rendered them invulnerable to trauma. Michael Rutter (1987) is commonly referred to as one of a
handful of pioneers of resilience research (Masten, 2001; Ungar, 2011). Interestingly, Rutter
(1987) himself was a child refugee, as he was evacuated from Britain during World War II.
Perhaps as a result of his personal experience, he developed a keen interest in discovering why
some people suffered significantly from stress and adversity, while others were somehow able to
prevail. Individual characteristics such as intelligence, flexibility, social skills, and problem
solving ability have been associated with resilience (Kirmayer, Dandeneau, Marshall, Phillips, &
Williamson, 2011). In addition, risk factors were considered to increase the probability of
various psychopathologies and disorders were also identified. Such risks included maltreatment,
traumatic life events, and exposure to violence (Masten, 2014).
Rutter (1987) was first to highlight the dynamic nature of what are considered protective
processes associated with resilience. Rutter (1987) suggested the rather than study broad
descriptors or protective factors, researchers should instead search for the developmental and
situational mechanisms involved in protective processes (p. 317). In other words, Rutter (1987)
suggested resilience should be considered in terms of specific processes or the adaptations
families, communities, and individuals make despite dysfunction, rather than remarkable
individual traits. Gradually over time, studies of resilience began to discover the complexity and
inter-relatedness of multiple factors. Recently, Masten (2014) indicated resilience could be
defined as the capacity of a dynamic system to adapt successfully to disturbances that threaten
system function, viability, or development (p.6). As such, the focus of resilience research has
changed from studying individuals to examining multiple external factors that compromise or
support protective systems for development.
includes a positive outlook where research is focused on examining the strengths of individuals
and communities rather than simply negatives or weaknesses. This ecological perspective
created more emphasis on the social determinants of health including schools and community
settings as well as political and cultural belief systems (Betancourt and Khan, 2008).
Cultural Influence on Resilience
Recent research regarding resilience has emphasized the importance of cultural
influences in supporting individual responses to adversity or threat (Betancourt & Khan, 2008;
Iwasaki & Bartlett; Ungar, 2011). A need has been identified for sensitive acknowledgement of
how culture and context support healthy development (Ungar et al., 2007). Cultural resilience
includes culturally relevant coping strategies such as spirituality and traditional practices. A
major criticism of resilience research in the past, has been its emphasis on Western civilizations
(Ungar et al., 2007). Current resilient research practices have become more globally focused and
inclusive of a variety of ethnic groups (Jones, 2007; Kirmayer et al., 2011; Ungar, 2011). Wexler
(2014) stated historical factors such as colonialism, discrimination, displacement, genocide, and
natural disasters result in cultural stress and bereavement. In addition, trauma has a tendency to
be transmitted within families and generations, ultimately weakening the resilience of large
groups of individuals around the world. Wexler (2014) indicated cultural practices and traditions
influence how people manage, interpret, and respond to threat. In some cases however, culture
also inhibits resilience by narrowing possibilities for individuals (often women) to participate in
restorative cultural practices or access supports (Wexler, 2014).
In Canada, cultural resilience is present within Aboriginal populations. Despite their
many inherent differences and tribal affiliations, Canadian indigenous peoples share similar
historical experiences of oppression, displacement, and loss of autonomy and control (Kirmayer
et al., 2011). In their study of Mikmaq, Inuit, Mohawk, and Metis communities Kirmayer et al.
(2011) discovered Aboriginal people have diverse notions of resilience. However, a strong sense
of connection to the community and the environment, the importance of collective history, as
well as individual agency and activism were found to be factors that increased resilience
(Kirmayer et al., 2011). As well, an emphasis upon the importance of oral histories or personal
narratives and revitalizing traditional languages and traditions were also found to support mental
health among Aboriginal populations (Kirmayer et al., 2011). Iwasaki and Bartlett (2006) stated
culturally relevant methods of coping such as traditional healing, spiritual practices, purposeful
cultivation of cultural identity were resilience-based practices identified by Aboriginal adults in
their study.
Jones (2007) discovered African American children who were exposed to ongoing
community violence, reported spirituality was a significant source of support that increased the
likelihood of coping with trauma. In addition, Jones (2007) reported formal kinship support
offered interconnectedness for youth in the neighborhoods that were studied. Another key
protective factor for resilient children exposed to chronic violence, were informal kin who
were non-blood relations with strong ties to the childrens family and community (Jones, 2007).
These findings suggest a comprehensive network that is culturally relevant is a valuable source
of support.
Zraly and Nyirazinyoyes (2010) study of genocide-rape survivors in Rwanda
demonstrated how trauma was made more bearable by participating in traditional practices that
emphasized withstanding, living again, and continuing life. Along with social connectedness
with others who had similar experiences, practicing these coping strategies and traditional
methods of resilience processes, appeared to help them make meaning, establish normalcy, and
endure suffering (Zraly & Nyirazinyoye, 2010). Betancourt and Khan (2008) cautioned that
while cultural influences upon resilience is promising and offers another perspective about
building on strengths, it should not minimize the gravity and severity of the situations people
have been exposed to, nor should it offer an overly rosy impression of the scope of cultural
influences on resilience.
Implications for Practice and Intervention
A more thorough understanding of processes that promote resilience can assist the design
of interventions and support. As well, sensitivity to unique ecological and cultural influences
and awareness of protective and risk factors is also important. Supportive interventions for an
Inuit child of the North West Territories, may not exactly mirror what a child living in a violent
neighborhood in Africa requires. Wexler (2014) stated youth need to better understand how
culture can be connected to their personal understandings and collective strengths, which can
enhance their ability to withstand challenges. Iwasaki and Bartlett (2006) also referred to
strength-based approaches, suggesting resource providers should focus upon the development
strengths of individuals, families and communities in order to hinder the impact of adversities.
Zraly and Nyirazinyoye (2010) highlighted populations most at risk for effects of violence,
maltreatment, neglect, political strife, and other travesties are also those who are most impacted
by limited supports and suffering. Thus, the design and delivery of individual and community
supports should include an ecological focus, be culturally meaningful, and varied enough to
ensure children who are supported grow up well.
Conclusion
Ann Masten (2001) eloquently stated:
The great surprise of resilience research is the ordinariness of the phenomena.
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