THE POST-RACIAL, EDUCATION, AND COMPARATIVE RESEARCH:

STRUCTURE AND EXPERIENCE AS COMPLEMENTARY EPISTEMOLOGIES

Sharon Fong, Lorraine Taylor & Pauli Badenhorst
Introduction
Within the contemporary global milieu, the phenomenon of race is often predicated on
assumptions of post-racial, colorblind societies in which explicit discriminatory practices
against embodied melanin have been largely ameliorated. Here, race comes to be framed
as a historical phenomenon whose social significance has supposedly been relegated to a
past (see Banks, 1998; Ikuenobe, 2013; Gallagher, 2003) prior to the emergence of
tolerance-based multiculturalism (iek, 2008). And yet, as Durrheim, Mtose & Brown
remind: Race is absent precisely because it is so troubling (2011, p. 56). Furthermore, a
passive ideology of anti-racialism or politically correct engagement with race as an
idea bereft of the active work of anti-racism (Goldberg, 2008) has led to the
appropriation of antiracist endeavor and the simultaneous relativizing and perpetuation of
the experience of racism. The result is a global post-racial arrangement in which racism
has come to be departicularized and dissociated from its historical roots (Lentin, 2011).
Hesse (2011) refers to this phenomenon as the political horizon of racisms
depoliticization (p. 155). This situation is especially compounded by global neoliberal
discourses in which human agency is framed as a series of individualized choices
(Roberts & Mahtani, 2010; Apple, 2001). Here, recognition of the complex structured,
institutional foundations of racism comes to be erased; personal experiences of racial
micro/macro aggression are relegated to the realm of the anecdotal, and race talk largely

draws silent, while racism in its many forms continues to lead to the subjugation of social
actors in lived contexts across the globe (Macedo & Gounari, 2006; Orelus, 2013). In
more localized contexts this situation plays out intra-nationally through legislation and
policy that operating beneath a veneer of professed tolerance and diversity (Gillborn,
2006, p. 11) often sanction individual cases of racist behavior while leaving the
dominant structural impetus of social practice-oriented racism unchallenged (Gillborn,
2002). Simultaneously, the relating of personal accounts of raced experience is often
relegated to the realm of taboo since race is often considered inappropriate within public
discourse. Part of a broader set of comparative studies related to international education
contexts, this project therefore seeks to further open recent cracks that have emerged in
the walls of racism and racial hierarchy (Noguera, 2013) by proffering that race matters
(West, 1993) in both how it structurally manifests and is personally experienced.

Methodology
This chapter, in solidarity with Stromquists (2005) decade-old appeal for shaping an
educational world responsive to justice and solidarity (p. 108), hopes to raise awareness
of the post-racial illusion by building on previous comparative discussions of postcolonialism in relation to education (Hickling-Hudson, 2006; Crossley & Tikly, 2004;
Tikly, 1999). This is an all too necessary enterprise bearing in mind that both post-racial
ideology and the neoliberal quagmire within which it is entrenched are themselves
ongoing historical reverberations of a structural neo-colonial agenda very astute at
updating and morphing itself relative to social context. Concurrently, this study will also
engage with some of the limitations of structural forms of analysis and introduce a

narrative approach (Clandinin, 2007) as supplementary means of uncovering

complexities inherent in comparative analytic discussions of the post-racial. Two
complementary research questions are tendered: What broad contemporary insights are
generated when structural analyses are mapped over post-racial ideologies across
comparative educational contexts? Also, how does narrative epistemology enable
discussion of race as complex, context-specific floating signifier across comparative
research contexts? Henceforth, three discussions or conversations relevant to
comparative research in international education will be concurrently presented in the
form of a discursive research-based bricolage (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). The section to
follow - the first of these discussions - will present a comparative discussion of global,
structured raced hegemonic practices in context to higher education and academic
publishing in English and the concurrent centering of whiteness. Additionally, each of the
three sections will present their own theoretical frameworks throughout the course of
discussion. Finally, it is tendered here to keep in mind throughout the reading that this
paper is as much a study of the use of different comparative lenses as it is about
interrogating post-racial ideology.

I. Global Englishization: A racial equalizer or perpetuator of inequality and

discrimination? [Sharon]
English has become the global language. The hegemony of English has been mostly
taken for granted by English speaking nations. Touting the goals of economic prosperity,
international communication and increase in prestige, non-native English speaking
nations have introduced national and educational policy to support and increase the

number of English speakers in their citizenry. English is THE language in the domain
of international: business, media, tourism, popular culture, aviation, politics, diplomacy
and for the purposes of this paper, of higher education research and published works of
new knowledge (Tsuda, 2013). The success of English is presented as the result of the
worlds desire for a language in which to communicate, not just with anglophone nations,
but with each other. The desire (or, as it is often put, the functional need) to
communicate cements the status of English as global language (Kayman, 2004).
The spread of English around the world has been associated historically with British
and, latterly, American cultural imperialism due to the extensive impact of the British
Empire in the colonial period and the dominance of the American economy in modern
times (Charamba & Mutasa 2014). The original intention of British language imperialism
can be summed up by the words expressed to Parliament in the 1830s regarding English
education in India, by the Secretary of War, Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay, to
form a class who may be interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a
class of persons, Indian in blood and color, but English in taste, in opinions, in morals,
and in intellect (Kayman, 2004).

English literature was used as the vehicle to teach

English language thereby imposing British cultural values (Kayman, 2004).

In 1937 H.V. Routh, the first Byron Professor of English in Athens, recognized that
continuing to teach English connected to colonizing cultural values would be
unacceptable; so, he concluded: if they need our language it will not be as a cultured
alternative to their own, but as a business-like amplification, much as a calligrapher
might recognise the advantages of an office typewriter. (or in modern terms a computer).
Routh felt the teaching of English, divorced from its literature, disavowed the original

ideological mission of Lord Macaulay and presented English free from imperial
contamination (Kayman, 2004).
The idea that English is a mere instrument, such as a computer, at the service of
whoever uses it has taken root. English has now been reconstructed as a culturallyneutral lingua franca, a universal means of communication desired and appropriated by
all users (Kayman, 2004). English may have been released from its nationalist heritage
but it has not be released from its imperialist cultural heritage. A minority of scholars
from many nations (Niu Qiang of China, Martin Wolff of USA, Robert Phillipson of
Denmark, Andy Kirkpatrick of Hong Kong, and Yukio Tsuda of Japan), are warning of
the dangers of continued growth of Englishization which threaten the role and status of
other languages and scholarship in languages other than English thus curtailing cultural
diversity or even intercultural awareness (Kirkpatrick, 2011). They assert English is still
connected to power structures which become gatekeepers to international aristocratic
society (Kayman, 2004). This is evident when observing Englishization of global higher
education.
Universities are competing to achieve world class status. To achieve this goal it is
essential to teach in English and produce research in English according to the Times
Higher Education Supplement (THES), Shanghai Jiaotong scales and the Bologna
Process. The Bologna Process is named after the Bologna Declaration of June 1999
which aims to set up a European Higher Education Area (EHEA) through which
academic cooperation and exchange could be facilitated. To date forty six countries have
joined. The use of English as a medium of instruction helps in the exchange of both staff,
students and other forms of academic cooperation. Internationalization often results in

Englishization which is English-medium higher education (Kirkpatrick, 2011).

Concerns have been expressed in Asia over the adoption of Anglo-Saxon paradigms as
universities in many Asian states reshape their education policies in order to
internationalize (Kirkpatrick, 2011).
A study commissioned by the Academic Cooperation Association (ACA) investigated
how many programs, full degree courses in bachelors and masters level - excluding
majors in English or English literature,

were taught in English in universities in

continental Europe in 2007. The study found that 2,400 courses were offered through
English, with the great majority of these being taught in Northern Europe, Germany and
the Netherlands (Wachter & Maiworm, 2008). The Swedish Ministry of Education
shows that of the 680 MA degrees available in Sweden, 480 are taught in English
(Phillipson, 2009; Kirkpatrick, 2011). Japan has 30 universities which are a part of the
Global 30 Project for Establishing Core Universities for Globalization.

Waseda

University offer a total of nine BA and MA degrees through English since the academic
year 2010-2011 (Kirkpatrick, 2011). The majority of English medium programs are
postgraduate. This increase of English medium courses has led some to believe that
English has become the language of education.
English has become the lingua franca of academic cooperation, exchange and
dissemination of knowledge (Kirkpatrick, 2011). The European Science Foundations
working language is English and 90% of the information contained in databases such as
the Science Citation Index (SCI) is in English. Even the French journal Association
International de Linguistique Appliquee (AILA) became an English only publication in
2003. This move towards publication in English only has reduced multilingualism in

academic disciplines and relegates the status, voice and perspective of other languages to
an inferior position (Charamba & Mutasa, 2014).

The move to

English only

publication severely disadvantages scholars for whom English is a second or additional

language. For example, in order to contribute on the international stage and receive
recognition from the global academic community, scholars must publish in English. This
practice of English only publications of new knowledge is upholding and firming up
Anglophone gate-keeping practice (Swales, 1997; Kirkpatrick, 2011). Many journals
employ proofreaders to tidy up submissions and conform them to standard English. The
result is that few native traits survive the published article, and the final article has
acquired an American accent (Burrough-Boenish, 2003; Kirkpatrick, 2011).
It is important to be aware of the potential consequences of whole-scale uncritical
adoption of Anglo-Saxon paradigms (Phillipson, 2006; Kirkpatrick, 2011). A driver of
English in higher education is that International education is a lucrative market. It is
important to distinguish between the providers and the customers (Piller & Cho,
2013). Altbach and Knight (2007) Point out, the north controls the process in that
students from the south basically buy services from the north. Over 90% of the
approximately 2 million international students (mostly from Asia) are shared among 5
western nations, namely the USA, the UK, France, Germany and Australia (Howe, 2009;
Kirkpatrick, 2011).
Asian states have recognized the value of higher education as economic and political
benefit and are striving to create education hubs. Malaysia has been successful in
creating a hundred private colleges and university colleges which have some form of
partnership programs with Anglo universities. These universities have the financial

benefits of becoming receivers of international students and providing local students with
a western education (Gill, 2004; Kirkpatrick, 2011).
China has the longest tradition of scholarship and the largest number of first language
speakers. Of the eight government-funded universities only one, the Chinese University
of Hong Kong, has an official bilingual policy, and only one, the Hong Kong Institute of
Education, has an official trilingual policy. The remaining six are all, officially at least,
English medium universities. Thus a major Chinese city where over 95% of the seven
million plus population is Chinese speaking has only two university level institutions
which are officially Chinese medium, but has six which are officially English medium.
The Premier of China, Zhu Rongji, expressed at Tsinghua University in 2001 that he
hoped all classes will be taught in English for China to be able to exchange ideas with the
rest of the world (Kirkpatrick, 2011).
The governmental demand for English medium higher education has bled into parental
demand for English medium education at the secondary level. Some six hundred lower
secondary math and science classes which were previously taught through Chinese are
taught through English (Kirkpatrick, 2011).
English connected to media, pop culture, scientific literature, and education has the
power to penetrate more deeply into a receiving culture than any previous colonialism.
This penetrating power has consequences for the status of local languages one of which is
language loss especially among so-called small languages producing linguistic
imperialism and potential linguistic genocide (Ricento et al., 2000). English becomes a
vector and means which produces unequal division of power and resources between those
proficient in English and those who are not (Ricento et al., 2000).

The adoption of English medium affects the dissemination of scholarship and the status
of local and indigenous knowledge. Insistence on English medium education means local
knowledge must be translated and disseminated through English which may radically
alter that knowledge. For example, access to Chinese scholarship is best obtained through
Chinese (Kirkpatrick, 2011). Insisting on the use of English also influences student
attitudes to knowledge written in languages other than English. Chinese-literate students
avoid or neglect referring to sources and scholarship written in Chinese. Kirkpatrick
(2011) noted that some Mainland Chinese students writing PhD theses in Anglo
universities seldom reference Chinese language sources even though the theses dealt with
aspects of Chinese culture and language (Kirkpatrick, 2011).
The move towards internationalization is privileging English and scholarship
disseminated through English at the expense of other languages and scholarship
disseminated in languages other than English (Kirkpatrick, 2011). In response to the
rapidly growing English dominance, in 2006 Nordic countries implemented bilingual
language policies based on Declaration on a Nordic Language Policy in order to ensure
continued importance of national languages in higher education (Kirkpatrick, 2011).
Hong Kong has the largest number of Chinese-English academics. Kirkpatrick (2011)
recommends universities establish bilingual education policies and establish bilingual
journals in promoting and disseminating Chinese scholarship.

This would create

international higher education in which local languages and scholarship are promoted and
create a truly multilateral higher education. Attempts to regulate the expansion of English
across national borders, as in legislation to defend national language or cultural markets
from Anglophone influence, seems to be like a sandbag laid to barricade the titlewave of

Englishization (Kayman, 2004). Yet a minority of scholars call for research to be done to
measure the potential consequences of whole-scale uncritical adoption of Anglo-Saxon
paradigms (Phillipson, 2006; Kirkpatrick, 2011) within global Englishization. Some
consider Englishization as re-colonizing the world to create a global image of Western
democracy, (Quiang & Wolff, 2004) which carries with it white privilege and racial
stratification by class (Tsuda, 2012).
In 1943, when receiving an honorary degree at Harvard University, Winston
Churchill said, The power to control language offers far better prizes than taking away
peoples provinces or lands or grinding them down in exploitation. The empires of the
future are the empires of the mind. (Phillipson, 2009).

In the section to follow, examples of engagement with iterations of post-racial

ideology in the intra-national context of the USA will be briefly explicated and compared.

II. Post Racial Ideology in Primary and Secondary Schools in the United States
[Lorraine]
Post racial ideologies are a distraction and allow the justice systems and policymakers
to avoid tackling directly the barriers of race and class that adversely affect so many
students in the United States public school systems (Bell, 2003). African Americans and
Hispanics are three times more likely to live in poverty than any other nationality in the
US (Parrett & Budge, 2012). Demographic patterns, housing discrimination and lack of
political power has forced the majority of these families to live in overcrowded, crime
ridden communities (Schuette v. Coalition to defend Affirmative Action), which also have

the worst school districts in the country (Cashin, 2014). Tax laws dictates who receives
quality educational resources, and politicians consequently oppose the allocating of
additional funding to the public schools that need it the most (Rothstein, 2014). Wealthier
neighborhoods collect more tax dollars and have greater resources. Poorer communities
on the other hand, where residual, de facto segregation still remains prevalent, are left
with low performing schools, limited funding, inexperienced teachers, retention issues,
and fewer curricular that adequately prepared students for college (Cashin, 2014).
According to Gary Orfield, segregation patterns have continued to increase over the
last 50 years, and this may have contributed to the lack of minority political power and to
the recent Supreme Court ruling that has allowed schools simply to disregard their
desegregation plans (Boger & Orfield, 2005). In 2009, a school district in Mississippi
(one that was already under negotiated settlement with the Department of Justice because
of multiple allegations of discrimination- was ordered to give random for similar
discrimination allegations since 1970) was charged with endorsing segregation between
schools. This school, in fact, went so far as to separate black and white students within its
classrooms. The NAACP has supplied the courts with evidence documenting the
prevalence of educational segregation in school districts across the country, and has noted
the repeated practice of de jure segregation, where white students to transfer out of
districts into newly built, superior schools located in all white neighborhoods (Boger &
Orfield, 2005). Still however, the Supreme court maintains that they are not responsible
forcing desegregation when it is brought on by freedom of choice (Schuette v.
Coalition to defend Affirmative Action).
Comparative Urban and Suburban schools

In 2005-2006, in the inner city of Detroit, where 98.5% of students were African
American, the school district had over 1300 uncertified teachers (Keller, 2003).
Neighboring suburban districts, however, consisted of 90% white students and had far
more competitive resources (Frankenberg & Garces, 2007, p. 750). Public schools in
Texass major cities are even more segregated. In 2011-12, for instance, 92.9 % of the
students in Houston were nonwhite (Brief for the Family of Herm Sweatt as Amicus
Curiae, p. 28; Fisher v University of Texas, 11 U.S. 345, 2011).
Rather than taking the time to repair handicapped schools and redraw schools district
zoning for urban and suburban schools, Congress would rather give tax breaks to the
privileged. Simple changes in tax laws and modifying the allocation of educational funds
can alleviate some of these issues and level the educational playing field (Samuels &
Project Muse, 2013).
Instead of assisting our most disadvantaged children and their families, legislators pass
bills such as School Choice that widen the educational gap even further. Programs like
School Choice or School Vouchers take funding from public schools and allow privileged
families (mainly upper class whites) to transfer their children out of public institutions
and into charter or private schools, thus leaving disadvantaged districts to fend for
themselves with even fewer resources (Frankenberg, 2011).
Stereotypes and the multigenerational plight of minorities.
Rothstein (2014) has suggested that post-racial ideology solidifies stereotypes
concerning social class, cognitive abilities, work ethics, and morality. Eurocentric
America tries to create model minorities, such as Asians, who, at least according to the
stereotype, are capable of achieving upward mobility in just one generation. Such an

understanding ignores the existence of a significant number of Asian refugee subgroups,

such as Cambodians, Hmong, Laotians who all struggle as well. When placed in a
heterogeneous category, these vast differences and shared plight become readily apparent
(Park & Liu, 2014).
The African American experience is unique among minority experiences in that it is
multigenerational (Rothstein, 2014). As Roithmayr (2014) has noted, Each generations
experienced deprivation from the previous generation and reproduced them for the next
generation. Moreover, African Americans lack political power and are frequently
subjected to constitutional violations that deter them from gaining political and economic
momentum (Rothstein, 2014).
Less than a third of African American and Latino children reside in middle-class
neighborhoods compared to nearly two thirds of whites (Cashin, 2014). The few middle
class minority families that have managed to move to suburban areas still experience
significant racial inequalities. Many middle class families had to take lower paying
employment and downsize their lifestyles after the recession (Rothstein, 2014). In 2010,
middle class black family earnings were only 61% of middle class white family incomes,
and blacks wealth was a mere 22% of that of whites (Rothstein, 2014). Furthermore,
property taxes and home values of black suburban areas are much lower than white
suburban communities (Ascher & Branch-Smith, 2005). As a result, the schools in black
suburbia still struggle with issues more commonly seen in inner city areas. The minority
students fortunate enough to attend a multicultural school offering opportunities for
advancement and rigorous curriculums tend to feel a disconnectedness and low
expectations from their white teachers (Thandeka, 2014). These teachers often hold low

expectations and display a lessened desire to build relationships with students of color
(Thandeka, 2014). As such, counselors and teachers are less likely to place colored
students in advanced courses that will prepare them for higher education (Thandeka,
2014).
Addressing oppression and multicultural inclusion.
Post-racial philosophy downplays these very real obstacles. It asserts that the
inequalities of minorities have already been addressed and understands access to quality
education as a privilege rather than a right. Such a philosophy enables those in power to
avoid addressing the structural and institutional racism that still plagues the American
educational system. Not facing this racism, itself a remnant of slavery and Jim Crow
laws, perpetuates stereotypes regarding people of colors moral character and intellectual
abilities (Bell, 2003). Furthermore, this refusal legitimates bigotry, standardized tests, and
the sense of superiority felt by those equipped to receive high marks, essentially
increasing returns to power (Bell, 2003). The traditional supremacist groupsthe
white-hooded Klu Klux Klan, for instanceBlack Codes, and blatant discriminatory
tactics have been replaced with new, savvier modes of bigotry (Coats, 2011). Some
scholars refer to this newer, covert racism as the Racial Matrix, that is, racism that is
hidden and differs by context (Coats, 2011). Modern racism manifests itself in a variety
of ways: ranging from unconscious expression to direct institutional and political action
and including economic factors, todays modes of racism are just as lethal as they were in
the past (Coats, 2011). Ultimately, these covert racist tactics allow the dominant group to
preserve power while simultaneously dismantling the accusations of oppression made by
minorities (Coats, 2011).

Taking a post-racial approach often fails to address bias (conscious or unconscious),

and also neglects the cultural and linguistic barriers that affect students of color and their
families when taught by white instructors. Moreover, post-racial ideology furthers
stereotypes and the low expectations typically held for minority males from birth to
adulthood (Brown, 2015). Take, for example, the tremendous amount of punishment and
excessive discipline inflicted against black youths in the justice system and schools.
Although African American youth make up only 17% of the nations public school
suspensions, they are significantly more likely than whites to receive disciplinary actions
(Wallace, Goodkind & Bachman, 2008). Furthermore, African American young men are
30% more likely than their white counterparts to be referred to the principals office or be
detained, and are also 330% (3.3 times) more likely to be suspended or expelled (Wallace
et. al., 2008). The following story demonstrates the typical disciplinary experience for the
African American high school student:
A White male teacher was running late for class. Upon his arrival, the Black male
student met the teacher at the door and said, Man, I was just fixin' to bounce on
you. To the student's bewilderment, the teacher wrote him up to be suspended. The
teacher (mis)interpreted the phrase, fixin' to bounce on you, as a threat of
physical violence, when from the student's perspective he was noting the teacher's
tardiness and jokingly saying that he was just about to leave the classroom (i.e.,
bounce) (Wallace et. al., 2008).
Here is another illustration of the cultural insensitivity prevalent among school
administrators:
Zach Rubio, a 17-year-old student was suspended from his alternative high school
in a small community in Kansas for uttering the phrase no problema outside the
classroom context to a peer who asked me prestas un dolar? (can I borrow a
dollar?) School officials maintained the legitimacy of their decision because it is
not the first time we have [asked] Zach and others to not speak Spanish at school
(Reid, 2005, p. 1). In other words, officials did not question the profoundly
discriminatory and illegal nature of the suspension, but rather saw the action as due
course for a students lack of compliance with a language policy rooted in inequity

and racial inequality. Such practices are linked to larger discourses dedicated to
making English Americas official language and eliminating the use of languages
other than English in public affairs (Gutierrez & Jaramillo, 2006).
Educators must be able to take a cross-cultural perspective and comprehend the reality of
the communication (both verbal and nonverbal) taking place before making assumptions
regarding the intent of children of color and their families.
When students fall behind in school, they are far more likely to drop out, and there is a
strong correlation between minorities dropping out and incarceration. Colorblind
approaches may lead to misunderstanding and misinterpretations and can downplay the
importance of cultural differences, thus negatively impacting students of color (Wallace
et al, 2008). Furthermore, post-racial ideologies can also bestow undeserved credit to
privileged students based on the skewed findings of a standardized test (Bell, 2003).
More importantly, the Eurocentric western method should not be our only approach to
education. By avoiding a Eurocentric bias, multiculturalism provides opportunities for
inclusive learning, self-efficacy, and for taking pride in ones ancestry and their social. As
James A. Banks writes,
Rather than excluding Western civilization from the curriculum, multiculturalists
want a more truthful, complex, and diverse version of the West taught in the
schools. They want the curriculum to describe the way in which African, Asian, and
indigenous cultures have influenced and interacted with Western civilization.
Taking a multicultural approach and allowing students of color to see themselves within
the curriculum has a positive effect on their learning outcome (Green-Gibson & Collett,
2014).
This gap has persisted, virtually unchanged, over the last two decades. It shows no
signs of disappearing anytime soon. In Chicago, a predominantly black school district

adopted an Afrocentric curriculum and found that not only did the students learn more
effectively, but that it also boosted students confidence, self-esteem, cultural pride, and
feelings of self-worth (Green-Gibson & Collett, 2014). At another inner city school in
Chicago, a study found that an African American centered curriculum boosted students
ISAT test scores and enabled them to meet or exceed AYP standards (Green-Gibson &
Collett, 2014). More work, however, still needs to be done in this area, and further studies
need to be completed that examine the effect of using Eurocentric publishing material
within predominantly Black schools.
Institutional systems in American society are by design to favor whites (Roithmayr,
2014). They make the rules that allow them disproportionately access to the very finest
educational opportunities, best-paying jobs, the most affluent communities, and wellconnected social networks (Roithmayr, 2014). Efforts to integrate schools in urban,
suburban and rural areas have been met with resistance (Orfield et al, 2008, p.100). If
minority students are excluded from a quality education, they will never be able to obtain
a well paying job, which will only perpetuate their marginalization and exile to
impoverished neighborhoods. This generational discrimination and implicit caste system
remains especially true for African Americans (Cashin, 2014). Even with this blatant
racial and social divide, American legislators continue to dilute and dismantle affirmative
action policies and pass policies that handicap school systems in minority neighborhoods
(Cashin, 2014).
For what of the hope and promise of Brown? For much of this Nations history, the
races remained divided. It was not long ago that people of different races drank from
separate fountains, rode on separate buses, and studied in separate schools. In this

Courts "nest hour, Brown v. Board of Education challenged this history and helped to
change it. For Brown held out a promise. It was a promise embodied in three
Amendments designed to make citizens of slaves. It was the promise of true racial
equality, not as a matter of words on paper, but as a matter of everyday life in the
Nations cities and schools. It was about the nature of a democracy that must work for all
Americans. It sought one law, one Nation, one people, not simply as a matter of legal
principle but in terms of how we actually live. The last half-century has witnessed great
strides toward racial equality, but we have not yet realized the promise of Brown. To
invalidate the plans under review is to threaten the promise of Brown. The plurality
position, I fear, would break that promise. This is a decision that the Court and the Nation
will come to regret.(Brown v Board of Education, Justice Breyer). In the section to
follow, the value of narrative towards uncovering context-specific racial complexities
dormant beneath structural interpretations will be briefly explicated.

III. The Utility of Narrative Analysis for Uncovering

Conceptual Complexity in Comparative Education Research [Pauli]
Drawing on Stuart Halls (Jhally, 1997) description of race as a floating signifier
without semiotic referent an undetermined, unstable sign open to an eisegetical reading
of color [skin], hair, and bone in the words of W.E.B Du Bois (Foner, 1970, p. 75) as
text, this section seeks to investigate the value of narrative towards uncovering contextspecific racial complexities dormant beneath structural interpretations. Such an
understanding is warranted since while post-racial ideology clearly facilitates the covert
reproduction of structures of domination and those ensuing systemic social disparities

arising from these, race itself is a complex social phenomenon that often brings about
variegated and nuanced experience relative to space and context. Uncovering such
complexity is essential in that it further destabilizes race as a seemingly essential
category. Whereas culturally-defining realist [biological] interpretations of race such as
the Bell Curve (see Hernstein & Murray, 1996) have been largely discredited, and
genetic variability within groups of apparently similar phenotypic racial makeup are
demonstrably greater compared to genetic differences across racial groups (Fullerton,
2007), common perceptions tying, for instance, academic performance and achievement
to race still persist. For this reason Hall (Jhally, 1997) proposes a discursive
understanding of race: perceptions of differences in color [skin], hair, and bone (Foner,
1970, p. 75) are constructed like language through a repetitive deployment of social
practice generative of forms of representation. Such representation, in turn, appears to
correspond nature and culture in a manner analogous to the photographic process of
photochemical fixation, whereby the body is fixated in the field of vision, like a
photochemical imprint is fixated by a dye (Raengo, 2013, p. 11). Race is seldom read
the same way across time and space. Consider, for instance, how Brazilians selfidentified themselves in 135 categories of race and color in 1976 and then in 62
categories in 1995 (Dos Santos & Anya, 2006, p. 35) or the manner in which whites and
Hispanics are more likely to describe the USA president, Barack Obama, as mixed race
while African Americans overwhelmingly refer to him as black (Cillizza, 2014).
Consequently, in order to engage with race as a category we would do well to view it in
its molecular variegated complexity, and to this end three brief narratives each speaking
to race as lived reality will henceforth be presented. Narratives (Clandinin, 2007) or

personal accounts of human experience are powerful resources in research in that these
allow us to engage with human aspiration, and desire human difference in its
multiplicity of forms: all important elements in uncovering race as lived reality from
underneath the wet, homogenizing blanket of post-racial ideology.
In his narrative, Sahota draws attention to the difficulties all too often encountered by
non-white ELT educators in certain parts of South Korea. In an emotionally palpable
narrative passage relating to a previous job interview he attended after a string of
previous occasions where he had been turned down due to his dark appearance, Sahota
(2008) writes:
Professor Oh asked me where I was from. I was startled at his question at first,
because on my resume it clearly said that I was from Canada . . . I told Oh that
I was from Toronto, Canada . . . I knew Oh was trying to get at my ethnicity.
Im sure in his eyes he questioned me as a NEST [Native English Speaking
Teacher]. Having been denied jobs in the past due to my lack of having that all
important teaching quality white skin I made the decision to hide my true
background. I did not tell Oh that my parents were from India, or that I was a
first generation British immigrant, or that I spoke a language other than
English. I told him I was born in Canada, my parents were born in Canada, and
my grandparents were born in Canada. He felt satisfied with that answer, and I
felt ashamed and disgusted with myself for lying about who I was. (p. 46)
In this account, Asian as non-white classificatory category is not effected by a white
interlocutor operating from a position of racial superiority but by an Asian agent who is
reproducing whiteness as an exclusive, benchmark category. This suggests that racial

performativity intersecting with cultural positioning in the immediate itself holds the
potential to be a locally-driven form of social practice motivated by the desire to be
associated with, among others, the relative prestige of white in the acquisition of prestige
capital through association in the power-play of, among others, national competitiveness
on the global stage ( Lee, 2004, p. 5). Hernndez i Mart (2006) frames this fragile
negotiation of cultural identity as a closeness in distance, and . . . a relative distancing
from what is close (p. 92). Here, the nation as a socially constructed imagined
community (Anderson, 1991) incarnated in the form of a citizen comes to reimagine
itself in context to the prestige offered by strategic cultural-cum-racial realignment. Here,
the floating quality of race as signifier appears to lead to Asian phenotypic features being
read differently relative to country and culture of origin.
Rose, a young Asian female living in a large university town in the USA, in turn,
provides the following raced narrative via email correspondence conducted in the spring
of 2015:
My home language is Korean. I came to USA in 2013 August. I have studied
English since I was 11 years. My parents hired a private tutor, who was paid
the most in my home city. He was very good and it cost a lot but my parents as
they always say thought it was investment for my future. I would still learn
English, not because it is the language of USA but because I like learning a
foreign language and English was the one I could access. I can access to more
variety of information, people, and knowledge. I used to listen to English
speaking radio program every morning for about 40 minutes when I was in
middle school and I used to watch a lot of English movies. And for more

experience my parents send me to England and other 3 countries in Europe for

a month when I was 14. In Korea I could get a good job and make foreign
friends, etc. My English has been picked up because I have a different accent
and rhetoric style. It is sometimes used against me in USA. I get treated
differently or badly. I used to see myself as an individual but I came to learn
that I am seen as an Asian woman speaking English with an accent here. I
dont weigh as same as in Korea. But I would still learn English because I have
to survive here.
In this account, the significant cost and effort of learning English as a potentially invasive
foreign language were offset by accrued professional and private benefits after schooling.
In this regard Rose appears to have benefited from the learning of English, in spite of its
reputation for being a hegemonic language (Phillipson, 1992), within her local Korean
context. This observation echoes the discussion by Canagarajah (1999) of how language
learners in English hegemonic contexts tactfully redeploy English towards their own
interests. Significantly, and ironically, however, Rose remarks that relative to being
transnationally repositioned, it is her foreign English accent performance not her
embodied Asian phenotype that has marked her as a raced Asian subject. Here, the idea
that accent performance as social practice holds raced exclusionary and discriminatory
ramification has been attested by Lippi-Green (1994) who directly ties accent termed
language-trait focused discrimination to the uncritical acceptance of a standard
language ideology that bias toward an abstracted, idealized, homogeneous spoken
language which is imposed from above (p. 166). Fuller extends this phenomenon to the
conflation of (Standard) English(es) with whiteness and the West (2007, p. 747).

However, not only from above since the dynamics which regulate the legitimacy /
illegitimacy of certain forms of language are not strictly enacted through imposition, but
most often from within those common suggestions which underlie the daily local
discursive situations and practices shared among people (Bourdieu, 1991, pp. 51-52). I.
Lee (2009) applies this idea to the realm of school English textbooks used in Korea and
demonstrates how Western and white have been portrayed in largely positive terms while
non-Westerners and their cultures have been consistently marginalized. This said,
ultimately the floating quality of race, as signifier, in this instance appears to hinge upon
accent performance.
Finally, Estelle, a young Black female living in a large university town in the USA, in
turn, provides the following raced narrative in a written interview response conducted in
the fall of 2014:
Growing up, my neighborhood was white but my church was completely black.
There was never a gray areaI was either in a white setting or black setting. I
would say I dressed in a pretty basic way up until sixth grade. My mom bought
my clothes from the Gap, Old Navy, and bought my shoes from Payless; but, I
wanted the clothes my aunt bought my cousins. I wanted my mom to realize
that the cool clothes came from A.J. Wrighta store that sold designer
clothes from last season. I equated designer items with the come upthat I
had money, that I was not basic. I also realized that when I hung around my
church friends, I had not measured up to their blackness. I distinctly remember
once being made fun of for my clothes but not realizing it until much later. My
naivety in situations like that has affected who I am today. As an adult, I

automatically conceive I am being judged physically among other black people

and I believe subconsciously, is why I tend to have slightly more of a defensive
attitude among them. I am not afraid of them by any means nor do I not want
to be their friend. I just feel that my formative experiences have affected my
willingness to be extremely gung ho to make friendships with other black
students.
In this account, blackness is demonstrated to be a variegated social phenomenon where
the performative identity practice (Butler, 1990) of clothing comes to striate the
experience of the raced identity of blackness itself in the form of in-group / out-group
(Brewer, 1999) identity politics. Relative to the complex undercurrents informing
context-specific identity practice, Bauman (2000) describes the socio-cultural field within
which such identity operates as follows:
[I]dentity is an emergent construction, the situated outcome of a rhetorical and
interpretive process in which interactants make situationally motivated
selections from socially constituted repertoires of identificational and
affiliational resources and craft these semiotic resources into identity claims for
presentation to others. (p. 1)
Foucault recognizing the negotiable nature of identity as a constant construct of
selected socially constituted repertoires frames identity as allowing for a potential retheorizing of those options available to agents within the field of discursive possibilities
related to the dominant structure of power or status quo (Bess, 1980, 27-28). Foucault
ties this negotiable nature of identity to freedom in the following way: freedom must
exist for power to be exerted . . . since without the possibility of recalcitrance power

[this] would be equivalent to a physical determination (Foucault, 2000, p. 385). This

observation, in turn, hints at a degree of ability on the part of social agents to partly
reconstitute race as a floating signifier within particular contexts. Admittedly, while the
unstable quality of white skin color as floating signifier in particular contexts has not
been engaged with here, an example of such discussion can be referred to in another
publication (Badenhorst, 2015).
The three preceding narratives have demonstrated the largely undetermined, unstable
quality of race as a floating signifier. At the heart of this tendency for signification flux
lies not only the non-essential, discursive nature of race, but also the fact that race is but
one means of social classification albeit a profoundly important one that intersects
with other categories of both social classification and identity performance: nation and
culture of origin, language and accent, attire and one may add to these: economic class,
gender, sexual orientation, ethnicity, degree of tone of color, and age to mention but a
few. Of course, the purpose in this section has not been to undo the category of race since
as Hall (1996) reminds us: fixed racial categories of identity in addition to being
ontologically impossible are nonetheless an existential necessity relative to those
historical legacies shrouded in acts and experiences of domination that underpin them.
From these legacies, in turn, have been borne systems of social brutality and structures of
reproductive disparity that require categories of race to be maintained for purposes
related to political mobilization and economic redress. It is also here, admittedly, that
larger macro-analytical approaches [such as those tendered in the two previous sections]
serve tremendous utility towards drawing attention to the size and broader incidence of
structural and systemic social misalignments leading to greater opportunity for political

advocacy and policy change.

Yet, it is also here tendered that the local minutiae of raced experience be included
alongside those structural epistemological discussions that seek to undo systemic forms
of injustice predicated on raced social practices since there exists always the danger that
the very categories of race we use in the attempt to undo racial injustice become
essentialized or deeper reified categories in and of themselves. This observation holds
especially true for the work of comparative research involving race in that the very
epistemological categories we employ risk producing and thereby creating race as an
essential, exclusionary category. Of course, the domain of comparative research presents
profound utility for rethinking the categories we compare so that we need not exclusively
reside ourselves, for instance, to comparisons of social phenomena across nations.
Instead, we are able to compare the intersection of social phenomena themselves since
sense of self is positioned at the intersection of variegated categories of identity
(Crenshaw, 1991; Cho, Crenshaw & McCall, 2013). Such intersectional analysis, in turn,
is often most optimally conducted when identities themselves are subjected to the
scrutiny of the molecular in the form of a micropolitics that allows for connections that
are local and singular (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987). Again, such an approach can
compliment vital macro-global structural approaches, as well as assist in the calibration
of the categories of analysis these employ, through a significantly localized interrogation
of the complexities inherent in these social categories themselves. This argument does not
presuppose the categories here tendered to be absolute or autonomous. Instead, notions of
the local and global are drawn upon for their relative utility towards better
understanding the pervasiveness of raced performativity across multiple intersecting

social contexts that come to cooperate as a complex, overlapping, disjunctive order

(Appadurai, 1990, p. 296) ultimately productive of racial hegemony and ensuing
structural disparity. Of course, the categories of local and global are themselves not
without problem since these appear to presuppose a clear-cut autonomous micro/macro
binary when in fact contemporary human experience is for the most part deeply
glocal (Robertson, 1995): the local is absorbed into the global and vice versa. At issue in
this section though is the matter of how the macro-global is employed epistemologically
in comparative educational discussions and how such practice both greatly enables and/or
constricts the discussion of race as a discursive reality steeped in social complexity.
Consider, for instance, the OECDs Executive Study on The State of Higher Education
(2013) and how words like race, ethnicity, and inequality remain noticeably absent
from the global [a frequently cited word] discussion. Schueller (2009), among others,
draws attention to the Eurocentric nature of globalization as a set of discourses that
emphasize the virtual, mobile, local-as-reactionary, and toned-down racial on the basis of
universal-type assumption. Such assumptions, in turn, trickle down to comparative
research in education where the reality of race is often eviscerated by the global as an
epistemology. Such trend, it may be argued, persists due to the insufficiency of
globalization as epistemology to uncover or deal with the complexity inherent in race as a
discourse category. Also, while macro-global approaches may contend well with broader
apparent social trend and manifestation it stands to reason that they fare less well when
confronted with the smorgasbord of difference presented by the plurality of human
aspiration. Consequently, it is tendered that both broader structural approaches and
molecular narrative approaches can complement one another in uncovering the manner in

which human experience is layered over social structure, and especially so in context to
discussions surrounding the persistence of post-racial ideology.

Conclusion
In context to research pertaining to ethnic and racial studies, Banton (2003) calls for:
[A] new generation who will develop the field [CIED] so that studies in different
countries and of different kinds of groups are brought together in a common
framework enclosing a body of knowledge that is both theoretical and practical.
(p. 501)
The current paper contends that structural and narrative approaches can serve
supplementary roles in this important endeavor. Sadly, however, a thorough survey of
Comparative International Education-related academic research catalogues provides
relatively sparse evidence that the opportunity of a comparative analyses of educations
engagement with perspectives on structural racism, post-racial ideology, and raced
experience has been significantly taken up across social contexts where particular forms
of policy and legislation imbricate social practices (see Warren & Sue, 2011) and confine
human experiences. Interestingly, Harper (2012) finds that an overwhelming majority of
scholars in the US are authentically interested in narrowing racial gaps, diversifying
college and university campuses, and doing research that informs the creation of
environments that no longer marginalize people of color (p. 25). Unfortunately, though,
there still exists a proportional underrepresentation of critical theoretical examinations of
racism (Harper, 2012, p. 25) in context to education, and higher education in particular.
Does such relative under representation perhaps hint at a denial that race is one of the

most critical issues of our time a denial that itself could be characterized as indicative
of post-racial ideology in action? Ultimately, perpetuating the notion of a nation [or
education system, or university campus, or classroom] that is innocent of racism is
continuously making it guilty of racism as an effect. Anti-racism would involve
acknowledging race as an effect of current racisms (Svendsen, 2014). It stands to
reason then that anti-racist work engage with issues of race and racism at both the
structural and molecular level, and perhaps none the more so than within that institution
associated most with the socialization of learners into the neoliberal global order (see
Apple, 2001) education. In the process covert dens of privilege may also come to be
discovered, excavated, and destroyed. Or perhaps, redeployed.

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