Indonesian Experience, a Living Laboratory of Pluralism

Attack on Ahmadiyah groups in Cikeusik, Pandeglang (West Java) and sectarian violence in
Temanggung (Central Java) in early February 2011 open again discourse on pluralism, the basic
ideological of Indonesian state, Pancasila. In a decade, after Suharto’s fall, not only democratization
wave swept this largest country in Southeast Asia, also evoked the marginalized groups and local
ethnicity. There is sectarian violence in Maluku, Poso (Central Sulawesi) and Sampit (Central
Kalimantan), parallel with terror group actions attacking churches and foreigner club in Bali, hotels
and Australian embassy in Jakarta. There are also radical Islamist groups, grew from militia backed
by military officers who oppose pro-democracy movements in 1998, try to implement its own Sharia
law by raid night clubs and prostitution places, also attack American franchise magazine identical
with pornography industry. In legal form, many local governments issued local regulation
implementing Sharia. Even in Aceh province, central government give concession to ex-rebellion
combatant who then rule as governor with local Sharia called Qanun Aceh.
Side by side with Islamist trends, there is also ethnical awakening championed by
decentralization after 32 years of Jakarta’s tight control. For three decades, central bureaucracy and
military and police officers benefited from natural resources exploitation especially in Outer Java.
With new autonomy law, local governments enjoy sharing on state revenue of oil, gas and mineral
exploitation. Weaker control of central government and euphoria of local democracy make conflict
between actors in government itself, between the bureaucracy, parliament, military and police, and
also political parties. To legitimize its power, elements in local government usually build and support
indigenous group’s culture, revitalize cultural organization, sometimes with its own militias. Even in
Greater Jakarta, the marginalized Betawi ethnic organized themselves, with support from Jakarta’s
administration, build many checkpoints to collect “illegal tax” from business sectors. Clashes
between Betawi organizations occur anywhere to control its territory in underground world. The
government virtually favors the Betawi culture and also support the Betawi thug gang covered by
local culture.
Apart from state or state-backed organizations, people are suppressed by neoliberal policies
and deficit of public sphere, lost its support from “nationalistic” and “populist” policy run by
Suharto’s administration to prevent popular protest. Suharto’s New Order planning on development
now evaporate, the state agency on planning degenerate as only a think tank without serious
implementation by the ruling elite in the state. The elite factions, who previously unite in the Golkar
party, Suharto’s political machine, are now fragmented in political parties competing to win
presidential race. No control, no planning, everyone try to safe its own interest, in liberal democracy
and neoliberal economy. The marginalized groups try to exert its own power, face to face with other
marginalized groups. Clashes occur between ethnics or intra-ethnics, between religion or intra-
religion, between conservative clerics with LGBT groups or small leftist intellectual groups, linked
them with the dead communist party in Sukarno’s era, the PKI.
Indonesian people have valuable experience since post-dictatorship of Suharto. The elder
generation perhaps still nostalgic for the regularity rhythm of the New Order era, but they look it as
a point of no return. The daily urgent needs, handed over to private companies and market
competition, push them to struggle for themselves. People have experience press freedom, right to
organize and union, mobilize mass to protest the government policy. They also experience bloody
conflict between ethnic, between religion and sect, large scale natural disaster like tsunami in Aceh
and Merapi eruption in Yogyakarta, and the peace process between Aceh separatist with Jakarta.
Though there are no smooth paths to democratic and welfare, Indonesian people, with its long
experience since National Awakening and Independence Revolution, have great potential to be a
leader to revolutionize the process, and spread it to the Southeast Asia and the world. Depend on
popular support and committed government, Indonesia can play role in disarray international
political landscape, with the West challenged by other growing countries like China, India and Brazil.
The diverse and democratic Indonesia can play significant in the new world race.