelling, among the commuters. The infuence on social liIe, social gatherings are important in this game as in the twenty-one too. The ones who play are Iriends or relatives. We know games were the players belong to diIIerent groups, they even do not know each other. The game which is played by the gypsies in Sepsikrspatak is a kind oI touching, a net system oI signs above language beyond language, named ass:onyfogas catching the woman`, it`s a game oI understanding each other between gypsies. Istvan Pakular was telling that iI in Hungary diIIerent gypsies meet in a place, they all play this game because they understand it better than any other language they know, they speak. The Ieeling oI fghting Ior the prize remains true Ior the hlko and the twenty-one. Who plays cards well and who works hard: they don`t exclude each other. Moreover, the man who is at the same time good, hardworking and a good player is more appreciated. The one who is a good mate in the game can also be a good mate in working. The Iun and competition can be more exciting when there is some punishment Ior the one who loses. The one who loses in Csikszentimre has to put on a hat. In Szkelyderzs (Dirjiu) the losers knock on the table to the servants mentioning to them that 'they should take the kids out, because they were disturbing the game. In the case oI aura, who had it, was cleaned on the hands, and they used to make him nervous by cleaning, rubbing the table. In a closed place (train) the one with the switched hat was the loser, iI we look Ior example at the players Irom Szolokma (near Szovata / Sovata), where they played one-hundred-two (Pter Jakab inIormed me, a 42 years old worker in 1997). The estimation oI the hlko and twenty-one lately has changed in the studied communities. The games, which make liIe easier, are more, are highly appreciated. The Iortune-games are not so much liked (see the case oI the twenty-one). Still, the latter is more common (more popular) than the hlko. Because the hlko is the old generations` game, and the younger generation are not given the opportunity to learn the game because frst oI all the TV took the place oI the card-game. A new research since 1998 shows us, that the hlko is played near Torda and Aranyosgyres (Turda and Cmpia Turzii) by Romanian workers 1 . Let me tell you some details about hlko. I couldn`t fnd the description about the Transylvanian hlko game not even in the Encyclopedia oI Playing Cards (Berend 1993). It`s not the same as the games named in those books: the upper (felss). It diIIers a great deal Irom those. In our playing the lordship must be achieved; to be not a servant you have to have more than two tens and aces at the end oI the hand. The one, who did not take, did not catch anything, that`s the sus:ter (shoemaker`) he is not only a simple servant; this is the worst possible deIeat (In Bogdand it is puszta, 2 in Derzs it has a aura as they say). This is a game with tricks (hands), in which the most precious card is the hlko (the ranking is: clubs, green, red, diamonds; each oI them is considered a trump), the Iurther order is: ace, ten, king, queen, jack, nine, eight, seven. It is not obligatory to beat. Color requires the same color, iI one doesn`t have any, then he has to put a trump). The trump is determined by the one who has a bigger binding` (ktes). The word means: hlko or more hlkos (queens`) and other cards oI the color required by the trump. The binding (a ktes) is determined depending on the number 1 The hlcu is played mainly while waiting (while doing nothing in particular). The the terms oI the cards are directly translated Irom Hungarian into Romanian. 2 InIormant: Sipos Laszlo (1948). 71 Studii / Articles oI trumps in someone`s hands, iI this person says the trump; and depending on the smallest card that he has oI this color. For example, iI someone has three red ones (the smallest is jack), two hlkos, then the name oI his binding is: fve jacks (t also). Binding is possible only iI you have a hlko and a farba in your hand. Farba means that the player cannot have only trumps, he cannot have six bindings. He has to have at least one card (one or more), which is not part oI the binding, and this is the farba. That person who has more bindings determines the color oI the trump and he can call Ior help by naming one card. Who has the named card will be the help (segitseg) oI the caller; they will make together with the binder (kt) the town. The other three players represent the village (falu), which has to fght against the town (varos). The one who doesn`t take the three tens (ten is considered the ten-card itselI and the ace), becomes the servant (s:olga) and the other one becomes the lord (ur). Then the servants have to take at least six tens and aces to Iree themselves. Until then as a punishment they mix and they divide the cards. They have to give three three cards twice in the direction in which they stir the samp (the hominy) , the player beIore the divider has to cut. This game is played with Hungarian cards, but they don`t use all the thirty-two cards. At the beginnings oI the game they take out two sevens (they show which two), they won`t use them Iurther on. It is usually played by fve players, but it has a version, which is played by Iour or three players (at Szkelyderzs even with six or eight players). In the version with Iour players the ones who sit opposite to each other Iorm a team and they have to take as much as possible together. Filko in three means that the Iourth player is not a person, his cards are put in one heap and they take out oI it one by one when it is their turn. The putyi or mutuf (at Aranyosszk he is called the dumb` (nema), in Kalotaszeg mutyi in Maramaros vak blind`, at Derzs in Udvarhelyszk santa lame`) is always with the binder, with the town. In Iour or in three they use only 24 cards, taking out the sevens and the eights. At Csikszentimre and in the villages around, according to Sz. A, who used to play hrko, as they call it, only the game in Iour or in three is known. The Iresh` (frisseles) is played only by the best hlko-players. This can be announced only aIter dividing the three cards in a game oI fve (at Szkelyderzs only that one can play Iresh` who is not a servant, who aoesnt have kias, who took at least three tens). In such cases all the three cards only aIter that). They have to start with a trump. In some hlko or ace is taken with a bigger hlko and there at the beginning the hlko doesn`t take. The Transylvanian hlko is known in Aranyosszk, Kalotaszeg, Udvarhelyszk and Csik as well. As Iar as I know, it is not known in Haromszk, and there are no recordings in Maramaros either (see Vasvari 1996: 122-123); I cannot speak about the situation in other regions because oI the shortcomings oI research. The Ieast oI the hlko, the celebration with playing the hlko is the carnival 1 . At such times people didn`t only get dressed and wore masks, surprising especially their relatives, but they also went to one another to play games. Better said, to play hlko. At least they used to ten-twenty years ago. Nowadays playing hlko is no longer so well known, it is played not so oIten. Instead, they play the seven, the sixty-six or in recent times the `calI` (bornyu, borfu). Or they just chat, eat and drink. The elderly people like playing hlko nowadays too. In the meantime they have a talk, which gets more and more intense while playing. In order to reach the goal, they oIten use tricks, which are punished, condemned other times, but in such times they are only disapproved 1 At Szkelyderzs they used to play cards a lot in the fonos (social gatherings when people spinning and entertainment went together). I quote B.B.: In carnival time they usea to go to the fono, until Shrove Tuesaay. We went in turn to the neighborhooa. After playing the hlko, before going home we aiant miss to talk about politics, about farming ana to chat for a while. The participants usea to eat ana to talk together they often cookea corn , they playea caras, they wore masks. At this time men ana women, boys ana girls usea to play caras too. During the last week, when hnishing the spinning the women playea night music for men. 72 but tolerated. They even say that in this game you are allowed to cheat, iI you do it unnoticed, while in chess or in twenty-one you are not. This aspect strengthens the celebrating Ieature oI playing hlko. As an exception, what is Iorbidden in other times is allowed in carnival time. Over the past decades the opportunities oI celebrating together with the relatives have become rarely. We can say that it is only the baptism, the confrmation, the wedding and the Iuneral that brings relatives together. And oI course the carnival hlko-game, when they mixed, divided the cards until 'they smelled oI garlic (expression: Ior a long time`). However, they didn`t get bored about it. Various, colorIul, Iunny and mocking arguments made the game even more entertaining. Most oI the players want to be with the town, iI so, it is more likely Ior someone to become a lord. However, most oI the time they support the village, especially iI its members Iell down, became servants and now they are trying to set themselves Iree. Playing the game means the time oI celebration: that oI Ireedom, it spices up the common weekdays, works oII the tensions oI hard work and helps to overcome the troubles. Consolation, encouragement is never missing. Unluck in caras, luck in love. Dont worry, maybe it will be better for you' This servantry is fust a game' Dont give up, Abrincs' Look, Nas:tas:ia plays well, she fust aoesnt have luck' OI course, there is no Abrincs, no Nas:tas:ia among the players, but they can have a good laugh at these names. Among the Ieasting players there are men and women too, mixed up, adults most oI them. They let bigger children play this game so that they should learn the hlko, but not the cheating. They almost never play until late into the night. They say, they have to Ieed the animals the next morning, they have to get up in time. In Aranyospolyan / Poiana-Turda the hlko used to have its prime time about thirty years ago, when there were no or hardly any TV-sets. Especially since Hungarian channels could be watched on television, the hlko has been played more rarely and as a consequence the opportunities, which used to strengthen up and make people aware oI their relationships, Iriendships unIortunately have become more rare too. In the end oI my paper I will mention one oI our dramatical carnival games. We have data about it especially Irom Csik. This is a game oI competition. It is not hard to guess the names oI the heroes. At Epiphany it is Spoils king (Konc kiraly) that wins, on Shrove Tuesday it is Cibere (one kind oI soup without meat and Iats) voivode. The spoils mean juicy bone and it is usually to wrangle over. Cibere is a sour soup made oI Iruit and bran eaten during the Lent. Making the meanings oI the words clear, guessing the word puzzle may have helped to a better understanding oI the custom. It happens so in the case oI language or literary games and puzzles. We know the authors oI one part oI our language and literary games. I would like emphasize the name oI Janos Arany and oI Frigyes Karinthy. However, many language and literary puzzles appear as a genuine Iolklore creation: without name. Those who popularize them don`t know their authors and they have no intention oI clariIying the question oI publications, oI smaller oI bigger collections oI language-, literary or logical puzzles. Most oI the time there is not clear a border between popular and non popular games oI language and literature (at least Irom the chosen point oI view). That`s why I end my paper on special Transylvanian Games with a puzzle, which is in some way connected to Transylvania. This is a literary picture puzzle. You have to attribute a word or words to the picture or drawing or to the elements oI the picture or drawing so that the word or words would result in the solution oI the puzzle. In the case oI a literary picture puzzle most oI the time the title oI a literary work is hidden on the picture. You have to give the title oI the literary work and the name oI the author! 1
1 Aron Tamasi: Abel in the woods, the puzzle in German (Abel in aer Wilanis) and Hungarian (Abel a rengetegben) is correct, isn`t in English. 73 Studii / Articles References Apor Pter 1978 Metamorphosis Transylvaniae. Bukarest Bakos JozseI 1953 Matyusflai gyermekfatekok. Uj Magyar Npkltsi Gyjtemny VII. Budapest Benedek Elek 1898 A magyar nep multfa es felene. I-II. Budapest Berend Mihaly (szerk./editor) 1993 Kartyalexikon. Budapest Danko Imre 1996 Ke:mves fatekok es moaellalas. In: Vesszparipaink. A Magyar Jatktarsasag Kzlemnyei 3. Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt-Budapest, 50-60. Gazda Klara1980 Gyermekvilag Es:telneken. Bukarest Gulyas Eva 1996 A folklori:mus es a nepi gyermekfatekok. In: Vesszparipaink. A Magyar Jatk-tarsasag Kzlemnyei 3. Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt-Budapest, 96-111. Istvan Lajos 1994 Koronai gyermekhangs:erek. Kecskemt Janko Janos 1892 Kalotas:eg magyar nepe. Budapest Katona Imre 1962 Kartyafatekok. Kartya:as kubikmunkan. In: Nprajzi Kzlemnyek VII. 3-4, Budapest, 91 100 Kiss Aron 1891 Magyar gyermekfatek-gyftemeny. Budapest Kresz Maria 1948 A magyar gyermekfatek-kutatas. Budapest Niedermller Pter-Lazar Katalin 1990 Magyar nepi fatekok. In: Magyar Nprajz VI., Budapest, 529-647. Trk Ferenc 1896 A s:ekely gyermekvilag e:er ev multan. Sepsiszentgyrgy Ujvary Zoltan 1982 Halottvirras:toi fatekok. In: Halottkultusz. Elmunkalatok a Magyarsag Nprajzahoz 10. 112-127. Bp. Ujvary Zoltan 1990 Farsang. Debrecen Vasvari Zoltan 1996 Kartyafatek a hagyomanyos paras:ti tarsaaalomban a XX. s:a:aa soran. In: Vesszparipaink. A Magyar Jatktarsasag Kzlemnyei 3. Jatk Rend Szerek. Kecskemt Budapest, 112-127. Zsigmond Gyz 1994 A gomba helye nepi kulturankban. In: A Kriza Janos Nprajzi Tarsasag vknyve. Kolozsvar, 22-58. Zsigmond Gyz 2000 Kt kartyajatk s jatszasuk nnepi alkalmai. SzkelyIld, IV.vI.3.sz., Csikszereda, 107- 114. Zsigmond Gyz 2006 Tinder polypore and birch polypore in Hungarian popular tradition. Moes:ia. Eraelyi Gombas: III. vI. 3.: 51-61. 74 Toys maae from Fomes fomentarius in Coruna (Photos maae by the author) 75 Studii / Articles GHEORGHE PAVELESCU THE SOUL-BIRD IN THE CONTEXT OF INDO-EUROPEAN CULTURE Romanians in Transylvania have retained the custom oI placing a pillar with a carved blue wooden bird on the grave oI a young unmarried man, symbolizing the soul oI the deceased. This tradition can be Iound today, especially in the mountain villages. The custom also includes placing a newly-cut fr tree upright beside the pillar. The fr tree is carried Irom the mountains with a special ritual and its height in meters shows the age oI the deceased. The practice used to be more widespread among Romanians but today it is gradually disappearing. Having an ancient Indo-European origin, this custom is prooI oI the roots that tie us to the ancient civilizations oI the Euro-Asiatic world and oI the traditionalism oI Romanian Iolk culture. Key words: Indo-European culture, carved and painted wooden birds, Soul-bird, Romanian Iolk culture, Comparative mythology, Symbolic attributes Romnii din Transilvania au pstrat obiceiul de a pune, la mormntul unui brbat tnr necstorit, un stlp avnd n vrI o pasre albastr cioplit n lemn, simboliznd sufetul celui decedat. Aceast tradiie este pstrat si n prezent, ndeosebi n satele de munte. Obiceiul include, de asemenea, si asezarea lng stlp a unui brad proaspt tiat. Este adus din muni urmnd un ritual special, nlimea acestuia indicnd vrsta celui decedat. Aceast practic era Ioarte des ntlnit n cadrul obiceiului de nmormntare la romni, ns acum este pe cale de dispariie. Avnd origini antice, indo-europene, acest obicei reprezint dovada rdcinilor care ne leag de civilizaiile antice ale lumii euro-asiatice, precum si dovada tradiionalismului culturii populare romnesti. Cuvinte cheie: cultur indo-european, psri din lemn sculptate si pictate, pasrea-sufet, cultura popular romneasc, mitologie comparat, Iuncii simbolice The idea oI this study was inspired by the carved and painted wooden birds that I used to fnd in the graveyard oI my native village, Purcrei (Alba County), and by some oI Lucian Blaga`s writings. The grave birds were painted sky blue. The term the blue bird has its origin in my Iavourite reading as a youth, nearly three-quarters oI a century ago: 'Maurice Maeterlinck`s 'L`Oiseau bleu' and Ervin Rohde`s 'Psych'. That is why the oldest oI my reIerences, Irom 14 XI 1939, has the title 'The blue bird. The reIerence is accompanied by an image a pen and ink drawing representing a village graveyard, with wooden crosses, a pillar in the middle oI it and a wooden carved bird on the top oI the pillar. In the Iollowing year, 1940, I did some research in the Southern Transylvanian counties oI Sibiu, Alba and Hunedoara. I had Ion Muslea`s support (he was the Folklore Archive`s manager) and I also used inIormation gathered Irom teachers and pupils in Fgras, Sibiu and Orstie. Based on this research, I published the frst article: 'The Soul-Bird. Contributions to understanding the Romanian cult oI the dead in Southern Transylvania. The article describes the custom oI placing a pillar carved with geometrical motiIs and a wooden bird at the top on an unmarried young mans grave. The bird was usually a dove. These two distinguishing marks, the pillar and the bird are usually accompanied by a third: the Iuneral tree. 76 Our article received compliments and some additions were made. Among these, we have to mention frst the review published in French by the Iolklore expert Petru Caraman (1898-1980) and that oI the literary historian Harald Krasser (1906-1981), published in German. From these reviews, and Irom other inIormation which I had Iound in the meanwhile, I published an additional article in the Iollowing issue oI the Annual Folklore Archive. Romulus Vulcnescu and Mihai Coman who have researched Romanian mythology, and some art historians who were specialists in Brncusi`s sculpture ('The Birds and 'The Infnite Column) commented on my study. In my frst article (1942), I specifed the structure oI the custom and its spread across southern Transylvania, and in the second one (1947), using new inIormation, I Iound that the custom was more widespread than originally thought, spanning Irom the Lombards a German population who settled in northern Italy in the 6 th century AD to Cheremishes, a Finnish population on the Olga river, and to the Iar East, in China and Japan. Although at the end oI my article, I had promised a more advanced study oI the subject, this promise couldn`t be Iulflled during the years that have passed since its publication. That is why, recently, I thought it necessary to publish the materials regarding 'The Soul-Bird on which our 1947 article was based, so that possible Iuture experts oI this custom may use this material. The present book
presents additional inIormation concerning both the geographical area oI
'the bird and more than that, a deeper study, in ancient cultures oI Europe, Asia and elsewhere, Irom the historical point oI view. The image oI 'The Soul-Bird is Iamiliar to the majority oI ancient people, even in Australia. To travel to the other world, the soul oI the Greeks had an absolute need Ior guides, such as animals or birds, as the road to the other world 'was neither simple nor isolated. It had numerous crossroads as Plato himselI expressed in the dialogue Phaeton. Seen Irom the perspective oI comparative mythology, the dove points to an ancient history and a varied palette oI symbolic attributes. In the Rig-Jeaa, it appears as a Iuneral messenger, while in 'Panciatantra it is an emblem oI love. In the poem 'The Argonauts, the dove becomes a guide-bird, and in 'Aeneid, it shows Aeneas the road to the Golden Branch. On ancient Iuneral stars, its presence symbolizes the soul oI the deceased. Echoes oI these values reverberate throughout European Iolk culture, including oI course Romania. The use oI a bird image to represent the soul still occurs. We can fnd it in the ritual loaI, shaped as a bird, called in Transylvania 'hoopoe (pup:) which can be Iound at wedding rituals, in the days dedicated to praying Ior the dead or in the image oI the carved wooden birds which people still place on Iuneral pillars in Transylvania. A saying reIerring to the soul and the body is: 'I have a small box / and there is a little dove in it; II the little pigeon fies, I won`t know what to do with the box (the soul and the body). Ivan Evseev in 'The Dictionary oI the Cultural Symbols and Archetype' (1994) asserts that many stages may be noticed in the evolution oI the symbolic meanings oI the dove. Some oI the meanings date Irom the pagan epoch, others were brought by the spread oI Christianity. The oldest representations oI the dove date Irom the 5 th and 6 th centuries BC (Mesopotamia). In the Aramaic religion, the dove is dedicated to Anat and Ishtar, the goddesses oI love and Iertility. In Greece and Rome, the bird is devoted to Aphrodite (Venus) symbolizing happy love. For many people, a pair oI doves constitutes an example oI shared love or oI marital harmony. In Christianity, the dove assumes on the one hand a Mediterranean meaning oI love (in a refned Iorm) while on the other it continues a Jewish tradition which presupposes that it was once a totemic bird. 77 Studii / Articles Consulting Jean Chevalier`s 'Dictionary oI Symbols, we fnd that the bird also appears Irequently in AIrican art, especially in masks. The bird stands Ior power and liIe. It is oIten a Iertility symbol. The Jakuts, a population Irom Eastern Siberia, believe that at death, both good people and sinners ascend to the sky where their souls take the shapes oI birds. Indeed, the soul birds settle on the branches oI The Tree oI the World, The Tree oI LiIe or The Cosmic Tree. In Egypt, a bird with a head oI a man or a woman symbolizes the departed soul or a god visiting the world. The idea oI the Bird-Soul and the identifcation oI death with a bird have already been studied in the archaic religions oI the Near East. 'The Book oI the Dead, Irom ancient Egypt, describes death as a fying Ialcon. In Mesopotamia, the deceased are represented by the shape oI birds. The myth is older than that, Chevalier writes. On the prehistoric tombs oI Europe and Asia, the Cosmic Tree is shown with two birds on its branches. In spite oI their cosmic value, these birds seem to symbolize the souls oI the ancestors. Indeed, in central Asiatic mythologies (Siberian and Indonesian) the birds which settle on the branches oI The Tree oI the World represent the souls oI the dead. The Romanian ethnologist Romulus Vulcnescu believes that 'the representation oI the soul as birds originates Irom an old animistic belieI in the migration oI the human body Irom the real world to the mythical one. According to Romulus Vulcnescu the soul-bird represents the vehicle that transmigrates the soul; it is a psychocarrier-bird. We understand by a psychocarrier- bird the image oI a bird which is considered sacred, and whose mission is to carry the soul to the other world, 'to Paradise or Hell. In 'The Soul Bird in the Ponto Baltic region, Romulus Vulcnescu elaborated his comparative-historical study oI the mythology oI death. AIter he establishes the presence oI the mythical bird at all levels oI mythology and in all thematic spheres concerning belieIs, customs and traditions connected with death, he analyses Indo- European paleontological material Irom the Ponto-Baltic regions. These people used the bird oI the soul as a Iuneral mark, to highlight the primary meaning and the developed sense oI the bird oI the soul. Thus, the author distinguishes two complementary aspects oI representations oI dead souls: the bira as a soul and the soul as a bira. The bird as a soul is the material duplicate oI the deceased soul in this world. The soul as a bird is the ornithomorphic image oI the soul that is always wandering in this world during an apparent death, or aIter a real death, until the soul passes to the other world. Romulus Vulcnescu was especially interested in the idea oI the bird oI the soul as: 'the image oI the vehicle that transports the soul to the other world. In other words, the bird oI the soul is a psychocarrier responsible Ior carrying the soul oI the deceased to the other world, to Paradise or Hell. In this respect, the soul oI the bird is similar to the psychocarrier horse which appears in Romanian Iuneral songs. Commenting upon the two morphological aspects oI the Iuneral bird, the same author asserts that the bird with Iolded wings is 'the psychological receptacle oI the soul`s duplicate, shaped as a bird and the one with open wings, ready to fy is 'the celestial image oI a bird as a soul. At the end oI these considerations, Romulus Vulcnescu mentions the Bird-Souls which appear on the pillars oI cenotaphs or empty graves oI those who died Iar Irom home. 'The memorial ceremony oI the pillar with a dove placed on the cenotaph aimed to attract the vagrant soul oI the dead person Irom the other regions to the place where the relatives have decided he will be buried. We have met such kind oI practice with the 6 th century Lombards in northern Italy. From the examples given in this paper and our own materials, we can draw the Iollowing conclusion: Romanians in Transylvania have retained the custom oI placing a pillar with a carved blue wooden bird on the grave oI a young unmarried man, symbolizing the soul oI the deceased. This tradition can be Iound today, especially in the mountain villages. The custom 78 also includes placing a newly-cut fr tree upright beside the pillar. The fr tree is carried Irom the mountains with a special ritual and its height in meters shows the age oI the deceased. The practice used to be more widespread among Romanians but today it is gradually disappearing. Having an ancient Indo-European origin, this custom is prooI oI the roots that tie us to the ancient civilizations oI the Euro-Asiatic world and oI the traditionalism oI Romanian Iolk culture. (Translatea by Amalia Pavelescu) 79 Studii / Articles ANAMARIA STNESCU THE IMAGE OF THE TURK IN ROMANIAN FOLK CULTURE The aim oI this article is to present an approach oI the 'imaginary Turk specifc to the traditional Romanian mentality. As objectives, we enumerate: the evolution oI the multiple meanings that the term 'Turk has in the Romanian culture, the construction oI his portrait, as the Romanian sees, believes and understands him (Oisteanu, 2001:9), based on a corpus oI texts Iormed oI Iables, legends (mythological, hagiographic, geographical and historical), proverbs, anecdotes, jokes, The Other seen as alien and a parallel between the ola enemy and the present friena. Key words: imagology, image, the Turk, portrait, Romanian Iolk culture, Ottoman Empire, Iolk text, (Iairy) tale, legend, epic song, anecdote, proverb, the Other, alien, national imaginary, stereotype, pagan, barbarian, stranger, Christian Obiectivul acestui articol este de a prezenta o abordare a ,turcului imaginar, specifc mentalitii tradiionale romnesti. Iat cteva din obiectivele acestui proiect: evoluia sensurilor multiple pe care termenul ,turc le are n cultura romn, construirea portretului su, asa cum este vzut si neles de romni (Oisteanu, 2001:9), bazat pe un corpus de texte Iormat din Iabule, legende (mitologice, hagiografce, geografce si istorice), proverbe, anecdote, bancuri, Cellalt vzut ca strin si o paralel ntre vechiul auman si actualul prieten. Cuvinte cheie: imagologie, imagine, turc, portret, cultura popular romn, Imperiul Otoman, text Iolcloric, basm, legend, cntec epic, snoav, proverb, banc, Cellalt, strin, imaginar naional, stereotip, pgn, barbar, crestin According to the explanatory dictionary, the word 'Turk comes Irom the Turkish trk and points to that person which is part oI Turkey`s base population or who originates Irom there. By extension, it can also indicate a person oI Mohammedan religion. Its semantic feld illustrates a pejorative vision that the Romanians have oI the Turks: (inv. and pop.) irreligious, (inv and pop.) ciutac, (inv.) osman, osmangiu, osmanlau, Ottoman, pagan, (ir.) shalwarsman, Turkish, (inv.) osman, osmanic, osmanlau, osmnesc, Ottoman, pagan (Seche, 1997:1036). Analyzing the term Irom a diachronic perspective, I have noticed that in the old Iolklore texts the Turks were named varvari, the regional version oI the term barbarian (it comes Irom the Latin barbarus or the French barbare). The name barbarian was given by the Greeks and the Romans, in the Antiquity, to any individual who was not a Greek or a Roman. Barbarian were the people that invaded Europe at the beginning oI the Middle Ages and they were labeled uncivil, wild, rude, cruel (Mazilu, 1999:107). The Turks, who settled on Romanian territory, although they were marginalized, they were the representatives oI a sovereign nationality. They were called la:i and they were not allowed to build prayer houses in the Romanian Christian- Orthodox space (Mazilu, 1999:119). 80 I have noticed that the appellative Turk corresponds in a better way to the historic-ethnical realities Irom the 14 th and 15 th century and that the name Ottoman complies with the Iollowing centuries. By Ottoman we understand the notion oI 'Ottoman dynasty and by extension all the elements oI this period. For the period comprised between the 14 th and 19 th century it is necessary to use the term 'Ottoman (The Ottoman Empire) because in this period we cannot talk oI a Turkish national state, but oI a multinational, cosmopolitan and theocratic empire in which the name 'Turk was considered oIIensive (Maxim, 1990:28-29 apua Bodea). Still, the Europeans have used the Iorm 'Turk to reIer to the Ottoman power; the name 'Turk` corresponas to the political concept of Ottoman. The Ottoman history is part of the Turks history. Nevertheless, the Turkish character of the Ottoman power cannot be aeniea (Gemil, 1991:14-15 apua Bodea). Using as a support the corpus oI texts Iormerly mentioned, in which I have identifed the image oI the Turk, we shall put Iorth his specifc Ieatures as they result Irom the listed popular creations, starting Irom the premise that 'the discourse about the past oIIers a subjective, incomplete, simplifed and distorted vision (Boia, 1997:5). In the Iable, the Turk is identifed under the appearance oI a pasha, as it Iollows Irom the Iable 'The Lost Child, a version oI the type 'The Found One, Irom Ardeal (Pop-Reteganul, 1957:157 apua Sineanu): The third night aIter a child was born, a pasha put up at an old man`s house. Over the night, he heard one oI the Fates saying: 'This child will kill the pasha and will marry his daughter. The next day the pasha bought the child Ior 9000 lei and on the way he threw him in a waterway, where, at frst, he was Ied by a goat and then he was Iound by a peasant. As the boy grew bigger, the pasha passed by those places again and he was lodged at the peasant who told him the story oI the boy. He wanted to kill him again by sending him with a letter to his wiIe, but on the way, as he was sleeping, a blackmoor replaced it with another in which it was said to receive him with all the ceremony and to marry him to their daughter. Returning home and seeing all oI his plans Ioiled, he thought oI another way: he ordered a blacksmith to kill with a sledge hammer the one whom he would send asking Ior work. And in the evening he told the boy to go to the blacksmith. But the pasha`s son went instead and got killed and the boy came back with the thing which he was asked to bring: it was the head oI his son. Then he ordered to the coachman to kill him at night, but the pasha, who had gone to see what happened, was killed instead. This is how the words oI the Fate came true (Sineanu, 1978:103-106). This Iable underlines the myth oI the malefc child and the one oI the abandonment oI a child on water, drawing attention upon the implacable character oI destiny. The belieI in Iatality, an oriental infuence, is deeply rooted in the collective conscience oI the Romanian people, the Christian element overlaying the pre-Christian pagan conception on Iatality (the Hellenic destiny ruling over gods, as well as people). In the majority oI the mythological legends, the Turks are associated with Iantastical beings called Cpcuni, Ctcuni or Cpcluni (glutton). These were small people with a fat nose, a big head, with one eye on the Iorehead and another at the back, with two huge mouths. They ate Christian meat (they baked Christians) and that is why people used to hide in the woods. They disappeared going to 'the Turkish Land, over the Danube (Bodea, 1998:81) In the hagiographic legends, the Turk is depicted as an icon proIaner in the Romanian Christian- Orthodox space. At the Neam Monastery the legend says that a Turk stabbed an icon portraying The Virgin Mary with InIant Jesus. In Bessarabia the eyes oI the saints painted on the walls oI the churches were pulled out with spears by the Turkish soldiers. The success that the legend oI the desecration oI the icon had in the Romanian space is due to the interdiction oI destroying 81 Studii / Articles an icon, no matter its age or how deteriorated it is. According to popular belieI, the icon must not be thrown away, but taken to a running water, on a holiday, Irom where it will fow in 'Apa Smbetei (Saturday`s Water) and Irom there to the land oI the mythical ancestors (Oisteanu, 2001:203). The Turks are also present in the geographical legends, where the heroines are victims oI rape. From 'The Legend oI the Mamaia Beach we learn that: Mamaia was the wiIe oI a Moldavian dignitary who was enslaved by a pasha; aIter the Turks killed her husband, the pasha leIt her at Constana (according to another version the place was Silistra). But Mamaia had a little girl. The girl was beautiIul and Iair and the two were inseparable. The bey oI Silistra, who Iancied Mamaia, decides to steal her. He elopes with the mother while she was doing laundry in the lake. The girl ran aIter the boat in which her mother was, calling: 'Mamaia! Then, the mother begged God to help her regain her daughter and she was transIormed into a sand beach, on which the little girl walked calling her mother. Hence it Iollows that the Turk is the violator oI Romanian women, destroyer oI Iamilies and murderer. The ravishing actions through violence or deception are not accepted by the Romanian traditional norms and this is why they are hindered through a miraculous intervention or with the help oI a divine Iorce (Bodea, 1998:6). Through the historic legends we can distinguish a series oI connections between the autochthonous elements and the Ottoman ones: the relations between Romanian rulers and the Ottomans and the fght against the invasion oI the Ottoman Empire. In 'The Murad Tsar and Radu Voivode, the sultan Murad crosses the Danube to conquer Walachia and Moldavia. Realizing that he cannot deIeat the voivode Radu in a Iair fght, the sultan Murad asks him to give him his country and to pass to 'the Turkish law in exchange Ior halI oI his kingdom. ReIusing to go to aringrad because he was aware oI the trick, he was made drunk by the bishop Ali and taken to Murad. The brave Romanian succeeds in escaping and deIeats the sultan. As he returns home, he dresses up as an outlaw and asks the bishop oI Dii to conIess him. This is the way he can kill him, to punish him Ior betrayal. In the legends about Constantin Brancoveanu, who would rather see himselI and his sons tortured than ceding his country to the sultan and denying his Iaith in God, the tragedy oI the fghts between the Romanians and the Ottoman invaders is marked by an extraordinary heroism. These relations are much more obvious in the heroic epical songs and in the domestic ballads. The heroes oI the Romanian epic have reacted diIIerently in their contacts with the Ottoman power, depending on the mentality and the interests oI the respective historic stage. Thus, there is a Iolklore dedicated to the anti-Ottoman fght and there is also a Iolklore specifc to the zone oI interIerence with the Ottoman Empire, the Danubian heroic epos and the Ottoman Danubian ballad occupying a special place in this respect. The Danube`s sacred river characteristic can be especially deciphered in the Danubian epic, where the historic events related to Turks are lionized. Seen Irom a diIIerent perspective they demonstrate the real side oI the Turkish- Romanian relations, which are not relations between oppressors and oppressed, but between temporary occupiers and rebels, in which both Iorces acknowledge and respect each other. The Danubian epic song, according to Sabina Ispas, is part oI the system oI versed narratives oI the medieval chivalrous age, which express the fght between the vassals and the seigneurs. Thus, we distinguish three categories oI lionized relations: the respect Ior the brave enemy (Ireedom and liIe are given to the fghter taken prisoner), the reward Ior bravery (the hero marries 'the daughter oI the cadi or oI 'the Turkish emperor) and the recognition oI the qualities oI virtue and honesty oI the deIeated and subdued hero. 82 In the heroic epic song 'Stnislav and Vlcan the two powerIul 'anti-Ottoman fghters are betrayed by the cunning servants and given to the Turks. They 'didn`t want to hang them, 'nor to perish them by sward, but to throw them in the Danube with a rock around their necks. The rock ,had over fve hundred kilograms.../ And in the Danube they would Iall. Stnislav saves himselI ,swimming like a fsh /Because the Danube knows him or he is miraculously saved by a ,...crawfsh coming along / with a big claw / And he took him by a nostril / So he cam out oI the waters / Swimming like a little trout / Along with the little rock. Impressed by the miraculous event, the Turks grant them their lives and Ireedom and the treacherous servants are punished, Ior ,The Turk is evil, because he is a pagan, / but he does not sell his master / It is written in his book / That it is a sin / To sell an innocent man. In 'Novac`s Crane, young Novac, a merchant, arrives at the daughter oI 'the Turkish emperor on the pretence oI selling some jewelry. He 'steals her Irom the garden oI aringrad and they run away to Romanian land, being chased by the Ottoman army. Old Novac stops the Turkish army, standing in their way with a wedding canteen proposing to the girl`s Iather to clink together as in-laws. Although Novac pleads Ior reconciliation, Crane and the cadi fght, the latter being killed. Thus, the hero marries the cadi`s daughter who passes to 'Romanian law. In the version oI the songs about 'Badiu, a group oI Turks who want to capture the Danubian hero is presented. Badiu, who was a dreaded enemy, was caught because he was betrayed by his wiIe; she has remorse and announces Nicolcea, Badiu`s brother, to come and save him. Nicolcea asks the Turks to Iree the hero. Acknowledging his boldness and courage, the Turks grant him his Ireedom: ,The Turk is a pagan / Then he is merciIul / Calmed by God / Seeing him on his knees / Granted him his Ireedom / Neculcea searched himselI / His kniIe he took out / He cut a thread oI silk / Badiu was Iree. In the domestic ballad 'Ilincua Sandrului, Sandru`s daughter, whom is known Ior her beauty, is depicted: ,Green leaI oI bean / Up on the shore oI the Olt / At Sandru`s house / Rich Sandru / |...| / Sandru has a daughter / BeautiIul as a fower / Straight as a candle / What was her name? / BeautiIul Ilincua / The Turks died Ior her. As she was going to get water or sweeping the yard, Ilinca sees the Turks in the distance coming to ravish her. She tells her parents who hide her and tell the Turks that their daughter is dead. A small ana cunning Turk discovers the trick and Iorces the mother to tell him oI the hiding place. Ilincua is kidnapped. As they cross the Danube she asks the Turks to untie her Ior an easier undergoing oI the trip and throws herselI in the water, Ior she would rather die than being part oI a harem: ,Hey you Turks, you noblemen, / Untie my hands / So I can cool my breasts / And redress my braid, / For the odalisks will see me! / |... | /They untied her hands / She put her Ioot on the kayak / Her song she sung: / Then slave to Turks / And nurse Ior the odalisks/ I`d rather cool the crawfsh / And Ieed the fsh / |...|/ Straight in the Danube she jumped. The theme oI marriage through ravishment also appears in the ballads 'Niculca and 'Ana Ardeleana. Adrian Fochi distinguished a series oI epic songs with a strong historic content on the theme oI the 1877 war, which deal with the attitude oI the Romanian people eager Ior independence. Certain texts immortalize the movement oI the soldiers` leaving Ior war. In the version 'I Am Preparing Ior War, the motive 'the time has come Ior me to go is predominant: ,The time has come Ior me to go, /Towards the flthy Turk! / No more plough and oxen today / And I am preparing Ior war. / I leave my court and home / And I am heading Ior the enemy. The historic epic song also captures the moment oI the Romanians` entering war at Russia`s plea Ior help to deIeat a strong enemy as Osman-Pasha: ,Plevna is a strong Iortress / Where Osman sits on his horse. / Green leaI and a tulip, / But what was the news? / The Turks deIeated the Russians / Chased them to the Danube / They were crying Ior our help. / Come on brothers / Lets deIeat 83 Studii / Articles the enemy. The Iantastic ballad 'The Song oI Marcos-Pasha tells the story oI the fght oI the Ottoman army, led by Marcos-Pasha and Criv (North Wind), which was caused by the Pasha. This Iorce oI nature miraculously helps the Romanian army: Pasha`s soldiers make a fre with their weapons and vainly try to protect themselves in the horses` bellies: ,Last night / Marcos, old Pasha / Found himselI there and halted / |...| / What did the North Wind do? / He blew ice / Froze them up through the chimney / The entire army was amazed. In the Iantastic epic song 'Vidu the Peasant the hero extricates his death thanks to his horse, thus succeeding in deIeating the Turks. In this case, help comes Irom his loyal animal, as it happens in the Iables. The anecdote exposes the negative aspects oI the Turk (slyness, cheat, selI-praise, Iolly) through its moralizing Iunction based on the principles oI popular ethic, as it results Irom the Iollowing texts, 'The Frocked Turk and 'The Turk`s SelI-Praise: What was a Turk thinking, passing to our law and suddenly seeing himselI a Christian he made a monk oI himselI, changing his name Irom Mahomed to Paisie. He went to a monastery, taking in his cell a rooster named Bean. Passing with diIfculty through the Iasting period, one day he chopped the rooster and boiled it. The abbot catches him: 'What are you boiling in the pot, brother? the abbot asks him 'Bean, the Turk answers 'What do you mean bean? The brother said it was a rooster 'Yes, a rooster, but his name is Bean and I, having a taste Ior beans, I boiled him 'Aren`t you aware that we aren`t allowed to eat meat, yet? 'I know, but I haven`t eaten meat but Bean. I couldn`t care less iI he was a rooster or a hen. I know his name is Bean and as you changed my name to Paisie, so I changed his name to Bean. And as I am not the one whom I was beIore Irocking, nor is him a rooster, but Bean; and what are you supposed to eat during Iasting iI not beans? the Turk angrily answered going to his cell. (The Frocked Turk, Stroiescu, 1984:86) 'In our country everybody is rich and very smart! a stingy Turk was praising up. 'But the cows, who guards them? the Romanian asked him puzzled 'Ho-hoho, in Turkey, Ior this job, there are a lot oI people like you and me! (The Turk`s SelI- Praise, Stroiescu, 1989:87) The characteristics oI 'the imaginary Turk can also be deduced Irom jokes, which, in their capacity oI comic narratives, replace the anecdotes since they are the oral popular species with the widest distribution in present times. We can notice jokes with a historic subject in which the sovereignty oI the Turks, 'heroically thwarted by the Romanians, is illustrated in an ironical manner: 'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming! a soldier who came in haste tells Stephen the Great 'How many are they? '1000 Turks 'Good, bring me my red shirt, so my soldiers won`t see iI I am wounded in battle, iI my blood drips, so they will keep fghting. Stephen the Great wins the battle. The next day: 'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming! 'How many are they? '5000 Turks 'Bring me my red shirt so my soldiers won`t see iI I am wounded in battle. Stephen the Great wins this battle as well. The third day: 'Your Majesty, your Majesty, the Turks are coming! 84 'How many are they? 'A lot your Majesty, as much as there is grass on this earth, over 10000 Turks. 'Good, bring me my red shirt and my brown pants. The humorous image oI the Romanians deIeated by the Turks, but who come oII victorious, Iollows Irom a diIIerent type oI jokes: Stephen in a Iountain: AIter loosing a battle, Stephen runs away by himselI Irom the Turks. At one point he comes across a drained Iountain and, having no other choice, jumps in it. Sinan-Pasha comes to that place as well, stops near the Iountain and begins to think out loud. Stephen Ieigns the echo so as not to be suspected: Sinan-Pasha: 'Where is Stephen? Could he be in the felds? The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the felds, in the felds... Sinan-Pasha:Could he be on the hill? The echo (Stephen the Great): '...on the hill, on the hill... Sinan-Pasha:Could he be in the Iorest? The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the Iorest, in the Iorest... Sinan-Pasha: 'Could he be in the Iountain? The echo (Stephen the Great): '...in the Iorest, in the Iorest... There are also jokes that depict the ingenuity oI the Romanians who are capable oI anything to gain their independence and to protect their lives: Ion and Gheorghe during the independence war. 'Gheorghe, let`s kill these Turks, how about it? 'Yes, but how? 'Well...let`s call them by their names and as they answer Irom behind the redoubt, we shoot them. 'Ok 'Hasaaaan! (bang), Osmaaan! (bang), Suleimaaaan! (bang). The Turks begin to get desperate!!! 'Let`s kill them, too! 'But how? 'In the same way, we call them by their names and as soon as they answer we shoot them! 'Ok, but how do we call them? 'Ion, this is their national name! And the Turks yell: 'Ioooon!!! But Ion Irom behind the redoubt says: 'Go check who`s calling Ior me, Gheorghe!!! The victory oI the Romanians against the Turks and the harsh punishment Ior them is made evident in a sarcastic way in a diIIerent type oI jokes: ,For his birthday, the noblemen prepare a surprise Ior Vlad the Impaler, arranging three impaled Turks in Iront oI his window. In the morning, Vlad wakes up and looks with delight at the noblemen`s giIts, but notices that one oI the Turks is mumbling something. He gets closer and listens to what he whispers: Happy birthday! Polygamy, specifc to Moslems, had a deep impact on the Christian-Orthodox` view on monogamy, which was materialized through repulsion towards the exotic harem and it was also badged through jokes that suggest carnal, vulgar eroticism: The acme of baa luck. To fump from an airplane ana reali:e that your parachute is at the Turks' The old popular laws Iorbade 'the mix oI blood which is produced through the joining oI a Romanian woman and a Turk. II she had sinned, she would loose her soul and be condemned to death. An image oI the Turk is outlined through proverbs, but this image is reduced to a synthesis oI relations between the Romanians and the Turks, both synchronically and diachronically. The 85 Studii / Articles Iollowing proverbs reIerring to the Turks are specifc to the Romanian traditional mentality: As is the Turk, so is the gun. (as is man, so are his actions, his Iriends); Its not as if the Turks are striking (or coming). (it is said to moderate someone`s haste); To be a Turk (or as a Turk). (to be very stubborn, not wanting to understand, not minding anything); The Turk pays. (it is said about someone who is Iorced to pay somebody else`s loss or expense); The Turks chase the rabbit with the cart. (it is said about someone who does an impossible action); The Turk beats you, the Turk fuages you (being above the law); The Turk aoesnt try to catch a horse with an empty bag (not wasting time in vain); You give money to the Turk ana take out his eyes. (being avaricious). 'The fghts against the Turks are strongly imprinted in the national conscience. Beyond the Romanian-Turkish antagonism, the integration oI the Romanians into the Ottoman system, during time, has to be remarked. All oI these outline the myth oI the fght Ior independence. The Turkish domination and infuence can only be judged in a negative manner in the collective memory oI the Romanian people, although the Greek intermediary appears to be guiltier than the Turkish ruler. Thus, at the level oI the Romanian Iolklore, a striking anti-Turkish attitude can be noticed. The Romanians` past is understood in a disaccording way, both military and religious, the purpose being ethnical and state survival. In the traditional mentality The Stranger, who includes another system oI values, diIIerent Irom the autochthonous one, is perceived with a high intensity by the Romanians. When The Other is perceived as danger (enemy, rival), as is the case oI the Turk, he is identifed in his quality oI alienus, not alter, because he has a medieval, aggressive and pagan nature (Ferrol, Jucquois, 2005:16). The Turks` pressure, Irom inside or outside the country, has reached high levels in the national imaginary sphere and has generated the complex oI 'besieged city which is typical oI the Romanian`s mentality Ior the last two centuries. The Turk placed inside 'the Romanian city oIIers much more Ieatures oI decaying and stimulates to a grater extent all sorts oI anxieties than the one Irom Outside, which led to the deterioration oI the interethnic confict (Boia, 1997:251-261). Thus, the reaction oI a rural civilization, somehow isolated in the Balkan space, as is the case oI Romanians, which until the 19 th century was part oI the oriental cultural space, can only have a xenophobe nature: all that goes wrong does not come Irom a wrong orientation or Irom the poor Romanian administration; responsible Ior this are the Turks: those who robbed us and altered our spirit (Boia, 1997:181). The stereotypical image oI the Turk and its signifcations, oIIer a valuable instrument to those who want to manipulate the Romanians, because anything can be drawn out Irom history. This is why, when it comes to Turkey, a paradox is established: The pupils learn in school about the Romanian-Turkish aaversity ana the political hgures emphasi:e the frienaship between the two nations' (Boia, 1997:207). On the one hand, the Turks are our ola enemies who invaded us and oppressed us and whom the Romanian voivodes deIeated several times: Every Turkish habit borrowed, every Turkish custom borrowed used to introduce, in our soul, the seed oI corruption and sloth that degrades and degenerates nations. |...| The shalwars, a pair oI pants, as we know, very large, with the seat that was long and had foating sleeves, on top oI which another clothing was put which had split sleeves or the giumbea with large and short sleeves, all oI these bearing the seal oI a liIe oI sloth. This clothing was purposeIully made to stop any activity and to accustom man to an empty liIe, a liIe oI continuous rest and torpor, to a sleeping liIe and easy passing. |...| Even iI our ancestors had wanted to break away Irom their liIe oI indiIIerence, oI sleeping torpor, even iI they had wanted to wake up and work, to start something, this clothing 86 would have stopped and discouraged them. With large, long and split sleeves it is impossible to be active and energetic (Drghicescu, 1995:262 apud Boia). On the other hand, the Turks returned at present with capital, merchandise and with political projects and are welcomed by the Romanians; but to tolerate the Turks doesn`t necessarily mean to accept them, nonetheless to integrate them in the Romanian community (Boia, 1997:183). Still, an improvement oI the interethnic confict can be remarked, because this hospitality oI the Romanians implies the treatment oI the Turk as aliua, with the generic sense oI guest, whom, according to the monotheist dogmas, you are Iorced to receive (Ferrol, Jucquois, 2005:17). Thus, the Turk can wear the mask oI our present friena, depending on the interests oI the Romanian national state and oI the socio-politic context. The two perspectives oI approach could Iuse, although they are contradictory, because in the common history oI the two countries, not only conficts, but a collaboration as well has been noticed. The images spread during war time are even more 'colored, more varied and hostile encoded. They render what the Romanians think oI the Ottomans with whom they had contact and are engraved on the spectrum oI death and destruction. The clichd Ieatures oI 'the imaginary Turk are frstly Iound in the popular mentality, being caused by mythological belieIs, by legends, by superstitions, by Christian texts, phobias, preconceived ideas, by wrongly digested knowledge, but they also food the intellectual environment through refection. The expansion oI the Ottoman Empire, has divided the Europeans in two extremes, Irom a conIessional point oI view: Christians and pagans. On the other hand, Ior the Romanians, the ancient law (orthodoxy), has superposed Ior a long time over the idea oI identity, which led to a deterioration oI the conficts. The bigger the distance between 'the imaginary Turk and the portrait oI 'the real Turk, the weakest Turko-phobia gets. Thus, the equation oI image science is extremely complicated, having many variables caused by the Romanians` ease oI letting themselves subdued by mythologies built on history.
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Minerva, Bucuresti, 1984 Stroescu, Sabina Cornelia, Nevasta cea istea. snoave populare romaneti, preI. de Ov. Brlea, Ed. Minerva, Bucuresti, 1971 Stoicescu, Adrian, Bancul o specie in cuterea iaentitii, n ,Cercetri etnologice romnesti contemporane. Revist de etnologie, vol. I, nr. 1, 2005, p.56-61 Sineanu, Lazr, Basmele romanilor in comparaiune cu legenaele antice, clasice i in legtur cu basmele popoarelor invecinate i ale tuturor popoarelor romanice, ediie ngrijit de Ruxandra Popescu, preIa de Ov. Brlea, Ed. Minerva, Bucresti, 1978 Teodorescu, G. Dem., Basme romane, ediie ngrijit si glosar de Rodica Pandele si Petre D. Anghel, preIa de Nicolae Constantinescu, Ed. Vitruviu, Bucuresti, 1996 Zanne, Iuliu, Proverbele romanilor, vol. I -X; Ed. Librriei Socec, 1985 1912 www.bancuri.net, www.bancuri.ro, www.bancuri.com, www.Iun.ro, www.Iunoline.ro. 89 Studii / Articles SPELA PAHOR ,PO MOLKU NI KA1 PISATI1. Nekaj paberkov o pregovorih in rekih na podrocju danasnje Slovenske Istre Prispevek obravnava pregovore in reke v Istri, v mestu Piran in njegovem zaledju. Temelji na zbiranju gradiva na terenu ter na zapisanih pregovorih in rekih iz zapuscine zgodovinarja dr. Miroslava Pahorja, ustanovitelja in dolgoletnega ravnatelja Pomorskega muzeja v Piranu. Gradivo je uredila avtorica prispevka, ki je tudi napisala spremna besedila k pregovorom. Po uvodnih poglavjih, v katerih obravnava raziskovanje slovstvene Iolklore v Istri, knjizna dela o pregovorih ter zgodovinske in kulturnozgodovinske podatke o Istri, obravnava zbrano gradivo, ki ga razdeli glede na kraj zapisa (Piran, zaledje) ter glede na obravnavane teme (ribistvo, ljubezen, zdravje, kmetje, vreme, vsakdanje zivljenje). V poglavju Paberki so zapisani pregovori, ki jih je slisala mimogrede v pogovorih. Kljucne besede: Istra, Slovenska Istra, Piran, slovstvena Iolklora, pregovori, reki, ljudske modrosti, zbiranje gradiva na terenu, rokopisne zapuscine, zgodovinar Miroslav Pahor Proverbs and sayings represent that part oI orally transmitted literature, which is intended Ior everyday use: they are interweaved into everyday discourse, when we wish to give emphasis to an idea, give advice, communicate an experience, wisdom. As such, they are typical oI all cultures and probably all periods. Some communicate valid truths, others are the product oI domestic conditions, other still are momentary imagination. Istrian proverbs and sayings do not diIIer Irom others in this respect. Their particularities are a special dialect, intercultural infuences and a special way oI living, Irom which arose: the lives oI fshermen, sailors, salters and Iarmers. And perhaps a sparkle oI humour as well, which has redeemed the Istrian human in all distress and burdens oI his hard liIe. Numerous old fshermen`s and salters` proverbs oI the city oI Piran can be Iound only in books and sets oI manuscripts; the new epoch has brought new people with a diIIerent culture to the seaside towns. The same has happened on the countryside, yet to a smaller extent: aIter World War II, many peasants have migrated to cities and only gradually liIe is returning to the villages; olive groves, vineyards and felds are revived. The dialect, which was even prohibited in its spoken usage aIter World War II, is regaining signifcance. Fanciers and experts are trying to recognize and revive old habits, the local people are becoming more selI-confdent and proud, with the increased awareness oI their own roots. Some proverbs which can be heard on Istrian ground, are universal and several thousand years old, they can be Iound, Ior example, in the Scriptures, yet they are still known today, in a somewhat rougher Iorm. Others, especially concerning the weather, the product oI hundreds oI years oI observation oI the changes in nature, are more connected to the Istrian territory. Some proverbs are generated, according to Marko Terseglav, Irom momentary experience. On book shelves in libraries all kinds oI proverb publications are multiplying, Irom Ioreign ones to domestic, even in multiple languages. Yet it seems that the wisdom, which is hidden in the proverbs, cannot be Iound to such an extent in the world any more. And to wisdom belongs also statesmanship. For the moment, iI we say it plainly, the countries are still more or less unifed national and language communities. And, since there are quite a Iew state institutions Iunctioning in Slovenian Istria, which should study the area in a universal scientifc manner, perhaps the individuals in these institutions should be reminded to devote a part oI their time to the research on Slovenian literary 1 Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957. 90 Iolklore in Istria. Children in kindergartens and schools should become acquainted with it. It is likely that the Iamiliarity with our own tradition and care Ior the language will be important in a Iuture community oI states. Key words: Istra, Slovenian Istra, Piran, Slovene Floklore, Proverbs, Sayings, Folk Wisdom, Field work, archive material, Miroslav Pahor Pregovori in reki so del slovstvene Iolklore, namenjen za vsakdanjo rabo. Z njimi podkrepimo svojo misel, damo nasvet, sporocimo izkusnjo ali modrost. Poznajo jih vse kulture in vsi casi. Nekateri pregovori sporocajo povsod veljavne resnice, drugi so plod lokalnih razmer, tretji so trenutne domislice. Posebnost istrskih pregovorov je njihovo narecje. V njih najdemo odsev medkulturnih vplivov in odraz nacina zivljenja ribicev, mornarjev, solinarjev in kmetov. Za nekatere je znacilna humorna nota, ki je istrskega cloveka resevala v stiskah in nadlogah trdega zivljenja. Veliko starih ribiskih in solinarskih pregovorov je ze slo v pozabo, v rabo pa so prisli novi, ki so jih s seboj prinesli novi priseljenci z drugacno kulturo. Nekateri pregovori, ki jih slisimo na istrskih tleh, so univerzalni in zapisani ze v Svetem Pismu. Predvsem vremenski pregovori so plod stoletnega opazovanja sprememb v naravi in so vezani na istrsko podrocje. Nekateri se rodijo iz trenutne izkusnje. V danasnjem casu, ko sta v evropski skupnosti drzav poznavanje lastnega izrocila in skrb za materin jezik se kako pomembna, se kaze potreba po poglobljenem zbiranju, zapisovanju, preucevanju in posredovanju slovstveno Iolklornega gradiva, tudi pregovorov. Poslovice i izreke u slovenskom dijelu Istre Poslovice i izreke su onaj dio usmene knjizevne, koji je namijenjen svakodnevnoj upotrebi. Uplicemo ih u svakodnevnim razgovorima, kad zelimo potkijepiti svoje misljenje, dati savjete, prenjeti svoje iskustvo, mudrost. Kao takvi, svojstvene su svim kulturama, vjerojatno u svim vremenima. Neke prenose svima poznate istine, druge su rezultat domacih uvjeta, trece su trenutacne dosjetke. Istarske poslovice i izreke se u tome ne razlikuju od ostalih. Njihova specifcnost je poseban dijalekt koji se razvio u toj multikulturalnoj i viseetnickoj sredini. Utjecaji su to razlicitih kultura i specifcnog nacina zivota ribara, mornara, poljoprivrednika i radnika u solanama. A mozda i tracak humora, koji je istarskog covjeka rjesavao u svim nedacima i teskocama zivota. Puno starih piranskih poslovica i izreka vezanih za zivot ribara i radnika u solanama mozemo pronaci tek u knjigama ili rukopisnim zbirkama. Nova vremena su u gradove uz more dopeljala i nove ljude razlicitih kultura. Isto tako, ali svakako u manjoj mjeri se dogadalo i u ruralnim podrucjima zaleda. Nakon drugog svjetskog rata velik broj stanovnika obliznjih sela migriralo je u gradove. Sada se polako opet vraca zivot u sela, ozivljajo maslinici, vinogradi i polja. Dijalekt, koji je bio nakon drugog svijetskog rata u skoli cak i zabranjeno govoriti, ponovno postaje aktualan. Ljubitelji i strucnjaci nastoje otkrivati i ozivljavati stare tradicije i obicaje. Domacim ljudima vraca se samopouzdanje i ponosni su na svoje korijene. Neke poslovice koje mozemo cuti na istarskom tlu, su univerzalne, stare i nekoliko tisuca godina te ih mozemo pronaci vec u npr. u Bibliji, u nesto vise robatom obliku kao sto su one poznate danas. Druge, osobito one sto se odnose na vrijeme, posljedica su stoljetnog promatranja godisnjih promjena u prirodi i vise se odnose na istarsko podrucju. Neke se poslovice, prema misljenju etnologa Marka Terseglava, radaju na osnovi trenutnog iskustva. Na knjiznim policama u knjiznicama mnoze se svakovrsna izdanja zbiraka poslovica i izreka, od stranih do domacih, cak i visejezicnih. Medutim, cini se da je mudrosti koja je skrivena u izrekama i poslovicama u svijetu sve manje. 91 Studii / Articles Ka mudrosti treba pribrojiti i onu drzavnicku mudrost. Do sada su zemlje, ako kazemo pojednostavljenim rijecnikom, jos uvijek manje ili vise homogene jedno nacionalne i jezicne zajednice. Buduci da u slovenskoj Istri djeluje nekoliko drzavnih institucija, kojim je zadatak ovo podrucje svestrano znanstveno istrazivati, mozda bi trebalo pojedincima u tim ustanovama skrenuti paznju i na ovo podrucje slovenskog knjizevnog Iolklora. Sa time bi vrijedilo upoznati vec dijecu u vrticima i skolama. Vjerojatno ce poznavanje vlastite tradicije i briga za svoj jezik u buducnosti zajednice vise drzava biti i tekako vazna i znacajna. 1. Uvod V prispevku obravnavam se neobdelano gradivo, ki sem ga zbrala v casu, ko sem bila studentka etnologije in ga skrbno hranim. Leta 1982 je namrec dr. Marija Stanonik, sodelavka Instituta za slovensko narodopisje SAZU v razlicnih casopisih in revijah objavila pobudo za zbiranje slovstvene Iolklore na terenu. Takrat sva se s prijateljico Marino Jurkota prijavili na ta oglas, ki je vabil k zbiranju ljudskih pripovedk. Obrnili sva se na Pomorski muzej Sergeja Masere v Piranu in na Pokrajinski muzej v Kopru. Tu sva lahko pregledovali gradivo, ki so ga zbirali raziskovalci etnoloskih ekip Slovenskega etnograIskega muzeja po vaseh Slovenske Istre v obdobju po 2. svetovni vojni oziroma po letu 1950. Gradivo, ki sva ga nasli v terenskih zvezkih in na terenskih kartonih v etnoloskem oddelku Pokrajinskega muzeja v Kopru, je bilo zapisano po spominu ali nareku. Vcasih so zapisi nepopolno dokumentirani in je pripovedovalec neznan ali manjkajo podatki o zapisovalcu in pripovedovalcu, letnica ali kraj zapisa. Vendar se da o teh manjkajocih podatkih sklepati na podlagi drugih zapisov. Gradivo sva v muzeju prepisovali v zvezke in doma pretipkali na obrazce ISN. S terenskim delom in zbiranjem gradiva sva zaceli najprej doma in pri druzinah prijateljev. Pozneje sva obiskali kar nekaj vasi v okolici Kopra, Izole in Pirana. Sprasevali sva, ce je kje kdo, ki se zna pripovedovati stare storije. Vcasih so naju res do koga napotili, sicer pa sva inIormatorje izbirali nakljucno. Zapisali sva veliko pravljic, povedk, basni, ugank, pesmi, pregovorov in rekov, smesnic, anekdot, spominov, kletvic, zbadljivk in nagajivk. Gradivo sva snemali s kasetoIonom. Kasete sva doma prepisali dobesedno. Zapise sva nato pretipkali na obrazce ISN. Nekaj enot sva zapisali po spominu, nekaj so nama jih narekovali. Majhen del tega gradiva je bil objavljen v knjigi J aeveti ae:eli, vecji del pa v knjigi Mrak eno futrnfa. Odlocila sem se, da bom v tem prispevku pisala o pregovorih in rekih, ki sva jih takrat zbrali, saj tega gradiva doslej se nisem obdelala. Zbrano gradivo sem dopolnila se s pregovori, ki sem jih nasla v ocetovi rokopisni zapuscini ali sem jih sama zapisala kasneje. Rokopisno zapuscino mojega oceta, dr. Miroslava Pahorja 1 , hranimo doma v druzinskem arhivu. Pregovori so zapisani na listkih in opremljeni z imenom pripovedovalca oziroma inIormatorja, ponekod tudi s krajem zapisa. Nasli smo jih v modri kuverti, oznaceni z napisom Pregovori in z letnico 1963. 1 Dr. Miroslav Pahor se je rodil 5.11. 1922 v vasi Novelo na Krasu. Leta 1951 je diplomiral iz zgodovine na FF v Ljubljani. Leta 1965 je tu doktoriral z disertacijo Socialni boji v obcini Piran od XV. Do XVIII. Stoletja. Sprva je delal v Studijski knjiznici v Kopru, od leta 1954 pa v Piranu, kjer je ustanovil Pomorski muzej Sergeja Masere ter obnovil delovanje arhiva, knjiznice in spomeniske sluzbe. Muzej je vodil do svoje smrti ter za muzejsko delo leta 1974 prejel Valvasorjevo nagrado. Raziskoval je starejso zgodovino obalnih mest in pripravil izdajo piranskega statuta. Ukvarjal se je tudi z zgodovino slovenskega pomorstva. V delu Stare piranske soline je opisal delo v solinah in nacin zivljenja solinarjev. Jamborno pot in vkljucevanje slovenskega zaledja v pomorstvo je obdelal v knjigi Po jamborni cesti.v mesto na peklu. Okrog 150 razprav in strokovnih clankov je objavil v razlicnih revijah in zbornikih. Umrl je 25.4.1981 v Ankaranu. 92 Vse zbrano gradivo sem razdelila glede na kraj zapisa (Piran, zaledje, paberki od vsepovsod), znotraj krajevnih dolocil pa glede na tematske sklope (ribici, o ljubezni, o zdravju, kmetje, vreme, vsakdanje zivljenje) ter napisala pojasnila k pregovorom. 2. Raziskovanje slovstvene folklore v Istri Zanimanje za slovensko slovstveno Iolkloro, kamor uvrscamo tudi pregovore in reke, sega pri nas v obdobje romantike, ko so ljudska besedila zapisovali Valentin Vodnik, Emil Korytko, Stanko Vraz in mnogi drugi. Ustno slovstvo so kasneje pogosto obravnavali tudi slovenski etnologi. Vendar to ne velja za podrocje Slovenske Istre. V casu, ko se je nasa etnologija ukvarjala s preucevanjem slovstvene Iolklore, je bilo podrocje danasnje Slovenske Istre pod Italijo in so ga slovenski raziskovalci odkrili takorekoc sele po zadnji vojni. O ljudskem slovstvu Slovenske Istre je pisal Milko Maticetov, ki je v istrskih vaseh kot clan etnoloske ekipe Slovenskega etnograIskega muzeja zapisoval slovstveno Iolkloro in rezultate objavil v Zborniku kongresa Iolkloristov v Porecu 1 . Nekako sredi osemdesetih let so se zaceli posamezniki intenzivneje ukvarjati z istrsko Iolkloro. To lahko opazujemo tako na podrocju raziskovanja in ozivljanja istrske glasbe (posamezniki, na primer Rozana Kostial, Rozana Speh, Dario Marusic in drugi ter glasbene skupine Istranova, Savrinke, Savrinske pupe en ragaconi, Vruja in druge) kot tudi na podrocju ljudskega pripovednistva. Z zbiranjem ljudskega slovstvenega izrocila se je med drugimi ukvarjal tudi pisatelj Marjan Tomsic in gradivo objavil v knjigi Noc fe mofa, aan fe tvof in v slikanici Zacarana hisa. Za narodopisno podobo Slovenske Istre so dalje pomembne Savrinske :goabe Marije Franca ter Cubefske :rfavice in Lepi mof aomcek, ceprav te fe samo :a en loncek RaIaela Vidalija. Danes slovstveno Iolkloro zapisujejo in objavljajo tudi Leda Dobrinja in pisateljica Nelda Stok-Vojska, Milan Gregoric, proIesorica slovenscine in etnologinja Rozana Kostial, Ivan Novak, Danilo Vodopivec in drugi. Mnogi ljubitelji slovstvene Iolklore objavljajo svoje prispevke v revijah Osapske storfe in Bra:ae s trmuna. Z zapisovanjem ljudskega blaga se je dolga leta ukvarjala tudi danes upokojena uciteljica zgodovine in zemljepisa Nada Morato. Gradivo mnogih zbirateljev je objavila v knjigi Mrak eno futrnfa. Istrske pravlfice pisatelja Franja Francica so leposlovne priredbe, narejene po zapiskih v hrvaskem jeziku 2 . Nasteli bi lahko se mnoge druge, pa tudi tiste, ki jim je Slovenska Istra navdih za ustvarjanje leposlovnih del v knjizni slovenscini ali v narecju. Podrocje hrvaske Istre je bilo bolje raziskano. V okolici Pazina je v prejsnjem stoletju vecje stevilo pripovedk zapisal slovenski duhovnik Jakob Volcic. Ohranjeni sta zbirki Naroano blago in Istarske poveaice i pfesme i: Kastavscine iz leta 1869. Slovstveno Iolkloro hrvaske Istre so kasneje zapisovali se Ernest Jelusic Strkov, Stjepan Ziza, Ceh JoseI Ptasinski, Ante Flego in drugi. Med leti 1952 in 1957 so pripovedno gradivo zapisovali raziskovalci in zunanji sodelavci Instituta za narodnu umjetnost. V osemdesetih letih je Iolklorno gradivo zbirala Lidija Nikocevic. V delu Istarske naroane price je avtorica Maja Boskovic - Stulli podala sistematicen prikaz slovstvene Iolklore v hrvaski Istri. Zapisi, v katerih nastopajo mitoloska bitja, so izsli v delu Storice oa strig i striguni avtorja Draga Orlica. Nekaj ljudskih pripovedi je zapisal Jakov Mikac in jih objavil v narodopisnem delu Istarska skrinfica. Zapisovalci in zbiralci ljudskega blaga med italijansko govorecimi Istrani so bili Francesco Babudri, Giuseppe Vidossi, Achille Gorlato, Predonzani Elio in drugi. Leta 1969 je Giuseppe 1 Nada Morato, Spela Pahor: Mrak eno jutrnja. Ljubljana 2002 2 Vir: Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice 93 Studii / Articles Radole v Trstu izdal knjigo ljudskih pravljic Fiabe istriane. Giacomo Scotti je leta 1976 izdal delo Storie istriane. Kasneje je izslo se delo Fiabe istriane avtorja Antonia Ive. V Trstu sta 1985 in 1986 Luciano Santin in Roberto Danese izdala dve knjizici zbadljivk na racun Istranov z naslovom Istria comicissima 1 . Seveda je takih in podobnih izdaj v slovenskem, predvsem pa v hrvaskem in italijanskem jeziku vec, a omejila sem se predvsem na tista dela, ki so laze dostopna tudi slovenskim bralcem. 3. Pregled nekaterih del o pregovorih v Istri Podobno usodo je dozivljalo zbiranje pregovorov na tem podrocju. Prve zapisane vremenske pregovore je Slovencem zapustil Primoz Trubar. Ozbalt Gutsman je zapisal priblizno 150 pregovorov. Prvo samostojno izdajo je pripravil Fran Kocbek leta 1887, naslednjo pa Ivan Saselj 1934 2 . Leta 1970 je zbirko pregovorov izdal Stanko Prek. V delu Pregovori, :ivlfenfske resnice je Marija Makarovic zbrala in komentirala veliko slovenskih pregovorov. Med zadnjimi je v urednistvu Bojane Rogelj SkaIar izsla knjiga Pregovori in reki leto in aan v slovenski lfuaski moarosti 3 . Mnogo pregovorov je se raztresenih v slovenskih leposlovnih in drugih knjigah ali pa krozijo med ljudmi. Ze bezen pogled v vzajemno bibliograIsko bazo podatkov dovolj zgovorno prica o skromni zastopanosti Slovenske Istre na tem podrocju. Za primerjavo: ce v iskalna polja vtipkamo geslo pregovori in izberemo slovenski jezik, je zadetkov kar 440, ce pa se omejimo le na monografje, je zadetkov 239. Ko pa iscemo pregovore pod geslom Istra, dobimo le 15 zadetkov, v slovenskem jeziku le 4 zadetke. Seveda nam iskanje v Cobissu ne more dati prave slike, saj knjiznicarji zapisov mnogokrat ne opremimo z ustreznimi gesli. Med knjigami, ki jih najdemo v vzajemni bazi, je zopet vec italijanskih: Giuseppe Radole, Proverbi istriani, Predonzani Elio, Proverbi e aetti popolari aellIstria, Giacomo Scotti, I mesi aellanno nei proverbi istriani in druge. Koprski advokat, ceprav proitalijansko usmerjen, je ze leta 1859 predlagal zbiranje tako italijanskih kot slovenskih pregovorov. Dvajset let kasneje se je dela lotil zgodovinar Giuseppe Vatova in v nekaj naslednjih desetletjih zbral sedem tisoc italijanskih pregovorov. Izdali so jih posthumno, leta 1954, pod naslovom Raccolta ai proverbi istriani 4 . Vecino omenjenih knjig hrani Osrednja knjiznica Srecka Vilharja v Kopru. Ni znano, ali se je kateri od italijansko govorecih raziskovalcev na Combijev poziv lotil zbiranja slovenskih pregovorov. Na zalost pa se niti Slovenci niso trudili v tej smeri. Za hrvasko Istro verjetno velja, da je knjig o pregovorih precej, le da v nasi bazi niso dostopna. O teh sem v slovenskem vzajemnem katalogu zasledila le prispevek raziskovalke Danice Skara z naslovom Prilog proucavanfu usmene traaicife u Istri. Istrske pregovore lahko najdemo tudi v mnogih delih, ki sicer obravnavajo kako drugo temo. Nekaj solinarskih pregovorov v italijanscini je tako zapisanih v knjigi Stare piranske soline avtorjev Miroslava Pahorja in Tatjane Poberaj. Nekaj slovenskih istrskih pregovorov je med kuharske recepte kot zacimbo dodal Albert Pucer v knjigi Istrska kuhinfa, vec pa jih omenja Rozana Speh v knjigi Supeter fe na lepa vas :birka lfuaskih pesmi i: Slovenske Istre. Pregovore omenja tudi novinarka Natasa Hlaj v prispevku Riba mora plavati trikrat. Morda so 1 Vir: Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice 2 Milko Maticetov: Pregovori in uganke. V Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva. Ljubljana 1957. 3 Vir Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice 4 Vir Cobiss in osebno poznavanje navedene literature, ki jo hranijo obalne knjiznice 94 slovenski istrski pregovori objavljeni se kje, vendar mi zaenkrat to ni znano. Zato mislim, da je za Slovensko Istro toliko pomembnejse zbirateljsko delo upokojene sociologinje Nelde Stok Vojska, ki je nekaj pregovorov natresla ze v narodopisnem delu Mofa aestra Istra, vec pa v delu Istrani pravifo, ki nosi zgovoren podnaslov lfuaski i:reki in moarosti in v katerem je zbrala in po abecednem redu uredila okrog 1500 pregovorov, izrekov, rekov in rekel. 4. Nekaj kulturnozgodovinskih podatkov Za razumevanje vseh kulturnih in jezikovnih posebnosti istrskega podrocja je potrebno vsaj okvirno poznati nekaj zgodovinskih podatkov. Zgodovina tega majhnega koscka zemlje, Istre, katerega del je tudi danasnja Slovenska Istra, je burna in pestra. Ce na kratko povzamemo stevilne zgodovinske in kulturne premike, ki so se tu zgodili v tisocletjih, bi bila podoba nekako taksna: Istra je bila naseljena ze v 2. tisocletju pred nasim stetjem. V 13. stoletju pred nasim stetjem so to podrocje naselili Veneti. V 11. in 10 stoletju pred nasim stetjem so se priselili Histri, v 5. in 4. stoletju pred nasim stetjem so se jim pridruzili Kelti. Leta 178 pred nasim stetjem so Istro zasedli Rimljani. V 5. stoletju so zacela vdirati barbarska ljudstva (Vzhodni Goti), v 6. stoletju je prisla Istra pod bizantinsko oblast. V 7. in 8. stoletju so se tu zaceli naseljevati Slovani, o cemer med drugim prica tudi Rizanska listina iz leta 804. Konec 10. stoletja so se istrska mesta zacela vse bolj navezovati na Benesko republiko. Leta 1420 so si Istro razdelili Habsburzani in Benecani. Leta 1797 je Istro in Dalmacijo dobila Avstrija. Sledila je krajsa Irancoska okupacija, zatem druga avstrijska zasedba. Po 1. svetovni vojni je bila Istra dodeljena Italiji. Do velikih sprememb je prislo po 2. svetovni vojni. Zaradi nove drzavne meje se je izselila velika vecina italijanskega prebivalstva, v mesta pa so se zaceli priseljevati prebivalci sosednjih vasi, iz notranjosti Slovenije, kasneje pa tudi prebivalci iz juznih republik bivse Jugoslavije. Na nacin zivljenja v Istri je predvsem v zadnjih stoletjih vplivala blizina Trsta, ki je bil gospodarsko, politicno in kulturno sredisce. Znacilnost obmocja, kjer zivi ze stoletja slovensko in italijansko prebivalstvo, je dvojezicnost. Italijanski prebivalci zivijo predvsem v mestu. Slovenska Istra je torej narodnostno precej pisana. Mesanje razlicnih kultur je opazno v vseh sIerah, tako tudi v ustnem slovstvu. Med pregovori v moji zbirki je vecina takih, ki so jih pripovedovali domacini, Italijani in Slovenci. Nekaj sem jih zbrala tudi pri ljudeh, ki so se sem priselili po 2. svetovni vojni. V oklepaju pod vsakim pregovorom je na prvem mestu oznacen kraj, kjer so inIormatorji ziveli, oziroma kraj zapisa. Vendar pa se kraji zapisov pogosto ne ujemajo s kraji rojstva pripovedovalcev, saj so bile migracije in mesanje prebivalstva, kar je bilo v Istri vedno prisotno, pogoste posebno v letih po 2. vojni. InIormatorji so bili obeh spolov, razlicnih starosti in poklicev, bili so iz mest in vasi. Mlajsi so bili solarji ali studentje, starejsi pa kmetje, gospodinje, delavci, upokojenci, usluzbenci, ribici. Avtohtoni slovenski prebivalci, ki zivijo v vaseh v zaledju, govorijo slovensko istrsko narecje. To pa sega na severu do Trsta, na jugu pa do reke Mirne in cez. Zato naj na tem mestu tudi pojasnim, da je Slovenska Istra geograIski pojem in oznacuje del Istre, ki je v drzavi Sloveniji, medtem ko pojem slovenska Istra pomeni obmocje, na katerem se govori slovensko istrsko narecje, ki je del primorske narecne skupine. Obsega dva govora: rizanski in savrinski govor. Za oba so znacilne mnoge romanske izposojenke, za savrinski pa se hrvaske narecne prvine. Veliko inIormatorjev pa je uporabljalo pogovorni jezik, ki se je izoblikoval v mestih v Slovenski Istri po 2. svetovni vojni. Italijansko govori italijanska manjsina, posebno v obalnih mestih, pa tudi v nekaterih drugih krajih, na primer v Strunjanu. Jezikoslovci uvrscajo jezik, v katerem so 95 Studii / Articles v preteklosti govorili romanski prebivalci Istre, v istroromanscino (te pa ne smemo zamenjevati z istroromunscino). Pravijo tudi, da je najlepse istrsko romansko narecje piranski govor, istrobenescina, ki je v Istro prisla v casu Serenissime. Ta se je najdlje ohranil med solinarji in ribici. Danes ga govori le italijanska manjsina in piranski ezuli v Trstu. Zanimivo je, da so nekatere slovstvene enote dvojezicne, v slovenskem in italijanskem jeziku; nekaj pa je tudi pregovorov, ki prihajajo iz hrvaske Istre. Vse pregovore sem zapisala tako, kot sem jih slisala. Pri ze zbranih pregovorih pa sem v vecini primerov upostevala prvoten zapis. 5. Kaj pravijo istrski pregovori V tem poglavju bi rada predstavila pregovore, ki sem jih nasla v rokopisnih zbirkah in na terenu. 5.1. Piran Zacela bi v Piranu, kjer sem doma. To je pac kraj, ki ga od vseh krajev na svetu najbolj poznam, saj tu zivim ze od rojstva, ceprav so tudi moji strasi priseljenci. Po pripovedovanju domacinke je bil v casu pred drugo svetovno vojno: Piran razdeljen na dva dela: Marsiano, Trg in Obalo, kjer so ziveli bolj nobel ljudje, ter na Pusterlo in Punto, kjer so ziveli kmetje in ribici. Ti niso imeli veliko. Ribici so leto za letom cakali na ciplje, od tega so ziveli. Tudi kmetje, ki so ziveli na Kampolinu in gor po hribu, niso imeli veliko. Rib je bilo ogromno. Vsak dan so jih prodajali na kamnitih mizah. Ogromno rib in zelenjave so prodali tudi v Trst. V mestu je bila tudi ribarnica. 5.1.1. Med ribici Med ribici je nastala vrsta pregovorov, ki izhaja iz njihovega nacina zivljenja, dela, opazovanja narave. Danes te pregovore morda poznajo le se redki starejsi ribici. To so pregovori o vremenu, ki so ga morali ribici pri svojem delu dobro poznati, ce so hoteli biti uspesni in tudi, da so se izognili nevarnostim na morju, v katerem nikoli ne manfka voae. Vedeli pa so seveda tudi, da po dezju pride sonce. Bora scura, poco la dura. Bora a trati xe quela che bati. Tre calighi Ia una piova. Bora che sbraia xe Iogo de paia. Se lampa in ponente, lampa per gnente. Co l`aqua balbeghea, no se sera la peschea. Aqua in mar no manca mai. Dopo calighi e nuvoli devi tornar el bel (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Ribicev osnovni pripomocek je poleg mrez seveda coln. Z razbitim ali preluknjanim colnom se ne da delati, ce je coln cist, pa pomeni, da ni v uporabi, torej ne prinasa zasluzka: A barca rota no ghe vol sessola. Barca puliaa no guaaagna (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Nekateri ribici so imeli svoje male colne, na primer batane, drugi so se udinjali lastnikom vecjih bark. In tudi o tem nam pripovedujejo pregovori. Lahko jih razumemo dobesedno ali v 96 prenesenem pomenu bolfe biti prvi v lastni hisi, kot arugi v tufi: Meio esser paron ae una sesola che servi ae una nave. Meio esser paron ae barca, che capitan ae vapor (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Za upravljanje colna je bilo potrebno kar nekaj spretnosti in tega se je ribic naucil z vsakodnevnim delom. Tudi to so znali domiselno povedati v pregovoru: Se el porco lanaassi in barcheta, tutti i pesci ghe cavaria la bareta (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Z ribolovom so se ukvarjali samo moski. Menili so, da zenska, ki stopi na barko, prinese nesreco, pegolo. Vendar lahko naslednji pregovor razumemo tudi v prenesenem pomenu, da pac ni primerno krivde zvracati na druge: Meter piegola su la barca ae altri, no convien. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Ko opazujemo stare piranske razglednice, lahko vidimo pristanisce, kjer se ena ob drugi gnetejo barke in manjsi colni na jadra. Motorje so ribici zaceli uporabljati sele po drugi svetovni vojni. Dokler pa je plovila poganjal veter, ga je bilo potrebno poznati in obvladati: Bisogna navigar seconao el vento. Col bel vento tuti sa navigar. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) O vetru so pa med drugim znali tudi takole povedati: Chi pissa soravento, se bagna le braghe. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Od vremena in od letnih casov je bil odvisen tudi ulov: Per San Jiao la menola no val un hgo. La menola co la vien, la saraela co la va.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Na morje so odhajali v ranem jutru, da so vrgli mreze, pozno popoldan pa so jih sli dvignit. Zato je nastal naslednji pregovor, ki pa ga lahko prenesemo tudi na druge poklice in bi mu v slovenscini ustrezal pregovor rana ura :lata ura: Chi aormi, no ciapa pesse. Chi aorme, non piglia pesci. Le ore ae la matina ga loro in boca' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Ko so povlekli mrezo na coln, so ribe, ki so se vanjo ujele, eno za drugo prijeli v delu, kjer so skrge in jih potegnili iz mreze, nato pa vrgli v posode, ki so bile v ta namen pripravljene na dnu colna: El pesce se lo ciapa per la gola. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Seveda so bili najbolj veseli dobrega ulova, velikih rib. Te, bele ribe, so pomenile najvecji zasluzek: El meio pesse xe quel che ga la testa assai lontana ae la coaa.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Velike ribe so najveckrat prodali, da bi zasluzili, majhne pa so nesli domov, za druzino. Grenke socialne razlike so znali lepo ubesediti tudi v pregovorih: Ghe xe pessi pei sciori e pessi per el povaro. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) O ribicu, ki ni ulovil nic, so rekli, da je ostal s polnimi rokami vetra: Restar co le mani piene ae vento. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Vcasih se je zgodilo, da se je ribic vrnil v pristan z raztrganimi mrezami: Co el mariner va fora ae note, el torna a casa co le reae rote. Co el pascaaor va fora ae note, el torna a casa co le reae rote. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Najbolje je bilo seveda loviti z mrezami. Kdor bi se zanasal samo na zasluzek od lova z ostjo, bi imel bolj prazne zepe. Takega ribica so primerjali z revnim goslacem: Pescaaor ae fossena e sonaaor ae violin no ga mai un quatrin. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Vedeli so povedati tudi marsikatero modro o tem, kako zdrava je ribja prehrana ali kako se ribo pripravi in kako najbolj tekne: El pesse xe per el cervel, la carne pel stomigo. Quanao el pesse fa bianco locio, xe bon segno che xe coto. Ostrighe sensa vin, xe un corpo sensa anema. I pessi bisogna negarli nel vin. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Razmisljali so tudi o zmernosti pri jedi: La meio ora ae magnar xe quela ae la fame. Chi tropo magna, la pan:a ghe aiol, ma chi magna poco, lavorar no pol. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) 97 Studii / Articles Morje je znalo biti nevarno, bolje je bilo ostati na kopnem ali pa te ni smelo biti strah valov in ko si se enkrat odpravil na morje, si moral zapluti. V tem poklicu so bili ribici vsak dan izpostavljeni nevarnostim, a navdajal jih je tudi stanovski ponos, saj so se zavedali vsakdanjega truda in svojega pogumnega premagovanja strahu in tezav: Il mar xe fachin ae la tera. Loaa el mar, ma tiente la tera. Chi vol navigar, no aevi aver paura ae le onae. Chi xe in terra, giuaica, chi xe in mar, navega' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) O cloveku, ki se ni mogel nauciti plavanja, so rekli, da je kot sidro, ki je vedno v vodi, pa se nikoli ne nauci plavati: El xe come lancora, che la sta sempre in mar e no la impara a nuaar. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Kako zelo je ribiski poklic in z njim povezan poseben nacin zivljenja vplival tudi na metaIoriko, s pomocjo katere so izrazali svoja obcutja in razmisljanja, pa pricajo naslednji pregovori: El pesse granao magna el picolo. Sara sta un pesse ae april. Co lu no ga taca il pesse ae april. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) V nekaterih na veselo vizo obrnjenih pregovorih govorijo ribici tudi o svojih zenah: Jiva la moglie ael pescaaor, mentre lui pesca, lei fa lamor. Po drugi svetovni vojni je vecina italijanskih ribicev odsla v Italijo. Priseljenci, ki so se po vojni ukvarjali z ribistvom, so bili najveckrat Dalmatinci. Ti so s seboj prinesli svoje Iolklorno izrocilo: U ribaru mokre gace, :a veceru ne :na, sta ce. Hvali mora, ar: se krafa. (Piran, M. Maraspin, zap. S. Pahor, 1982) Dalmatinci so se ob metanju mrez v morje priporocali zavetniku ribicev, Svetemu Andreju: U ime Svetoga Anarefa, vr:emo' Po drugi svetovni vojni so tisti priseljeni dalmatinski ribici, ki so delali v drzavnih ribiskih zadrugah, rekli le se: Gotovi, vr:emo' Danasnji ribici so vsi potomci priseljencev in zgoraj nastetih pregovorov v taki obliki ne poznajo. Pravzaprav sem redkokdaj slisala od njih sploh kak pregovor, razen tu in tam kak vremenski, pa se ta v italijanscini, ali tak, ki govori o slabem polozaju ribica: Rosso ai sera, bel tempo si spera. Drio il scoio, bonasa come loio. Mlaa ribic, star prosfak. Jsak posten ribic fe reve:. Noben ribic si se ni graail hise. Jse, samo ribic ne. (Piran, razlicni, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) 5.1.2. O ljubezi In ze smo pri pregovorih, ki pripovedujejo o ljubezni in o stvareh, ki so povezane z njo: o zaljubljenosti, zakonskem in samskem stanu, nosecnosti, otrocih. Nekatera mlada dekleta so bila predstavnikom moskega spola tako vsec, da bi jih pofeali s polfubi. Rekli so tudi, da se fe tista, ki se fe roaila lepa, roaila porocena. Zerte creature le xe cussi cocole, che te vegnaria voia ae magnarle ae basi. Chi nassi bela, nassi mariaaaa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Ljubezni se ne da skriti, pot do srca izbranke pa vodi preko ljubezni in spostovanja njene mame: Lamor e la tosse no se pol sconaer. Chi vol la ha, basi la mama. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Ob snubitvi so kar nekam grobo naturalisticno in robato rekli: Un non sbusa, xe in uso aognun, nol scota, nol brusa, nol copa nissun. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Najbolj so bili srecni seveda tisti, ki so se porocili iz ljubezni. Poroka iz preracunljivosti ni prinasala srece. Vseeno pa se je bilo za dekle bolje slabo porociti kot priti na slab glas; ali se celo veckrat porociti, kot beraciti: Chi se sposa per la roba, se impica per la gola. Meio mal sposaaa, che puta compassionaaa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Meio ae mari a mari, che ae porta in porta. (ni podatkov) Ce sklepamo po naslednjem pregovoru, je bila moska ljubezen mesanica neznosti in grobosti: La novissa a Piran, co la se sposava, la ciapava aal sposo un baso e un sciafo' Questo se 98 ciamava parlar ciaro' (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Brez poljubov ni ljubezni. Amor sensa basi xe pan sensa sal. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) .seveda pa se stvar ne ustavi le pri poljubih. Lamor xe come la nosela, chi no la rompi, no la sa gustar. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) .to pa prinese posledice. Iz rastocega trebuha nosecnice so takole sklepali o spolu prihajajocega dojencka: La ga pansa hn ai oci. Pansa a tonael un bel putel, pansa apuntia una bela ha.(Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Kaj pa otroci? Seveda so jih najprej krstili, saf nikoli ne ves, kaaf bo to prav prislo.Potem so se pa jezili, da mazejo hiso. La feae ae batesimo xe una carta che servi sempre. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963). Fioi e colombi sporca le case. (ni podatkov) O ljubezni so rekli, da je najbolj zdrava od vseh bolezni in da stara ljubezen ne zarjavi, medtem ko nova pride in gre: Lamor xe la pi sana ae le malatie, e prima o aopo auti la gavemo. Amor vecio no ciapa rusene' Amor novo va e vien, amor vecio se mantien. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) 5.1.3. O zdravju Zdravje ni :lato in se ga ne aa placati, so rekli. Kdor je imel dobro prebavo, se mu ni bilo treba bati smrti. Kar nekaj bolezni so zdravili z domacimi zdravili, na primer z oljcnim oljem. La salute no xe oro che la paghi' Per ogni aolor, per ogni malora oio ae aentro e oio ae fora. Chi caga auro e pissa forte, no ga paura ae la morte. Se fa anaar via lor:o on:enaose locio con loio ae lume. Oio ae ossi ae persego per el mal ae orecie. Chi ga el cagoto no pol vegnir fora ae casa. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) 5.1.4. Kmetje Naslednja skupina pregovorov je prav tako iz zbirke Miroslava Pahorja. Za nekatere od teh pregovorov nisem nasla podatkov, kje tocno so bili zapisani in kdo je bil inIormator. Sklepam, da jih je zapisal v sestdesetih letih, v zaledju Pirana. Nekateri so bili zapisani v Bujah in Motovunu, torej na obmocju, ki je nekoc skorajda mejilo na piranski komun. Pregovori iz te skupine so vezani predvsem na kmecka opravila in pridelke. Ker so tudi v Piranu ziveli kmetje, ki so imeli svoja polja izven mestnega obzidja, pa menim, da so jih poznali tudi v Piranu. Tudi v kmeckem okolju so poznali vremenske pregovore. Vreme, dolzino dneva, letne case in letino tu napovedujejo svetniki: Santa Lucia el pi picio giorno che sia. De Santa Lucia a Naaal le cressi per una peaiga ae gal, aa Naaal a Pasqueta le cressi ae unoreta. Se piovi per Santa Bibiana, quaranta per ela e vinti per su :ermana. Per i Santi tira fora i guanti. San Loren:o gran calura, San Jincen:o gran freaura, luna e laltra poco aura. Za dez so rekli: Se la vien par San Loren:o, la xe ancora in tempo, se la vien par la Maaona, la xe ancora bona, se la vien par San Bartolomio, el caso xe speaio. Martinovo je bil pomemben praznik, saj je takrat iz mosta nastalo vino: Per San Martin ciapa el saco e va al molin. San Martin se imbota ae vin. Par San Martin ogni mosto vin. Mraz se je zacel ob Vseh Svetih: Per i Santi se vesti tuti quanti, per San Martin anca el povarin. Za sejanje zita so rekli: Fina i Santi me:o pugno, aopo i Santi pugno pien. Tudi drugi kmecki pridelki in opravila so imeli svoje case: Per San Luca loio trabuca. San Giovani brusa, San Piero taia. Per Santa Ana el sorgo va in pana. Per Santa Maria Maaalena, la nosela xe piena. Per San Jiao la saresa ga el mariao. O stvareh, ki niso trajale dolgo, so rekli: La aura aa Naaal a San Stefano. La aura aa San Stefano a la hn ae lano. 99 Studii / Articles Bujski in motovunski pregovori: Marso suto, april bagna, beato el contaain, che ga semena. (Buje) La neve marsolina la aura aela sera a la matina. (Buje) Se piovi per lAsensa, per quaranta giorni no se resta sensa. (Buje) Jal pi una piova ae avril che San Marco col su campanil. (Buje) Chi no bevi vin e rakifa, no veai ne Dio ne Maria. (Montona) Osel je bil v Istri tovorna zival. Z njim so pripeljali drva v mesto. Na danasnji avtobusni postaji v Piranu so se danes ohranjeni kamniti stebricki, ob katere so privezovali osle, vozicke z dracjem in drvmi pa so do trznice peljali rocno. Postaji so takrat rekli la sta:ion aei mus. Na oslih so potovale jajcarice, Savrinke, o katerih pise tudi Marjan Tomsic. Po vaseh dalec v notranjosti Istre so kupovale jajca in jih nosile v Trst prodajat. Ceprav je danes v Slovenski Istri morda le se kak osel, pa je bila ta zival v preteklosti pomemben clovekov spremljevalec, s svojimi znacilnimi lastnostmi pa tudi vir navdiha za razne primerjave. Najveckrat so oslovsko trmo primerjali neumnosti, tudi cloveski: Chi xe nato mus, aevi aver paron. Farghe la barba al mus, se perai laqua e el savon. Tanti mussi se someia. Meio un mus vivo, che un aotor morto. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) Liga el mus aove el paron comanaa. Moj najljubsi pa je ta, ki pravi o studentu, da fe (v svet, po znanje) oasel uosu in se vrnil osel. Xe anaa mus e xe torna asino. (Piran, P. Viezzoli, zap. M. Pahor, 1963) 5.2. SLOVENSKE VASI V ZALED1U Pregovore v naslednji skupini so zapisali clani etnoloskih ekip SEMa med leti 1949 in 1957. Zapisovali so jih v slovenskih vaseh v zaledju. Nekateri inIormatorji so tu in tam kak pregovor povedali v italijanskem jeziku. V oklepaju je pod vsakim pregovorom ali skupino pregovorov naveden kraj zapisa, inIormatorjevo ime oziroma priimek, ime zapisovalca in datum zapisa. Podatki niso vedno popolni. 5.2.1. Vreme Tudi slovenski istrski kmet je bil odvisen od vremena, zato je veliko pregovorov vremenskih. V njih ugotavlja, od kod piha in kaksno vreme prinasa veter: bo nevihta ali temporal, bo dovolj ali premalo dezja? Tudi takrat so bili nekateri ljudje vremenski, obcutljivi na vreme. Pa se prakticne napotke so dajali vremenski pregovori kratke in jedrnate, pa malo posmehljive: Ce priae ae: oa morske strani, fe temporal. Ce priae ae: oa severa, fe ae: oa burfe. Ce priae oa fuga, :moci :a ava pluga. Piova ai montagna non bagna la nostra campagna. (Nova vas, I. Vuk, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1953) Ce priae : fuga, :moci :a ava pluga, ce pride s severa, je dez od burje, ce pride z murja, bo temporal. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) N`ben vuk ni se pojo zime! (Krkavce, J. Petaros, zap. ?, 1954) Kar se cut tlak, fe gotov ae:. (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Kar gres v nfive, v:emi faketo s sabo, tua ce fe fasno, c pa fe oblcno, saf nse slep. (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Slovenski kmet je v vremenske pregovore prav tako vkljuceval svetnike ali se ravnal po drugih cerkvenih praznikih. Nekateri svetniki so odganjali ali prinasali mraz, drugi napovedovali dez ali opozarjali na primeren cas za kako kmecko opravilo. Hudic pa je prisel prav, ko je bilo treba povedati, kaksen hud mraz je: Za svecnico priae fa:bec pogleaat, kaksno vreme fe. ce fe lepo, fe :alosten, ce fe slabo, fe pa vesel. Ce fe lepo vreme ao Marife svecne, bo v prihoanfe mra:. Sveti Matifa lea ra:bifa, ce ga ne nafae, ga nareai. (Krkavce, J. Petaros, ?, 1954) Per San Martin si cerca per tutte le botte vin. (Centur, A. Krmac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Sveti Jure crve vre. 100 Sveta Marifa glevnfena :aboae glavnfico v :emlfo. ali vpahne ali vsahne. Sveti Fabfan :a enih kresi aan, Sveti Jalentin pa :a aveh in an kvartin. Devica Marifa gora, :ima fora. San Giorgio papa, ronaini passano acqua. Sveti Grgur fe sel iskat materi ko:uh. (Pomjan, J. Hlajka, zap. Z. Vatovec, 1950) Sveti Ivan ferma cok, Sveti Peter ga potakne, Sveti Urh ga :agori. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) De:fa ni treba proset, : Sveti Simon bo prisel ae: in petfac. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Tam so mra:i :a huaica. (Pomjan, F. Bernetic, zap. Suhadolnik, ?) Pregovori lahko napovedujejo tudi, kaksen bo pridelek: Agosta pisan gro:a, oktober gro:a aober. (Centur, A. Krmac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) Tudi luna pove kmetu marsikaj koristnega: Ce se saai v mlaai luni, aobro raste, a ne obroai. Stara luna fe nafbolfsa luna. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) 5.2.2. Ljubezen Razmisljanja o ljubezni nam povedo, kaksen odnos so imeli do zakona, do Iantov, deklet in zen: Ce fema an fnt piacer a ane pupe, priae vefe u hiso in fi se vec kepe. Pamet, kratke roke, aolge noge in preavsem veliko pamet mora imeti vsako posteno aekle. Ja: sem bila cista oa vsega. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Enkrat oa stariga, ko so cule aekleta, aa pofefo fanti, so se poskrile, aenes pa same tecefo :a nfimi. (Marezige, B. Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Lep ko ulfe. (Glem, J. Kocjancic, zap. Suhadolnik, ?) Rece osabno aekle. Ce nisi ti, so arugi tri. (Marezige, T. Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Zenska aota fe moska :mota. Zenska fe senca. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Tako so rekli o novoporocencih, ce sta se takoj drugi dan po poroki skregala: Ne bofo pofeli tri polente skep. Ne bofo pofeli eno kilo soli skep. (Krkavce, I. Glavina, ?, 1954) O otrocih pa: Ta, ki ima botra, aobi tuai kolac. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Frska ne paae alc oa aebla. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Tuai i: slabe psenice aober kruh' (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) 5.2.3. Vsakdanje zivljenje Zivljenje istrskega kmeta je bilo trda in tezka borba za vsakdanji kruh. Delali so od jutra do vecera. Ceprav so bili Istrani menda zelo vrazeverni, so se po pomoc zatekali tudi k Bogu. Njihove izkusnje so bile veckrat zelo trpke, vseeno pa je v teh pregovorih cutiti neko potrpezljivost in sprijaznjenost z usodo: Ce ne bos aelal mlaa, bos aelal star. (Tinjan, L. Bizjak, zap. B. Orel, 1949) Treba fe molit, aa nam Buh i Sveti Duh po:egna. Lehko fe Boga molit, se le:fe fe mucat. Stiri stvari cloveka. smrt, soa, peku, ref nebeski. (Sveti Peter, T. Gorela, zap. ?, 1957) Tak, ki ni bil se bolan, niti Bog ne ve :anf. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) Samo smrt fe pravicna. (Tinjan, L. Bizjak, zap. B. Orel, 1949) Za vsakega priae vrsta in krsta. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, 1954) Dobro se caka, slabo nikaar ne uiae. (Marezige, T. Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Nuc fema svofo muc. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Ano arevo se ne hiti aol : enim kolpom, tuai navaait se ne more se en bot. (Sveti Peter, T. Gorela, zap. ?, 1957) Koaer sonce tece, kruh se pece. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M. Krasovec, 1954) Jsaka stvar ima :cetek in hnitek. (Krkavce, M. Deluk, zap. ?, 1954) Z malo se :ive, : nec se mre. (Krkavce, A. Petaros, ?, 1954) Pregovori o revezih in revscini so zelo nazorni, s kanckom humorja zabeljeni. Ker so imeli malo, so morali biti skromni: Oni, ki fe ubog, ima samo sonce in pot. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M. Krasovec, 1954) Bofo feali kamne, boao srali arva. (Marezige, A. Grisnolah, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Je vboh a fma v hise kakor prea hiso. Tako fe ubog, aa ima v hisi toliko kot prea nfo. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Je ubog, aa ima prea hiso kot v hisi. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954) 101 Studii / Articles Oni, ki nima osla, fe osel, oni, ki nima prasica, fe prasic. Oni, ki nima osla, fe sam osel in oni, ki nima prasica, fe sam prasic. (Krkavce, M. Kapel, zap. M. Krasovec, 1954) Usta so mafhna, a aosti po:refo. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Krpa ar:i kmeta gor. (Bernetici, I. Koren, zap. P. Strukelj, ?) Klobuk serve vec kot :an ae:. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Morda so bili tisti, ki so kaj malega znali, na boljsem? Ta, ki pise, gre ven i: hise. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Kot povsod, so bili tudi tu ljudje zelo razlicnih znacajev. Med cloveskimi lastnostmi so Istrani najmanj cenili obrekljivost, skopost, domisljavost, hudobijo, tudi vdajanje pijaci. Spostovali pa so delovne ljudi: Pet prstov na roki ni enakih, tako niso niti lfuafe vseh vrst fih fe. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Prea svofo hiso pometi smeti, pusti na miru aruge lfuai. (Krkavce, J. Reja, ?, 1954) Ano fanfe superbo niti svofe matere ne :i:i, ano fanfe poni:no pa tuai ave. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) Ta k aalec leta, bli:ek paae. (Marezige, B. Babic, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Je sleb a ne b aau Bogu nu:ica : vraga ubt. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Je slab, da ne bi dal Bogu nozica za vraga ubit. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954) Usca, una ne aa huaicu nusca. (Marezige, ?, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Ni aobro imeti samo grablfe, treba fe imeti tuai vile. Jec kot pifes, manf viais. (?, zap. M. Pahor, ?) Disciplina, aisciplina :aslu:i kruha in vina in ce fo ne ar:is, sam sebe :apustis. (?, B. Kirin, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) O cloveku, ki se prevec muci, so pa rekli, da Se matra : pestet auso. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Vcasih se vascani dveh sosednih vasi niso gledali ravno prijazno. Tako so v Marezigah nekomu, ki ni slisal dobro in je prosil, da mu besede ponovijo, imeli navado reci: Na Tnfanu se govori avakrat. Na Tinfanu se pove avakrat. (Plahuti, M. Sabadin, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Ko ni denarja, so dobre tudi drugacne mere za placilo: Dvakrat en trebuh vina, ene neare hh. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Pa tudi zapestna ura ni tako zelo potrebna, kot to mislimo danes, saj so mere za cas lahko tudi bolj preproste: Ko fe sonce :a eno kvarto visoko. Ko fe sonce :a enega mo:a visoko. (?, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, ?) Je ta stric se imel kaj zob v ustih? Bog ve, ali je njegova zaga rezala dobro ali slabo! Re:e kot mofi :obfe.(Sveti Peter, ?, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1957) Kaj pa italijanski sosedje? Na Slovence so gledali zviska, ti pa so se jim tako oddolzili: En Avstric fe su po ceste in fe pucu po eni frituli oa vosla in fe prsu vn Lah. Sklep je torej vec kot jasen: Talfan fe prsu i: ene fritule oa vosla. (Rojci, B. Kovac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1950) Casi se spreminjajo. Priznati moram, da teh pregovorov res ne razumem! Bo treba na teren ali pa vtakniti nos v kako knjigo: Ce fe :ena bosa, fe fucu bosa, ce fe mo: bos, fe nanic bos. (Marezige, ?, zap. S. Bencina, 1950) Tisti, ki aela luno, fe Marko Kovac. (Rojci, B. Kovac, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1950) Jsak fi svof vle' (Krkavce, B. Brec, zap. D. Vodopivec, 1954) J aobri nfivi fe grana. (Sveti Peter, ?, zap. H. Pribac, 1957) Ukraaena macka ne be:i oa hise. (Krkavce, D. Pegan, zap. ?, 1954) 5.3. PABERKI V to skupino sem uvrstila pregovore, ki sem jih slisala mimogrede, v pogovorih z ljudmi v vaseh v zaledju ali v obalnih mestih. Vecina jih je iz osemdesetih let, nekaj pa je novejsih. Ker sem takrat zbirala predvsem daljse enote slovstvene Iolklore, se nisem osredotocila na pregovore in reke, zapisala sem le tisto, kar sem nakljucno izvedela. Vseeno pa je tudi ta skromna bera zanimiva. Predvsem v obalna mesta (nekaj pa tudi v bliznje vasi) se je priselilo precej prebivalcev iz drugih 102 krajev: iz notranjosti Slovenije, tudi iz hrvaske Istre, kasneje tudi iz juznih republik nekdanje drzave Jugoslavije. Tako na primer v Piranu poleg majhnega stevila pripadnikov italijanske skupnosti, ki so po drugi svetovni vojni zeleli ostati v svojem kraju, zivijo se priseljenci iz Slovenske ali hrvaske Istre, celo iz istroromunske vasi, Stajerci, Dolenjci, Krasevci, Brkinci, Gorenjci, Korosci, pa Hrvati, predvsem Dalmatinci, Srbi, Albanci, Makedonci in Crnogorci. Ce pristejemo se posamezne pripadnike drugih narodov, na primer nekaj Rusov, Francozov, Nemcev, Madzare, Americana, Iracana, Roma, Cehinjo, Azerbejdzanca, Nepalko in morda se koga, potem vidimo, da je etnicna struktura Pirana zelo pisana. Vsi ti ljudje so prinesli s seboj svojo dediscino, navade svojega kraja, izrocila, ki so jih poznali od doma. Seveda so se prilagodili vecinski kulturi, a ce bi jih le malo blize poznali, bi gotovo spoznali, da vsak od njih v sebi se vedno nosi delcek svojega prejsnjega okolja, znanja in izkusenj, ki si jih je pridobil doma. Prav zanimivo bi bilo prisluhniti vsem tem razlicnim ljudem in zapisati pregovore, ki jih poznajo. Vendar je to ze tema za kako drugo nalogo. Za zdaj pa naj zadostuje teh nekaj primerov, ki kljub majhni kolicini kazejo vsaj to, da je danasnja Slovenska Istra, predvsem kraji ob morju, res postala dom ljudem od vsepovsod. V vec narecjih ali jezikih: Ni fe riti, ki ne fe hiti. Jal piu una score:a che un cucfar ae meai:ina. (Strunjan, D. Marusic, zap. S. Pahor, 1984) En praec fe :a aeset aohtarfev (Piran, I. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1984) Lep po:arav i: Notranfske. (Piran, G. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 2004) Se te vol imparar bestemiar, compra te la cavra. Ku ces se naucit klet, kupi si ko:o. (Koper, A. Jurkota, zap. M. Jurkota, 1985) Bo:ic puli soncic, va:am puli ognfic. Bo:ic poli soncica, va:am poli ognfica. (Strunjan, A. Marusic, zap. D. Marusic, 1984) Nol au balcon, Paques aux tisons. (Piran, L. Rousse, zap. S. Pahor, 2003) Mi fe ra:bifala skatle na glavi. Kaksna rompiskatola. Rompiscatola. (Koper, L. Bojanic, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Non rompere le scatole. (Koper, ?, zap. M. Jurkota, 1985) Mislis, aa sem Bolaho? (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Tam so bili Mikac, pa so jim rekli Bolaho. Bolaho so rekli zato, ker je bolj bogat. In so rekli, da ima banco ai Bolaho v Trstu. (Sared, V. Ivancic, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Leva ruka, aesni a:ep. (Piran, razlicni, zap. S. Pahor, 2000) La fame viene mangianao. Chi va piano, va sano e va lontano. (Lucija, M. Merljak, zap. S. Pahor, 2004) Narecni: Chi non piscia in compania, o xe laaro, o xe spia. (Izola, Z. Marencic, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Spo:a banfata spo:a fortunata. (Koper, M. Jurkota, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Jsak sparovc cirovca nafae. (Piran, I. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Si trmast ko istrifanski vosu. (Koper, T. Krmac, zap. M. Jurkota, 1983) Ki ne pife vina ni rakife, ne viai Boga ni Marife. (Koper, A. Jurkota, zap. M. Jurkota, 1985) Duga sanfa, puna ret spanfa. (Koper, M. Jurkota, zap. S. Pahor, 1990) Ima velika vsta i mafhen pfat. (Piran, Z. Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Oni so tasne sorte lfuafe, ki imafo velika usta :a vprasat in mafhno roko :a aat. (Piran, Z. Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Glaa fe tat. (Izola, M. Kleva, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Istroromunski: Jreme tot vence. (cas vse premaga) Nigra vaka ab lapte are. (crna krava belo mleko ima) (Strunjan, D. Marusic, zap. S. Pahor, 1984) Pogovorni in knjizni jezik: To fe tuai i: riti privleceno. (Koper, Z. Zuzek, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Samo metla stofi :a vrati. (Piran, E. B. Tome, zap. S. Pahor, 1983) Kaor pofe, avakrat moli. Okoli riti v :ep. Ima aolge prste. Ce: aevet let vse prav priae. Jsaka stvar fe :a nekaf aobra. Jabolko ne paae aalec oa arevesa. Pesem mu fe sla ao srca. Previanost fe mati moarosti. Je:ika se ne sme sparati. Lepa beseaa lepo mesto nafae. Ce ne gre :lepa, tuai :graa ne bo slo. Kakor si bos postlala, tako bos spala. Pocasi se aalec priae. Svet Matifa lea ra:bifa, ce ga ni, ga pa nareai. Ce hitro aas, avakrat aas. Imas samo velike oci. (Piran, I. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Ne :aupati niti mrtvemu konfu. Delati s kako stvarfo kakor svinfa : mehom. Beseaa ni 103 Studii / Articles konf. Ne hvali aneva prea nocfo. (Koper, M. Hrs, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Oa :aa licef, oa sprea mu:ef. (Piran, M. Krizanec, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Imeti velike oci in mafhna usta. (Piran, Z. Muzinic, zap. S. Pahor, 1986) Dobra roba se sama hvali. Lastna hvala se poa mi:o vala. Hiti pocasi. Botra Klara ponoci siva, poanevi para. O mrtvih vse aobro. (Piran, M. Jelercic, zap. S. Pahor, 1990) Kar fe aano, fe v :lato :emlfo :akopano. (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1999) Sem aoma tam, kfer fe Bog s pra:nim :aklfem mahal. Smola se me ar:i. (Izola, M. Cerin, zap. S. Pahor, 2004) Imas vec srece kot pameti. Clovek cloveku volk. Imas krompir. Pusti gaaa, ubif Krasevca. (Piran, M. Pahor, zap. S. Pahor, 1980) 6. Zakljucek Pregovori in reki so tisti del ustnega slovstva, ki je namenjen za vsakdanjo rabo: vpletamo jih v vsakdanje pogovore, kadar hocemo podkrepiti svojo misel, dati nasvet, sporociti izkusnjo, modrost. Kot taki so lastni vsem kulturam in verjetno vsem casom. Nekateri sporocajo povsod veljavne resnice, drugi so plod domacih razmer, tretji so trenutne domislice. Istrski pregovori in reki se v tem nic ne razlikujejo od drugih. Njihova posebnost je posebno narecje, medkulturni vplivi in poseben nacin zivljenja, iz katerega so se rodili: zivljenja ribicev, mornarjev, solinarjev in kmetov. In morda tudi iskrica humorja, ki je istrskega cloveka resevala v vseh stiskah in nadlogah njegovega trdega zivljenja. Veliko starih piranskih ribiskih in solinarskih pregovorov najdemo le se v knjigah in rokopisnih zbirkah; novi casi so v mesta ob morju pripeljali nove ljudi z drugacno kulturo. Prav tako, vendar gotovo v manjsi meri, se dogaja tudi na podezelju: po 2. svetovni vojni se je veliko kmetov izselilo v mesta in le pocasi se v vasi ponovno vraca zivljenje, ozivljajo oljcni nasadi, vinogradi in polja. Narecje, ki ga je bilo po 2. svetovni vojni v solah celo prepovedano govoriti, zopet pridobiva na veljavi. Ljubitelji in strokovnjaki si prizadevajo spoznati in ozivljati stare obicaje, domacinom se vracata samozavest in ponos ob zavedanju lastnih korenin. Nekateri pregovori, ki jih slisimo na istrskih tleh, so univerzalni in stari vec tisoc let, najdemo jih na primer ze v Svetem Pismu, v nekoliko bolj robati obliki pa so znani se danes. Tak je na primer svetopisemski. Bolfsa fe :elenfavna fea, kfer fe lfube:en, kakor pitan vol, kfer fe sovrastvo (Prg, 15, 17), ki danes zveni takole: Bolfse en krompir v miru, kot pa :re:ke v prepiru. (Piran, M. Jelercic, zap. S. Pahor, 1990) Drugi, predvsem vremenski, ki so plod stoletnega opazovanja sprememb v naravi, so bolj vezani na istrsko podrocje. Tako Miroslav Pahor pripoveduje v knjigi Stare piranske soline o solinarju, ki je takole modroval: La sa, fe aefal, anca questo xe un proverbio: I nostri veci i stava cento ani col culo soto la piova, prima ae far un proverbio. (Veste, tudi to je pregovor: Nasi stari so stali sto let : ritfo na ae:fu, preaen so napravili en pregovor.) Nekateri pregovori pa se po mnenju Marka Terseglava rodijo iz trenutne izkusnje. Prav zivo si zato lahko predstavljam poredne iskrice v oceh inIormatorja, ki po dolgem razgovoru za nekaj trenutkov umolkne; ko opazi, da v tem casu tudi zapisovalcu zastane pero, slednjic hudomusno rece: Ja, ja, po molku ni kaf pisati. Na knjiznih policah v knjiznicah se mnozijo vsakovrstne izdaje pregovorov, od tujih do domacih, celo vecjezicnih. Kljub temu pa se zdi, da je modrosti, ki so skrite v pregovorih, na svetu vse manj. Tako vsaj potrjuje zakljucek pogovora med devetdesetletno zenico in njeno nekoliko mlajso vrstnico. Ja, ja, pravijo, da na mlaaih svet stofi, pravi ena in druga brz odvrne: Ja, ma kako stofi? Na glavi' Najbolj zaskrbljeni pravijo celo mille, mai pi mille in napovedujejo konec sveta. Morda pa le ne bo tako hudo, ce bomo v:eli pamet v roke, saj nam tudi kralj 104 Salomon v Prg 2,11 zagotavlja: Preuaarnost te bo varovala, ra:umnost te bo ohranfala. Potem bomo vendar lahko se kaj pisali. Da pa ne bodo zakljucki presplosni, naj dodam, da k modrosti spada tudi drzavniska modrost. Zaenkrat so drzave, ce povemo cisto enostavno, se vedno bolj ali manj enotne narodne in jezikovne skupnosti. In ker v Slovenski Istri deluje kar nekaj drzavnih ustanov, ki naj bi vsestransko znanstveno preucevale to obmocje, bi morda kazalo posameznike v teh ustanovah malo podrezati, da bi del svojega casa namenili tudi raziskavam slovenske slovstvene Iolklore v Istri. Z njo naj bi se seznanjali tudi otroci v vrtcih in v solah. Verjetno bosta poznavanje lastnega izrocila in skrb za jezik v prihodnji skupnosti drzav se kako pomembna. Ceprav spostujem tudi tuje kulture in jezike, pa le ne bi rada cez nekaj let poslusala in zapisovala le se, kako ljudje recejo mega, ful, kul, super, spon, :ur, ce bi radi povedali, da je nekaj lepo, krasno, cudovito ali da se imajo dobro, v nasprotnem primeru, ko bi bili zalostni ali potrti, pa bi rekli da so tok u aepri, aa b se kar : rufa aol skenslali. Ali kako imajo tisti, ki so rojeni pod srecno ali nesrecno zvezdo, le se aobro ali slabo karmo. Viri Zbirka pregovorov v rokopisni zapuscini Miroslava Pahorja (1963). Arhiv druzine Pahor. Terenski zapiski Spele Pahor in Marine Jurkota (1982 1986). Arhiv Spele Pahor. Terenski zapiski etnoloskih ekip SEM. Arhiv Pokrajinskega muzeja Koper (1950 1956). Spela Pahor, Privatno ribistvo v Piranu od konca druge vojne do danes. Seminarska naloga. Piran, 1982. Zapiski s predavanj dr. Marka Terseglava Folkloristika 1 in 2, 200? Literatura Nelda Stok Vojska, Moja destra Istra. Marezige, 1998 Nelda Stok Vojska, Istrani pravijo. Marezige, 1998 Miroslav Pahor, Tatjana Poberaj, Stare piranske soline. Ljubljana, s.a. Stanko Prek, Ljudska modrost trden je most. Ljubljana, 1974 Sveto pismo Stare in Nove zaveze. Ljubljana, 2000 Slovar slovenskega knjiznega jezika. Ljubljana, 2002 Vilko Novak, Slovenska ljudska kultura. Ljubljana, 1960 Milko Maticetov, Pregovori in uganke. V: Zgodovina slovenskega slovstva. Ljubljana, 1957 Nada Morato, Mrak eno jutrnja. Ljubljana, 2002 Rozana Speh, Supeter je na lepa vas. Ljubljana, 1999 Marjan Tomsic, Noc je moja, dan je tvoj. Ljubljana, 1989 Mitja Skubic, Romanski jeziki. Ljubljana, 1988 Albert Pucer, Istrska kuhinja. Ljubljana, 2003 CristoIoro Pasqaligo, Raccolta di proverbi veneti 1-3. Venezia, 1857-1858 Pirano un`immagine. Pirano, 1994 Slobodan Simic Sime, Piran na robovih stoletij. Piran, 2000 Recenzii / Reviews ANTOANETA OLTEANU Marianne Mesnil, L'Ethnologue entre le dragon et le serpent. Etudes d'ethnologie europenne] ` Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Essais de mythologie balkanique, avant-propos de Paul H. Stahl, traduit en roumain par Ioana Bot et Ana Mihilescu, ditions Paideia, Bucarest, 1997, 394 p.; Marianne Mesnil, Assia Popova, Au-del du Danube. Etudes d'ethnologie balkanique, prface de Vintil Mihilescu, traduit en roumain par Ana Mihilescu et Mariana Rdulescu, Editions Paideia, Bucarest, 2007, 368 p. Les Editions Paideia oIIrent aux lecteurs roumains deux importants volumes d`ethnologie et anthropologie balkaniques compares, runissant les tudes de deux chercheurs spcialistes de cette zone. Excellentes connaisseuses des ralits locales, Marianne Mesnil et Assia Popova rassemblent dans ces volumes de vritables joyaux hermneutiques portant sur des aspects signifcatiIs de la mythologie balkanique. La premiere tude de Marianne Mesnil, publi dans l`dition de 1997, LEthnologue entre le aragon et le serpent. Etuaes aethnologie europeenne, traite des aspects gnraux de l`ethnologie europenne, tout en insistant sur le statut de l`ethnologue (Lethnologue entre le aragon et le serpent, Entre le rationalisme et le romantisme. enfeux et premisses ae lethnologie europeenne), ainsi que des moments importants de certains rites de passage dont elle surprend la dimension sacre (Entre len-aea et lau-aela. mythes et rites europeens ae la naissance et ae la mort) selon une approche incitante, qui Iait appel aux concepts lvi-straussiens de cru et de cuit, de passage de la nature a la culture (les enIants naissant dans les choux, la cuisine de la naissance, etc.); retenons les contributions consacres au statut du magicien dans l`espace roumain (Entre revenants et magiciens, Jampirisme et traaition orale en Roumanie. Les sources populaires aun mythe litteraire, Un aossier meaical au vampirisme au sicle aes Lumires, Une saison aes errances ae lame. lhomme-loup, Temps subi, temps masque), riches d`analyses contrastives synchroniques et diachroniques. Retenons galement les tudes de cas ou les motiIs mythologiques analyss sont inventoris dans plusieurs cultures (par exemple, le conte dont le hros est Piprus/Poucet Les Avatars europeens ae Pipru Petru). La seconde partie du volume, Essais ae mythologie balkanique, ralise en collaboration, constitue une contribution importante a la description cohrente de l`univers de la mythologie balkanique, trop peu aborde en raison des diIfcults que d`autres auteurs eurent a se mouvoir dans les aires mythologiques locales des Balkans. Ce monde trange, en quelque sorte aux antipodes, que sont les Balkans conserve des reprsentations intressantes dans le domaine de l`imaginaire imagologique. Le premier de ces essais, Des etrangers ae toutes les couleurs ou comment aesigner lAutre, oIIre une analyse mythologique de l`Etranger redoutable avec lequel entraient en contact les populations locales (croyances lies aux cannibales, aux muets, aux personnages poilus, pas rass, estropis, etc.). D`autres tudes sont consacres a des Ites populaires reprsentatives, reposant sur une base mythologique bien articule (Saint Anare, lours et le cornouiller; Survacka/ Sorcova. la langue ,crue` ae la baguette, Des anctres aux nouveau-nes. les pains aes quarante martyrs), mais aussi a des personnages mythologiques que d`autres peuples connaissent galement (la belette et sainte Vendredi: Sois belette et tais-toi' ou la megre repuaiee, Demone et chretienne. sainte Jenareai). Le dernier volume, Au-aela au Danube. Etuaes aethnologie balkanique, paru en 2007, est une continuation de l`tude prcdente des deux auteurs et Iait suite aux recherches comparatistes entreprises sur les deux rives du Danube. Le premier recueil d`impressions ethnologiques appartient a Marianne Mesnil et donne un aperu de l`aire culturelle en question du point de vue de l`anthropologue occidental et contemporain, plongeant dans des cultures et des poques perdues dans la nuit des temps: Avec Dracula, le temps aun cafe, Le charme aiscret aes Balkans, Homo Balcanicus, un portrait ethnologique sont les jalons fxs par un auteur qui, revenant dans cet univers au bout de plusieurs annes, essaie de comprendre le spcifque local, justif par une histoire a part, d`vnements passs et prsents. En parlant de la rvolution roumaine de 1989, tlvise en direct (Au pays ae Dracula. faux macabres et usage ae faux. Revolution en airect ou meaiatisation ae lhistoire?) ou des confits sanglants du Kosovo, vus comme des bombes a retardement d`un modele politique occidental dans les Balkans (Kosovo 1999.), Marianne Mesnil souligne l`engagement proIond de l`ethnologue dans cette aire culturelle extrmement complexe, encore mconnu par les historiens et les anthropologues occidentaux, toujours marqus par le choc des civilisations . Bucarest Iait l`objet d`une belle analyse (Bucarest ou le corps retrouve), a partir des notes de 106 voyage du Iranais Ulysse de Marsillac. Les strotypes concernant les Balkans et leurs habitants ne sont pas abandonns (Toi aussi tu es Balkanique '). S`y ajoutent des analyses tres pousses, issues de l`examen attentiI d`objets a premiere vue banals mais auxquels l`auteur trouve, au terme d`une sorte d`archologie spirituelle, des valeurs ignores des proIanes d`aujourd`hui (Bagages pour toutes sortes ae voyages observations ethnologiques sur le thme ae lobfet), dont la plus extraordinaire nous semble celle consacr a La verseuse ou la ceremonie au cafe, continue, d`ailleurs, dans une autre tude plus ample (Le temps aun cafe), dans le mme volume. Cette culture du caI est, pour l`auteur, l`occasion d`un voyage (a la mode) de l`Orient vers l`Occident, avec des haltes aux Irontieres et ou le crmonial du caI connat une richesse et une popularit particulieres. La derniere partie du volume, intitule Transaanubiennes, runit des tudes communes des deux auteurs (Les au-aela au Danube (1), Les hironaelles qui font le printemps . le retour aes oiseaux migrateurs aans les Balkans, Le four mobile, image au monae), ainsi que des tudes individuelles (Petit periple en Transaanubie. Le Pays aes abeilles, de Marianne Mesnil, ou Les hls au temps, d`Assia Popova, consacr a la structure des calendriers populaires). Le territoire situ de part et d`autre du Danube, conventionnellement appel Transdanubie (bien que l`acception gnrale Iasse rIrence a la Roumanie), permet aux deux auteurs de se limiter a certaines zones des Balkans ou elles entreprennent leurs recherches monographiques. Nous remarquons l`intrt des tudes compares consacres aux couvercles d`argile et au royaume des abeilles ; ces tudes partent des socits traditionnelles Iortement infuences par le christianisme (populaire), pour construire des reprsentations mythologiques archaques dans la pratique de certaines occupations, mais portant en leur sein des chos de cosmogonies archaques. Nous retiendrons galement l`tude qui part des croyances populaires lies aux retour des oiseaux au printemps, pour examiner ensuite dans le dtail les pratiques rituelles rattaches au mois de mars, a la Ite des Martyrs et a la coutume du Mrisor. Il ne nous reste qu`a saluer encore une Iois la publication de ces volumes qui constituent des contributions majeures a l`difcation d`une mythologie balkanique qui attendait d`tre couche sur le papier. AMALIA PAVELESCU Tereza Stratilesco. O ambasadoare a culturii tradiionale romneyti n spaiul anglo-saxon. From Carpathians to Pindus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life, Londra, 1906, 379 p. n 1906, a aprut la Londra, From Carpathians to Pinaus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life 1 de Tereza Stratilesco, un volum de 379 de pagini, cu dou hri si 63 de Iotografi, reprezentnd diIerite aspecte ale civilizaiei populare din Romnia. Volumul priceps, legat n coperi cartonate, mbrcat n pnz de culoare maro-bej, cu litere aurite, a Iost retiprit, tot n ediie de lux, si peste ocean, la Boston (W. Luca, 1907) si New York (AMS Press, 1981 si 1991), probabil de romnii americani, care purtau cu ei dorul de ar. n 1907, ,Revista de Geografe' a Societii Regale de Geografe din Londra public o recenzie a acestei cri 2 . Lucrarea e Irecvent citat pe Internet, ca surs bibliografc pentru prezentarea romnilor din Pind (aromnii), sau ca posibilitate de achiziionare prin anticariatele on line, preul variind de la 50, pn la 200 $. n Romnia, cartea se af rar n bibliotecile publice, iar numele autoarei abia a nceput s fe cunoscut, datorit domnului Iordan Datcu 3 . Tereza Stratilesco s-a nscut n localitatea Tarcu din judeul Neam. A Icut studiile liceale si universitare la Iasi. A Iuncionat, n acest oras, ca proIesoar de istorie, dar si directoare a Liceului ,Oltea Doamna', timp de 25 de ani. n anii 1894-1896, se af n Anglia, obinnd o burs de studii, propus de A.D. Xenopol. Audiaz cursuri n Londra, OxIord si n alte centre universitare; cerceteaz, din nsrcinarea lui Titu Maiorescu, organizarea si Iuncionarea nvmntului din Anglia, materiale pe care le public n ,Convorbiri literare' (1894-1896). nsusindu-si bine limba englez si Icndu-se cunoscut n unele medii intelectuale, Tereza Stratilesco a primit comanda de a scrie o carte despre romni. n scurta prezentare a crii From Carpathians to Pinaus, Pictures of Roumanian Country Life, ne servim de un exemplar, adus de la Iasi de Ivonne Urziceanu, reIugiat la Sibiu, n 1940, unde a Iuncionat ca proIesoar de limba romn la Liceul ,Domnia Ileana'. n 1955, proIesorul Gh. Pavelescu a achiziionat de la doamna Ivonne Urziceanu mai multe volume din opera lui Simion Florea Marian si Elena Voronca, dar si volumul Terezei Stratilesco (1862-1931). Este posibil ca exemplarul de la Sibiu, s f Iost procurat de la un anticariat din Iasi, ntruct este indicat preul, 27,50 si semntura, C. Rdulescu. ,Aceast carte, scrie autoarea n preIa, se adreseaz 1 London: T. Fischer, Unwin, Adelphy Terrace. MCMVI 2 ,The Geographical Journal', vol. 29, no. 4, (Apr. 1907), p. 453. 3 CI. Dicionarul etnologilor romani, Ed. Saeculum, 2006, p. 834-835. 107 Studii / Articles n primul rnd cititorului britanic, care, n timpul sederii mele n Anglia, m-a impresionat prin interesul artat pentru cunoasterea romnilor, despre care stiau Ioarte puine lucruri'. Volumul ,nu este o carte de propagand', precizeaz autoarea n aceeasi preIa. ,Ea urmreste doar s descrie partea cea mai interesant si mai autentic a naiunii romne, care este rnimea'. De aceea, pe Ioaia de titlu a crii, fgureaz ca ,motto' cuvintele rostite, n Parlamentul Romniei, de ctre Al. Lahovary: ,ranii sunt partea cea mai numeroas si mai interesant a poporului romn'. Prin aceste cuvinte, Tereza Stratilesco si motiveaz opiunea de a prezenta ara noastr, prin istoria si civilizaia sa tradiional, adic prin cultura ranului romn. Tot n preIaa crii, Tereza Stratilesco justifc apariia volumului n anul 1906, cnd romnii au srbtorit optsprezece secole de romanitate n regiunea Carpatic, patruzeci ani de domnie a regelui Carol I, a treizecea aniversare a Independenei si a douzeci si cincea aniversare a tnrului Regat al Romniei. Cu aceast ocazie, s-a organizat, n 1906, si o mare expoziie naional, deschis la Bucuresti, pentru a demonstra progresul Romniei, n ultima jumtate de secol. Volumul prezint, la nceput, o descriere geografc a regiunii dintre Carpai si Pind, un scurt istoric al poporului romn, indicnd evenimentele si fgurile reprezentative (SteIan cel Mare, Mircea cel Btrn, Mihai Viteazu, Unirea de la 1859 si Rzboiul pentru Independen), apoi pe ranul romn, n legtura sa cu statul, religia si pmntul. Bun cunosctoare a tradiiilor populare, Tereza Stratilesco prezint colindele si teatrul popular de la Crciun si Anul Nou, obiceiurile de var, cu cntecele de Iertilitate (Paparuaa) si cele privitoarea la ciclurile vieii (nasterea, cstoria si moartea), sau lirica popular, cu toate speciile ei (doina, cntecele de dragoste si dor), precum si baladele populare (Coareanu, Bufor, Toma Alimo, Punaul Coarilor, Mihu Copilu), toate exemplifcate cu texte din colecia lui Vasile Alecsandri. Nu lipsesc nici reIerinele la povesti si snoave, la dansurile populare (hora, btuta si brul), sau la instrumentele muzicale populare (cobza, tilinca, trisca, fuierul, cavalul, naiul, buciumul si cimpoiul). Sensibil si bun cunosctoare a sufetului acestui popor si a creaiilor sale, Tereza Stratilesco citeaz n text numeroase proverbe: ,D-mi, Doamne mintea moldoveanului cea de pe urm'; ,Dreptatea iese ca undelemnul, deasupra'; ,Banu-i ochiul dracului' ,Corb la corb nu-si scoate ochii'; ,Cine poate oase roade, / Cine nu, nici carne moale' ,Averile de Irunte sunt ca un izvor de munte: / Astzi curge si neac, / Mine scade si apoi seac'. Sau aceast Iormulare n versuri, pline de nelepciune flosofc: ,Cnt-mi cuce numai mie / Pn` la anul cine stie / De triesc, o dac mor: / Omul este trector'. Ori: ,Mult m mir eu de cela / Care nu stie cnta: / Cum si petrece lumea / C eu cnt, zu, tot mereu / Si-o petrec destul de greu'. Desigur, nu putea lipsi nici elogiul dorului: ,Cine n-are dor pe vale, / Nu stii luna cnd rsare, / Si noaptea ct e de mare. / Cine n-are dor pe lunc / Nu stii luna cnd se culc / Si noaptea ct e de lung', pentru ca, n fnal, autoarea s ncheie cu Iuncia catartic a ,Doinei': ,Cine mi-a strnit doina, / Ars i-a Iost inima / Ca si mie acuma'. La Iel de importate sunt si ilustraiile crii, semnate de Jules Cazaban, D. Cdere si Antoniu, care constituie, de asemenea, surse importante pentru istoria civilizaiei tradiionale din secolul al XIX-lea, n special din Moldova. Unele ilustraii sunt att de relevante, nct par a f Iost realizate de etnograf califcai. AstIel, prima Iotografe, intitulat ,Pereche de btrni', ne prezint o Iemeie de la munte, mbrcat cu Iot lung, de culoare nchis, cu vergi verticale, cmas de pnz alb, cu ,pumnasi' strnsi pe mn, cu ,ciupag' n Ia, mbrobodit cu maram neagr, care i ncadreaz chipul de Iorm oval. n picioare este nclat cu opinci Ir gurgui, cu ciorapi de ln, crosetai manual, peste care sunt nIsurate mai multe rnduri de ,nojie', probabil, din pr de capr. ,Brbatul', Iotografat Ir plrie sau cciul, este cu barb mare, care se uneste cu prul lung, lsat pe spate. Are pe el o cmas alb, lung, care-i acoper genunchii, iar peste ea poart un pieptar nIundat, Ir mnec si Ir broderii. n picioare are si el opinci Ir gurgui, ciorapi de ln, pn la genunchi, nIsurai cu nojie. Ambele personaje au privirea vioaie, puin meditativ. Simion Mehedini, n recenzia crii, publicat de Tereza Stratilesco (1907), subliniaz, de la nceput, ,o calitate preioas': ,descrierea n aceste pi c t ur e s nu e n genul ieItin si inutil al impresionistilor, care ncarc paginile cu multe culori si detalii, asa-zise pitoresti. Autoarea a avut ideea original de a descrie, pe ct se poate, pe ran prin el nsusi, adic prin poezia popular, Iolosind versuri din volumul Poezii populare ale romnilor (1867), de Vasile Alecsandri', citate Irecvent, att n original, ct si n traducere englez. Tereza Stratilesco descrie apoi, pmntul romnesc si ocuparea acestui pmnt: colonizarea roman, eclipsa perioadei nvlirilor barbare, retragerea si coborrea din muni, ntemeierea Principatelor si toate luptele de mai trziu ale lui SteIan cel Mare, Mihai Viteazu, Unirea din 1959, rzboiul pentru Independen, luptele noastre cu vecinii dinspre toate hotarele. Pas cu pas, povestirea se aproprie de timpurile mai noi: drile, serviciul militar, scoala, biserica, toate find descrise prin exprimarea plastic, refectat de imaginaia poporului. ,n totului tot, ncheie S. Mehedini recenzia, lucrarea d-rei Stratilesco Iace impresia unei picturi curate: nici trist cu intenie, dar nici luminoas din prtinire. Lipsa total a notelor subpaginale arat c n-a voit s fe o oper de erudiie, ci o ncercare original de a prezenta poporului englez o icoan sincer a vieii noastre'. ,Si credem c scopul a Iost deplin atins. Nu numai oamenii de societate, dar si literaii, oamenii politici, Iolcloristii |...| vor putea lua inIormaii preioase asupra neamului 108 romnesc, si anume a acelei pri, care este cea mai numeroas si interesant, rnimea dup cum s-a exprimat Al. Lahovary. Ca atare, opera d-rei Stratilesco este dintre cele mai vrednice de laud, si merit toat recunostina din partea publicului romnesc' (,Convorbiri literare', 1907). Dar, si cititorii spaiului englez au utilizat inIormaiile oIerite de cartea Terezei Stratilesco. Dm un singur exemplu: doamna Agnes Kelly (1879-1829), cstorit cu geologul romn proI. George Munteanu-Murgoci, a Iolosit inIormaiile din cartea autoarei romnce, pentru studiile sale despre spiritualitatea popular romneasc, tiprite n celebra revist englez ,Folklore'. Si, tot datorit crii pe care o recenzm, vice-presedintele Societii Folklore din Anglia, Arthur R. Write, a declarat, ntr-o conIerin inut la Vlenii de Munte, c ,Romnia este poate cea mai interesant ar din Europa, n ceea ce priveste credinele si datinile populare' (CI. ,Lamura', An II, p. 965). Amintind aceste aprecieri, ne gndim, cu regret, ct de puin am contribuit noi, romnii, la cunoasterea Iolclorului romnesc peste hotare, nct, ntr-o oper de mari dimensiuni (15 vol.) cum este Creanga ae aur a lui I.G. Frazer, nu suntem amintii dect de dou ori, dar si atunci, prin intermediul lui Manhardt (Wala una Feltkulte, Berlin, 1875), care, la rndul su, a luat inIormaiile de la un Iolclorist saxo-romn, W. Schmidt (Das Jahr una Seine Tage, Sibiu, 1866). Mai trziu, Marcu Beza (1882-1949), macedonean de origine, Consul General al Romniei n Anglia (1920- 1932), public la Londra, n 1928, Paganism in Romanian Folklore (Pgnismul n Iolclorul romnesc), n care prezint un bogat material romnesc, macedonean si balcanic, cu Irecvente trimiteri la mitologia greco-roman si comparaii cu eposul si dansul popular englez, dar si obiceiuri si tradiii legate de srbtorile de iarn la romni. Ct priveste traducerile n limba Irancez, amintim pe lng cele ale lui Artur Gorovei (1864-1951) despre datinile de la nastere si nunt, publicate n ,Revue des traditions populaires', considerate de Ovidiu Brlea ,cri de compilaie si popularizare' (Istoria folcloristicii romaneti, 1974, p. 390) si volumul lui Mihail Vulpescu (1888 1954) intitulat Les coutumes romaines perioaique, Paris, 1927, care, desi preIaat de Arnold Van Gennep (1879- 1957), a Iost aspru criticat, de data aceasta de Petru Caraman (1899-1980), n brosura Datine romaneti in limba france:. Contribuie critic asupra folclorului roman in strintate (1934, 110 p.). Dar, si mai regretabil este Iaptul c n-am stiut s apreciem oIerta lui Arnold Van Gennep de a crea la Universitatea din Bucuresti o Catedr internaional de etnografe si istorie comparat a civilizaiilor si de a organiza n capitala rii noastre, cel de-al doilea Congres de etnografe si Iolclor. ,Prin ntinderea teritoriului su si prin mrimea populaiei spunea, Arnold Van Gennep, Romnia ar putea si ar trebui s ncline balana de partea sa si s devin n Orient, centrul de raliere a Iorelor intelectuale, ce se ramifc din alte centre europene'. Dar, n-a Iost s fe asa, desi Arnold Van Gennep s-a oIerit s vin la Bucuresti cu toat Iamilia si biblioteca sa, promind c va nva ntr- un an si limba romn. (CI. contribuia proIesorului Gheorghi Gean privitoare la corespondena si proiectele lui Arnold Van Gennep, publicate n revista ,Ethnologica, 3/1983, p. 34-44). n ncheierea studiului, publicat n limba Irancez, dl. proI. Gheorghi Gean l aseaz pe Arnold Van Gennep n seria marilor amici Irancezi ai poporului romn, alturi de Jules Michelet, Emm. de Martonne, Henri Focillon si muli alii. Apreciind contribuia adus de Tereza Stratilesco la cunoasterea identitii noastre naionale, putem constata evoluia societii din Romnia de-a lungul unui secol. E adevrat, au disprut casele cu pereii de paiant si acoperisurile de paie, dar Moldova a rmas pn astzi cea mai srac provincie a Romniei, iar n anul intrrii noastre n Uniunea European, nu ne-am nvrednicit s publicm mcar un vaaemecum sau ghid de inIormare pentru cei care ar dori s ne cunoasc. Nici Sibiul, declarat ,capital cultural a Europei pentru anul 2007', nu are un astIel de ghid. Oare, cum si justifc activitatea ambasadorii si consulii, ori ali ,Iuncionari' ai Ministerului de Externe, remunerai cu valut Iorte? NICULINA CHIPER Estudos de Literatura Oral (E.L.O.), nr.7-8, 2006-2007, Centro de estudos Atade Oliveira, Universitatea din Algarve, Portugalia Una dintre cele mai importante publicaii pe plan internaional, Estudos de Literatura Oral (E.L.O.), apare la CENTRO DE ESTUDOS ATADE OLIVEIRA de pe lng Universitatea din Algarve, Portugalia. Creatoarea acestui Centru de cercetare si directoarea revistei, doamna Isabel Cardihgos, este autoare a numeroase artciole si studii de specialitate (cel mai important find In ana out of enchantement.blooa symbolism ana genaer in Portuguese fairy tales, editat n Finlanda, Helsinki, n Folklore Felows Commnunication nr. 260, 1996). Directorul adjunct al publicaiei, domnul J.J. Dias Marques, a participat la cea de-a XXXI-a ConIerin a Baladei, organizat de Universitatea Bucuresti, n anul 2000. Volumul dublu nr.7-8, 2006-2007 din E.L.O. este orientat spre relaia Iolclorului cu literatura cult, spre zcminte Iolclorice necunoscute; de asemenea, spre o arie geografc extrem de larg:pe lng Europa, nregistrm 109 Studii / Articles Iolclor sud-american si asiatic. Colaboreaz la revist renumii cercettori si proIesori din Peninsula Iberic, Statele Unite ale Americii, Germania, Marea Britanie, Danemarca s.a. Indicele tematic cuprinde trei seciuni:articole, recenzii si inIormaii adresate colaboratorilor. Din bogata si variata colecie de studii mi-a atras atenia cel al lui Carlos Nogueira (de la Centrul de Tradiii Populare Portugheze ,ProIessor Manuel Viega Guerreiro pe lng Facultatea de Litere, Universitatea din Lisabona) despre structura stroIei tradiionale de patru versuri (quaara) n Iolclorul portughez (p. 207-230), studiu ce antreneaz poetica si prozodia; n rest, contribuiile au mai ales, caracter aplicativ. Dintre acestea, se detaseaz cercetrile lui Alejandro Arturo Gonzalez Terriza, din Madrid, despre Jeronica, la virgen ael Espefo y Las Tiferas (p.131-160), apoi cea a cercettoarei Monserrat Amores din Barcelona despre La Ballena ael Man:anares (p.7- 24) care conin analize implicnd superstiiile privind oglinzile, ca spaii ale lumii de dincolo ct si consideraii despre conotaiile numelui Jeronika sau cinci versiuni ale povestii despre balena miraculoas ce cltoreste pn la Madrid; se valorifc astIel motivul celuilalt n Iolclorul spaniol. n aceeasi zon a percepiilor contemporane asupra motivelor arhaice se nscrie si studiul Mariei del Mar Jimnez Montalvo despre motivul grului si al aurului (El trigo y el ainero) care prezint o strveche disput ncheiat cu victoria grului(p. 161-172), motiv prelucrat cndva de Francisco de Quevedo, ntr-un poem celebru Poaeroso caballero es aon Dinero. Unele dintre cele mai interesante articole ale revistei ELO urmresc actualitatea unor teme literare, transIormate apoi n Iolclor si ajunse pn n teritorii extrem de ndeprtate. Poate c cel mai spectaculos rmne cel scris de Manuel Da Costa Fontes (de la Kent State University, Ohio-SUA) despre epopeea popular RONCESVALLES (secolul al XIII-lea) si ptruns, prin intermediul romanticului portughez Almeida Garrett, pn n Brazilia zilelor noastre (A Morte ae D. Beltro). Tot n aceast arie se nscriu contribuiile lui lui Paco Moncebo Perales (Universitatea Complutense din Madrid) despre El Romance ae la Aaultera en Hispanoamerica. Analisis ae variantes (p. 187-206), vast analiz a elementelor comune si diIereniatoare n cele patruzeci si dou de versiuni ale baladei iberice La aaultera si apoi identifcarea a dou tipuri ale cror granie sunt trasate cu o surprinztoare precizie. Semnalm, de asemenea, studiul lui Jos Manuel Pedrosa (de la Universitatea Alcala de Henares, Spania), consacrat tradisiilor orale si culte legate de motivul prizonierului, mergnd de la cele mai vechi atestri Iolclorice la mari poei ai secolului al XX-lea, precum RaIael Alberti (Balaaas y caciones ael Parana), Justo Alejo (Alciar) si Antonio Burgos (Romance ael Mitin:o), ajungnd pn la parodiile de tip politic (care satirizau guvernul socialist din Spania anilor 1992 ori guvernul conservator al anului 2000 si chiar un Ioileton care circula pe hrtii colorate, intitulat Correccion ae examenes febrero 2000 en aepenaencias y horarios ohciales. Relaia dintre Iolclor si literatura cult ocup un loc important n arhitectura general a revistei. Studiul The Contes of Mme aAulnoy ana M. Perrault (p. 45-62) lui Ruth B. Bottigheimer (de la State University, New York) investigheaz povestile lui Charles Perrault, comparndu-le cu cele semnate de Mme dAulnoy n ceea ce priveste sintaxa, morala si tratamentul magicului. Antropologul lisabonez Francisco Vaz da Silva ntreprinde o lectur simbolic n articolul The Girl ana the Wolf (p. 257-276), examinnd att textele culte care conin motivul Scuhei roii, ct si versiunile orale despre Little Rea Riaing Hooa, sugernd existena unui model stabil de-a lungul secolelor si al genurilor literare n care predomin imaginea Ietelor n rosu ce se ntlnesc cu lupii. Raportul dintre Iolclor si literatura cult n viziunea unor scriitori si gnditori din secolul al XIX-lea Iace de asemenea obiectul studiilor Mariei Tereza Cortez (Teohlo Braga e Aaolfo Coelho auas posies face aos Irmos Grimm a coleco Kinaer una Hausmrchen, p. 79-94) si Enrique Baltanas (Folk-lore, Politica y Literatura ppopular en el siglo XIX, cartas ineaitas ae A. Machaao y Alvare: a Teohlo Braga, p. 25-44). Seciunea de recenzii a revistei ELO este extraordinar de bogat si de un nivel stiinifc remarcabil. Isabel Cardigos semneaz cele mai multe recenzii. Directoarei publicaiei i se adaug o echip de cercettori cu preocupri variate si cu o notabil deschidere ctre toate teritoriile antropologiei, etnologiei si Iolclorului. Conceput ca jurnal internaional de literatur oral, ELO se adreseaz deopotriv cercettorilor, proIesorilor si studenilor. ANNA-MARIA SZALMA Ttszegi Tekla: Satul tradiional vzut prin obiectivul lui Denis Calloway. (Transilvania, Partium, Banat, Bucovina) Argonaut, Cluj-Napoca, 2008 n 2008, la Cluj-Napoca a aprut volumul Satul traaiional v:ut prin obiectivul lui Denis Galloway redactat de Ttszegi Tekla, care prezint un numr de 300 de Iotografi din mostenirea lui Denis Galloway, afat n arhiva Muzeului Etnografc al Transilvaniei. William Albert Dennis Galloway, pictor-IotograI a trit ntre 1878-1957, a 110 petrecut o perioad ndelungat (ntre anii 1926 si 1950) n Romnia. n aceast perioad, la solicitarea Muzeului Etnografc al Transilvaniei (directorul muzeului ,Romulus Vuia) cu resedina din Cluj-Napoca, el a Iotografat n diIerite localiti din Transilvania istoric, Banat, Partium si Bucovina. Volumul dezvluie o resurs Iotografc neretusat, contextualizat de o introducere n limba romn datat minuios, si rezumate n limba maghiar si englez. Prezentarea acestui album poate f deodat si usoar si grea. Usoar, pentru c volumul n mare parte (pe aproape 200 de pagini) este compus din Iotografi, nsoite de scurte texte cu inIormaii eseniale. Si totodat grea, pentru c acest material vizual deposed ,cititorul de punctele de sprijin oIerite de interpretarea textual, de posibilitatea de a aproba sau a intra n discuie cu ideile Iormulate, verbalizate. Editorul, Ttszegi Tekla (muzeolog-etnograI la Muzeul Etnografc al Transilvaniei), nu ne oIer nici un ajutor, rmnnd modest retras de-a lungul volumului. Totusi, cele trei pri componente ale Introaucerii ne oIer o ndrumare precis si substanial n legtur cu biografa si opera IotograIului (William Albert Dennis Galloway, ,Domnul Denis Galloway, pictor engle:.), cu relaia dintre artist si Muzeul Etnografc al Transilvaniei, cu geneza si istoricul coleciei Iotografce, cu relaia dintre artist si populaia localitilor parcurse de el (,. in serviciul instituiei noastre. si ,... a mai fost un aomn pe la noi, care a fotograhat tot i apoi a i:bucnit imeaiat r:boiul). Introducerea succint, sprijinindu-se si pe literatura de specialitate, parcurge sumar problematica care se poate ivi n cursul editrii sau rsIoirii acestui album: Iotograferea si utilizarea Iotografei (de ctre populaia rural sau n context stiinifc), problematica articulrii n spaiu si timp a regiunilor etnografce. Rezumatul n limba englez, respectiv maghiar este urmat de un registru al arhivei Galloway (n numr de 647 negative pe sticl), si o list a (numerelor de nregistrare a) negativelor grupate pe localiti. Cele 294 Iotografi alb-negru, realizate ntre anii 1926-1936 si cele 14 Iotografi colorate realizate ntre 1930-31 sunt grupate pe regiuni, si n cazurile indicate, nsirate n ordine cronologic. Unitile compuse din Iotografile unei regiuni sunt completate de cte o hart a regiunii, pe care sunt marcate toate localitile Iotografate. Textele atasate de Iotografi ntregesc inIormaiile vizuale care se pot ,citi de pe Iotografi (uneori aceste texte doar reproduc inIormaiile care sunt scrise si se pot desciIra parial sau n ntregime chiar de pe negative): denumesc tema Iotografei, locul si timpul Iotograferii, inIormaiile tehnice necesare si numrul de nregistrare al negativului pe sticl. Aceste scurte texte se potrivesc Ioarte bine cu Iotografile: nu distrag atenia, dar adaug inIormaiile indispensabile. ,Cititorul se poate adnci n studierea Irumoaselor Iotografi, care de altIel captiveaz atenia. ntrebarea Iormulat chiar la prima ntlnire cu acest volum de ce sunt necesare, cu ce scop se nasc aceste publicaii, albume de Iotografi devine aproape irelevant. Aceast ntrebare nicidecum nu trebuie interpretat ca o critic. Nu pune sub semnul ntrebrii nsusi publicaia, ci Iormuleaz ntrebri legate de nevoile la care rspunde acest album, de persoanele, instituiile care se pot identifca n spatele acestor nevoi, ntrebri legate de delimitarea grupului int, publicului potenial al volumului. Dup cum am mai pomenit, cel mai evident rspuns ar f: pentru c Iotografile sunt Irumoase, rsIoirea albumului Iace plcere cititorului; valoarea estetic a volumului nu necesit explicaii aparte. Estetica volumului este consolidat pe de o parte de Iotografi, ludndu-l astIel pe IotograIul Dennis Galloway. Dar nu este secundar nici activitatea redactoarei, crieia i putem mulumi compoziia clar si armonioas a ntregului album. ntrebarea noastr ns are tangen cu o abordare mai complex si mai proIund a tematicii. Acest volum poate f interpretat si ca memento unui specialist, o amintire minunatului IotograI si pictor Dennis Galloway. Se pare c Iotografa a reusit s atrag atenia diIeritelor discipline (stiine istorice, etnografe, antropologie, sociologie) (si) ca tem de cercetare. Dar ce stim despre autorii acestor Iotografi? ,Orict de muli au Iost ei, care au pndit si au perpetuat momentele cele mai particulare, att de puin stim despre ei, despre Iotograf ca oameni. Asa ni se pare, c nvelisul negru nu a nchis doar lumina de la sticla opalin a aparatelor de Iotografat, ci a ascuns de privirile noastre si creatorul, IotograIul |.| Ct de misterios este puterea magic a pozei, att de enigmatici sunt pentru noi si acesti Iotograf. (Romsics 2000:79) 1 spune etnograIul maghiar, Imre Romsics, reIerindu-se la autorii Iotografilor din arhiva Muzeului Viski Karoly (Ungaria). Prin aceast publicaie avem ocazia s aruncm a privire sub un astIel de nvelis negru. n introducerea volumului este prezentat biografa si cariera lui Dennis Galloway. S-a nscut la data de 5 martie 1878, la CardiII (Marea-Britanie), a obinut califcare n arhitectur, ca ofer de marin, apoi n arte plastice. ntre anii 1926 si 1950, cu mai scurte sau mai lungi ntreruperi, a trit n Romnia, si a creat ntre altele si Iotografile publicate n acest album. A decedat n 1957, dup ce n 1950 s-a ntors n ara lui natal. Mergnd mai departe, aceste Iotografi completeaz biografa cu inIormaii aditive de tip vizual, adaos, care poate arta pe de o parte mai mult din biografa IotograIului, iar pe de alt parte, oIer o alt perspectiv, una vizual. Putem obine o imagine n toat puterea a cuvntului despre ce consider Galloway important, demn de a pstra, de a arta n / din locurile parcurse de el. n mod evident, astIel devin vizibile si punctele Iocus a etnografei din acea perioad, ce este considerat ca tipic al satului tradiional n acea perioad. 1 Romsics Imre: Fnykpek a Viski Karoly Muzeum gyjtemnyeiben (Fotografi n arhivele Muzeului Viski Karoly). Nprajzi Ertesit LXXXII, 2000, 79-90. 111 Studii / Articles Introducerea si cele 300 de negative pe sticl prezentate mpreun, aduc mai aproape si creatorul, nu doar mediul satelor tradiionale contemporane. Tocmai cum ne promite titlul: satul tradiional vzut prin obiectivul lui Denis Galloway. ,Nu este ntmpltor, c ochiul IotograI care substituie ochiul uman, si sistemul de lentile din care se compune a primit numele de obiectiv (Bazin 1977:515) 1 , cum nu este ntmpltor nici titlul incontestabil de potrivit al volumului, care ne invit repetat la cutarea rspunsului la ntrebarea noastr iniial aducnd alte aspecte n prim plan. Valoarea documentar a materialului vizual publicat subliniaz dreptul la existen a volumului. ntrabarea ns naste alte ntrebri: ce documenteaz Iotografile? Dup cum am amintit (si cum ne promite titlul volumului), aceste Iotografi sunt pe de o parte documentele unei culturi (segmente vizuale ale culturii) reprezentaii ale satului tradiional, iar pe de alt parte documentele concepiei lui Denis Galloway despre satul tradiional. Nu ne putem ns opri aici, deoarece n Iundalul negativelor pe sticl si al volumului editat se ascund straturile mai proIunde si eIectele stimulente ale Ienomenului. Fotografile eIectuate documenteaz si concepia contemporan a Muzeului Etnografc al Transilvaniei (si implicit a conducerii instituiei, a directorului Romulus Vuia), care la rndul nu este independent de infuena atitudinilor, concepiilor stiinei etnografce (romne) contemporane. Totodat, n context si mai larg, are reIerine si la (trans)Iormarea artelor vizuale de la sIrsitul secolului al XIX-lea, prima parte a secolului al XX-lea, de exemplu la acel Ienomen din ce n ce mai Irecvent ntlnit n aceast perioad, care este n strns legtur cu apariia si democratizarea Iotografei, Iotograferii: din ce n ce mai muli pictori opteaz pentru aparatul de Iotografat lng / n loc de pensul. Albumul publicat nu documenteaz doar contextul temporal a genezei negativelor, ci refect si unele aspecte ale atitudinii din prezent a stiinelor (istorice si etnografce) Ia de cuantumul imens al materialelor, din ce n ce mai ample corpusuri vizuale (Iotografi si flme) din zilele noastre: explorarea materialului, asigurarea accesului publicului (larg sau mai strns-proIesional) la arhive, diIerite resurse. Din ce n ce mai multe instituii cu colecii de materiale auditive, vizuale trebuie s se nIrunte cu ntrebarea: ce soart pot avea aceste arhive? Ce Iel de metodologie de depozitare, arhivare, documentare, utilizare, accesare necesit aceste materiale extrem de valoroase? Acest album se poate intrepreta ca un rspuns la aceste ntrebri. Cercetarea Iotografei, Iotograferii este considerat un domeniu relativ recent n literatura de specialitate de etnografe, antropologie, n ciuda Iaptului c aceste domenii stiinifce si-au ndreptat atenia ctre vizualitate de la bun nceput si ntr-un mod intens. Aceast afnitate nu a rmas Ir rezultat: se pare, c literatura de specialitate a reusit s elaboreze un cadru teoretic clar, multilateral si durabil n explorarea Iotografilor. Dup defnirea Iotografei din multiple perspective, dup clarifcarea diverselor aspecte ale interaciunii dintre Iotografe si societate, etnograIul, abordnd o tem legat de Iotografi, poate s aib senzaia, c aparent s-au spus toate naintea lui n acest domeniu. n ce msur nu este asa, este dovedit pe de o parte de evoluia (tehnic), metamorIoza spectaculoas al acestui mediu, iar pe de alt parte de lipsa unui sir de cercetri, care abordeaz aceast tem dintr-o perspectiv mai flantrop (pornind de la utilizarea individual a Iotografilor). Prin aceasta se poate nelege individul sau grupul care utilizeaz (colecteaz, pstreaz, comand, druieste, i atribuie diIerite narative) Iotografa, sau individul care este creatorul Iotografilor, n cazul acestui volum, Denis Galloway. n concluzie, s ne ntorcem la ntrebarea noastr iniial, apropiindu-ne dintr-o nou perspectiv: pentru cine poate f de Iolos aceast publicaie? Rspunsul banal si generalizator ar f: pentu oricine. ntr-o Iormulare mai adecvat, nuanat: acest volum poate f un material promoional distins si reprezentativ pentru Muzeul Etnografc al Transilvaniei, care pstreaz arhiva Galloway; Ioate f o resurs valoroas pentru specialistii diverselor domenii stiinifce (istorie, istoria Iotografei, istoria artelor, etnografe, antropologie, sociologie etc.), n timp ce nu trebuie s respingem nici rspunsul nostru banal, conIorm cruia acest album poate f o experien estetic pentru oricine, cine l rsIoieste. 1 Bazin, Andr: A Inykp ontologiaja (Ontologia Iotografei). In: Eichenbaum, Borisz (ed.): A hlm es a tbbi mves:et (Filmul i celalalte arte). Budapesta, 1977, 510-518. Despre autori / About the authors Niculina Chiper - Ph.D. in Ethnology, researching the structure oI the Iolk tales. Monograph in Romanian ,Representations oI Destiny in Romanian Folklore (2006). (niculinachiperyahoo.com) Carmen Drbuy (b. 1966) - Associate ProIessor Ph.D. at Faculty oI Letters, North University in Baia-Mare, Romania. Research areas: Comparative Literature, Imagology, European Cultural Studies. Groups and Ethnic Relations, Public administration. Lector oI Romanian at universities in Skopje and Novi Sad. She published a lot oI articles in the feld and monographs, Comparatism a meeting point of Cultural Spaces. Appliea researches (2008), Iaentity ana Communication. Case stuaies (2008), in Romanian. (carmendarabuspavelgmail.com) Heather 1. Murphy - MA student in Social Anthropology at the University oI Edinburgh, Scotland. Other researches: 'Virtually Human. Nota Bene Journal oI Arts and Social Sciences, '2009 (Forthcoming) Into the (Battle)Field: Soldier or Scientist? (h.j.murphysms.ed.ac.uk) Bogdan Neagota (b. 1969) - Lecturer at the Faculty oI Letters, Department oI Classical Philology, ,Babes-Bolyai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania. Ph.D. in Philosophy oI the Culture, Values and History (,Intermediating patterns oI the sacred: the Daemones. Comparatve Approaches). Field researches Iocused on vegetal rituals in Romanian Folk Culture and Spring agrarian cermonies. Folk collections and monographs, in Romanian: ,Bogomilism and Dualism in the Popular Romanian Culture. Historical and Ethnological Approaches, ,On Demons, spirits and other Fantastic beings. A comparative historic-religious approach (2004), ,The Tales oI Porumbasu. Gipsy Oral Traditions Irom Chelinta, Maramures (2004), and, in collaboration, ,The Tales Irom Rosia Montana. Mythic-Narrative Traditions Irom Apuseni (2004), ,Italian Historicism and History oI religions, ,Travellers between this World and the Other World. Chamanism and WitchcraIt in the Peasant Romanian society (bogdanneagotayahoo.it) Petra Novak (b. 1978) - MA in Folklore, at the Department oI enthology and anthropology oI University in Ljubljana, Slovenia. Researches in Folklore, education on Gypsies in Slovenia and on cultural legacies oI December`s Iestivities. Articles on Christian stories, refection oI economy in Christian stories (petra.trojar guest.arnes.si) Antoaneta Olteanu (b.1968) Iull ProIessor oI Russian Culture and Civilization at the Faculty oI Foreign Languages and Literatures, Bucharest University. Ph.D. in Comparative Mythology. Fields oI interest: Comparative Ethnology, Anthropology, Imagology, Contemporary Russian Literature, Russian Civilization. Thirteen monographs in the feld (in Romanian): ,Comparative Mythology (1998), ,Hypostases oI Evil in Magic Medicine (1998), ,Metamorphoses oI the Sacred. A Dictionary oI Folk Mythology (1998), ,School oI Solomon. Divination and WitchcraIt in Comparative Context (1999), ,Romanian Folk Calendars (2001), ,Homo balcanicus. Some Ieatures oI Balkan Mentality (2004), ,Dictionary oI Mythology. Demons, Genies, Spirits (2004), ,The Myths oI Classical Russia (2004), ,Days and Demons. Russian Folk Calendar and Mythology (2008), ,Days and Demons. Bulgarian Folk Calendar and Mythology (2008), ,Space Representations in Romanian Folk BelieIs (2009), ,Russian Contemporary Novel (2005, 2008). (antoanetaoyahoo.com) Spela Pahor - Ethnologist, University oI Ljubljana, Slovenia (spela.pahorguest.arnes.si). Amalia Pavelescu (b. 1957) - Associate ProIessor Ph.D. at the Department oI Sociology and Ethnology oI ,Lucian Blaga University in Sibiu, Romania. Field and archive researches mainly on Mrginimea Sibiului area. Monographs (in Romanian): ,Ritual and Ceremonial Poetry Irom Marginimea Sibiului (2001), ,Capricorn. Ethnological studies and researches (2003), ,Folk Thesaurus Irom Marginimea Sibiului. I. Folklore Irom Saliste and neighbour villages (2003). (amaliapavelescuyahoo.com) Gheorghe Pavelescu (b. 1915 d. 2008) Iull proIessor oI Ethnology and Social Anthropology at ,Lucian Blaga University in Sibiu, Romania. Monographs: ,Mana in Romanian Folklore (1944), ,Researches on Magic at Romanians in Apuseni Mountains (1945), ,Folk Ballads Irom Southern Transylvania (1971), ,Studies and researches in Folklore (1971), ,The Soul Bird (2009). 114 Anamaria Stnescu - MA student at Bucharest University, Department oI Ethnology (stanescuanamaria85 yahoo.com). Anna-Mria Szalma Ph.D. student at ,Babes-Bolyiai University in Cluj-Napoca, Romania, Department oI Hungarian Ethnology and Anthropology. (szalmaancsayahoo.com) Alexandra Ttran Ph.D. student in Anthropology-Ethnology, Faculty oI European Studies, 'Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania. (alexandratataranyahoo.co.uk) Gyz Zsigmond (b. 1959) Iull ProIessor and head oI Department oI Hungarology al Faculty oI Foreign Languages, Bucharest University. Eight monographs in Hungarian ,Studies in Ethnography and Folklore (1997), ,Political jokes Irom Transylvania (1997), ,Stars and Folk Tradition (1999), ,Hungarian Folk names oI stars and constellations (2005) and French: ,Trois petits chats dont deux sont communites. Blagues politiques transylvaines 1977-1997 (to be published) and over one hundred articles. (gyozo1959yahoo.com)