As of March 1848, then, had Lyon and France installed the social move-ment as a regular vehicle of popular politics?

The question turns out to be both interesting and controversial. We must look dosely at 1848 to determine whether the
combination ofcampaign, repertoire, and WUNC displays had become readily available to a wide range of claimants.
The best answer is: yes, but only tempo-rarily. (39)

At least among Lyon's silk workers, demonstrations had already laid down a signifi-cant political history before the
revolution of 1848.

Soon women's groups, political clubs, veterans of Napoleonic armies, school children, workers from the national
workshops set up to combat unemployment, and strikers who actually had jobs were demonstrating in Lyon.
Most of them demonstrated in displays of solidarity with the new regime combined with statements of particular
demands. They made program, identity, and standng claims, insisting that their participants and the people they
represented had the right to public voice. (40)

the demonstration had become a normal form of urban political life, and a significant element in political life at
large; even though the organization of a march depended on official permission, by then the authorities knew
that it would be more dangerous to forbid than to authorizeand that barring accidents it would occur peacefully.
(41)

formation of spe-cial-purpose associations and coalitions, organization of claim-making public meetings,

multiplication of WUNC displays, packaging of these and other ele-ments into sustained public campaigns. With
these qualifications, we can date France's establishment of social movements as widely available forms of
politics during the nineteenth century's final decades. 41