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  • Denzin Lincoln The Discipline and Practice of Cualitative Research

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    Denzin Lincoln The Discipline and Practice of Cualitative Research

    Diunggah oleh

    Dani Mansilla
    Metodología cuali

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    SECOND EDITION suite Landscape ane ualitative esearc Theories and Issues i { i ie = 2 oO is A a ie 5 oO Q, Le) i= = = 5 =. a as] g fo) g fal a Ree NORMAN K. DENZIN & YVONN: 1 Introduction The Discipline and Practice of Qualitative Research Norman K. Denzin and Yvonna S. Lincoln } Wallzssve research has a long, distinguished, and sometimes ‘Malinowski charted the outlines of the fieldwork method (see Gupta & Ferguson, 1997; Stocking ). The agenda was clear-cut: The observer went to a foreign rolume Vidich 8 Lyman, Chapter Rosaldo, 1989, pp. 25-45, for (especially the work of Dewe cine, nursing, social work, an« In the opening chap' many Key features of ce, business, medi- is volume, Vidich and Lyman chart ny In this now classic analysis, they note, ‘AUTHORS NOTE: We ae grateful to many who have helped with this chapter, including gon Gubs, Mirch llen, Peter Labll, JaccBratic, and Katherine E, Ryan, We take our ub stl for this chapec from Guba and Ferguson (1997). 1 “THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ‘with some irony, that qualitative research in sociology and anthropology ‘was “born out of concern to understand the ‘other.’ ” Furthermore, this other was the exotic other, a primitive, nonwhite person from a foreign. culture judged to be lized than that of the researcher. Of coutse, there were colonialist not for this investigative mentality that turned the dark-skinned other into the object of the ethnographer’s gaze. ‘Thus does bell hooks (1990, pp. 126-128) read the famous photo that 1g Culture (Clifford & Marcus, 1986) a8 an see also Behar, 1995, p. 8; Gordon, 1988). The photo depicts Stephen Tyler doing fieldwork in India, Tyler is seated some distance from three dark-skinned persons. A child is poking his or her head out ofa basket. A woman is hidden in the shadows of hut, Aman, a checketed white-and-black shawl across his shoulder, elbow propped on g the side of his face, is staring at Tyler. Tyler is ached to his glasses, him from the sun. This patch of whiteness marks Tyler as and by the words of the book’s title, which cross her face (hooks, 1990, p. 127). And so this cover photo of perhaps the most influent ethnography in the last half of the 20th century reproduces “two ideas that are quite fresh in the racist imagination: the notion of the white male as writer/authority .. . and the idea of the passive brown/black man [and woman and child] who is doing nothing, merely looking on” (hooks, 1990, p. 127). In this introductory chapter, we will define the field of quali art, and review the history of quali cess, and then provide a brief introduction to the chapters that follow. 2 Inwroduction the observations of Vidich, and Lyma conclude with a brief discussion of qu critical race theory (see also in this volume Ladson. and in Volume 3, Denzin, Chapter 13). As we ind use the metaphor of the bridge to structure what. ‘ume as a bridge connecting historical moments, research methods, para- digms, and communities of interpretive scholars. Definitional Issues Qualitative research plines, fields, and subj of inquiry i Iccrosscuts disc ism, positivism, » and the many ‘qualitative research perspectives, and/or methods, connected to cultural and interpretive studies (the chapters in Part II take up these paradigms).* There are separate and detailed literatures on the many methods and approaches tha fall under the category of qualitative research, such as case study, polities and ethics, partici observation, visual methods, field that crosscuts seven historical moments (we discuss these moments in detail below). These seven moments overlap and simultaneously operate in the present.? We define them asthe traditional (1900-1950); the mod- of representation (1986-19! tal and new ethnographies composing ethnographies in new Richardson (1997) observes that bility, by doubt, by a refusal to lis & Bochner, 1996). Laurel -nt was shaped by a new sensi- lege any method or theory (p. 173). ‘THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH (1992) describe the methodology of cultural studies “as a bri choice of practice, that is, is pragmatic, strategic and selfxeflexis ‘This understanding can be applied, with qualifations, to qualitadve research. “The qualitative researcher as bricoleur or maker of quilts uses the aes- theticand material tools ofhis or her craft, deploying whatever set in advance, The “choice of research prac- employ are not necess tions that are asked, and the questions depend siees depends upon the ‘on their context” (Nelson et al, 1992, p. 2), what is available in the con- text, and what the researcher can do in that setting. ‘These interpretive practices involve aesthetic issues, an aesthetics of ic, oF the practical. Here 1 Cook, 1981, p.323; Monaco, 1981, ). Montage isa method of editing cinematic images. Inthe his- tory of cinematography, montage is associated with the work of Sergei Eisenstein, especialy his film The Battleship Potemkin (1925). In mon- «age, several diferent images are superimposed onto one another to create picture. Ina sense, montage is like pentimento, in which something that hhas been painted out of a i denied) becomes visible again, creating something new. What is new is what had been obscured by a previous image. ‘Montage and pentimento, like jaz, which is improvisation, create the sense that images, sounds, and understandings are blending together, overlapping, forming a composite, a new creation. The images seem to shape and define one another, and an emotional, gestalt effect is pro- duced. Often these images are combined in a swiltly run filmic sequence that produces a dzzily revolving collection of several images around a cen- tral or focused picture or sequence; such effects are often used to signify the passage of time. Perhaps the most famous instance of montage is the Odessa Steps sequence in The Battleship Potemkin.” In the climax of the film, the ct ‘ens of Odessa are being massacred by czatis troops on the stone steps leading down to the harbor. Eisenstein cuts to a young mother as she pushes her baby in a carriage across the landing in front of the firing ‘troops, Citizens rush past her, jlting the carriage, which she is afraid to push down to the next flight of stars. The troops are above her firing at 6 Introduction the citizens. She is trapped between the troops and the steps. She screams. A line of rifles pointing to the sky erupt in smoke. The mother’s head sways back. The wheels ofthe carriage tecter on the edge ofthe steps, The ‘mother’s hand clutches the silver buckle of her belt, Below her people are 9s over the mother’s white gloves. The . The mother sways back and forth. ‘watches in horror asthe rear wheels ofthe carriage rol off the edge of the landing. With accelerating speed the carriage bounces down the steps, past led from side to side inside the carriage. ‘The soldiers fre thet rifles into a group of wounded citizens. A student sereams asthe carags leaps aros the step it, and overtrns (Cook, 1981, p. ee it images to create a clearly defined sense of urgency and complexity. Montage invites viewers to construct interpretations that build on one another as the scene unfolds. These interpretations are built 18 assumption of montage is that viewers perceive ina “montage sequence not sequentially, or one at atime, but rather simultaneously” (Cook, 1981, p. 172). The viewer puts the sequences together into a meaningful emotional whole, as if in a researcher who uses montage i like a quilt maker ot = The quilter stitches, edits, and puts slices of realty together. This process creates and brings psychological and emotional teptetive experience. There are many examples of montage research (see Diversi, 1998; Jones, 1999; Lather & Smithies, 1997; Ronai, 1998). Using multiple voices, different textual for- mats, and various typefaces, Lather and Smithies (1997) weave a complex text about women who are HIV positive and women with AIDS. Jones (1999) creates a performance text using iyrcsfrom the blues songssungby Billie Holiday. In texts based on the metaphors of montage, quilt making, and jaze improvisetion,,many different things are going on at the same time— different voices, different perspectives, points of views, angles of vision, Like performance texts, works that use montage simultaneously create and enact moral meaning. They move from the personal to the political, the local to the historical and the cultaral. These are dialogical texts. They presume an active audience. They create spaces fr give-and-take between 7 ‘THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH locate themselves in their texts. We now struggle to connect qualitative research to the hopes, needs, goals, and promises of a free democratic society ‘Successive waves of epistemological theorizing move across these seven ‘moments. The traditional period is associated with the positivist, foun- dacional paradigm. The modernist or golden age and blurred genres ‘moments are connected to the appearance of postpositivist arguments, At , avariety of new interpretive, qualitative perspectives were iuding hermeneutics, structuralism, semiotics, phenomeno! became central resources for critical, interpretive theory, and ive rescarch project broadly conceived. The researcher ‘The blucred genres phase produced the next stage, the crisis of repre- x5 struggled with how to locate themselves and their subjects in reflexive texts, A kind of methodological diaspora took place, @ two-way exodus. Humanists migrated to the social sciences, searching for new social theory, new ways to study popular culture and its local, eshnographic contexts. Social scientists turned to the humanities, hoping to learn how to do complex structural and poststructural readings ‘of social texts. From the humanities, social scientist also learned how to ‘produce texts that refused to be read in simplistic, linear, incontrovertible terms. The line between text and context blucred, In the postmodern ‘experimental moment researchers continted to move away from founda- tional and quasi-foundational criteria (see in Volume 3, Smith & Deemer, Chapter 12, and Richardson, Chapter 14; and in this volume, Gergen & Gergen, Chapter 13). Alternative eval ceria that might prove evocative, moral, critica ‘ons, including field notes, interviews, conversations, 4 Introduction photographs, recordings, and memos to the self. At this level, qu research involves an interpretive, naturalistic approach to the world. This ‘means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or to interpret, phenomena in terms of the ‘meanings people bring to them.‘ materials—case study, personal experience; introspection; tural texts and productions; observa- and problematic moments and meanings ini qualitative researchers deploy a wide range of interconnected interpretive practices, hoping always to get a better understanding of the subject mat- ter at hand, Itis understood, however, that each practice makes the world Visible in a different way. Hence there is frequently a commitment to using more than one interpretive practice in any study. ‘The Qualitative Researcher as Bricoleur and Quilt Maker ker, quilt maker, essayist. The many meth- practices of qualitative research may be viewed as soft science, ethnography, bricolage, quilt making, or montage. The re- in turn, may be seen as abricolewr, as a maker of quilts, or, asin mages into montages. (On montage, see the discussion below as well as Cook, 1981, pp. 171-177; Monaco, 1981 pp. 522-528. On quilting, see hoks, 1990, p, 115-122; Wolo, (1992), Lévi-Strauss (1966), and yourself person” ‘coleurs—interp: 4 pieced-together set of representations that are fitted to the specifics of a complex situation. “The solution [bricolage] which is the result ofthe bricoleur’s methodisan [emergent] construction” (Weinstein & Weinstein, 1991, p. 161) that changes and takes new forms as different tools, methods, and techniques ‘of representation and interpretation are added to the puzzle. Nelson etal. 5 THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH reader and writer. They do more than tun the other into the object ofthe socal science gaze (see McCall, Chapter p. 229). However, the use of multiple methods, or triangilation, reflects empt to secure an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon in ion. Objective reality can never be captured. We can know a thing ugh is representations. Triangulation isnota tool ora strategy of validation, but an alternative to validation (Flick, 1998, p. 230). The com- bination of multiple methodological practices, empirical materials, per- spectives, and observers in a single study is strategy that adds rigor, breadth, complex inguiy (ee Flick, 1998, p. 231 combines symm stances, transi prisms that reflect exten ferent colors, patterns, and arrays, casting off tion process, the writer tells the same tale from differ- ent points of view. For example, in A Thrice-Told Tale (1992), Margery Wolf uses fiction, field notes, and a scientific article to give an accounting, of the same set of experiencesin a native village. Simi pieces based on interviews with people involved in a racial conflict in Brooklya, on August, 19, 1991 (see Denzin, Chapter 13, talline form, 25 2 montage, or asa creative performance salation asa form of, or alternative to, valid- ach of the metaphors “works” to create simulta- ential or linear. Readers and audiences ace then ted to explore competing visions of the context, to become immersed in and merge with new realities to comprehend. 8 Introduction ‘The methodological bricoleuris adept at performing a large number of diverse tasks, ranging from interviewing to intensive self-reflection and he theoretical bricolewr reads widely and is knowledge- ie many interpretive paradigms (feminism, Marxism, cultural stuclies, constructivism, queer theory) that can be brought ro any particu- lar problem, He or she may not, however, feel that paradigms can be min= sled or synthesized, Thats, one cannot easily move between paradigms as ing philosophical systems denoting particular ontologies, epste- in contrast, are less well developed systems, and one can more si ‘move between them, The re- searcher-asbricoleur-theorist works between and within competing and science is power, for have politcal implications. There is no value-ftee science. A civie science based on a politics of hope is sought (Lincoln, 199: gendered, narrative bricoleur also knows that researchers about the worlds they have studied. Thus the naceatives, oF st re accounts couched and framed within specific storytelling often defined as paradigms (e.g, positivism, postpositivisem, constructivism). ‘The product of the interpretive bricoleur’s labor isa complex, quiltlike bricolage, a reflexive collage or montage—a set of fiui, interconnected images and representations. This interpretive structure is like a quilt, a performance text, a sequence of representations connecting the parts to the whole, Research as iple Interpretive Practices wolume reveal, multiple theoretical paradigms claim use of qualitative re- search methods and strategies, from constructivist to cultural studies, ° THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH feminism, Marxism, and eth used in many separate di belong to a single discipline. Nor does qualitative research have distinct set of methods or pr that are entirely its own. Qualitative researchers use semiotics, nat content, discourse, archival and phonemic analy araphs, and numbers. They also draw upon an methods, and techniques of edhnomethodology, phenomenclogy, heme. neutics, feminism, chizomatics, deconstructionism, ethnograpt views, psychoanalysis, cultural studies, survey rescarch, and ps observation, among others.’ All of these research practices “can provide important insights and knowiedge” (Nelson et a., 1992, p. 2). Nospecific method or practice can be privileged over any other. Many of these methods, ot research practices, are used in other con- textsin the human disciplines, Each bears the traces ofits own disciplinary extensive history ofthe uses and meanings of eth- in education (see Fine, Weis, Weseen, 8¢ Wong, ticipant observation and ethnography in Chapter 4, this volume anthropology (see Tedlock, Volume 2, Chap ume 3, Chapter 75 Brady, Volume 3, Chapver rman, Volume 3, Chapter 9), commu- +r 6), and cultural studies of textual, hermeneutic, Brady, Volume 3, torical, and document analy- istory, biography, and archaeology (see Hodder, Volume 3, Chapter and of discourse and conversational ms, and education (see Miller &¢ Crab- 3 Silverman, Volume 3, Chapter 9). that surround each method or research strategy uses arid meanings are brought to each practice. Tex- tual analyses in literary studies, for example, often treat texts a8 self contained systems. On the other hand, a researcher taking a cultural stud- ies or feminist perspective will read a text in terms ofits location within a historical moment marked by a particular gender, race, o class ideology. A dies use of ethnography would bring a set of understandings from feminism, postmodernism, and poststructuralism to the project. 10 ream postpositi ly, postpositivist and poststructuralist historians ings and uses to the methods and findings of histori- cal research (see Tierney, Voluime 2, Chapter 9). These tensions and con- is never just one thing.” Still, we must estab- lish a definition for our parposes here. We borrow from, and paraphrase, Nelson et al.'s (1992, p. 4) attempt to define cultural studies: Qualitative research is an interdiseiplinary, transdisciplinary, and some- times counterdisciplinary field Ie ceosscus che humanities and the social and physical sciences. Qual carch is many things atthe same time, focus. Its practitioners are set thod approach. They are committed tothe naturalistic perspec: the interpretive understanding of human experience. At the field is inherently political and ehaped by m ‘hand, itis drawn to a broad, interpretive, postexperimental, postmodern, feminist, and citcal sensibility. On the other hand, ieis drawn to more nar- rovly defined positivist, postpositivst, humanistic, and naturalistic con- the same project, bringing both postmodern and naturalistic ot both critical and humanistic perspectives to bea This rather complex satement means that quali of pr sprawls between and crosscuts all of the human ing, in some eases, the physical sciences. Its practitioners are vari committed to modern, postmodern, and postexperimental sensi and the approaches to social research Resistances to Qualitative Studies ‘The academic and disciplinary resistances to qualitative research illustrate the politics embeded inthis field of discourse. The challenges n ‘THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Huber, 1995; see also Denzin, 1997, pp. 258-261). These resistances reflect an uneasy awareness that the traditions of ‘qualitative research commit the researcher toa critique of the positivist or Postposiivst project. But the positivist resistance to qual goes beyond the “ever-present desire to maintain a hard science and soft scholarship” (Carey, 1989, ume Schwandt, Chapter 7; in Volume 3, Smith & Deemer, Chapter 12) ‘The experimental positivist) sciences (physics, chemistry, economics, and psychology, for example) are often seen as the crowning achievements of transcend opinion and personal bias (Carey, 1989, p. 99; Schwandt, 1997b, p. 309). Qualitative research is seen as an assault on this tradition, acrempt to make explicit, or to critique, the “moral and political com- rmitments in their own contingent work” (Carey, 1989, p. 1045 see also & Guba, Chapter preoccupation with discourse and method as mate tices that constitute representation and desc natrative turn rejected by the positivist, to postive science by the postp Gee below) is seen, then, asan attack on reason and truth. At the same time, the positivist science attack on qualitative research is ‘regarded as an attempt to legislate one version of truth over another. This complex political terrain defines the many traditions and strands of qualitative research: the British tradition and its presence in other 2 Introduction texts; the American pragmatic, naturalistic, and interpretive in sociology, anthropology, communication, and education; the German and French phenomenological, hermeneutic, semiotic, Marxist, steuctural, and poststructural perspectives; feminist studies, African American studies, Latino studies, queer stadies, studies of indigenous and aboriginal cultures. The politics of qualitative research create a tension that informs cach of the above traditions. being reexamined and interro changing historical tional and academic co ive research is many things to many people. Its ment to some version of the naturalistic, interpretive approach to its subject matter and an ongoing politics and methods of postpositivism. We turn now to a b ‘ofthe major differences between qualitative and quantitative approaches tosesearch, We then discuss ongoing differences and tensions within qual- itative inquiry, Qualitative Versus Quantitative Research The word qualitative implies an emphasis on the qualities of entities and on processes and meanings that are not experimentally examined or ‘measured (if measured at all) in terms of quantity, amount, intensity, ot frequency. Qualitative researchers stress the socially constructed nature of reality the intimate relationship between the researcher and what is stud- ied, and the si constraints that shape inquiry. Such researchers emphasize the value-laden nature of inquiry. They seek answers to ques- tions that stress how social experience is created and given meaning, In contrast, quantitative studies emphasize the measurement and analysis of causal relationships berween vatiables, not processes. Proponents of such studies claim that theic workis done from within a value-fre framework. Research Styles: Doing the Same Things Differently? Of course, both qualitative and quantitative researchers “think know something about society worth telling to others, and they usea ery of forms, media and means to communicate ther ideas and findings (Becker, 1986, p. 122). Qualitative research differs from quantitative re- search in five significant ways (Becker, 1996). These points of difference 13 ‘THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH ‘turn on different ways of addressing the same set of issues. They return always to the politics of research, and to who has the power to legislate correct solutions to these problems, : Uses of positivisms and postpositivism. First, both perspectives are shaped * by the positivist and postpositivist traditions in the physical and social sci- ‘ences (see the discussion below). These two positivist science traditions hhold to naive and critical realist positions concerning reality and its per- ‘ception. In the positivist version itis contended that there isa reality out there to be studied, captured, and understood, whereas the postpositivists argue that reality can never be fally apprehended, only approximated ‘Guba, 1990, p. 22). Post ‘on multiple methods asa way of capturing as much of reality as possible. At the same time, emphasis is ‘ed on the discovery and verif i lidity, are stressed, re procedures that lend themselves to structured (sometimes analysis, Computer-asssted methods of analysis that permit frequency counts, tabulations, and low-lével statistical analyses may also Geer, Hughes, 8 Strauss, 1961) reported pat in terms of quast-statistics. As recently as 19 leaders of the grounded theory approach to qualitative research, attempted to modify the usual canons of good (positivist) science to fit their own postpositivist conception of rigorous research (but see Charmaz, Chapter 8, Volume 2; see also Glaser, 1992) i researchers, while claiming to be atheoretical, often fit ist or postpositivist framework by default. Flick (1998, pp. 2-3) usefully summarizes the differences between these two approaches to inquiry. He observes thatthe quantitative approach has been used for purposes of isolating “causes and effects... operationalizing theoretical relations ... [and] measuring and ... quantifying phenomena - sallowing the generalization of findings” (p. 3) But today doubt is cast ‘on such projects, Because “Rapid social change and the resulting diversifi- «ation of life worlds are increasingly confronting social researchers with in the positiv- “4 Introduction «. traditional deductive methodol- thus research is increasingly forced to make use of inductive strategies instead of starting from theories and testing them. ... knowledge and practice are studied as local knowledge and practice” ©.2 Spindler and Spindler (1992) summarize their qualitative approach to uantitative materials: “Instrumentation and quantification are simply procedures employed to-extend and reinforce certain kinds of data inter- Pretations and test hypotheses across samples. Both must be kept in Place. One must avoid their premature or overly extensive use asa security ‘mechanism” (p. 68)... Although many qualitative researchers in the postpositivist tradition will use statistical measures, methods, and documents as away of lo ‘roups of subjects within larger populations, they findings in terms of the kinds of complex statistic ‘to which quantitative researchers are drawn (i.<., path, regression, or log- linear analyses). Acceptance of postmodern sensibilities. The use of quantitative, positivist methods and assumptions has been rejected by a new generation of quali- tative researchers who are attached to poststructural and/ot postmodern (Gee below; see also in this volume Vidich & Lyman, Chapter 2, this volume; and in Volume 3, Richardson, Chapter 14). These re- searchers argue that positivist methods are but one way of telling stories about society or the social world. These methods may be no better or no worse than any other methods; they just tell different kinds of stories, This tolerant view is not shared by everyone (Huber, 1995). Many members of the critical theory, constructivist, poststructur modern schools of thought reject positivist and postpositivise criteria when evaluating their own work. They see these criteria as irrelevant to In response, pos ‘ostpositiviss argue that what they do is good science, free of individual bias and subjectivity. As noted above, they see postmodernism and post= structuralism as attacks on reason and truth, 15 ‘THE LANDSCAPE OF QUALITATIVE RESEARCH Capturing the individual's point of view. Both qualitative and quantitative researchers are concerned with the individual's point of view. However, ‘qualitative investigators think they can get closer to the actor's perspective through detailed interviewing and observation. They argue that quantita: tive researchers are seldom able to capture their subjects’ perspectives because they have to rely on more remote, inferential empirical methods and materials. The empirical materials produced by interpretive methods are regarded by many quantitative researchers as unreliable, impressionis- tic, and not objective. Examining the constraints of everyday life. Qualitative researchers are rote likely to confront and come up against the constraints ofthe every- day social world. They ee this world in action and embed th it, Quantitative researchers abstract from this world and directly. They seek a nomothetic or etic science based on probabilities

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