2 oo Andalusian Music and the Cantigas de Santa Maria Manuel Pedro Ferreira When the question of the relationship between the Cantigas de Santa Maria and medieval Hispano-Arabic music is raised, the shadow of Julian R ibera’s partial musical edition of the Cantigas, published in 1922, cannot be avoided.” In Ribera’s edition, the Alfonsine songs are pre- sented as derivatives of classical Arab music, and transcribed according to what Ribera thought was typically Arab; as a consequence, their original notation was often disregarded. Ribera’s approach came under heavy criticism from professional musicologists, amongst them Higinio Anglés, who in his monumental work of 1943-58 buried—seemingly for good—scholarly pretensions to read Arab music into the Cantigas.” In the past half-century (1943-93), the pro-Arab stance has therefore been confined to the performing domain as a kind of colouristic exoticism, of doubtful historical seriousness, which is sometimes made vaguely respectable through mention of the Islamic instruments de- picted in one of the manuscript sources of the Cantigas (MS E). This tendency to value instrumental colour can be explained not only on the basis of Ribera’s claim that the repertory has an ‘orchestral’ character,? but also in relation to the history of the modern ‘early music’ movement; in actual practice, instrumental colour has been served as a kind of dressing added to Anglés’s transcriptions, which have been generally accepted by performers. A lot has none the less changed after Ribera’s edition in our knowledge of medieval Arab music; and our understanding of the original notation of the Cantigas has progressed in the past few years. The time has come to re-evaluate the Arab question from a scholarly point of view.8 MANUEL PEDRO FERREIRA The first thing to do is to rephrase the question, substituting ‘Andalusian’ for ‘Arab’. Moorish-Andalusian (or Ibero-Arab) music is not just, or even mainly, Arab music per se. It is a hybrid Western tradition which evolved independently from oriental trends from the ninth century onwards and reached its highest level of integration of ‘Western and oriental elements in the twelfth century.* The originality of Andalusian music, when compared with other Western medieval traditions, is to be sought primarily in the aspects of form and thythm. Form represents the Peninsular indigenous element; rhythm the Arab one. The question of musical form in medieval Andalusian song has generally been ignored; recently, Vicente Beltran and, most importantly, David Walstan have faced the problem and attempted to give it a solution.’ Both take as their starting point the formal structure of the poems, to which they remain anchored as their only secure evidence; naturally, since the textual data gives minimal musical information, their conclusions cannot be firmly founded from a musical point of view. I have therefore taken the opposite approach: to start with the surviving music from Moorish Andalusia. My work was made possible by the recent publication, by James Monroe and Benjamin Liu, of nine surviving azjal and muwashshahat composed in Al-Andalus between c1100 and the mid-fourteenth century.° As complementary data, I have used the analysis of a repre- sentative sample both of today’s North African music of Andalusian origin’ and of the muwashshah oral tradition in general.® The results of this undertaking, which I will summarize here, will be published in detail elsewhere.? The main conclusion is that the muwashshah and the symmetrical zajal seem originally to have had mainly two kinds of formal scheme, corresponding to the virelai (AA || BBB AA, AB || CCC AB) or to a special kind of rondeau (AB |j BBB AB, [...] AAA BA). The zajal proper, textually asymmetrical, must have had related schemes, for the zajal and the muwashshah are two faces of the same tradition."° At this juncture, the example of the Cantigas de Santa Maria has to be taken into account. Poetically speaking, most of them have the zajal form. Musically, they tend to present the virelai form, which as we have seen is also characteristic of the muwashshah. In itself, this fact is not conclusive, for the French virelai could be taken as both the poetical and musical model for the Cantigas; the only problem with this hypothesis is that the virelai hardly existed in France before ¢.1300,ANDALUSIAN Music AND THE CANTICAS 9 while the Cantigas were composed before 1284; this fact led Willi Apel to propose a Spanish origin for the virelai."’ Moreover, in the Cantigas the influence of the French rondeau is slight when compared with the important presence of the reverse kind of rondeau (AB || BB AB), also characteristic, mutatis mutandis, of the muwashshah; this is found in more than seventy cantigas.'? Since this last form is virtually unknown elsewhere in medieval Europe," it is probably indigenous; and since the Cantigas were mostly composed in a cultural environ- ment where the Ibero-Arab presence was strongly felt, it probably derives from the zajal or its mozarabic counterpart. The Cantigas de Santa Maria appear therefore, from a formal point of view, to encap- sulate typical features of medieval Andalusian music: the virelai form and what I propose to call the Andalusian rondeau. Let us now turn our attention to rhythm. Rhythm is intrinsically linked with the musical notation of the manuscripts. The notation has been variously described by different authors, depending on the inter- pretative model used to approach it. Hendrik van der Werf, for instance, compared the notation with the late-thirteenth-century Franconian system, and inevitably concluded that the Alfonsine notation is not Franconian,'* which is hardly surprising since this system was formu- Jated in writing only around 1280, when most of the Canfigas were in the process of being copied.'’ It does not follow, though, that the Alfonsine notation lacks a mensural character, for there were mensural systems in existence before Franco of Cologne. On the contrary, | think that it can be proved that the mensural dimension is an important one, regardless of how we choose to interpret it. 6 Interpretation is about ways to make the data historically intelligible. Anglés was right when he accepted the notation as it stands without trying to force it into preconceived moulds, as Ribera did; he also realized that the rhythms written down by the copyists were often equivalent to the contemporary French patterns known as ‘thythmic modes’, but that this was not always true. Unable to accept Ribera’s hypothesis of an Arab derivation, he championed the theory of a folkloric origin for the cases of non-modal rhythm; needless to say, the ‘folk music’ label could embrace everything, and because of this generality could be neither proven nor challenged; it was an easy way out of the problem. In my own work, I have expanded the frame- work of possible pre-existing models—French developments of modal rhythm, troubadouresque isosyllabism and the rhapsodic rhythm found in the cantigas d’amigo; since even this large range of possibilities10 Manuer Pepro FERREIRA does not exhaust the rhythmic variety found in the repertory, I had eventually to confront the long-discredited hypothesis of an Anda- lusian connection. According to one of the leading specialists in Arab music, Baron Rodolphe d’Erlanger, ‘le rythme est, en musique arabe, I’élément principal et prépondérant de toute composition vocale ou instru- mentale’. He also remarks that the rhythmic system used by Arab musicians today is substantially the same as it was during the first centuries of Islam.’” This system is based on the principle of period- icity: the repetition of a rhythmic period defined by the number and quality of the attacks and the time elapsing between them. This time is strictly measured, meaning that it is counted in units of time. Among the ancient music theorists, Al-Farabi (d. 950) is the only one who tries to describe actual musical practice, instead of following Greek music theory;™® he eschews the Greek definition of the basic time-unit as the shortest perceptible time value, choosing instead as time-unit a compound time, as Arab musicians do today.’? According to Al-Farabi, a rhythmic period is typically composed of two identical rhythmic cycles. A cycle is a repeated rhythmic pattern superimposed ona given metre. From an abstract point of view each cycle has a basic form in which all the attacks are separated by equal time-intervals, and the last attack is followed by a silence of the same length (the disjunction). In actual practice, this basic scheme gives way to more complex rhythmic patterns which have the status of standard metric fillings. These metric fillings can be varied over a wide range, and two different variants can be joined together in a period. Al-Farabi himself lists a large number of rhythmic periods derived from each of the seven basic metres, and describes the conventional variation proce- dures which lead to them; his list is not exhaustive, as he simply wants to show how these variation procedures work in practice.” In the following examples, the spacing between two apostrophes ('') illustrates the minimum time-unit; if an audible attack marks the beginning of a time-unit, it will be represented (|'); time signatures will be used for convenience, the minimum time-unit being equivalent to a quaver. When the chosen metre is the ‘First Thaqil’ (or ‘First-Heavy’) (a) q/ay Peerperepeereeas doubling of the attacks will produce the following pattern:ANDALUSIAN Music AND THE CANTIGAS II ® @2 rrr Adding a loud attack to allow a proportional disjunction will change it into: © @)Perierei If we reproduce this cycle twice in a row, we have one of the forms of the ‘First-Heavy’ rhythmic period listed by Al-Farabi. Another example is the ‘Heavy-Ramal’ metre: @) (3/2) [ureters With another attack added for continuity, this changes into: ) (/a) ferry and with doubling of the second attack, it becomes © Ga ire which corresponds to another form of the cycle mentioned by Al- Farabi. Variation can also produce syncopation: if we take the continuous pattern, double all attacks and then drop out the fifth, the result is @ G2) Veit This is one of several syncopated cycles in Al-Farabi’s list. If it is repeated once, we have a homogeneous rhythmic period; if it is combined, for instance, with the continuous double-attack cycle, we have an hetero- geneous variant also listed in Al-Farabi; if combined with the basic “Ramal’ cycle, we have the al-hafifrhythm, used in a thirteenth-century Andalusian composition which survives in today’s oral tradition.” It is important not to forget that the musical tradition that Al-Farabi describes travelled West from Baghdad to Al-Andalus, where it found fertile ground. Furthermore, Arab rhythmic periodicity has a number _ of features which distinguish it from the medieval Western European - rhythmic tradition: the larger scale ofsome cycles and rhythmic periods, _. the use of syncopation and the importance of quadruple metre may be mentioned. Accordingly, when a medieval repertory composed in Spain, written for the most part probably in Toledo or Seville, next door to a Moorish-Andalusian environment, uses large-scale cycles or periods, with syncopated patterns or in a quadruple metre, this is likely to reflect the influence of Arab music.12 Manus Pepro FERreEIRA The Cantigas de Santa Maria are such a repertory. In the ‘Heavy- Ramal’ metre, the combination of variants (c) and (d) listed above produces the rhythmic period found in CSM 92 (Ex. 1). If we take the above-mentioned form (c) of the ‘First-Heavy’ cycle and double the second attack, we encounter a variant found in CSM 424.” If, in the second presentation of the rhythmic variant, we add a final attack for support, as recommended by Al-Farabi, we will have a long thythmic period identical to that found in CSM 25 (Ex. 2).3 The long rhythmical period which begins CSM 100 has two versions which differ in the second half (Ex. 3); the initial version survives in the al-Btayhi rhythm of the Andalusian tradition (Ex. 4); both versions can be described as heterogeneous periods made up of two of the ‘First-Heavy’ cycles listed in Al-Farabi.’* In this same song, there is another heterogeneous rhythmic period which shares its second half with the second version of the first period (Ex. 5). The first half presents a cycle that is another variation on the ‘First-Heavy’ metre,” and is found in the al-qa’im wa-nisf rhythm of the Andalusian tradition (Ex. 6).?7 CSM 353 uses exclusively this same cycle. CSM 116 uses a related rhythmic period, made up of this same cycle followed by the basic form of the ‘First-Heavy’ metre (Ex. 7). This period is strikingly similar to that found in two sister-compositions by Juan del Encina, ‘Sefiora de hermosura’ and ‘Una safiosa porfia’, which share the same melodic openings;"* and it is reproduced almost exactly in the first version of ‘Norabuena vengas’ in the Cancionero de Palacio.22 CSM 109 exhibits a more complex period based on the same cycle, produced by repeating part of it in the middle of the period— a variation procedure also mentioned by Al-Farabi (Ex. 8). Medieval French thythmical theory and the alternative models mentioned above are unable to explain these seemingly anomalous facts, whereas they make complete sense in the light of Arabian rhythmic theory and its influence on Andalusian song. Given the historical context, one cannot but reach the conclusion that at least the above-mentioned cantigas were influenced by Ibero-Arab music. That being so, perhaps there are other traces of this influence. Again, the first thing to do is to look more closely at what seems to be a rhythmic anomaly from a French-centred perspective: dotted rhythm, which is impossible to write within the normal usage of thirteenth-century French notational systems. It can be observed in seventeen of the Cantigas;’° in two of them it is used to the exclusion of any other rhythmic pattern.’ The way the Toledo and EscorialANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTIGAS 13 own J Ji) Wid emma Tillis Al mae] Ililis Ulli ‘Ex. 3 cm] JJ) Jild J dg dddd dllilild 2 Ex. 4 moe Be fi, ii, tJd Ex. 5 cmim$ Jo). Jiliid Ex. 6 Acari went Be P d tel d d - cm33%4J J J | emisg) J fo did do dy csm 109 HEM |) J ded did dd14 Manuet Pepro Ferreira Ex. 9 *To e+ ane *E/T yam ye dd Ex. 10 *E + ue e+ ye 4 1 E/T id manuscripts solve the notational problem is similar: they add a brevis to the long, and then write an isolated brevis; or they use short vertical lines after the long to signal its ultra mensuram quality, and then write an isolated brevis (Ex. 9).2” The rhythmical meaning of these procedures is clear from the different ways the scribes chose to write down the same musical idea, whether in the same manuscript, when a phrase is rewritten several times, or in different manuscripts which have the same song; comparative work shows that a long with a brevis attached to it is rhythmically equivalent to a long followed by a short double bar; it also shows that this augmented long is equivalent to a long followed by a ligature cum opposita proprietate, or a binary oblique ligature followed by a brevis or a double bar.?3 Sometimes:the Escorial MSS substitute what seems to be a semibrevis for the brevis,** but this can easily be explained as a case of notational inertia—forms of the Toledo notation which are reproduced without translation in the Escorial notation (Ex. 10). The important presence in this repertory of dotted rhythm, ignored in the surviving Galician-Portuguese troubadour songs and in all the remaining written European music, can be explained through the influ- ence of the Andalusian tradition. We have seen that one of the Anda- lusian rhythmic cycles uses dotted rhythm; in the Middle East, it is also found in the Sufiyan rhythm;* both derive from classical Arab rhythmic practice. In some of the surviving medieval Andalusian songs,?° dotted rhythm is pervasive: it tends to be associated with the successive occurrence of a long and a short syllable (Ex. 11). This probably means that dotted rhythm was a standard declamation procedure in Ibero-Arab song, and that it may have influenced the composers of the Cantigas. Another feature of the Andalusian tradition is the use of a five-beat metric pattern already listed in Al-Farabi. Among the seven basic musical metres acknowledged by this theorist, three have five beats per cycle; each of them has a variant which is similar to the French thirdANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTIGAS 15 Ex. 11 Qad nilta hibby_ wa-jalla quebi r ree f..P foe re Adir ani’ *akwab yaslii bi-ha L wajdu PPL PP Peet Pt Pek TL Man Iv him £6ro™ Ex. 12 Third mode d. 4 d ‘Second-Light-Heavy’, variant 8 d J d rhythmic mode, except that the first long has only two units of time instead of three (Ex. 12). This rhythmic pattern surfaces in a Hispano- Arab song which has been identified as a muwashshah and was partly transcribed, in the sixteenth century, by Francisco Salinas (Ex. 13a);37 the influence of this pattern on folk music is attested to by several traditional songs which have come down to us in polyphonic settings by Encina, Anchieta and others: its survival may be illustrated here by the song “Tan buen ganadico’ as transcribed by Juan del Encina (Ex. 13b). 38 It canalso be foundin CSM22 3—alternative interpretations of the notation leading, in my view, to unsatisfactory results (Ex. 13¢). (a) f S- cal - vi cal - vi et e Cal- vi vi a-ra - vi Tan buen ga-na - di- co, y més en tal ee ee, © u-de de- -do-loscoi'- ta - dos que que-ren sa -16 Manuet Pepro Ferrera Ex. 14 CSM 339 Ca a-cor - re en coit?’ e€ en pe - sar This last case may not be the only one. It happens, on the one hand, that some melodies (Prologue, CSM 10 and 105) or isolated phrases (cf. CSM 38, 41) in the Cantigas de Santa Maria are notated in such a way that both the five-beat and the six-beat transcriptions are possible. On the other hand, CSM 339 has a phrase which is clearly reminiscent, from both a melic and a rhythmic point of view, of the Ibero-Arab song quoted by Salinas (Ex. 14); its notation indicates the third rhythmic mode, which implies a six-beat metre instead of a five- beat one; this suggests that the use of the third rhythmic mode could, in some cases, be seen as a rhythmic variant based on the ‘Light- Ramal’ metre, or indicate a notational adaptation of an original five- beat pattern. Although the presence of the five-beat metre in the Cantigas cannot be proven with absolute certainty due to its notational ambiguity, the important presence in this repertory of Andalusian forms and Arabic rhythmic features makes it historically plausible, and helps to explain the relatively generous use of the third rhythmic mode by Alfonso’s collaborators. From this point of view, the preponderance of the second rhythmic mode over the first in the Cantigas, especially in the Toledo MS, could also derive from the coincidence between, on the one hand the French second mode, and on the other the fundamental form of the Arab ‘Light-Ramal’ metre. In short, although Anglés rightly identified a strong French flavour in the Marian Cantigas, Ribera was also justified in pointing out its debt towards Al-Andalus. To these important influences one could add those of liturgical music, the troubadours and the Galician-Portu- guese love song. We have to conclude that this extraordinary Marian collection juxtaposes and combines a number of musical styles which we are just beginning to identify. Notes to Chapter 2 1 Julién Ribera, La milsica de las Cantigas: estudio sobre su origen y naturaleza, con reproductiones fotogrdficas del texto y transcripcién moderna (Madrid: Real AcademiaANDALUSIAN Music AND THE CANTIGAS 17 Espafiola, 1922), meant as a companion volume to Cantigas de Santa Maria de Don Alfonso el Sabio, ed. Leopoldo del Cueto, Marqués de Valmar (Madrid: Real Academia Espaiiola, 1889), iii. 2. Higinio Anglés, La musica de las Cantigas de Santa Maria det Rey Alfonso et Sabio, 3 vols. (Barcelona: Biblioteca Central, 1964, 1943, 1958). The last-published volume is a facsimile edition of MS E. 3. Ribera, p. 117: ‘siendo todas las melodias de las Cantigas destinadas a ejecucién por varias voces y por orquestra numerosa’. 4. For a historical summary, see Manuel Pedro Ferreira, ‘Rondeau and Virelai: Notes on the Music of Al-Andalus’, Plainsong and Medieval Music, forthcoming. Vicente Beltran, ‘De zéjeles y dansas: origenes y formacién de la estrofa con vuelta’, Revista de Filologia Espafiola 64 (1984), 239-66; David Wulstan, ‘The Muwashshah and’ Zagal Revisited’, Journal of the American Oriental Society 102 (1982), 247-64. . Benjamin M. Liu and James T. Monroe, Ten Hispano-Arabic Strophic Songs in the Modern Oral Tradition: Music and Texts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). Leo J. Plenckers, ‘Les Rapports entre le muwashshah algérien et le virelai du moyen Age’, The Challenge of the Middle East: Middle Eastern Studies at the University of Amsterdam, ed. 1. A. El-Sheikh, C. A. Van de Koppel and R. Peters (Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam, 1982), 91-111; Jozef M. Pacholezyk, ‘The Relationship between the Nawba of Morocco and the Music of the Troubadours and Trouvéres’, The World of Music 25 (1983), 5-16; id., “Rapporti fra le forme musicali della nawba andalusa dell’ Africa settentrionale e le forme codificate della musica medievale europea’, Culture musicali: quaderni di etno- musicologia 3.5—6 (1984), 19-42. To the data presented in these articles some more analytical information was added, based on Moroccan sources. . Lois Ibsen al Farugi, ‘Muwashshah: a Vocal Form in Islamic Culture’, Ethno- musicology 19 (1975), 1-29. 9. Ferreira, ‘Rondeau and Virela’’. 10. According to the traditional view, the former derives from the latter, but the reverse seems now to be more likely: Wulstan, ‘The Muwashshah’; Samuel C. Armistead and James T. Monroe, ‘Beached Whales and Roaring Mice: Additional Remarks on Hispano-Arabic Strophic Poetry’, La Corbnica 13 (1985), 206-42. 11. Willi Apel, ‘Rondeaux, Virelais, and Ballades in French 13th-Century Song’, Journal of the American Musicological Society 7 (1954), 121-30. 12. This calculation is based on the tables published by Anglés, La musica, iti/1* Parte, PP- 397—400. 13. Friedrich Gennrich, Grundriss einer Formenlehre des mittelalterlichen Liedes als Grundlage einer musikalischen Formenlehre des Liedes (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1932), 67-8. 14. Hendrik van der Werf, ‘Accentuation and Duration in the Music of the Cantigas de Santa Maria’, Studies on the ‘Cantigas de Santa Maria’: Art, Music, and Poetry, ed. Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller (Madison: The Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1987), 223-34. 15. Most of the originals which underlay the final compilation of the Cantigas (i.e. between 250 and 300 pieces) were written before 1280. The collection is ” a a °°18 16. 17- 18. 19. 20. 2 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. Manuet Pepro Ferreira presumed to have been completed or nearly so by the time Alfonso died (1284). On the dating of the manuscripts, see Manuel Pedro Ferreira, ‘The Stemma of the Marian Cantigas: Philological and Musical Evidence’, Bulletin of the Cantigueiros de Santa Maria 6 (1994), 58-98. I have dealt with this problem elsewhere: Manuel Pedro Ferreira, O som de Marlin Codax: sobre a dimensio musical da lirica galego-portuguesa (séaulos XIE-XIV) 7 The Sound of Martin Codax: On the Musical Dimension of the Galician-Portuguese Lyric (XIEXIV Centuries) (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional—Casa da Moeda, 1986); id., “Bases for Transcription: Gregorian Chant and the Notation of the Cantigas de Santa Maria’, Los instrumentos del Pértico de la Gloria: su reconstruccién y la musica de su tiempo, coord. José Lopez-Calo (La Corufia: Fundacién Pedro Barrié de la Maza, 1993), ii. 573-621. Baron Rodolphe d’Erlanger, La Musique arabe (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1959), vi. 1, 4. George Dimitri Sawa, Music Performance Practice in the Early Abbasid Era, 132-320 AH / 750-932 AD (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1989), 16. D’Erlanger, 7. Sawa, 46, $4. . Liu and Monroe, 82. In Anglés’s edition, this song is the second in the second Appendix [FJC 2]; its form belongs to the ‘Andalusian rondeau’ type. This is true of the version recorded in the Escorial codices E and T, not of the version in To. D’Erlanger, 148. Sawa, ‘First-Heavy’ cycles nos 11+3 and 11+9. This variant is arrived at by adding an attack for continuity, doubling this attack, and dropping out the first articulation. Liu and Monroe, 82. 28. Juan del Encina, Poesia Lirica y Cancionero Musical, ed. R. O. Jones and Carolyn 29. 30. 3k. 32. 33- 34- 35- R. Lee (Madrid: Castalia, 1972). The Cancionero de Palacio shows a few striking continuities with the CSM: for instance, the rhythmic pattern minim-crotchet, minim-crotchet, crotchet- minim, minim-crotchet (or dotted minim), which ofter recurs in this repertory, can already be found in at least ten CSM (34, 46, 104, 199, 232, 295=388, 300, 328, 345 and 398). CSM 1, 26, 37, 47, 51, 61, 88, 89, 101, 109, 112, 116, 118, 158, 193, 353 and 393. See also CSM 100, 315 and 352. CSM 118 and 393. The double vertical line may also be used at the end of a musical phrase or piece, with no apparent rhythmical consequences (see CSM 123, 159, 160, 341, 386 and 394). The Cantigas 88 and 116 use a long with a double vertical bar to mean either long plus brevis, when followed by a brevis, or double long, when followed by a long (in CSM 88, the Toledo MS makes it clear that in the latter case the augmentation applies to a three-tempora long). See CSM 1, 47, 51, 89, 116 and 393. CSM 37, 47, 193 and 353. D’Erlanger, 53. . Liu and Monroe, songs I, IMI, V (occasionally in other compositions).ANDALUSIAN MUSIC AND THE CANTIGAS 19 37. Francisco Salinas, De musica libri septem (Salamanca, 1577). It is the song Calvi vi calvi / Calvi aravi (‘My heart is in [another] heart / [because] my heart is arabic’), quoted by Gil Vicente in both the Comédia de Rubena and the Tragicomedia de Don Duardos; see Emilio Garcia Gémez, ‘La cancién famosa Calvi vi calvi / Calvi aravi’, Al-Andalus 21 (1956), I-18, 215-16, and Juan José Rey, Danzas cantadas en el Renacimiento espaftol (Madrid: Sociedad Espaiiola de Musicologia, 1978), 25-6. Salinas’s musical quotation was wrongly transcribed (in 6/8) by Anglés, La musica, iii/2* Parte, p. 440. 38. Juan del Encina, Poesia Lirica, pp. 45, 294, 354; see also the commentary by Manuel Pedro Ferreira, in Cancioneiro da Biblioteca Horténsia de Elvas (Lisbon: Instituto Portugués do Patriménio Cultural, 1989), pp. ix-x. On quintuple-time Spanish songs from the Renaissance, see Marius Schneider, ‘Studien zur Rhythmik im Cancionero de Palacio’, Miscelanea en homenaje a Monsefior Higinio Anglés (Barcelona: CSIC, 1958-61), ii. 833-41, and Rey, Danzas cantadas, 30-3.Cobras e Son Papers on the Text, Music and Manuscripts of the ‘Cantigas de Santa Maria’ EDITED BY STEPHEN PARKINSON LEGENDA European Humanities Research Centre University of Oxford Modern Humanities Research Association 2000