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PembunuhanPembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia

PembunuhanPembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia

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Published by: bunjur on Nov 09, 2011
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Pembunuhan-Pembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia!

Anti Communist Massacres
Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66.

One regular writer for Indonesiamatters.com (Ross) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia, a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. The article succeeded in provoking much debate, but sadly, some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are.

The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Parallel to this, transition of power also occurred. Sukarno, who reigned in the country for more than twenty years, was replaced by Suharto, an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years.

Official Accounts
During the Suharto period, the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums, films and school history textbooks. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country.

Despite these problems, some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo, Iwan Sudjatmiko, Clifford Geertz, Geoffrey Robinson, Harold Crouch, and John Roosa. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence.

Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict
Sulistyo, Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD), which launched its report a year after the coup took place, suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. [1] Likewise, twenty years later, the Indonesian State Secretary used the term, “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. [2]

Military-State Sponsored Violence
A differing view is put forward by another historian, Hilmar Farid, who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging, because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. [3]

Early Military Role
There are important factors that should be taken into account, if we want to look at the military role in the killings. Firstly, the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha, which were owned by the Army. [4] By closing down media outlets, it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. Moreover, the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms, grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. Secondly, Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. In conjunction with the military campaign, KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to “crush the PKI down its roots.”

Secret Cable Message
There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965, the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. In Central Java, Army (RPKAD) is training Moslem Youth [probably either Banser or HMI] and supplying them with weapons and will keep them out in front against the PKI. Army will try to avoid as much it can safely do so, direct confrontation with the PKI “¦ Army is letting groups other than Army discredit them [the PKI] and demand their punishment. [5]

Having said this, it can be argued that the training was inextricably linked to the campaign programme and the strategy of avoiding direct confrontation with the PKI.

The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. For example, the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali, the PNI and the PKI, it did not culminate in the bloodshed. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta, the anti-communist camp held more sway. [6]

Central Java
In Central Java, the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. A witness, Suparno, recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati, before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. The operations were then carried out in the next days. [7] With the support from civilian militias, the operations were done easily. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings.

Rivers of Blood
As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java, turned to red during the horrific months. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. However, the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. As if they liked to say through the river: communists should end up like this!

Associate Organisations
Noteworthy, not all of victims were actually communists. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions, unlike Pemuda Rakyat, which was officially the youth wing of the party. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party, Masyumi, but was arrested. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority.

The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. Some commentators

The Future Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. a woman who was arrested. Anti Komunis Massacres January 25th.suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. in Opinion . [10] For female prisoners. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. Misunderstandings / Kesalahpahaman One regular writer for Indonesiamatters. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. di Opini. a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order.com (Samarinda) diajukan artikelnya pada komunisme dan Genosida di Indonesia. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. they were also subject to sexual harassments.com ( Ross ) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia . beside tortures. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. Biasa satu penulis untuk Indonesiamatters. [9] In Kediri. however. 2008. Nona. and resulted in a greater number of victims. Zakaria. oleh Penulis Tamu Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. Penulis Tamu memuntahkan Semua ini menulis tentang sifat yang antikomunis massacres dari 1965-66. But following the downfall of Suharto. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. by Guest Writer 25 Januari 2008. but . this similar method of killings also took place. admitted that after August 1966. The article succeeded in provoking much debate. the unsolved biggest question is not “whodunit” but “can it happen again?” [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. a leader of youth organisation. untuk suatu tindakan balasan oleh Julia Suryakusumah di Indonesia bahasa Inggris-koran Jakarta Post.

Setiap alternatif interpretasi adalah anathema di Indonesia selama rezim Soeharto. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. beberapa dari diskusi masih mencerminkan bagaimana disalahfaham yang buruk dari pembunuhan 1965/66 adalah. Penjara dan sanksi lain akan memperhatikan Menyoal Orde Baru versi sejarah. Anggota yang komunis dan mereka dan partisans buruan yang dibunuh oleh mereka gruesomely sesama Indonesia dengan dukungan dari militer. film dan buku sejarah sekolah. Walaupun masalah ini. Pembunuhan yang terjadi setelah gagal membalikkan upaya dilakukan oleh beberapa pejabat militer dan beberapa anggota Partai Komunis. some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are. Parallel to this. Research / Penelitian Despite these problems. Jauh lebih buruk daripada yang Orde Baru's keterwakilan yang melihat peristiwa berdarah itu hanya sebagai konflik horisontal antara massa PKI dan pahit saingan mereka. some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. tetapi kurang sehat. Massacres 1965 yang telah menjadi teka-teki terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia. yang memerintah di negara untuk lebih dari dua puluh tahun. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. Artikel berhasil membuat banyak perdebatan. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. and John Roosa.sadly. Geoffrey Robinson. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Sejarah resmi hanya menyoroti tindakan heroik dari tentara Indonesia yang berhasil dilumatkan komunisme di Indonesia. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums. an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years. Harold Crouch. beberapa . an army umum yang kemudian kepala Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun. transition of power also occurred. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country. transisi kekuasaan juga terjadi. History / Sejarah The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. Ini adalah kebenaran dibangun perpetuated lebih lanjut melalui enactments di berbagai museum. films and school history textbooks. kisah dari massacres nampaknya akan lupa. diganti oleh Suharto. Sejajar dengan ini. Official Accounts / Resmi Account During the Suharto period. Sukarno. Buku-buku yang ditulis oleh cendekiawan telah diblokir dan penulis telah menolak untuk memasuki negara. who reigned in the country for more than twenty years. Sukarno. Iwan Sudjatmiko. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. was replaced by Suharto . Selama periode Suharto. the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Clifford Geertz.

[2] Military-State Sponsored Violence / Militer-negara yang disponsori kekerasan A differing view is put forward by another historian. Sudjatmiko dan Geertz adalah pendukung dari "horisontal teori". [4] By closing down media outlets. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. Selain itu. militer publikasi juga melaporkan . Iwan Sudjatmiko. [3] Sebuah tampilan yang berbeda diletakkan maju lain oleh sejarawan. Ada faktor penting yang harus diperhatikan. Hilmar Farid. Harold Crouch. yang meluncurkan laporan setelah satu tahun pemerintahan berlangsung. Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict / Konflik horizontal-spontan Sulistyo.cendekiawan berhasil melakukan penelitian tentang apa yang terjadi di tahun 1965 termasuk Hermawan Sulistyo. the Indonesian State Secretary used the term. yang mengemukakan bahwa tugas disputing pandangan ini tidak terlalu layan menantang. Geoffrey Robinson. the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha. Sulistyo. Tidak semua beasiswa tersebut setuju dengan ide bahwa pembunuhan yang disponsori negara-kekerasan. twenty years later. Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD). militer's tindakan segera untuk mengontrol media dengan penutupan semua media kecuali Angkatan Bersenjata dan Berita Yudha. yang dimiliki oleh Angkatan Darat. [1] Likewise. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence. Sekretaris Negara Indonesia istilah yang digunakan. because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. Moreover. [2] Angkatan darat Information Center (PUSPENAD). jika kita ingin melihat peran militer dalam pembunuhan. mengemukakan bahwa massa marah tidak dapat dikontrol. ini memungkinkan mereka untuk membuat takut melalui propaganda dan yg siap untuk dimakan kisah PKI sebagai jahat utama dalam pembunuhan dari tujuh Umum tersebar dengan mudah. it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. karena ribut bukti dapat mengungkapkan keterlibatan aparat negara. dua puluh tahun kemudian. Sepertinya tidak ada perbedaan antara mereka dan kesimpulan versi resmi diluncurkan oleh pemerintah Indonesia. "spontan massa tindakan terhadap PKI "untuk menjelaskan kekejaman dari acara. Pertama. Clifford Geertz. “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. which launched its report a year after the coup took place. the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms. [1] Demikian pula. suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. [4] Dengan penutupan outlet media. which were owned by the Army. Hilmar Farid. who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging. [3] Early Military Role / Peran militer awal There are important factors that should be taken into account. if we want to look at the military role in the killings. grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. Firstly. dan John Roosa.

Kedua. Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. grenades dan dokumen yang mengungkapkan rencana tindakan. yang PNI dan PKI. the PNI and the PKI. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. tidak berujung pada darah. penahanan dan pembunuhan berlangsung tidak lama setelah kedatangan RPKAD (Indonesia Angkatan Khusus) dipimpin oleh Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. Misalnya. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali.bahwa operasi militer untuk menyingkirkan komunisme di luar wilayah Indonesia telah berhasil dalam perebutan api. Dukungan dari militer yang signifikan seperti di beberapa daerah jumlah anggota PKI dan lawan nampaknya akan di par. the anti-communist camp held more sway. the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. Meskipun heightened ketegangan antara dua golongan dominan di Bali. Secondly. Menurut sebuah kabel dikirim oleh kedutaan Amerika Serikat di Jakarta untuk Negara Departemen pada bulan November 1965. . Suharto diangkat ke kepala Komandan Operasi untuk Pembangunan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Pangkokamtib) dan mulai kampanye yang efektif terhadap PKI. Ada juga melaporkan bahwa militer telah terlibat dalam pelatihan dari organisasi pemuda. Di Jawa Tengah. [6] Dengan kedatangan ekspedisi dari Jakarta. Pasukan yang tiba di Semarang pada tanggal 18 Oktober 1965 dan kemudian fanned ke kota-kota lain. the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. [6] Central Java Jawa Tengah In Central Java. Bali The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. Hal ini jelas akan membuat orang di bawah kesan bahwa PKI telah siap untuk memulai minggu. In conjunction with the military campaign. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta." Secret Cable Message / Rahasia Kabel Pesan There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. pembunuhan di Bali tidak berlangsung sampai pertengahan Desember 1965. the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965.” "Crush PKI bawah akarnya. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. For example. anti-komunis kamp diselenggarakan lebih lenggok. KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to Dalam kaitannya dengan kampanye militer. KAP Gestapu (Front Aksi untuk Crush yang ketigapuluh September Gerakan) telah dibentuk oleh sebuah aliansi anti-Komunis dan organisasi wartawan dan keseluruhan kampanye ini bertujuan untuk “crush the PKI down its roots. it did not culminate in the bloodshed. Indonesia Angkatan Darat akan mencoba untuk menghindari konfrontasi langsung dengan PKI.

Operasi ini kemudian dilakukan pada hari berikutnya. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati. tidak seperti Pemuda Rakyat. Militer dan truk yang disediakan milisia membantu dengan informasi atau bahkan ikut serta dalam pembunuhan. tetapi telah ditangkap. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. . turned to red during the horrific months.A witness. Masyumi. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party. Sungai yang mungkin "favorit" tempat bagi orang untuk dump badan. As if they liked to say through the river: Karena jika mereka suka mengatakan melalui sungai: communists should end up like this! komunis harus berakhir seperti ini! Associate Organisations / Associate Organisasi Noteworthy. badan apung di sungai mungkin berisi pesan yang ampuh untuk Indonesia. operasi yang dilakukan dengan mudah. before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. sebelum berhenti di balai kota dan menyampaikan pidato pada apa yang telah terjadi di Jakarta. Bahkan Gerwani dan serikat pekerja tidak resmi bagian dari Partai Komunis. tetapi mereka tidak mayoritas. not all of victims were actually communists. Suparno. Orang Cina di antara para korban. Seperti banyak yang memiliki warna mendengar dari Sungai Brantas di Jawa Timur. [7] Dengan dukungan dari milisia sipil. Satu club mengakui bahwa dia adalah seorang anggota dari sebuah partai Islam. the operations were done easily. unlike Pemuda Rakyat. Dia diingat bahwa pasukan paraded di kota Pati. Rivers of Blood / Sungai dari Darah As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. menjadi merah selama bulan menyeramkan. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions. Sebabnya mungkin praktis seperti saat ini akan mengambil badan jauh. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. Masyumi. tidak semua korban yang sebetulnya komunis. which was officially the youth wing of the party. The operations were then carried out in the next days. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. yang secara resmi sayap pemuda dari partai. [8] Ini adalah pengkhianatan di belakang tuduhan palsu ini. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings. Penting. However. Namun. Organisasi ini bekerja sama dengan PKI pada beberapa kesempatan. but was arrested. Suparno. [7] With the support from civilian militias. mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelum dia dituduh perencanaan untuk menggulingkan kepala daerah dan ditangkap dan dipenjarakan untuk dekade. Seorang saksi. recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades.

however. and resulted in a greater number of victims. beside tortures. namun. metode ini serupa juga terjadi pembunuhan. mengakui bahwa setelah Agustus 1966. they were also subject to sexual harassments. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. yang dilakukan interrogations narapidana di Lombok. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. pertanyaan yang belum terjawab terbesar adalah tidak “whodunit” "Cerita detektif" but tetapi . Zakaria. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. Untuk tiga dekade ini horor tetap tak terhingga. [10] Di Kediri. Some commentators suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. But following the downfall of Suharto. dipaksa melakukan hubungan seks dengan aparat militer dan kemudian menjadi hamil dan melahirkan bayinya di kamp. Untuk tahanan perempuan. Beberapa komentator mengemukakan bahwa jumlah kapel shrank di beberapa daerah. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. a woman who was arrested. seorang wanita yang telah ditangkap. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. Tetapi setelah kejatuhan Suharto. mereka juga tunduk pada pelecehan seksual. seorang pemimpin organisasi pemuda. banyak cerita dari massacres mulai muncul. this similar method of killings also took place. a leader of youth organisation. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. walaupun di bawah nama yang berbeda Operasi Teratur atau diatur Operasi. Ini nasib korban dalam penjara tidak lebih baik dari orang-orang yang ringkasnya dilaksanakan. [9] In Kediri. [10] For female prisoners. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. Diskusi tentang apa yang terjadi pada 1965 masih terpusat pada otak dari pemerintahan. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. Penyiksaan dan pembunuhan bisa terjadi bahkan dalam penjara. [11] Nona. [9] Zakaria. jumlah narapidana komunis telah menurun. Korban yang dilepaskan dari penjara wrote mereka memberikan riwayat account mereka pada saat yang penting dalam sejarah Indonesia. The Future / Masa Depan Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. admitted that after August 1966. dan menghasilkan lebih banyak korban. selain Penyiksaan. Jebakan yang selama ini-perhatian pada otak dapat mengakibatkan anggap sebagai pembunuhan yang terpisah dari pembentukan Orde Baru. Nona. the unsolved biggest question is not Seperti Robert Cribb almarhumi dalam artikelnya.Imprisonment / Penjara The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok.

hospitable. Labelling them looters instead of victims will impact on how big was the state’s responsibility for the dead people. Looters can be equated with criminals and with their deaths. and barbaric acts. the riots may have confirmed the wide representation of Indonesian people as having an amok culture. looters emerged as a product of discourse on representation of poor people in Indonesia. media and political and social analysts reflect on what has happened and has been happening since Suharto was ousted. Having said this. It has been a decade since Reformasi (reform) movement took place in Indonesia that succeeded in forcing Suharto to step down. The riots shocked the international community and may have changed their views on the Indonesian people. The government. violent. Since reform is the grand theme. Quoting the government. in Opinion. May 1998 Jakarta Riots May 16th. Although many topics can be written regarding reformasi in Indonesia only democracy and political reforms are arguably having much more attention than other issues. The friendly. and inclusive attitude can suddenly turn into vicious. Not long after the riots which took place in Solo. Labelling them looters also denies the history of well-being of the poor in Indonesia. these reflections therefore highlight the progress of reform in Indonesia. According to a report released by Jakarta based non-governmental organisation.“can it happen again?” [12] "Bisa terjadi lagi?" [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. The majority of the dead were those who were trapped in the burning shopping centres. Adalah penting untuk Indonesia untuk memikirkan pertanyaan yang nanti jika mereka ingin membangun Indonesia yang lebih demokratis di masa depan. people bewildered with his smile: how can he smile after killing innocent people? There seems no other alternative to explain this perplexing phenomenon but put it into a cultural category box called amok. and Surabaya. labelled them looters. media outlets played an important role in perpetuating the representation of people who were burnt to death in malls. When one of the Bali Bombing perpetrators Amrozi had his picture taken in foreign media. Jakarta. the state should not be responsible for dealing with criminals. anti-Chinese sentiment. These “looters” are victims of structural violence stemming from unfair economic development. To some extent. 2008. Indonesians were shocked to know that many people were burnt to death in malls and shopping centres. Every year after the movement. I would like to shift the focus away from political reforms and democracy and reflect on the riots that took place in Indonesia. . and how the rioters came to be judged. In their headlines. the total death toll was about 1200 people [1]. however. Medan. Volunteer Team for Humanity. by Guest Writer Spew looks back on the May 1998 riots and the issues of mass rapes.

In other words. When the riots took place. . the anti-Chinese sentiments were played up in order to represent the violence as something natural which stemmed from the tension between pribumi and non-pribumi. anti-Chinese sentiment was played up at that time. [3] Similarly. In fact. contested the data provided by TRuK and asked for concrete proof regarding the mass rape. Roesmanhadi the Chief of the Indonesian Police contended that the failure of providing “concrete data” meant that NGOs could be charged with disseminating lies. these urban poor were dead when they would like to loot things from Chinese stores. the Indonesian Minister of Women’s Affair Tutty Alawiyah. in doing so we should not be differentiating them based on racial lines as this will only perpetuate the New Order logic. Volunteer Team for Humanity (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-TRuK) that brought up the issue about the rapes. It was Jakarta based NGO. for instance. Indeed. this commission finally completed its report and suggested that the riot was a result of political tension at elite level and worsening economic condition. did not draw a conclusion that mass rapes were systematic violence but only confirmed that such acts happened simultaneously with the riot and that among those rapes were some that were carried out with particular purposes. AntiChinese sentiments. According to their report. Yet. this appalling news did not immediately receive sympathetic gestures.What made the riot gaining more attention. The stories of rapes appeared publicly not long after the news of more than a thousand deaths in malls emerged. was the rape of the Indonesian Chinese. hundreds of Chinese women were gangraped. Although working within a strict time constraint. in this respect were constructed in order to lay foundation of what constituted Indonesia or pribumi. “anti-Chinese” became a lexicon that is often used to understand the riots. During that time. however. The report. however. the existence of victims who died in shopping malls and Chinese victims could help us to deconstruct the representations of May 1998 violence. [5] The raging debate over the mass rapes seemed to impact on the representation of the riots. [4] Responding to the furore over mass rapes as well as international pressure to deal with these rapes the Indonesian government formed a joint fact finding commission (Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) in which government and NGO were expected to work together to solve this puzzle. In response to the rapes issue. But one should bear in mind that political marginalisation towards Chinese people throughout Indonesian history may have contributed to Indonesian peoples’ understanding of their identities. doubts were voiced publicly as to whether the rapes indeed had taken place. As one crucial element to understand violence are the victims. discourse on rapes submerged the other gloomy stories such as those who were burnt to death in the shopping centres. And the rapes were merely manifestation of frustration derived from imbalance economic status between Chinese and non-Chinese. [2] Yet. What we should look at regarding the May violence is that race can be a powerful discourse in producing the knowledge of that violence. Only radical understanding of victims of May Riots which weighs much on the interrogation of dominant discourse may lead to a better comprehension on what happened in those three days of atrocities. Once the stories of rapes unfolded.

Gender & History. outlet media memainkan peranan penting dalam memperkekalkan dengan perwakilan dari orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di mal. dan termasuk sikap dapat tiba-tiba menjadi ganas. Sudah satu dekade sejak reformasi (reformasi) gerakan terjadi di Indonesia yang berhasil memaksa Suharto turun.com/tgpf/bab4. pp. ‘Laporan Akhir’. Ketika salah satu dari pelaku ledakan bomb di Bali Amrozi telah diambil itu gambar di media asing.3 November 2004.html. Vol. looters muncul . Kerusuhan Jakarta Mei 1998 16 Mei 2008. 4. Tidak lama setelah kerusuhan yang terjadi di Solo.16 No. Untuk beberapa hal. Meskipun banyak topik dapat ditulis mengenai Reformasi di Indonesia hanya demokrasi dan reformasi politik adalah Rasulullah memiliki lebih banyak perhatian dari isu-isu lain. See. saya ingin menggeser fokus dari reformasi politik dan demokrasi dan mencerminkan pada kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. * ↑4 Ibid. media dan analis sosial politik dan mencerminkan pada apa yang telah terjadi dan telah terjadi sejak Suharto telah ousted. dan Surabaya. * ↑5 TGPF. ‘Problematizing the Place of Victims in Reformasi Indonesia: A Contested Truth about The May 1998 Violence’. 605-622. available from: http://semanggipeduli. 2002). Sejak reformasi adalah grand tema. Yang ramah. available from: http://www. [Accessed at 8 May 2008] * ↑2 Human Rights Watch. For more discussion on TGPF. 23 Oktober 1998.htm. 689–725. 1 September 1999. No.hrw. Setiap tahun setelah pergerakan.org/reports98/indonesia3/rapes. Kerusuhan kaget masyarakat internasional dan mungkin telah berubah pandangan mereka terhadap masyarakat Indonesia. Indonesia: The Damaging Debate on Rapes of Ethnic Chinese Women. Dalam utama mereka. [Accessed at 10 May 2008]. di Opini. (Jul-Aug. * ↑3 Karen Strassler. Indonesia yang terkejut mengetahui bahwa banyak orang mati dibakar di mal dan pusat perbelanjaan. dan tindakan biadab. namun. Jemma Purdey provides an excellent account on the dynamic within the fact finding commission.* ↑1 Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). label mereka looters. dan bagaimana rioters datang untuk dinilai. maka ini tercatat menyorot kemajuan reformasi di Indonesia. kekerasan. Pemerintah. Asian Survey. kerusuhan Mei telah dikonfirmasi yang luas dari perwakilan masyarakat Indonesia yang memiliki budaya amuk. pp. Jakarta. ramah. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. 42. The Legacy of Violence in Indonesia. sentimen anti-Cina. Vol. Di bawah ini. “Gendered Visibilities and the Dream of Transparency: The Chinese-Indonesian Rape Debate in Post-Suharto Indonesia”. Jemma Purdey. Penawaran pemerintah. Jakarta. Medan. orang limbung dengan tersenyum: bagaimana dapat tersenyum setelah dia membunuh orang bersalah? Seolah-olah tidak ada alternatif lain untuk menjelaskan fenomena ini membingungkan tetapi memasukkannya ke dalam kotak yang disebut kategori budaya amuk. oleh Penulis Tamu Memuntahkan terlihat kembali pada Mei 1998 kerusuhan dan isu-isu massa perkosaan.

Tetapi kita harus ingat bahwa politik marginalisation terhadap orang Cina di seluruh Indonesia sejarah mungkin telah menyumbang kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk memahami identitas mereka. yang meragukan untuk menyampaikan kepada publik sebagai apakah kasus perkosaan memang telah terjadi. wacana pada kasus perkosaan yang terendam mendung cerita lain seperti orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di pusat perbelanjaan. Cerita-cerita perkosaan muncul publik tidak lama setelah berita lebih dari seribu kematian muncul di mal. Sebagian besar yang mati adalah orang-orang yang terperangkap dalam pembakaran pusat perbelanjaan. misalnya. Ianya Jakarta berbasis LSM. Looters dapat menyetarakan dengan kriminal dan dengan kematian mereka. [3] Demikian pula. tidak menarik kesimpulan bahwa massa perkosaan pada kekerasan sistematis tetapi hanya menyatakan bahwa perbuatan tersebut terjadi bersamaan dengan kerusuhan dan yang di antara mereka ada beberapa kasus perkosaan yang dilakukan dengan tujuan tertentu. Sesungguhnya. sentimen anti-Cina telah diputar di waktu itu. dalam hal ini sudah dibangun untuk meletakkan dasar apa yang pertama atau Pribumi Indonesia. Apa yang membuat kerusuhan mendapat lebih banyak perhatian. Walaupun bekerja dalam waktu yang sangat ketat kendala. Label looters mereka bukan korban akan berdampak pada seberapa besar negara adalah tanggung jawab untuk orang mati. namun. Bila terjadi kerusuhan. Indonesia Menteri Perempuan Affair Tutty Alawiyah. berita ini menggemparkan tidak segera menerima bersimpati gerak gerik. Selama masa itu. jumlah korban jiwa adalah sekitar 1200 orang [1]. Sentimen anti-Cina. Ini "looters" adalah korban kekerasan struktural berasal dari pembangunan ekonomi yang tidak adil. [5] Perdebatan yang hebat atas kasus perkosaan massa nampaknya terhadap perwakilan dari kerusuhan. [2] Namun. "anti-Cina" menjadi kosa kata yang sering digunakan untuk memahami kerusuhan. Bahkan. mengeluhkan data yang diberikan oleh Truk dan meminta bukti konkret mengenai perkosaan massa. Label looters mereka juga denies sejarah kesejahteraan masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. komisi ini akhirnya selesai laporan dan mengemukakan bahwa kerusuhan merupakan hasil dari ketegangan politik di tingkat elit serta kondisi ekonomi. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan. Setelah cerita dari kasus perkosaan yang terbuka. Menurut laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh Jakarta berbasis organisasi nonpemerintah. Roesmanhadi sebagai Kepala Polisi Indonesia contended bahwa kegagalan memberikan "beton data" dimaksudkan LSM yang dapat diisi dengan sosialisasi terletak. ratusan perempuan Cina gangraped.sebagai produk dari wacana perwakilan dari masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. [4] Menjawab kemarahan massa atas kasus perkosaan serta tekanan internasional untuk menangani kasus perkosaan ini dengan pemerintah Indonesia membentuk komisi bersama Pencari Fakta (Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) di mana pemerintah dan LSM tersebut diharapkan akan bekerja sama untuk menyelesaikan puzzle. adalah perkosaan dari Indonesia Cina. maka sentimen anti-Cina . Menanggapi masalah kasus perkosaan. Laporan Namun. Menurut laporan mereka. negara tidak harus bertanggung jawab untuk menangani kriminal. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-Truk) yang dinyalakan isu tentang perkosaan.

Dengan kata lain. Jemma Purdey menyediakan akun yang dinamis dalam Pencari Fakta komisi. Vol. Political Disappearance: A Neverending Story in Reformasi Regime “I was shocked when I heard that my son was arrested in 1998. Vol. 1 September 1999. kita tidak boleh membedakan mereka berdasarkan ras baris seperti ini hanya akan melanggengkan Orde Baru logika.html. No 4. (Juli-Agustus. keberadaan korban yang meninggal di mal dan Cina korban dapat membantu kami untuk gagas pernyataan kekerasan Mei 1998. tersedia dari: http://www.16 No. 2002). Jemma Purdey. Asian Survey. tersedia dari: http://semanggipeduli.3 November 2004. 2006. Namun. 42. * ↑ 1 Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). Political Disappearances May 19th. by Sarawut Pratoomraj Guest writer Sarawut Pratoomraj discusses cases of political disappearances in the last years of the Suharto regime. 'Problematizing di Tempat Korban Reformasi di Indonesia: mengeluhkan tentang kebenaran Mei 1998 Kekerasan'. [Diakses pada 10 Mei 2008]. Jakarta. * ↑ 5 TGPF. Indonesia: The Merusak Debat pada perkosaan dari Etnik Cina Perempuan. Apa kita harus melihat tentang kekerasan Mei adalah ras yang dapat menjadi wacana kuat dalam memproduksi pengetahuan yang kekerasan. "Jender dan Visibilities Dream of Transparansi: The IndonesiaCina Rape Debat di Post-Suharto Indonesia". Untuk diskusi lebih pada TGPF. 23 Oktober 1998. dalam melakukan hal ini. Legacy Kekerasan di Indonesia. 60. 689-725. * ↑ 4 Ibid. [Diakses pada 8 Mei 2008] * 2 ↑ Human Rights Watch.” . Sebagai salah satu elemen penting untuk memahami kekerasan adalah korban. I feel a little hope that he is still alive somewhere. Dan perkosaan pada hanya manifestasi dari kekecewaan yang berasal dari status ekonomi ketidakseimbangan antara Cina dan non-Cina.yang diputar dalam rangka untuk mewakili kekerasan sebagai sesuatu yang membatasi alam dari ketegangan antara Pribumi dan non-Pribumi. ini miskin perkotaan yang mati ketika mereka ingin menjarah sesuatu dari toko Cina. Jender & Sejarah. I searched for him everywhere but there was no information. 605-622.org/reports98/indonesia3/rapes.htm. Hanya radikal pemahaman korban Mei Riots Berat yang banyak di interogasi dari wacana dominan dapat mengakibatkan pemahaman yang lebih baik mengenai apa yang terjadi dalam tiga hari kerusuhan. in Opinion. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. Ini tentang penghilangan orang2 . Lihat. .hrw. father of Bimo Petrus.Pak Dionysius Utomo. * ↑ 3 Karen Strassler. 'Laporan Akhir'. pp. eight years ago. pp.com/tgpf/bab4.

He immediately joined his friend Munir at KontraS. I immediately went to the military station to ask for Yani Afri’s whereabouts. when the then President B. The government banned his organization by linking it to the Communist Party of Indonesia. chairperson of the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI).Mugiyanto. and told me to find his friend. He was an activist in 1998. In his mind were his friends and other people who were arrested at the same period but still missing.”ン . He immediately searched for him when he learned about his son’s case.“”¦a friend of my son came and told me that my son was arrested by the military in Tanjung Priok. act on the composition of the parliament. to bring his case to Europe and the Unites Nations. Other people still don’t know if their relatives are dead or alive. Dionysius was an administrative officer at Malang Central Mental Hospital. The officers said that he was released and no longer in their custody. act on mass organizations. Mugiyanto or Mugi. I went to look for his friends but they didn’t know. Mugi and many students worked underground. was a victim of human rights violation. Habibie was overthrown. I was taken somewhere. he thinks for a while and said with mournful eyes . He went to the government house and many military and police stations but found nothing. The officer said the same and showed me my son’s release paper”¦” . I returned to the military station crying. Only three political parties were allowed during the Soeharto regime.J. I was tortured and electrocuted. Mugi worked as correspondent with a Dutch television network in 2000-2001.Ibu Tuti Koto. 32. 68. mother of Yani Afri.two were in military uniform while most were in plainclothes. Chairperson of IKOHI. the Commission for Involuntary Disappearance and Victims of Violation. as many university students were at that time. Aside from knowing whether his son is dead or alive. I was afraid that I would be killed. when asked for other reasons. act on general elections. I am a lucky guy . and Dionysius Utomo’s son. I was psychologically shaken because those who arrested me weren’t police.I survived and not dead or disappeared like many friends. He decided to resign from his job and joined IKOHI. not the police station. and act on referendums. One of Mugi’s friends who disappeared in 31 March 1998 is Bimo Petrus. The activists demanded the change of the regime as it was against the Dual Function of the Armed Forces that supported Soeharto’s authoritarian regime. Above were testimonies of victims and relatives of victims of human rights violations who suffered under the crackdown of the Soeharto regime in 1997-1998. to campaign to abolish the five unjust acts issued by the Soeharto government namely: act on political parties. He was arrested by the military on 13 March 1998 and released three months later on 8 June 1998. a student from the Department of Philosophy at the Driyakara Jakarta University. an illegal political party accused of subversive acts. “About 10 people came into my room .

She asked every government agency but failed. Thai people also have short memory with what happened on 6 October 1976 or May 1992 were many disappeared. “”¦ after Soeharto. there were no compensation. When she heard about Kontras. The congress was attended by victims and families of human rights violations during the Soeharto regime from 1965 to1998. people participation in every level of administration.not to any single family”ン. Indonesia and Thailand are in the process of political reform and should learn from each other. died or wounded. The purposes of the Congress were to review the constitution. The crisis to oust Thaksin is the second stage of reform. There were about 80 participants from the west of Indonesia. While my son was still around. Indonesians try to forget what happened during the New Order period. The disappearance of lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit in 2004 or those who are still missing in southern most Thailand are also quiet. “I got assistance from KontraS but I cry every time I went there and saw the street singers. “The public is not interested with the victims of human rights violations now even when we are in the so-called “Reformasi”ン system. and no solution for the victims of human rights violations. We should do more for our justice. She met Munir who helped her to search for Yani in various military headquarters and government offices and had a personal dialogue with former President Abdurrahman Wahid and Armed Forces Chief Wiranto. Now. We urge for government commitment and political will for the victims and families”ン. I have the right to know. to the east. There are so many social crises in our country that human rights is not a priority. I hope that violations would stop now. I need to charge those who were involved in his disappearance. He liked to play guitar and sing for me. no response in any way. He was poor but he was an artist. activities. I always remember my son. The President has never set up any independent body to look into my case. and Papua. I have to bury him according to the Catholic custom. he would assist me financially by working as a driver while pursuing his studies. It held its 2nd Congress in Makassar. but it was hopeless. they have short memory”ン. If he is dead. and human rights protection system. The pains and cries of the families have no meaning. I need to know. I don’t have any regular source of income”¦”ン 1 IKOHI was established in 1998 by Munir and other human rights activists. but still with no results. every Indonesian government can’t resolve the issues of the families of the disappeared. her son Yani Afri disappeared on 26 July 1997.“I had a lot of hope in the government during the Reformasi. Political reform in Thailand started in late 1990s with the enforcement of the 1997 constitution that stated three main reforms: strengthen the political system (Prime Minister and Senator system). no social welfare. and election of committee members to continue the work and to follow-up the disappeared cases. South Sulawesi on 7-10 March 2006 and chose Mugiyanto as Chair. Mugi explained and added. she immediately went to ask for help. I don’t want to see it happen again . Aceh. The last words “short memory”ン seems like the situation in Thailand. mandate. . There is still not much progress since political reform in Thailand was initiated more than 10 years ago. Similarly to Ibu Tuti.

Footnote 1: Tuti Koto. The IKOHI task is not yet finished. published by AFAD. A strengthened people will result to the end of political disappearances and violations of human rights. " . ibu dari Yani Afri. Saya segera pergi ke stasiun militer untuk meminta Afri Yani's yang sedang dikerjakan. "? .Ibu Tuti Koto. Aku mencari dia di mana-mana tetapi tidak ada informasi. It does not only benefit the families but also the progress of democracy and human rights in general. page 61. Saya merasa sedikit berharap bahwa dia masih hidup suatu tempat. 60. Saya takut bahwa saya akan dibunuh. state agencies practice the “Rule of Law”ン. oleh Sarawut Pratoomraj Tamu Sarawut Pratoomraj penulis membahas kasus politik Kehilangan di tahun terakhir dari rezim Soeharto. The strength of the people in political reform should be the strength of human rights. Politik Kehilangan 19 Mei 2006. di Opini. which means the economic development of the country is parallel with civil and political development. dan mengatakan kepada saya untuk menemukan temannya. "Sekitar 10 orang datang ke kamar saya . Pejabat mengatakan bahwa ia telah dirilis dan mereka tidak lagi di penjara. politicians respect and disseminate the universal standards of human rights. Saya psikologis digoncang karena orang-orang yang ditangkap polisi tidak me.saya selamat dan tidak mati atau hilang seperti banyak teman. “Reformasi”ン means people participation in every level of administration. Saya telah diambil suatu tempat. Orang lain masih tidak tahu jika saudara mereka yang hidup atau mati. 68.Pak Dionysius Utomo. Mending Scars. 2005.dua orang dari seragam militer di saat yang paling di plainclothes. Saya beruntung penjahat . the National Institute undertake its roles efficiently and independently. Losing One’s Faith in the Law. Terjemahannya . Saya kembali ke stasiun militer menangis. Aku pergi untuk mencari teman-temannya tetapi mereka tidak tahu. bukan polisi. Kata petugas yang sama dan menunjukkan saya putra lepaskan kertas "|" . Saya telah disiksa dan electrocuted. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. Politik Kehilangan: A Neverending cerita dalam reformasi rezim "Saya kaget ketika saya mendengar bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap pada tahun 1998. Healing Wounds. IKOHI and strengthening the families to pressure more politicians to work for justice are good examples for people participation in political reform.Indonesia should also question its “Reformasi”ン. and the government develop the country under the concept of “indivisibility”ン. "" | Teman anak saya datang dan mengatakan kepada saya bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap oleh militer di Tanjung Priok. delapan tahun yang lalu.

Saya tidak ingin melihatnya terjadi lagi . Komisi untuk secara Kehilangan dan Korban Pelanggaran. Mugi bekerja sebagai wartawan dengan jaringan televisi Belanda pada tahun 20002001. ketika diminta untuk alasan lain. Dia memutuskan untuk mundur dari pekerjaannya dan bergabung dengan IKOHI. karena banyak mahasiswa yang pada waktu itu. Saya perlu biaya untuk orang-orang yang terlibat dalam hilangnya. tidak ada respon dengan cara apapun. saya harus mengubur dia sesuai dengan adat Katolik. Salah satu Mugi's yang menghilang pada 31 Maret 1998 adalah Bimo Petrus. Beliau adalah aktivis pada tahun 1998. bertindak sesuai dengan komposisi dari parlemen. Jika dia sudah mati.Mugiyanto.. Mugi dan banyak siswa bekerja di bawah tanah. Dia segera bergabung dengan temannya Munir di KontraS. kepala dari Asosiasi Keluarga Indonesia yang hilang (IKOHI). Di atas adalah bukti dari korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang menderita di bawah tindakan keras dari rezim Soeharto pada 1997-1998. untuk membawa kasus itu ke Eropa dan Amerika Serikat Bangsa-Bangsa. bertindak pada pemilihan umum. "Saya memiliki banyak berharap pada pemerintah selama reformasi. Hanya tiga partai politik yang diperbolehkan selama rezim Soeharto. Mugiyanto atau Mugi. Saya perlu tahu. Dionysius Utomo Dionysius Utomo. sebuah partai politik ilegal terdakwa dari tindakan murtad. Pemerintah dilarang oleh organisasi itu dikaitkan dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia. tetapi sia-sia. untuk promosi untuk meniadakan lima tindakan tidak adil yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Soeharto yaitu: bertindak pada partai politik. Ia ditangkap oleh militer pada 13 Maret 1998 dan merilis tiga bulan kemudian pada tanggal 8 Juni 1998. saya memiliki hak untuk tahu. Ia pergi ke rumah dan banyak pemerintah militer dan polisi tetapi tidak ditemukan. ia berpikir untuk sementara waktu dan berkata dengan mata sedih: Bimo Petrus Bimo Petrus. Dia segera mencari dia ketika dia belajar tentang kasus anaknya. ketika kemudian Presiden BJ Habibie telah terguling. Selain dari mengetahui apakah anaknya sudah mati atau hidup. . Para aktivis menuntut perubahan dari rezim yang seperti ini terhadap Dual Fungsi TNI yang didukung rezim Soeharto yang otoriter. Dalam pikiran adalah teman-temannya dan orang lain yang ditangkap pada periode yang sama tetapi masih hilang. ketua IKOHI.tidak untuk satu keluarga "?. adalah korban pelanggaran HAM. bertindak pada ormas. Presiden tidak pernah menyiapkan semua badan independen untuk melihat kasus saya. seorang siswa dari Departemen Filsafat di Universitas Driyakara Jakarta. Saya berharap bahwa pelanggaran akan berhenti sekarang. 32. Dionysius adalah petugas administrasi di Malang Rumah Sakit Pusat Mental. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. dan Dionysius Utomo anak. dan bertindak pada referendums. salah satu hilang.

anaknya Yani Afri menghilang pada tanggal 26 Juli 1997. ia akan membantu me finansial dengan bekerja sebagai sopir sambil mencari dalam kajiannya. Indonesia dan Thailand sedang dalam proses reformasi politik dan harus belajar dari satu sama lain. dan sistem perlindungan hak asasi manusia. dia segera pergi untuk meminta bantuan. mandat. Saya selalu ingat anak saya. kegiatan. mereka memiliki memori singkat "?. Sementara anak saya masih sekitar. Mugi dijelaskan dan ditambahkan. Ini 2nd kongres yang diadakan di Makassar. Aceh. Indonesia mencoba untuk melupakan apa yang terjadi pada masa Orde Baru. Ada sekitar 80 peserta dari barat Indonesia. saya tidak memiliki sumber pendapatan reguler "|"?? 1 IKOHI didirikan pada tahun 1998 oleh Munir dan aktivis hak asasi manusia. Kongres ini diikuti oleh keluarga korban dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama rezim Soeharto dari 1965 to1998.Demikian juga kepada Ibu Tuti. Krisis untuk mengusir . dan tidak ada solusi untuk korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. ibu Yani Afri. Kami mendorong pemerintah untuk komitmen dan politik bagi korban dan keluarga "?. Dia suka bermain gitar dan bernyanyi untuk saya. Ada begitu banyak krisis sosial di negara kita yang hak asasi manusia bukan merupakan prioritas. Kehilangan Somchai Neelaphaijit pengacara pada tahun 2004 atau orang-orang yang masih hilang di selatan Thailand adalah juga paling sepi. tidak ada kompensasi. Terakhir kata "memori pendek"? tampaknya seperti situasi di Indonesia. meninggal atau luka. dan pemilihan anggota komite untuk melanjutkan kerja dan untuk menindaklanjuti kasus-kasus yang hilang. Sekarang. dan Papua. Sulawesi Selatan pada 7-10 Maret 2006 dan memilih Mugiyanto sebagai ketua. "" | Setelah Soeharto. setiap pemerintah Indonesia tidak dapat menyelesaikan masalah dari keluarga yang hilang. Kami harus berbuat lebih banyak untuk kami keadilan. Orang Thai juga memiliki memori pendek dengan apa yang terjadi pada tanggal 6 Oktober 1976 atau Mei 1992 banyak yang hilang. tidak kesejahteraan sosial. ke timur. partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi." Masyarakat tidak tertarik dengan korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia sekarang bahkan ketika kita berada dalam apa yang disebut "reformasi"? sistem. Ketika ia mendengar tentang Kontras. Tuti koko Tuti koko. Dia meminta setiap instansi pemerintah tetapi gagal. Dia bertemu Munir yang membantu untuk mencari Yani di berbagai markas militer dan kantor-kantor pemerintahan dan pribadi telah dialog dengan mantan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid dan TNI Chief Wiranto. Yang payah dan cries dari keluarga tidak memiliki arti. Kongres IKOHI IKOHI Kongres. tetapi masih tanpa hasil. Reformasi politik di Thailand dimulai pada akhir tahun 1990-an dengan penegakan konstitusi 1997 yang menyatakan tiga utama reformasi: memperkuat sistem politik (Perdana Menteri Senator dan sistem). Tujuan dari kongres adalah untuk meninjau konstitusi. "Saya mendapat bantuan dari KontraS tetapi saya menangis setiap kali saya pergi dan melihat ada jalan penyanyi. Dia miskin tetapi dia seorang artis.

Hilangnya Satu's Iman dalam Hukum. lembaga negara mempraktekkan "Peraturan UU"?. Kekuatan masyarakat dalam politik reformasi harus kekuatan hak asasi manusia. According to Pulles it is for the first time Indonesian victims of the fighting of 19451949 hold the Dutch State responsible. 2008. diterbitkan oleh AFAD. . by Lairedion Lairedion on the Dutch state being sued over war crimes at Rawagede. dan pemerintah negara berkembang di bawah konsep "tdk dpt dibagi"?. Well into 2008. the Dutch. They want financial compensation. halaman 61. IKOHI dan keluarga untuk memperkuat tekanan lebih politisi untuk bekerja untuk keadilan adalah contoh yang baik bagi partisipasi masyarakat dalam reformasi politik. Only just being liberated themselves from the Germans the Dutch wanted to continue the situation as it was before WWII and re-occupy their former territories now being declared independent and bearing the name Republik Indonesia. politisi menghormati dan menyebarkan universal standar hak asasi manusia. Penyembuhan terluka. According to the Dutch Indulgence Note from 1969 150 people were killed. According to the Dutch Honorary Debts Foundation. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced they will study the matter.Thaksin adalah tahap kedua dari reformasi. Dutch War Crimes September 9th. baik melalui perbaikan. Dutch State sued by Indonesians On Monday 8 September 2008 10 Indonesian survivors of Dutch post WWII violence have sued the Dutch State for the assassination of their family members during the First Police Action (Agresi Militer Belanda I) after WW II. Sebuah masyarakat akan diperkuat dengan hasil akhir Kehilangan politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. West Java. in Opinion. "Reformasi"? berarti partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. Catatan kaki 1: Tuti Koto. Gerrit Jan Pulles. They survived the bloody attack of the Dutch Army on 9 December 1947. yang berarti pembangunan ekonomi negara adalah sejajar dengan sipil dan politik pembangunan. due to their stubbornness. Ia tidak hanya menguntungkan keluarga tetapi juga kemajuan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. West Java. are being haunted again by their crimes in the aftermath of Soekarno’s declaration of 17-8-45 and they rightfully should. National Institute melakukan peran efisien dan mandiri. IKOHI tugas yang belum selesai. ignorance and patronizing behaviour. Ada yang masih belum banyak kemajuan sejak reformasi politik di Indonesia telah dimulai lebih dari 10 tahun lalu. as announced by their lawyer Mr. 63 years after Indonesian independence. Mr. Indonesia juga harus sering mempertanyakan "reformasi"?. Pulles acts on behalf of ten villagers from Rawagede. 431 (almost all the male) villagers were slaughtered. 2005. explanations and recognition for their suffering.

While financial compensation is sought after it must be noted that most survivors only want the Dutch State to take moral responsibility and offer official apologies to the Indonesian people. The foundation is a non-subsidized independent foundation with branches in the Netherlands and Indonesia and would be happy to accept any donations. They demand the Dutch government: 1. The UN made an inquiry and concluded the killings were “deliberate” and “ruthless” but failed to prosecute and to have the Dutch punished and sentenced for these obvious crimes against humanity and this is still the situation today! Last month Pulles (of mixed Indo-Dutch blood like yours truly) visited Rawagede together with people from the “Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)”. At the same time more and more Dutch veterans. They didn’t find any weapons neither did they find Lukas. made it clear Indonesia is not seeking apologies or compensation from the Dutch. It is very disappointing to see that of all the Dutch political parties only the left-wing Socialist Party support the claim while the conservative-liberal VVD on behalf of MP spokesman Hans van Baalen even denied Dutch crimes against humanity in Indonesia! 63 years of ignorance and subtle racism have been persistent obviously. despite the fact there were some young males of 11-12 years old among them. Back in 2005 Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda. One survivor just wants the Dutch not to forget what has happened. gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity. obviously speaking on behalf of the Indonesian people. Their website have more information on the Rawagede story and on the infamous Raymond Westerling who murdered thousands of innocent people in South Sulawesi. are supportive of the Rawagede survivors’ claim. Indonesian leaders reported the mass killing to local UN officials. They look after the interests of civilian victims who suffered from violence and war crimes committed by Dutch military. haunted by the crimes and horror they experienced. This reaction came after then Dutch Foreign Minister . to collect witness accounts and endorsements from survivors in order to hold the Dutch State responsible. to recognize 17 August 1945 as the day Indonesia became independent. Apparently dissatisfied by their lack of success the Dutch commander directed all males to be separated from the rest in order to execute all of them. Furthermore they do not seek punishments for the people directly involved in the killings. On 9 December 1947 Dutch forces raided the West Javanese village to look for weapons and Indonesian freedom fighter Lukas Kustario who often spent time in Rawagede. slavery. to offer apologies to the Indonesian people for its colonialism. including its chairman Jeffry Pondaag. a disease many Western nations still suffer from. It is because of this the KUKB has been founded by Netherlands-based Indonesian Jeffy Pondaag in 2005. 2.Rawagede is one of the most notorious events in the history of Indonesian struggle for independence against the Dutch.

oleh Lairedion Lairedion di negara Belanda yang susu atas kejahatan perang di Rawagede. gross violation of human rights and crimes against humanity and here lies an opportunity for the Dutch to finally deal with its own past by recognizing and helping those poor villagers. It should come from the Dutch themselves but their stubbornness and ignorance are still hindering them anno 2008. Bapak Pulles bertindak atas nama dari sepuluh desa Rawagede. Negara Belanda susu oleh Indonesia Pada Senin 8 September 2008 10 Indonesia korban Belanda pasca PD II kekerasan telah susu Negara Belanda untuk pembunuhan anggota keluarga mereka selama Pertama Polisi Aksi (Agresi Militer Belanda I) setelah WW II. seeking for Dutch responsibility. Jawa Barat. witnesses and next of kin are still alive. Menurut Pulles ini untuk pertama kalinya Indonesia korban yang memerangi 1945-1949 pegang dari Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. recognition and financial compensation. Evidence is clear. requires broadband internet access. Sources and links: News article from Dutch daily “Parool” (Dutch) : Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Website of KUKB (Dutch and Indonesian): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (English) Word document approx. Streaming media.Ben Bot (who is Jakarta-born) expressed regrets and morally accepted the de-facto independence of Indonesia on 17-8-45 while he was representing the Dutch government during the festivities of Independence Day on 17-8-2005. I’m fully supportive of the Rawagede villagers and any future similar cases. sebagai pengacara mereka diumumkan oleh Bapak Gerrit Jan Pulles. Mereka bertahan berdarah serangan dari Tentara . we’re dealing with war crimes. Terjemahannya : Belanda kejahatan perang 9 September 2008. penjelasan dan pengakuan untuk mereka menderita.8 MB: Report of the Rawahgedeh observation team Broadcast of Dutch news show Netwerk with topic on this story: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (witness accounts from survivors (Dutch-Indonesian-Sundanese). 7. Jawa Barat. The Netherlands have constantly refused to express a full apology and recognition but were always quick to raise their finger and lecture its former colony on alleged human rights violations during the Soeharto reign. di Opini. Bot’s remarks were widely criticized in the Dutch media for being insufficient and way too short of a full apology and recognition of 17-8-45. Mereka ingin kompensasi keuangan. Of course it is irrelevant if Indonesia is demanding apologies or compensation or not.

sedang angker lagi oleh mereka dalam kejahatan setelah Soekarno's Deklarasi 17-8-45 dan mereka harus tepat. kebodohan patronizing dan perilaku. PBB telah dijalankan dan menyimpulkan pembunuhan yang telah "sengaja" dan "buas" tetapi gagal untuk menuntut dan agar Belanda dihukum dan hukuman ini jelas kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan ini masih dalam situasi hari ini! Bulan lalu Pulles (dari campuran Indo-Belanda darah seperti Anda benar-benar) dikunjungi Rawagede bersama-sama dengan orang-orang dari "Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)". Sementara kompensasi keuangan yang dicari itu harus dicatat bahwa kebanyakan korban hanya ingin Negara Belanda untuk mengambil tanggung jawab moral dan menawarkan apologies resmi kepada masyarakat Indonesia. yang mendukung dari Rawagede korban klaim. Menurut Yayasan Utang Kehormatan Belanda. Baik ke 2008.Belanda pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947. Pada saat yang sama lebih dan lebih Belanda yang terluka. Indonesia dilaporkan pemimpin massa lokal untuk membunuh pejabat PBB. Menurut Belanda Indulgence Catatan dari 1969 150 orang tewas. Tampaknya mereka tidak puas dengan keberhasilan Belanda komandan diarahkan untuk semua laki-laki dipisahkan dari sisanya untuk melakukan semua itu. Hanya saja yang liberated diri dari Jerman Belanda ingin melanjutkan situasi seperti ini sebelum PD II dan kembali bekas-membeset mereka wilayah yang sekarang dinyatakan independen dan peluru nama Republik Indonesia. untuk mengumpulkan saksi dan account endorsements dari korban untuk terus Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. Selain itu mereka tidak mencari hukuman bagi orang-orang yang terlibat langsung dalam pembunuhan. penyakit banyak negara-negara Barat masih menderita. Mereka tidak menemukan senjata mereka tidak menemukan Lukas. angker oleh kejahatan dan kengerian yang dialaminya. Sangat mengecewakan untuk melihat bahwa semua partai politik Belanda hanya sayap kiriPartai Sosialis mendukung klaim sementara konservatif-liberal VVD atas nama MP juru bicara Hans van Baalen bahkan ditolak Belanda kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan di Indonesia! 63 tahun kebodohan dan halus rasisme telah tetap jelas. meskipun ada beberapa fakta laki-laki muda dari 11-12 tahun di antara mereka. Hal ini karena ini KUKB telah didirikan oleh Belanda berbasis Jeffy Pondaag Indonesia pada tahun 2005. Belanda. Departemen Luar Negeri telah mengumumkan mereka akan mempelajari masalah. Rawagede adalah salah satu yang paling terkenal jahat dalam peristiwa sejarah perjuangan Indonesia untuk kemerdekaan melawan Belanda. Pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947 Belanda memaksa raided Jawa Barat desa untuk mencari senjata dan pejuang kemerdekaan Indonesia Lukas Kustario yang sering menghabiskan waktu di Rawagede. Mereka menuntut pemerintah Belanda: . karena sikap keras kepala. 431 (hampir semua laki-laki) desa yang dipotong. setelah 63 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia. Satu club hanya ingin Belanda untuk tidak lupa apa yang telah terjadi. termasuk ketua JEFFRY Pondaag.

Ini reaksi datang kemudian setelah Menteri Luar Negeri Belanda Ben Bot (yang lahir di Jakarta) dinyatakan menyesalkan dan moral mengakui secara de-facto kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17-8-45 sementara dia mewakili pemerintah Belanda selama acara-acara dari Hari Kemerdekaan pada tanggal 17 -82005. mengenali 17 Agustus 1945 sebagai hari Indonesia menjadi independen. Situs web mereka memiliki lebih banyak informasi mengenai Rawagede cerita dan pada jahat Raymond Westerling yang bersalah membunuh ribuan orang di Sulawesi Selatan.1. Ia harus datang dari Belanda mereka tapi mereka sikap keras kepala dan kebodohan masih Hambat mereka anno 2008. menjadikan Indonesia tidak mencari apologies atau kompensasi dari Belanda. Saya mendukung sepenuhnya dari desa Rawagede dan kasus-kasus serupa di masa depan.8 MB: Laporan dari pengamatan tim Rawahgedeh Menyiarkan berita Belanda Netwerk dengan topik memperlihatkan pada cerita ini: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (account dari saksi korban (Belanda-Indonesia-Sunda). Bukti yang jelas. Mereka menjaga kepentingan korban sipil yang menderita dari kekerasan dan kejahatan perang oleh militer Belanda. . Belanda telah terus menolak mengungkapkan penuh maaf dan pengakuan tetapi selalu cepat untuk meningkatkan jari mereka dan para bekas koloni kuliah pada dugaan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama pemerintahan Soeharto. Sumber dan link: Berita artikel dari Belanda harian "Parool" (Belanda): Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Situs KUKB (Belanda dan Indonesia): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (Inggris) sekitar dokumen Word. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan. 7. Belanda untuk mencari tanggung jawab. apologies untuk menawarkan kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk kolonialisme. Yayasan adalah non-subsidi yayasan independen dengan cabang di Belanda dan Indonesia dan akan senang hati menerima sumbangan. Tentu saja. pengakuan dan kompensasi keuangan. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan terletak di sini kesempatan untuk Belanda akhirnya untuk berurusan dengan masa lalu sendiri oleh orang-orang yang mengenali dan membantu miskin desa. saksi dan keluarga terdekat berikutnya masih hidup. jelas berbicara atas nama masyarakat Indonesia. sudah tidak relevan lagi jika Indonesia menuntut apologies atau kompensasi atau tidak. perbudakan. membutuhkan akses internet broadband. kami berurusan dengan kejahatan perang. 2. Kembali pada tahun 2005 Indonesia Menteri Luar Negeri Hassan Wirayuda. Bot's tersebut telah dikritik secara luas di media Belanda untuk menjadi kurang terlalu pendek dan cara yang penuh maaf dan pengakuan dari 17-8-45. Streaming media.

Detailed Recommendations Recommendations to the Government of East Timor Recommendations to Donors and Others Providing Assistance to the Police VII. I think they should be fired. Problematic Past Training Approaches F. Reforms. The Need for More and Better Training E. and Investigating Police Abuse IV. then arrest him. and then take him to the court in Dili. Discipline. they just arrest and straight away beat people. He was accused of threatening the census takers with a knife when they visited his village. Carlito Gusmao. Addressing Impunity B. You have to ask first if he is guilty. Legal Gaps D. they can't beat them. He told Human Rights Watch how uniformed police officers arrived at his house at about 9:30 in the morning and took him in a police car to Maliana district . Introduction Key Recommendations II. Background Establishing the East Timor Police Force Composition of the East Timor Police Force Responsibility for Training. Introduction I think that if the police arrest people. victim of police beating. Current Initiatives G. Methodology III. Acknowledgements I. terjemahannya atur sendiri! Tortured Beginnings Police Violence and the Beginnings of Impunity in East Timor Map of East Timor I. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The Office of the Provedor C. Aldeia Tasmasak.Ini tentang Timtim. Bobonaro[1] Carlito Gusmao was arrested by the police after he refused to take part in the national census. Monitoring VI. or arrested themselves. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor A. But because they [the police] have a bad attitude. Police Abuse Arbitrary Detention Unauthorized Use of Firearms Impunity for Rape Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment V.

The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse appropriately. He has not made a complaint about the abuse he alleges.[2] He was beaten as soon as he got out of the car and then put in a cell. "You be quiet. Why? Because of the attitude of the police that they are an institution that has to be respected. for throwing rocks at some people he suspected of tampering with his fishing boat: By the time I got to the prison it was about 7:00 p. and me. He cut my lip. for fear of retribution. and also because he believes nothing will come of it. kicked my groin [kemaluan]. didn't try and stop it. full police uniform. and many were held without charges for more than the seventy-two-hour period allowed by East Timorese law. "Later. Why do you hit me?" He said. "I haven't done anything wrong. as described to Human Rights Watch.m. They all just watched. measure. but before I could answer [the police officer] straight away hit me."[5] Many individuals whom Human Rights Watch interviewed also described their arrest by the police as illegal. In the room at the time [the beating took place] there was the officer from the prison.[4] Many of these abuses. both the top and the bottom. For about a week I couldn't eat. It was about thirty minutes this violence. Many said that they were not told what the allegations against them were." Beatings are already routine. rather than procedural. There is a lack of understanding among those investigating . They do not accept the questioning of their role or authority. I was ready to answer [a question]. I stood up and then straight away he kicked me here [in the mouth]." I answered. kicked me on my chin. "I am ready to be guilty. and beat detainees once they are in custody.[3] Over the past two years police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. If I am a PNTL officer and say to you that you are guilty. using a bulletproof vest. That evening other police officers came into his cell and sprayed pepper spray into his eyes. Police officers appear to habitually utilize the full seventy-two hours of detention as a punitive. two policemen from Laga. a twenty-seven-year-old man recounted what happened after he was arrested in Mulia village. My face turned and he hit me again on my left chin and jaw. The police officer from Laga took me to the hospital. Mario Belo. He kicked my right side and I fell. They took me to the hospital in Baucau. He was wearing police boots. you have to say. While in the cell he said he witnessed police officers severely beating another detainee. One East Timorese activist working for a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in Dili that has been monitoring police violence in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: Beatings during arrest are already prevalent. rise to the level of torture. later I will shoot you. Finally he took out his gun and threatened me. Baucau.. the perpetrator. He was about one meter away from me. Human Rights Watch experienced no shortage of cases to document wherever we went in East Timor.Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests.police station in the western region of East Timor. He said. He kicked me with his feet. I think it was June 18. It was inside the examination room in the prison. This behavior seems to have become so common that officers rarely try to hide their actions from the general public. I will kill you.

accountability and oversight. and the absence of a functioning external. follow up on complaints. independent oversight and accountability mechanism for the police service have meant that such complaints are often dealt with inconsistently. Insufficient police training on internal investigations and follow up. One serious consequence of this emerging pattern of abuse and impunity in East Timor is the potential for long-term erosion of public respect and support for the police. They are also an indicator of how seriously the government takes its human rights obligations under the country's constitution and the many human rights treaties it has acceded to. or in some cases not at all. which ordinarily convenes every six months to discuss disciplinary matters such as those arising from rights violations. victims are usually left uninformed about developments and outcomes of their cases. Together with two Ministry-appointed officers. This is certainly necessary. both as individual officers and as an institution. Many were frustrated and perplexed by opaque bureaucratic procedures and long delays. and can no longer be excused nearly six years after the first new police graduated in July 2000. currently Rogerio Lobato.[7] Swift and appropriate disciplinary action and prosecutions against police officers responsible for human rights abuses and abuse of authority are critical indicators of the commitment of East Timor's government to creating a professional police force. Otherwise. Ultimate responsibility for accountability for policing therefore lies with the minister of interior.complaints that police officers committing a crime such as assault should be prosecuted through the criminal justice system as well as through the internal disciplinary system. such behavior also reflects poor training. PEO). while institutionally subordinate to the Ministry. However. the failure to penalize human rights violators will create a climate of impunity that in turn will undermine training as an effective tool to decrease the level of police violence. Where cases are taken up. but it will only make a difference if at a political and policy level the kind of violence described in this report is punished. But ineffective control. the East Timor police service also has its own distinct legal personality and operational structure. this group comprises the Superior Police Council. the East Timorese people expected that its police would behave differently than the Indonesiancontrolled forces during the occupation. has often failed to take cases of police abuse seriously. separate heads for each specialized unit. The internal police oversight body. inadequate training. Human Rights Watch spoke to many victims and their families about their attempts to seek accountability for human rights violations committed by the East Timor police force. With the creation of a new country.[6] This includes a general commander and deputies. Within the East Timor government. However. or appropriately discipline the officers involved. In fact it is now more likely that the lack of institutionalized responses to police brutality has been a key factor in the emergence of police abuse as one of East Timor's most pressing and current human rights problems. With the legacy of brutal Indonesian policing during the nearly twenty-five-year occupation that ended in 1999. the portfolio for internal security lies with the Ministry of Interior. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. until recently called the Professonal Ethics Office. It is worth noting that the country's leaders often talk about the deficit of human resources in the country and the need for increased training. and thirteen district commanders. . it is perhaps not surprising that new recruits into East Timor's police are mirroring past experience in ignorance of professional standards.

criminal prosecution. Now is the time to address this problem before it becomes endemic. * Ensure all oversight mechanisms coordinate and work together. * Task the minister of interior and the police commissioner to strengthen the police force's Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit by providing strong support for the unit's authority to enforce its decisions and by penalizing officers who do not comply with its directives. A lack of accountability for abuses will undermine trust in the police and therefore its effectiveness and capacity to uphold the rule of law. We also urge the East Timor police service (PNTL) to: * Take swift and meaningful action against police officers who torture. a culture that will be hard to eliminate once it takes hold. the importance of establishing a professional and accountable police force is crucial to the country's future stability. * Take appropriate disciplinary action against commanding officers who know or should know of such acts. This in turn may lead to a vicious cycle in which a police force increasingly criticized for an inability to do its job effectively turns to ever harsher tactics and increasingly resorts to violence to achieve results. The police commissioner should issue a directive to each district commander advising that he or she will be held personally responsible for ensuring the officers under his or her . unambiguous and consistent signal from the top that police use of torture. either as witnesses or victims. or use excessive force against members of the population. This should include provisions to hold police publicly accountable in a transparent and credible manner. where appropriate. This should include administrative measures up to and including dismissal. policy and procedures are all in place so that the police operate under a coherent and clear legal framework that specifies police powers and their limits. * Support the Provedor's Office in creating a unit dedicated to oversight of the police. in East Timor. If present violations are not addressed as an institutional problem. or cooperate with them in criminal investigations. arbitrarily detain. and excessive force will not be tolerated.poor accountability mechanisms and lack of proper vetting of police officers have meant that abuse of powers by police remains a serious challenge to the rule of law in East Timor. and who fail to take action to prevent and punish them. although not yet endemic. Key Recommendations Human Rights Watch found evidence of human rights violations by police officers to be widespread. and. While it is recognized that resources in East Timor are at a premium. Human Rights Watch urges the East Timor government to: * Ensure through public measures and statements that there is a clear. The United Nation's failure to address this issue effectively while it was in charge during the transition to independence was also a contributory factor. arbitrary detention. East Timor is now at a crossroads. Tolerated police abuse will make individuals reluctant to report crime to the police. they run the risk of becoming part of an endemic culture of abuse and impunity in the world's newest national police force. * Ensure that legislation.

including Special Representative to the Secretary-General (SRSG) Sukehiro Hasegawa. UNMISET has since been stood down. We are grateful for the cooperation of East Timor's Police Commissioner Paulo Martins and Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris for assistance extended during the course of our research. Call on the East Timor government to ensure that police treatment of all individuals conforms to international human rights standards. and at the highest level. and staff from the UNMISET Human Rights Unit and Political Affairs Unit. As an integral part of this strategy. including with a representative from the Prime Minister's Office or the Ministry of Justice. including torture. Bobonaro and Dili districts. Donors should: * Raise with the government of East Timor in all official meetings. we regret having been unable to meet with more members of East Timor's government. . and the national training academy. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than thirty victims and witnesses to police violence. but many of these staff now work for the United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL) and have continued to provide information and assistance to Human Rights Watch.N. U. police in East Timor extended much cooperation at both national and district levels. Human Rights Watch is especially grateful to the U. * Initiate and support joint meetings between the East Timorese government. II.command comply with the existing disciplinary regulation and Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). NGOs and the PNTL to coordinate. provide assistance for the development of local human rights groups with the capacity for independent monitoring of police violence. We also interviewed a range of domestic and international NGOs.N. * Substantially increase support for effective human rights monitoring in East Timor through existing mechanisms. East Timor's police force extended a high level of cooperation throughout the research trip. concerns over police violence. All interviews were conducted by a Human Rights Watch researcher directly in Indonesian or English. Research interviews were conducted primarily in Baucau. and allowed Human Rights Watch access to several police stations. Methodology Human Rights Watch visited East Timor in May-June 2005 and interviewed over eighty individuals on the issue of police violence and growing impunity. and to agencies that can provide services for victims. Police Senior Advisor Saif Ullah Malik for his time. Despite several written and telephone requests by Human Rights Watch.) agency and United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) representatives. and other support to the PNTL. training. detention facilities.N. such as civil society. Human Rights Watch met with a range of East Timor government and police officials. United Nations (U. fund and plan for long-term strategies on capacity building.

[10] The population is largely rural. Although East Timor benefited from a relatively stable and smooth transition from occupied territory to independent state under the stewardship of the United Nations.[9] while recent figures estimate the annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) to be equivalent to only U. Except where noted. health care. and infrastructure for basic social services. Human Rights Watch offers no conclusions as to the guilt or innocence of criminal charges of any victim of police abuse described in this report. The most effective environment in which to build functioning public institutions is a secure and stable one. constituted crimes against humanity. and an overwhelming and urgent need to build a government from scratch. After four hundred years of Portuguese and then Indonesian occupation. Approximately half a million people were forced from their homes or fled to seek refuge. and to punish them for voting for independence. and not the specialized units. the country still faces a myriad of post-conflict problems. III. and economic support outside the capital.$370.[8] Unemployment and underemployment are estimated to be approximately 50 percent. mass forcible deportations.S. forced disappearance. the colonial legacy left to East Timor was one of very few functioning institutions. Background After almost twenty-five years of brutal occupation of East Timor by Indonesia. Many of East Timor's former civil servants were Indonesian or pro-Indonesia. and thousands left the country after the referendum.N.-administered referendum.For the purposes of this report Human Rights Watch has only looked into the conduct of the regular police force in East Timor. An estimated 1. Much of the population remains traumatized by the Indonesian occupation. Indonesia's subsequent withdrawal in late 1999 left not only a country devastated and traumatized by occupation and conflict. is extremely limited.400 East Timorese civilians lost their lives in the months before and the days immediately after the voting. Dili.The crimes committed against East Timorese included mass murder. the destruction of property.$150 in rural areas. It remains one of the world's poorest countries and ranks as one of the lowest on the Human Development Index (HDI). but it also left an institutional vacuum at all levels of civil administration and government. assault.S. falling to as low as U. . The violence was part of a systematically planned policy by elements of the Indonesian government and TNI to prevent the people of East Timor from freely participating in the referendum. torture. which. in many cases. These crimes were part of a pattern of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. and rape and other sexual violence against women and children. a huge human resource deficit. and the six years since it ended have left people dissatisfied and frustrated by the slow pace of reconstruction and development. in September 1999 the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and Timorese militias went on a campaign of extreme violence when the people of East Timor voted for independence in a U.

2003. the International Covenant on Economic. similar to an ombudsman institution in other countries. 2000. 2001.[11] Ratification and reporting on these treaties is a key priority for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Originally envisaged to last one year. Social and Cultural Rights. before finally adopting its current title of the PoliciaNacional de TimorLeste (PNTL). was also mandated to provide interim law enforcement and public security.N. including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. professional and impartial police service.[14] It later changed its name to the Timor-Leste Police Service. and it was not until independence.N.[15] . the process eventually took eighteen months. the U. that an agreement was signed outlining the terms and timetable of the handing over of full policing duties from CivPol to the PNTL. 2004.N. missions in East Timor were instructed and authorized to help enable the rapid development of a credible. and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. partly reflecting the fact that the critical threshold of selfsufficiency in key government institutions was taking longer than originally anticipated. Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET). 2000.East Timor has made formal commitments to human rights: The constitution includes important human rights protections and. East Timor's parliament approved accession to seven major international human rights treaties. successive U. on May 20. and was authorized to assist in the continued development of the PNTL. 2002). It was at this juncture that the East Timorese national government finally assumed full responsibility for nationwide policing with the transfer of all executive responsibilities for policing. to the Government of East Timor as of May 20. the East Timor Police Service was officially established.[12] U. internal and external security from the U. working alongside CivPol. in 2004. UNMISET's mandate was twice extended (in May and November 2003). UNTAET's successor mission from May 2002.[13] Just over a year later. The initial graduating class of the newly inaugurated PoliceCollege numbered 1. The joint policing arrangement between the new East Timor police and CivPol lasted into the initial independence period. Under a clear mandate to provide security and maintain law and order throughout the country. under the auspices of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET).700. Foreseen for a shorter timeframe. Establishing the East Timor Police Force Establishing a new police force for East Timor was one of the priorities for the United Nations before sovereignty was passed to the new state in May 2002. the PNTL finally assuming responsibility for general day-to-day policing for the whole country on December 10. on the first International Human Rights Day after independence (December 10. In 2005 East Timor established a Provedor's Office (see below). on August 10. 2002. the first fifty of whom took up their functions as police officers on July 12. There is also a human rights advisor permanently appointed to the Prime Minister's office who.N. convened an inclusive government and NGO working group to discuss the drafting of a Human Rights Action Plan for East Timor (to include public consultations on what should be included). Dili. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Civilian Police (CivPol) began recruitment drives for the new East Timorese police service in early 2000 and basic training commenced on March 27. This process started with the PNTL successively taking over control of policing district by district. when the handover of policing duties was effected for the thirteenth and final district.

and Investigating Police Abuse Replacing a Code of Conduct for the East Timor police adopted by the United Nations administration during UNTAET. patrol.[22] the disciplinary regulation of June 2004 sets out the duties of PNTL officers. In its own words.[19] Therefore.N. (This is explored in detail in section V. UPF.N.In May 2005 the U. both internal disturbances and border security remain under the auspices of the police and the Ministry of Interior rather than with the military. and are implemented in accordance with them. Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL). Instead both pieces of legislation were submitted to the President by the Council of Ministers and duly promulgated. and specifies the role of the police in relation to the army.[21]) The passing of the police decree-law was followed by the adoption of a disciplinary regulation in June 2004.[18]The function of the UIR is to respond to civil disorder. but particularly in the area of mainstreaming human rights and ensuring that all police powers and procedures meet with international standards.[20] As of July 2005.Neither the disciplinary regulation nor the police decree-law was subject to parliamentary scrutiny or public debate. particularly in urban areas. and continues to face problems due to a lack of logistical capacity and a general lack of resources for equipment and infrastructure development. the U. while. (Two of the special units are nevertheless of particular interest and are mentioned elsewhere in this report: the Rapid Intervention Unit-Unidade Intervensaun Rapida. There is a serious need for institutional strengthening across the board. as its name implies. particularly in the areas of policy and law. UIR-and the Border Patrol Unit-Unidade de Patrulhamento de Fronteira.[16] Composition of the East Timor Police Force The Organic Decree-Law of the National Police of Timor-Leste was promulgated by the President in May 2004. ThePNTL is divided into the regular police and five specialist units.[17] It is the legal instrument governing the structure and role of the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL). The police continue to have a number of institutional weaknesses including limited professional skills and experience.D of this report). Responsibility for Training. and management of the border regions. Discipline. imposes limits on police powers and outlines the disciplinary processes that would follow any breaches of the standards set out in the regulation. A July 2005 government press release stated that the PNTL had a total force strength of approximately three thousand officers. the Border Patrol Unit is primarily concerned with the security. Security Council replaced the Support Mission of UNMISET with a much smaller special political mission. in internal and external security. The force is hampered by a lack of professional expertise in many administrative and management functions. Oversight mechanisms (such as those outlined below) are not mentioned in the police decree-law or the disciplinary regulation. there were 292 officers in the Border Patrol Unit and 217 in the Rapid Intervention Unit. the regulation claims to provide "a systematized corpus of rules and principles to guide the action of [PNTL members] thereby guaranteeing the . It is also a very new and fragile police service which remains dependent on foreign aid for equipment and training support. The focus of this report is the regular police force. Falantil-FDTL.

are sent to the Minister of Interior.professionalism and prestige of the institution. investigation and reporting of traffic accidents. Several people whom Human Rights Watch interviewed had had to be hospitalized because of the severity of their injuries. In the course of our research the number of accounts of severe ill-treatment. police vehicle operation. the ease with which we found illustrative cases was alarming.N. IV. community policing. Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests and beat detainees once they are in custody. the office of the human rights advisor to the prime minister. including the police (although the legislation is not explicit on the mandate of the Inspectorate to deal with police disciplinary matters).[30]While this level of severity of abuse may not yet be systematic or systemic in East Timor. Police Abuse Since independence in 2002. U.[28] (Analysis of the PEO/PEDU and the Office of the Provedor is provided in Section V.B of this report. but the power to enact the dismissal lies solely with the minister of interior. and ultimately all members of the police force. comprising representatives from the Ministry of Interior. the only external oversight mechanism. there is the Office of the Provedor. police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. the police. In his February 2005 report to the Security Council on the United Nations mission in East Timor. which has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. together with any recommendations for discipline. and training. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse with appropriate disciplinary measures or criminal proceedings. preliminary investigation of crime. the internal police Professional Ethics and Deontology Office (PEDU. Secretary-General Kofi Annan noted that major problems within the East Timor police force remained a cause for concern. First. and that "reports of police misconduct.[24] There are three main bodies in East Timor that have responsibility for police oversight."[23] Fifteen Rules of Organisation Procedures (ROPs) have also been prepared in areas including use of force. Created in August 2003 in accordance with the Decree Law on the Organic Structure of the Ministry of Interior.[27] Third. assaults.) The Ministry of Interior retains operational control over the police force. handling of child abuse cases and handling at-risk children. The results of any investigations." He continued that "lack . negligent use of firearms and various human rights abuses.[25] Second is the office of the Inspectorate. including the police commissioner. including torture that former detainees and prisoners described to us at the hands of police officers was striking.[26] this body has disciplinary competence over all structures and institutions subordinate to the Ministry of Interior. formerly the Professional Ethics Office. who decides what action should be taken. are answerable to the minister of interior. including excessive use of force.[29] The police commissioner has the authority to recommend dismissals of members of the police force found guilty of human rights and other violations. including the police. search and seizure. court duties. have increased since May 2004. PEO) is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse (which are usually made by members of the public). and the prosecutor general's office.

My wife grabbed my wrist to pull me so that they would not hit me. I thought they wanted to ask me some questions but they punched me straight away in the chest-one person. "This uniform is not scared of anyone!" I went over to my son. [One car then continued and the other stopped. Many were not told by arresting officers what the allegations against them were."[32] Human Rights Watch interviewed Mario Sarmento. with my wife pulling me in the other. without any words. He talked to the police politely and asked them not to hit his father. two cars. Then the policeman pulled me strongly so that my wife fell down with my four-year-old child onto the ground. called his name. I said "I don't accept actions like this. instances of excessive use of force and human rights violations by police officers. Justo." After I said that they got more vicious and then they put one of the sticks under my neck. After that I was ready to apologize. two of them hit him. all of them carried out a beating. He described what happened: I called out for my son two times. One of the policemen grabbed the other wrist and was pulling me one way. went out looking for him. The four of them just continued their actions. Human Rights Watch interviewed many individuals who described their arrest by the police as illegal. After my wife arrived she asked for their forgiveness and said that her husband had not done anything wrong and not to hit him.] They got out of the car straight away.[33] Arbitrary Detention Arbitrary detention is a recurring problem in East Timor. This all lasted about thirty minutes Then the streetlights came on. I was propped up against the wall. They were wearing full police uniforms. and started threatening. I ask you to give me your names. whereupon he or she must either be charged or brought before a judge to have the detention extended. continue to be reported. At first two of them came in my direction. After the light came on they stopped their action. I asked them to help not make him a victim. . he again noted that "although the skills and competencies of the East Timorese police have been considerably enhanced.of transparency and a slow-paced investigation mechanism have contributed to a poor level of police accountability. So he fell. finally they took out handcuffs. Two more people got out of the car and one of them punched me again in my chest. Then they all took out their sticks. came at great speed to where I was standing. and asked what was the matter. East Timor criminal procedure allows for a suspect to be held without charge for up to seventy-two hours. including against members of political opposition groups. and wanted to handcuff my son. They kicked him one time in his chest. They released him and they faced me again. worried about his son. They didn't listen and hit him."[31] Six months later. Four men. who was badly beaten by police officers in Dili in January 2005 after a fight between some youths on a bridge. Then because it was so chaotic my wife arrived from the house. Mr Sarmento. The police were using a microphone to instruct residents to remain inside their houses while they searched for the suspects. Their faces were not clear because it was dark. Then the police. Human Rights Watch found that people were regularly held for more than the seventy-two-hour period without charge or appearance before a judge. Both cars stopped right in front of me. and asked them not to hit me. Then Vincent [another son] arrived to intervene in this incident. heading in my direction to try and stop what was happening.

Every individual who loses his or her freedom shall be immediately informed." To ensure freedom from arbitrary detention. Outside of the capital the courts are seriously understaffed and their workers under-resourced.N. in the last six months only three cases have been reported. [Officer D] called for me to come to the front of the cell and put my hands up. we received sixty-two complaints about violations of the seventy-two hour rule. even though he had committed no recognizable criminal offense. and that the result was a demonstrable decrease in the number of illegal detention complaints that they were receiving. name withheld] called for me. At a more basic level a lack of resources such as cars. and the order of the arrest or detention should always be presented for consideration by the competent judge within the legal time frame. After I was called. I was just let go and went straight home. or take place without the suspect having legal representation. In the first six months of UNMISET. told Human Rights Watch that some targeted training had been devised to address this issue. fuel. and car maintenance is contributing to unlawful detention and inadequate investigations . and basic lack of resources.East Timor's constitution also states in Section 30: 2. [officer D. There was no hearing or investigation. after seventy-two hours. of the reasons for his or her arrest or detention as well as of his or her rights. directly or through a relative or a trusted person. On the second night. We then designed the training for investigators and called in the prosecutors etc. [Officer E] then hit my chest. After that on Monday. This represents a real operational problem for the police's compliance with legal provisions for holding and detaining suspects. A senior U. another police officer. I was released. in a clear and precise manner. My chest was hurting. He told Human Rights Watch: After that they took me to the cell in Baucau. Article 9 further requires that detention must be examined for its lawfulness by an impartial adjudicator.[35] One reason for illegal detention in East Timor is the failure to implement key training on this issue. another key problem with meeting the maximum seventytwo-hour detention rule remains the weakness of East Timor's criminal justice system. except under the terms clearly provided for by applicable law. Anaia told Human Rights Watch: This is a good example of how provision of resources and training can have an effect. That night I didn't eat. It appears that his detention was as punishment for his words. and those are mostly because of holidays [causing non-availability of judges] etc. For seventy-two hours I was detained in the cell in Baucau.[36] However. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. it was Sunday. [officer E. No one shall be arrested or detained. through the bars of the cell.[34] Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that everyone "has the right to liberty and security of person. and limited availability of judges and public defenders means that hearings to rule on detention being continued beyond seventy-two hours do not take place. to explain that the seventy-two hours was not for investigations So.One young man was picked up by police officers after he had shouted coarsely at them. and allowed to contact a lawyer. That's it. 3. police advisor. name withheld] hit me in the chest. Nuno Anaia.

The police took out their guns. I have given a report to the police. Last time I went to check he said that my case was still being processed. he was really sick. and turn off the lights. They . thirty-four. you in front. They got out of their car. not detained. They flashed their lights and told me to stop there. The process is still with the prosecutor in Dili district. I don't understand those people. Cristiano da Costa. I went to the hospital to get my surat keterangan [doctor's note]. a human rights organization in the capital. The police had been summoned. I have not yet heard if there is a process with the perpetrator. it was about 10 or 11 at night. the process is taking a long time. They beat a lot that night. There were many witnesses.simply because. where they wanted to arrest him. and I was still in my truck. That night the back of my husband was all black. I thought maybe they wanted to take my truck and I would go in the police car. from that police stick. The community was standing in the road. adding: I don't know why they began to hit straight away. but the first time they did not come. That is what I thought. I got some letters asking me to be a witness in a different case. without transportation to meet with victims and witnesses.[39] Mario Sarmento has repeatedly tried to find out what is happening with a case he has lodged against the police.Cristiano told us: They wanted us to all go in the police car and I said it was better if I took my truck to the station so that we would know better if there was any damage. We drove down until we got to the river. There were so many witnesses. on a road just outside Dili. Some accused can spend six months in pretrial detention with no judicial oversight. then the lights came on and they left very quickly. He told Human Rights Watch that there were two policemen who had followed him to his home in Taibesse. us behind. Everything was dark. Then the keterangan was in Indonesian so it is still being translated [into Tetum] to go to the court. he is still free. I believe this is manipulation to stop the process in my case. but also persons who are properly remanded in pre-trial detention. There has been no action from the commander. or without an indictment being filed against them.[37] The under-resourcing of the judiciary may affect not only suspects who are held unlawfully beyond the seventy-two hours without charge. who worked for Perkumpulan HAK.for the bruises on my back. Dili. They told me to turn off the engine.[38] Mario's wife also described the incident to Human Rights Watch. He agreed to go to the police station with them to try and resolve the matter in the presence of his boss. They said you take your truck.[40] Another man. He told Human Rights Watch: I have already checked four times at the district court but there is not yet any explanation I like it if you use my name because we want to improve the PNTL so that they can't do things like this again. Because the investigation is long I also submitted a complaint to the Professional Standards Unit. He was bruised all over. told Human Rights Watch about an incident that happened in November 2004 after some policemen accused him of hitting a government minister's car with his truck and then not stopping. took out their sticks. police may resort to prolonging a suspect's detention without charge until such time as they can conduct a basic investigation. My house is on top of the hill.

We went again on March 17.[41] Perkumpulan HAK has been assisting Cristiano da Costa with his complaint against the police for assault and arbitrary detention.[43] One man who witnessed this told Human Rights Watch: They took him out of the cell and took him right in front of the cell. There is an incident. one of the policemen drove my truck to the police station in CaicoliI told the commander that I had to go to the hospital. My cheek was injured. I witnessed the beating. He was not informed. [The interviewee gives the first names of the first officer to hit him and of two others who hit him when he came out of the cell. Scratches on the left side of the head. They told Human Rights Watch: The case has already had a hearing in the court. In the morning I was taken to Maliana hospital for treatment. now called the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit]. with his hand. 2005. One of the victims told Human Rights Watch: The three of us went to Maliana to initiate an investigation against the PNTL in Maliana. I opened the door and before I had even got my foot on the ground I was hit. the prosecutor's case went to the court. not allowed to attend. then they hit me-kicked me on the stomach and punched me on the chest. The result of the investigating judge's decision is that the two perpetrators would have an unconditional release [i. Until now there has been no action from the PSU [Professional Standards Unit. several men who had been involved in a fight with residents of a rival village were arrested and taken into police custody in Maliana police station. 2005. and the perpetrators still continue their duties as police. They used their fists and punched him in the stomach. police from Maliana arrived and called for me in the cell. We were just quiet. it was said it was to take some medicine but after he exited he was ordered to raise his hands and put his back against the wall. On March 17.[42] In August 2004.] Then they ordered me to go back into the cell. However. Then he was beaten by those two policemen. as soon as I started to stand up. Once on my [left] cheek and two times in my chest. They said for me to come out to get some medicine. Since that hearing there have not been any further developments in the court. At the time of the hearing Cristiano was not present. Maybe for about fifteen minutes. and were told . charges dropped]. We didn't call out. "If you do anything you will be killed."[45] Several of the men submitted a complaint to the police regarding excessive use of force at the time of their arrest and ill-treatment during their detention in Maliana police station in August 2004. One described what happened to him that night in the cell: At midnight. It was one of the policemen.ordered me to open the door.[44] Maliana hospital records seen by Human Rights Watch show that the victim was admitted to the hospital in August 2004 with a "cut on the head (above the right ear). We don't yet know the result.e. but then there is no process. saying they wanted me to get out." Then they put me in the police car. Then he said. Approximately 3cm. When they ordered him to leave the cell. There are many cases like this.

and beat me with his fist and the vest. Then the police from Maliana said that they were there to calm the situation not to beat up victims.[49] The man's brother told Human Rights Watch what happened to him: After they let go of my father they started beating us. There was a friend of mine who was wearing a PNTL uniform but he is not PNTL. We passed by the house that had been burnt and they hit us. We went in the cells again in Dili. There were also other people hitting me from behind. The policeman kicked me with his feet. We are not satisfied with the actions of the police. a man from Dili was detained with about fifty other members of his martial arts group while on a group visit to the district of Ainaro. to be transferred] to Dili.[46] In August 2004. The [extra] police to arrive were from Bobonaro. Then the police let go of my father. He recounted: The police met us in the road and immediately searched us. we were finally put in the cell We were detained for three days. my older brother arrived and told them that there was no need to beat his father. They straight way started arresting and beating people here. He was ordered to do push-ups by the police and the UIR [Rapid Intervention Unit] for about thirty minutes. There were about seven or eight men. He kicked me in the chest. Human Rights Watch talked to one of the men about what happened. They beat him on his head. If we put our foot down we were beaten. We were handcuffed first and then ordered to run to Ainaro townabout forty-five of us were handcuffed. and started beating my brother with a stick and a bulletproof vest. We arrived there at 3:00 p. I was beaten on my back and kicked. We had knives-they took all of them. They hit him on the left side of his body. . then in the morning of the fourth day we were released to return [i.e. At least two police officers were attacked and fled the scene. everything. Police backup was then called into the village. We were also tortured with pepper spray sprayed directly into our eyes.to wait for the result of the investigation. So. When we got to Ainaro police station we were ordered to line up and take off our clothes-trousers.m. The men believe they were targeted merely for membership in the martial arts group. After that we walked for about a hundred meters. First they beat me with a bulletproof vest that they were carrying.m. A meeting to settle a land dispute turned violent after a police officer allegedly hit someone present at the meeting. If they wanted to beat someone they should just beat us. until it started bleeding. At 10:00 p. One man told Human Rights Watch what happened next:. Hit me on my head until it was bleeding. I was hit four times. We do not accept it because their violence is as if Indonesians are still here in East Timor. After they beat my father. about forty kilometers from Dili.[47] They were told they had been arrested on suspicion of burning down a house in a nearby village the night before. I was beaten on the chest. The police were kicking my father and beating him with the police stick.[48] Human Rights Watch interviewed several men who were victims and witnesses of excessive police force at an incident in Bobonaro sub-district on August 13. Forty-five of us were in a cell in Dili for another seventytwo hours. just left in our underwear. Then we were ordered to stand on one foot with our arms stretched out to the sides. didn't beat him anymore. 2004.

I think if the Maliana police had not arrived.[50] Unauthorized Use of Firearms The most high profile example of excessive use of force and resort to lethal force remains the police response to riots in Dili in December 2002. He told Human Rights Watch that the fight had only lasted about twenty minutes and no one had been injured. I just saw one policeman get out of the bus.] We have not yet reported to the police about the shooting. he had been involved in an early morning fight with other men in the town of Tilolai.[52] The U. account of the episode criticized the "high incidence of contradictory statements" by police. One twenty-two-year-old man described his experience to Human Rights Watch. [None of the three were injured. Several victims of the shootings claimed that they were shot and wounded when police drove through the streets and fired directly at suspects. It confirmed the number of casualties. unnecessary. and to date no one has been held accountable for the killing. but was inconclusive as to the identities of the perpetrators of the shootings. That afternoon the police arrived at his village: We were playing football in the field here at about four o'clock in the afternoon. 'Hey! Stop!' then they took out their guns.[53] To date. They said. The police straight away shot at us. the fatal police shooting of one man during disturbances in Baucau one month earlier has yet to be satisfactorily resolved. we would have been half dead.N. They got out of the bus and we saw the police. Then the police-not with a patrol car. there has been no clarity on the status of any disciplinary action against police officers involved in the riots of December 2002.[54] . I'm scared they will want to arrest us again. which had hindered resolution of the matter.the police from Maliana were able to save us. My friends who had not been involved in the incident did not run. with a normal car-arrived in a passenger minibus. Human Rights Watch found other more recent incidents of disproportionate. We were scared and so we ran. Although not yet a widespread problem. At that time hundreds of rioters smashed and looted their way through Dili and burnt several buildings to the ground. They shot four times-I didn't see it because I was running but I heard it. On July 12. Likewise. I don't know how many policemen there were.[51] The government report into the incident was not published until nearly a year later. Just the three of us ran. As soon as I saw the gun I started running. they were not held responsible for the fatalities and injuries caused. Although an earlier internal police investigation had identified and suspended six UIR members who had discharged their firearms during the riots. and illegal use of firearms by police in East Timor. in November 2003. This resulted in the death of two young men and the hospitalization of another thirteen people with gunshot wounds. In several instances the response of panicked and poorly trained East Timorese police officers was to use tear gas and open fire on members of the crowd with live ammunition. 2004.

In this case the officer came in the morning.[56] As with other types of violations the failure to discipline and hold officers involved accountable is undermining efforts to enforce strict adherence to use of firearms policies in the police force. After that he told us to walk. and then they met us. Had the system been working properly the officer would have been disciplined by his superior officer. We saw the prints again and then maybe less than one hundred meters later we found the cattle.[55] The man went to file a complaint with the police but later agreed to meet with the police officer to resolve the matter informally.Another man described an incident that occurred in January 2005. That's why he had his gun. or whatever the commander decided).N. I don't know where he shot it. as if to explain. The U. He told Human Rights Watch: We went up to the hill at about ten o'clock in the morning. I was still looking forward and the PNTL was behind me. 2005 When we got to the top we met this PNTL man. When asked about the unauthorized use of the firearm. He changed his clothes and then heard about the cattle. I had a small amount of tobacco wrapped in some plastic. They said someone had stolen them. We were walking for about twenty minutes and it was raining really hard. He forced us to walk. It was already afternoon by the time I went home He is very wrong using a weapon that belongs to the government. Two sets and we had to follow them. He was holding his gun at the ready. he responded: Normally pistols are distributed in the morning and in the afternoon they are returned to the stock room. "If you don't want to die.When they came across us he readied his gun. who knew about the case but took no action. four of them altogether. After we had walked maybe two hundred meters we saw cattle footprints. the chief of the PEO office in Bobonaro told Human Rights Watch that once the perpetrator had made peace with the community then maybe there would also be a disciplinary measure imposed by the PNTL on this officer (he suggested that this might be a two-month suspension. Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials state that firearms may only be used in very specific circumstances: "Law enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in self-defense or . He was wearing normal clothes. The PNTL was maybe half a meter behind me and then he shot his gun. His family was in front. The PNTL ordered us to give them to him. Took all of it. one man. then leave.They [the PNTL officer and family] were looking for cattle. We were in the middle. We were looking for the cows for maybe three hours. always behind. He fired his gun one time and said. behind us. He and his nephew were out picking fruit and vegetables when they came across a PNTL officer who accused them of having stolen cattle. He took all of it. and two small machetes.It was January 23. Regarding the case above. He also took cigarettes and some tobacco." When he fired his gun the two cows ran off. The PNTL was behind. The PNTL. with his family. He put all the things in his waistband. then went home for breakfast. received his gun. He was ready to shoot and told us not to do anything We were carrying one bag and two umbrellas.

He said he was arrested for an incident involving two policemen and another man who had borrowed his motorbike. He confirmed that allegations had been made against four PNTL officers from Bobonaro sub-district police station. with his motorbike outside."[57] According to the Basic Principles.defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury [or] to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life. Human Rights Unit or HAK come here I don't receive them. I don't know how long he was kicking me for. very close to me. "Why are you arresting me?" The two men just told me to be quiet. and one from the Maliana police station. "Governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offence under their law. He told us that the case had already been processed and they were waiting to send the details to Dili. It is still being considered where the truth is. He was mistakenly identified as the suspect. he was still annoyed [jengkel] with me. maybe for about ten minutes. and taken to Baucau police station. They also have to recognize that the police have the rights to defend themselves. They document differently and always conclude that the police are the perpetrators.[60] Elisio Dominggos da Piedade.[59] Human Rights Watch then interviewed the head of the Professional Ethics Office in Bobonaro who was overseeing the case. he stated: The PSU [Professional Standards Unit] is already investigating this. I was standing and he was nearby. when two police officers in a patrol car arrived. Then I was put in a cell for seventy-two hours. It is not yet resolved Am I a perpetrator or a victim? This is not a small case. After that they took me to the interrogation room and I was kicked in the chest. The community think because it is already a democracy they have the right to do anything at all. told Human Rights Watch about an experience in late July 2004. I didn't report [the assault] to anyone at the station. If the U.[61] . My eyes are still sore because of the gas. On the day in question he was at work. [officer's name withheld] sprayed pepper spray in my eyes.He didn't ask anything at all.] As soon as they released the handcuffs. It was completely empty."[58] Although the Code of Conduct and the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms are not binding international law. He told Human Rights Watch: All the way there I was asking.e. of Baucau district. My members [officers] didn't eat for a week afterwards [i. I fell again onto the wall in front of me. When Human Rights Watch asked the Bobonaro sub-district police commander about this incident. they constitute authoritative guidance for interpreting international human rights law regarding policing. this case has gone all the way up to the minister [of interior]. after the incident] because their faces were so swollen. Then he kicked me again. He kicked me here [shows chest] and I fell backwards against the wall. The result is still being processed in the PSU. handcuffed. [He identified the two officers. It was [name withheld] again. He sprayed me once in the eyes. I have already given them all of my reports.N. one by name.

I couldn't walk so they lifted me into the cell. When they finished they took me back to the cell. after the letter of request to the police and the prosecutor. who works at the district hospital. I was shouting for help but no one came. If it is investigated then [name withheld] has to be brought to justice. I was injured. and put in a cell for two days and two nights. I was continuously tortured.Baucau hospital records show that a doctor's note was written for Elisio's case detailing his injuries.[64] Another young man. "If you oppose the police then you will know the consequence. on the second night they beat me around 3:00 a. locked the door.. who did not wish to be identified. They beat me until I was . beaten. They arrived. but both times they were beating me." Three police came into the cell. took off their jackets. They hit me with a shoe. They were wearing police boots. Both nights were different people. So. Until now it has not been brought to court.m. name withheld]. "[name withheld]. Then they went back to their office. no one was ever arrested for it.[62] The charges against Elisio were dropped but during the criminal proceedings against Elisio at a court in Dili he did submit a complaint about his ill-treatment during his time in police custody. About the original incident. and were wearing PNTL uniforms. Because I was wrongly arrested I was unconditionally released. At the time of my hearing in Dili I also complained to the court [about the abuse]. It is already being investigated by the police but has not yet finished. 2004. told Human Rights Watch about what happened to him when he was arrested in his village in Holsa: On June 25. For about an hour they were beating me. but they didn't take him. The three of them arrived and called for me.m." They took me alone to another cell.. My opinion is that I am ready to go to court. then hit me. and drenched with water. sprayed with pepper spray. Until now we are still waiting for the case to be resolved. They were the night guards.m. to be given medicine. I feel sad because it has not been submitted. After the decision in my case my defense lawyer Pedro asked the prosecutor and the Baucau police to investigate the wrongful arrest and abuse. they said we have to wait for the process to proceed. He told Human Rights Watch what he did after he was released from detention: I submitted a complaint about [the policeman whom he alleges beat him and sprayed him with pepper spray. When we got there they started beating me. you come with us. The light was off. then they came again. On the first night they beat me at around 1:00 a. They constantly threatened me saying. It shows that Elisio was given medication for a medical complaint over a period of three days in July 2004 for a trauma to his back caused by a beating. I am dependent on the process. It has not yet been resolved. He has subsequently repeatedly sought accountability for the abuse. and the process is still ongoing. we have not yet received any information. I was arrested by the PNTL. and took me again to the cell-that torture room. complained to Human Rights Watch about the lack of movement on his son's case: My son was beaten in the prison (cell) but he was not taken to the hospital. Just me and it was a mistake. and kicked me on my back and on my feet.[63] Elisio's father. called for me again. They were all Maliana PNTL. I asked them to take him to the hospital. On the second night we slept until 3:00 a. The first time I was in a cell with my friends.

I also saw that he was carrying a gun under his left armpit. Here [points to right side of forehead] my head was cut and bleeding. He told Human Rights Watch: The next morning [after the incident]. I collapsed and they took me to the hospital. So. I want the problem to be resolved from above. about 8:00 a. I then went to Balibo police station [to make a complaint] The police called the PNTL officer and ordered him to go to the Balibo police station.unconscious. I am an ordinary citizen. He is my brother. When we got to the front of my brother's house I called for him to come out and my brother asked the policeman not to beat me anymore. and therefore a member of his family has to accompany him everywhere he goes. So I was dragged and hit again in my stomach. I was dragged about a hundred meters and I fell. Perkumpulan] HAK. At the hospital the healthcare official gave me some medicine. and then took out a sangkur [type of bayonet/knife] and wanted to stab me. And then the PNTL kicked my brother My brother was scared and ran away. I was unconscious. At that time I said that I didn't want to." The policeman released me and my family took me to my brother's house. Because the PNTL [officer] did not arrive. and then I was dragged again. I went to the Dili court to give a complaint and also to Yayasan [i.e.[65] One thirty-five-year-old man detailed a traumatic encounter he had with a police officer in May 2004 in his village in Batugade. He told Human Rights Watch that he is too scared to go out by himself now. After two days I waited. The police commander together with the perpetrator came to my house to resolve things. The policeman held my hands and stamped on my stomach. I asked for his forgiveness three times and then he hit me again and took me from my house to my brother's. He said. I heard them do it when I was in the station. It appears that the perpetrator may have been punished for the offense. the commander from Mota'ain visited my house. There was lots of blood on my head and I only came to when the PNTL dragged me to stand up again. Bobonaro. The police said." Then they took me back to the police station and put me back in the cell. . die in the police station. I was already unconscious. he didn't arrive. he was wearing a black top and it had "police" written on the back of it. "This man is almost dead. "Let him die. My head was spinning but I heard.[66] This man is still suffering from trauma brought on by the event. He said if there was a problem with us then we could resolve it in a manner which was better.. When we got to the hospital the doctor said. but the victim has not been given any information on his complaint.m.. As an ordinary citizen I know the legal process. He told Human Rights Watch: I saw a man standing in front of my door. It was a severe beating and I fell backwards and my head collided with the asphalt. and on the third day he arrived. you are still doing things like this?" The doctor examined my ribs. The PNTL member left and my brother waited with me until four o'clock in the morning and then went to rent a car from Balibo to take me to the hospital in Balibo. in the court. if no one knew me he was going to stab me because I was a militia [militiaman]. The doctor continued examining me and said that I had to spend the night in the hospital. My brother ran forward and said. He ordered the community to say if anyone knew me or not. "I know him. I went home.. He promised that the next day he would meet me and we would go to Maliana. "Do you know me or not?" I saw he had a gun so I told him I knew him and apologized to him but he straight away hit me once in the chest with his hand. After I shone my torch he ran in my direction and took hold of my right hand.

They were constantly kicking me.[67] In April 2004. What has he done wrong?" After that they didn't hit him anymore. I saw them going to Baucau but I couldn't say anything because the PNTL were very emotional They were wearing uniforms and driving a TATA Sumo car with "police" written on it. He told Human Rights Watch: I went to the prosecutor's office and he promised he was ready to take the case to the police. but there has been no result. They were sitting above. This case is already at the prosecutor level. name and rank withheld] got out from the car. I've known them a long time. There were lots of people around. and saw the car. "Turn the car back. But the police thought I was provoking them. was picked up by several drunk police officers. it's better if we take him to Baucau first. [officer C] shouted at me." [69] One man in the village who witnessed the event told Human Rights Watch what he saw: We were working here for Easter. They put Baltazar in the car. officers B and C. After that I fell to the ground. After they finished drinking tuak the five police wanted to return to Baucau. I came home and until now I only heard that the perpetrator is in prison but I haven't seen it myself. I told [officer B]." There was no response. No one has come here to tell me. They arrived at the place where I was sitting on the road. It is with the PSU in Dili I often go to the Baucau . After he burnt me. [The interviewee names these two. "Is there an empty house here or not? If there is we can let him out and torture him here. I said. There were two other PNTL. and a third officer who punched him once on the back of his neck. they got out of the car. I called out to my younger brother in a coarse way whether or not he also wanted to go to Baucau. names withheld. tens of people. One PNTL [officer A." then [officer C] responded. Four of his friends were still in the car. I don't know where the perpetrator is. Only [Perkumpulan] HAK sent a letter to the PSU but it has not yet been investigated." When he replied he then burned me with his cigarette. About 500 meters later at the cemetery [officer A] said.[68]] After that [officers B and C] handcuffed my hands behind my back and put me in the car and took me to Baucau police station. As soon as he got out of the car he straight away kicked me in my chest. I was at the back on the floor. a twenty-two-year-old from Mulia village in Baucau district. they interpreted me wrongly. working at the church. "No. not from HAK either. When we got as far as the river-it's not far.The result? I don't know. The car stopped. beaten and threatened. under my left wrist [shows scar]. Baltazar Fatima Correia is still trying to get some redress for the treatment he experienced in police custody.[70] Over a year after the original incident. I saw it and ran over. I haven't been told. I saw [officer A] get out of the car and straight away hit Baltazar Then he was hit by [officer B] who hit him and grabbed his head and smashed it on the car. maybe about a hundred meters-[officer B] said to his friends. He told Human Rights Watch: The five police were drinking tuak putih [palm wine] with my father and their friend [name withheld] at the police checkpoint. about nine or ten o'clock in the morning. "If you do anything I will shoot you. Baltazar Fatima Correia. At the time I was about twenty meters away. but has not yet had a hearing [disidang]. "Why is that kid being hit. I was here.

They were all released. don't come here. under questionable authority. have been respected. with the outstanding charges against the six police officers conditionally released seemingly ignored. in their view. who was charged in relation to having "procured" the girl for the police officers. 2005. The presiding judge then decided that the defendants should be released due to lack of evidence against them. reportedly harassing and verbally abusing the victim when she left the courtroom. "About the Mulia case it has already been resolved. where they sexually assaulted her. that"neither the rights of the accused to proper legal representation. ."[77] When the case came to trial only the three police officers and the civilian in custody were tried. 2004. is another example of the effective impunity that police officers have come to expect in East Timor. I'm not afraid to go back."[72] Impunity for Rape The failure to hold anyone accountable for the rape of a teenaged girl. It was a long time ago. nor the expectations of the victim and the community to have an independent tribunal hold a proper trial in regard to her allegations.[73] Following preliminary hearings. there was also a tenth man. a civilian. six of the suspects were conditionally released pending trial while four (three PNTL and the civilian) were kept in custody. both the defense lawyers and the prosecutor claimed to have had no prior involvement in the case and to be ignorant of the evidence. There is no evidence that they [police officers] were involved. The last time was September 2004.police about my case. It went all the way to court and there was no evidence. accused of taking the girl in an official police vehicle to a police training compound in the Tasi Tolu area of Dili.[75] One report quoted a judge as saying that "justice was powerless since the government kept intervening in the process. and the police officers were set free. the nine policemen were originally arrested and charged with rape. go back home. the problem is the money to get to Baucau. All the files are in Dili." I have already been three times to check my case there. cordoned off the public court building. The police only chase me out [mengusir] and threaten me saying. They also reported that police officers.[71] When Human Rights Watch questioned Baucau's police commander about this case he stated."[76] JSMP has also noted that "[t]he investigating judge assigned to the case told JSMP monitors that he could not control their [PNTL and UIR officers present at the court] conduct. In this case. if you come here I will shoot you or hit you. No further charges against any accused have been pursued. which reported deep concerns about the unorthodox manner in which the proceedings were conducted and factors which demonstrated. At the trial session of April 13. and no one has been held accountable for the rape. "Just go back. allegedly by nine PNTL officers on May 10. The preliminary hearings in June 2004 and the trial in April 2005 were monitored by the East Timorese NGO Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP)."[74] JSMP noted that during the hearings on the continued detention of the men. a substantial number of PNTL members were present in the courtroom and court compound.

's Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials states that law enforcement officials. may also constitute inhuman treatment. or discrimination. or degrading treatment or punishment. the U. which forms part of customary international law. stating that "no one shall be subjected to torture and cruel.N.The failure to prosecute this case is just one example of an unwillingness to tackle police abuse."[86] Similarly. shall. the use of torture and other forms of mistreatment against that individual is wholly prohibited under East Timorese and international law." It appears that the Professional Ethics Office had initially opened an investigation.[83] The Convention against Torture defines torture as intentional acts by public officials that cause severe physical or mental pain or suffering for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession. they may nevertheless constitute cruel.[81]East Timor acceded to the CAT in April 2003 and to the ICCPR in September 2003. in carrying out their duty. but by the end of 2005 no further action had been taken. the U. intimidation. apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and . and medical treatment. the United Nations has developed detailed principles. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials limits the use of force by police to situations in which it is "strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty.[85] In addition to binding treaties on torture. is to be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. water. or for punishment.[80] and is also entrenched in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. inhuman. The prohibition. or degrading treatment or punishment. and declarations on the actions and use of force by police. The U. Particularly harsh conditions of detention. Degrading treatment includes treatment that involves the humiliation of the victim or that is disproportionate to the circumstances of the case. Department of State noted that there had also been "no significant developments in the September 2004 case of an off-duty police officer who forcibly entered the home of a twelve-year-old girl who had allegedly been statutorily raped by the officer's nineteen-year-old brother.[79] Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment Even if an individual is guilty of a criminal offence.N. including deprivation of food. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT).S. A large body of international legal authority exists that prohibits any derogation from the prohibition on the use of torture and other cruel. minimum rules.[78] In its human rights report for 2005. inhuman. inhuman or degrading treatment. inhuman. cruel. Cruel and inhuman treatment includes suffering that lacks one of the elements of torture or that does not reach the intensity of torture. East Timor's constitution also explicitly prohibits the use of torture.[84] In cases where beatings and humiliation of detainees and prisoners by police do not rise to the level of torture. inhuman. or degrading treatment or punishment. Few prohibitions in international human rights law are as clear as the ban on torture and other cruel. or degrading treatment or punishment."[82] The constitution also specifically refers to East Timor's obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international treaties. as well as demonstrating that violence against women is often not treated with appropriate seriousness by the formal justice system. as far as possible.

head of the nongovernmental Judicial System Monitoring Programme in East Timor[89] It is clear that police abuse is a serious and pressing problem. "(a) exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and the legitimate objective to be achieved." Most telling is one of the survey's conclusions that "confidence levels in East Timor's new and inexperienced police force are likely to drop dramatically unless they are effectively trained and professionalized. Cases where there are beatings of civilians are not investigated. yet initiatives to address it have been inadequate.firearms. The result is an emerging pattern of impunity for PNTL abuses.[90] Two studies published in 2004 show mixed public views of the police. Delays are reported in investigations and decisions on disciplinary action. so they do not want to open an internal investigation. Existing oversight mechanisms are weak and need further support and strengthening.[87] When the use of force is unavoidable. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor The police are not brave enough to investigate cases where there are police involved. Disciplinary actions are not always in proportion to misconduct. Reforms. Commission on Human Rights that: Accountability mechanisms remain unclear and inadequate. while others. A number of allegations of criminal acts are addressed through the administrative process only and are not subject to any criminal processes."[88] V. most did so because they considered their dispute to be a serious matter and they believed that they would be treated fairly by the police.N. some cases are dealt with by PEO. The Professional Ethics Office (PEO) of PNTL is increasingly unable to investigate cases of misconduct due to lack of resources for field work and at times political interference. [and] (b) minimize damage and injury. Tiago Amaral Sarmento."[91] . The survey also found that "many feel the laws are not actually enforced. law enforcement officials must." However. Sometimes police who have beaten or threatened people are not investigated. For unclear reasons. In March 2005 the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) identified many of the problems when it stated in its report to the U. sometimes cases with particular sensitivity. One survey commissioned by the Asia Foundation in East Timor encouragingly found that "of the only 11 percent of respondents who had brought disputes to the police. among other things. and new institutions and practices are needed to effectively eradicate this problem. these perceptions are not likely to remain static. and only four in ten think the law genuinely protects the accused from police brutality or allows them access to a public defender. particularly those laws enacted to protect anyone arrested and accused of a crime. Less than half the public (49 percent) believe the law requiring court approval to detain a suspect for more than three days is respected. are investigated by the Ministry of Interior.

The second study. the results may just reflect an attitude that the PNTL is far less abusive than the Indonesian police force-a pretty low threshold for professionalism.[92] In Bobonaro the figure was only 32 percent.[94] The U. According to the OHCHR. Bobonaro and Viqueque.S.6 percent overall. thus far meaningful sanctions for police officers involved in serious human rights violations have been rare. and in several cases police officers were convicted and sentenced for assaults committed while on duty. Another caveat is that although community confidence is generally a good indicator of the level of police abuse. However. A. Although neither study can be used as conclusive indications of public perceptions of the police. but much less in the districts of Baucau. however. order. that for 2005 "[s]ome officers were punished for relatively minor misconduct. perhaps reflecting negative attitudes towards the police in a district with a high number of reported cases of police brutality. no action had been taken in a number of cases involving serious misconduct. found that the public's respect for the work of the police was still quite high at 69. by year's end. it was unclear whether the dismissals were linked to human rights violations or mere criminal activity. fifty-five cases had been reported through the PEO. more specific questions on detention and abuse resulted in quite negative responses indicating that when people have come into direct contact with the police their experiences have been less positive. the surveys are useful in highlighting what communities believe are positive elements within the police force. undertaken jointly by the Dili Institute of Technology and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). for example. Addressing Impunity Police abuse can become a serious problem when police officers and their superiors enjoy impunity for their actions."[95] The failure to properly investigate police misconduct undermines the police force's credibility in holding its members accountable. the results do show already mixed feelings toward East Timor's new police force. However. This is as true for high profile incidents as for day-to-day violations. An international advisor to the minister of interior told Human Rights Watch that for the period from January to March 2005. in July 2004 a group of approximately one . whilst also addressing the problem areas. There were allegations that personal connections within the police force or the Ministry of Interior were a factor in some cases. One of the most common reasons that police abuse can become commonplace within a police force is the effective impunity enjoyed by police officers and their superiors who participate in. in its annual human rights report on East Timor noted.[93] However. One conclusion that could be drawn is a general public reluctance to criticize the PNTL as a force. in March 2005 the East Timor police commissioner reported that ten police officers had been dismissed from the service. The early indications are that East Timor risks allowing impunity to become a grave and systematic problem if it does not respond appropriately. The challenge for the East Timor government will be to build and support those positive elements. In spite of the kinds of abuses documented in this report. In East Timor effective institutional mechanisms for accountability are essential if impunity is to be tackled. Department of State. More robust and effective enforcement of existing legislation and stronger media vigilance and independent monitoring of the problem will also be key. or ignore it. For example.

For example. including many Falintil veteran resistance fighters. once again there has not yet been a satisfactory outcome either in respect of disciplinary measures against the police officers responsible for excessive use of force."[96] Yet at least part of this problem is a legacy of the U. police officers. They were protesting a proposal by East Timor's Council of Ministers to designate religious education as an optional subject in some primary schools. however. the second day of their protest.N. had proclaimed messages calling for greater democratization and reform of the police force. We already have a police disciplinary regulation and have taken strong measures against those who commit abuse or violence against the people I don't think it is because of training but an increase in understanding from the commanders and the communities that the police have to respect human rights. the U. in which the police used excessive force to disperse a largely peaceful demonstration. This incident received much attention at the time from the government. Although many of those held were detained for more than thirty hours. There have. secretary-general noted the negative consequences delays in accountability could produce. which they did in a manner widely . in April 2005 several thousand people joined anti-government demonstrations in Dili. has not yet been completed. Ironically. the exact grounds under which they were held were never clarified.hundred persons. and there were several other reports that several detainees were beaten in police custody. and subsequently arrested over thirty people. staged a protest outside the main government building in Dili. trampled under foot by the security services. the United Nations in East Timor. However. used tear gas to disperse the crowd. together with members of the elite Rapid Intervention Force. These delays are perceived by the community as voluntary inaction and hence undermine the general trust in the professionalism of the police.N. Television footage showed at least one police officer beating a protester. He was clear in his understanding that proper punishment for violators would be an effective deterrent: We are trying to improve this which is not very good within the police. And also because the police officers realize that sanctions are heavy if they commit an abuse. (Deficiencies in the UNPOL training regime are explored in detail in section V. many of the demonstrators' banners.D of this report. On July 20. who conceded that there was a problem and that this had implications for creating a culture of impunity. Police were deployed to patrol these demonstrations.) Human Rights Watch spoke with Police Commissioner Paulo Martins. and the media. been encouraging signs that some things can be done right.N. commenting: "the report of the special investigation into the incident of 20 July 2004.[97] The tardiness of an appropriate response to the police violence at the July 2004 demonstration shows that there is some way to go before the commissioner's words about internal disciplinary processes translate into concrete measures. or in respect of the arbitrary detention of over thirty protestors.'s failure to prioritize police disciplinary measures. transitional administration to stop inappropriate police behaviors before they became too entrenched. Few strategies were implemented at an early stage in the U. In his February 2005 progress report on UNMISET.

the chief of the then-PEO office for Bobonaro district. transfers followed by promotions. according to the police Organic Decree-Law. who then decides what action should be taken. punishments for police officers have often just been temporary suspensions. It seems little thought or consideration has been given to the rights of the victims in this process. told Human Rights Watch about an incident earlier in 2005 when a uniformed police officer in his district had fired his gun in the air at the market in Maliana. PEO. Combined with training there needs to be a strong system of discipline. As one example.[100] Another problem is the lack of understanding by police of the rights and interests of those filing complaints. together with positive reinforcement for appropriate police behavior. One then-PEO officer in Dili told Human Rights Watch that although in theory PEO officers could investigate police officers of superior rank to themselves. the PEDU lacks institutional authority over the various branches of the police.regarded as professional and restrained. especially in sensitive cases. and significantly also appears to have given a confidence boost to the police force itself. or to return to complainants to update them on the status of their . There is no automatic suspension for police officers under investigation for alleged offenses. Such allegations are usually made by members of the public.[99] Unfortunately. B. Lopes recommended that the officer be discharged from the police force. if at all. with the PNTL disciplinary regulation not even envisaging that complaints could come from outside the force. or. for that attitudinal change to take place. although.[101] At a more basic level the PEO/PEDU continues to be restricted by a lack of human and financial resources. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The first port of call for investigating police violations is usually the PNTL's internal oversight body. formerly known as the Professional Ethics Office. transfers. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. which saw the positive outcome from implementing the standards provided by appropriate training. together with any recommendations for discipline. The results of any investigations. attitudinal change within the police force is going to have to be a priority and will need a long-term strategy to have impact. which ones would be sent to Dili. effective leadership and support by the management of PNTL over time. The PEO/PEDU has also been weak and very slow to take action. Simao Lopes. In cases where complaints have been taken up by the PEO/PEDU. and before that the Professional Standards Unit. the unit is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse. Looking to the future. and which ones would be set aside.[98] Staffed by serving police officers and working under the general commander of the PNTL. PSU). the Ministry of Interior can also order the PEDU to conduct inquiries. in some cases. but instead he was only transferred to Dili. are sent to the minister. in practice it was the district commanders who ultimately decided which cases would be investigated in the district. This display of professionalism has improved the public image of the police force. In some cases PEO/PEDU staff do not have access to transport to conduct investigations.

case. First of all are the limitations in personnel and transport. He told Human Rights Watch: Before I was with the PEO I was a community police officer.[104] When he was interviewed by Human Rights Watch the chief of the PEO office in Maliana conceded that he lacked essential experience. "If there are violations the communities don't know who they can report it to. as a patrol officer within the occupation-era Indonesian police force. The U.[107] Tiago Amaral Sarmento from JSMP told Human Rights Watch. Cases from 2001 to 2003 have already finished being investigated. We want to work but we do not get strong enough support.N. advisor told Human Rights Watch that in his opinion it was clearly a threat."[108] Where such knowledge exists. but there are still about 50 percent of cases from 2004 which have not yet been resolved because of restrictions of transport and staff. He said.[103] One U.N. One young man who was severely ill-treated in police detention told Human Rights Watch that he was too scared to seek accountability for the abuse he suffered at the hands of three police officers in Maliana police station. I do not want to go back to Maliana police station.N. In his opinion. I received just two days' training from the PNTL. did not provide him with the skills necessary to lead investigations or manage staff. the deputy head of the then-PEO national office commented: We have several problems.N.N. I don't want to be summoned again by the PNTL. This has only further .[105] It appears that lack of faith in and/or fear of the new police force is already preventing people going directly to the police to register complaints. the lack of resources and experience resulting in delays and incompetence of the PEO/PEDU in dealing with complaints has led to frustration amongst affected communities about lack of transparency and efficiency in dealing with their cases. "Go to the U. pointing out to Human Rights Watch that the previous experience of its chief. stating. officer heard the commander tell the man that they wanted to solve the matter through traditional dispute mechanisms. police advisor told Human Rights Watch that he heard a district police commander threatening a man who had come to complain about the police treatment of some people involved in martial groups in the district.N. will leave soon and then it will just be us. "I have not yet submitted a complaint because they threatened me. police officer in Bobonaro district had a poor opinion of the then-PEO in Maliana." The U. They are scared and just stay quiet. I ask you to recommend for us to have more training about the role of the PEO so that we can understand it in more depth. Likewise for 2005 we've finished about twenty cases and still have about seventy left."[106] A U.[102] As Carlos Moniz Maia. The U. a change of personnel in the office would improve the office's strength. The communities don't yet know or understand that they can report to someone. The police are a strong institution. The statistics of cases involving the PNTL every year is increasing. We would be happy to participate in more training. When the man protested the commander issued a stark warning. human rights unit then and see what they will do. but he was keen to stress his willingness to receive more training in the area of internal investigations.

Another major weakness of the office is that it does not have the power to make enforceable decisions-any of the provedor's recommendations can be ignored.increased the distrust people have in the impartiality of the office. The Office of the Provedor has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. and has the power to order a person to appear for questioning. there are concerns about the capacity of this new institution to comprehensively or effectively carry out the role of a police oversight body. "especially in light of the recent increase in reported cases of abuse of police power. collusion and corruption.N. including assaults and threats. Already aware of the limitations of his new office. without waiting for a complaint. nepotism. Its strengths are that it can undertake investigations on its own initiative. the position of provedor was not filled until Sebastiao Dias Ximenes was inaugurated in the post June 16. I don't have the power to make decisions. The Office of the Provedor The East Timor constitution provides for a special office to scrutinize human rights practices throughout the territory. the U. lack of due process. But what is most important is the people and all the communities. We also have limited human resources."[110]In a previous report he had expressed concern at the delay in electing the provedor. the continued reports of human rights violations by the East Timorese police."[111] In June 2005 Human Rights Watch met with Sebastiao Dias Ximenes shortly before his inauguration as provedor. maladministration. However. this office cannot be a success without their support. including excessive use of force. I can give recommendations but not follow up. A law to establish such a position. it is hard to accurately gauge the effectiveness of the Provedor's Office. ill-treatment and arbitrary arrest and detention. considering the many other functions it has also been tasked with.The office can also only make . Our program cannot go forward if we don't have facilities or a budget. the office of the Provedor de Direitos Humanos e Justicia. 2005. We need training and maybe comparative studies so that we can increase our experience and knowledge.N. It is to be hoped that the office will contribute to an increased culture of respect for human rights and accountability. just recommendations. including the police. secretary-general noted that the Provedor's Office "provides an important legal instrument to address inter alia. We are an independent institution but receive our budget from the government. which are not being adequately addressed by internal disciplinary processes and are rarely taken up by the Public Prosecutor for institution of criminal proceedings.[112] By the end of 2005. The budget for the Provedor is small. was promulgated in May 2004. As a relatively new body. Office in Timor-Leste. the Office of the Provedor had still not been fully established or staffed.[109] In his August 2005 report to the United Nations Security Council on the U. he discussed his main concerns and what he saw as the priority challenges of his new role: The Provedor has limits. If they don't work with the Provedor. It's a problem. Issues within the purview of the office include abuse of power. although as parliament initially found it hard to agree on a candidate.

the Inspectorate and the Office of the Provedor.recommendations to the relevant bodies such as the police. Legislation or regulations need to be adopted to clarify the various responsibilities of the PEDU. Code of Conduct. including ROPs on the treatment of vulnerable persons. offer to act as a mediator between the complainant(s) and representatives of the public body involved. it has been criticized by police experts for being incoherent. as a result. At quite a basic level. the Inspectorate and the U. the June 2004 disciplinary regulation is only available in Portuguese. the authorities continue to use the previous U. Human Rights Unit.[115] While there have been some developments at addressing the legal vacuum. at the time of writing it was understood that this group had not met since March 2005. which is not necessarily a problem but leads to a certain amount of confusion among the public about how to report incidents or hold the PNTL accountable. advisor to the minister of interior. Provedor and Ministry of Interior. The promulgation of the Organic Decree-Law in May 2004 went some way towards clarifying the legal framework for the police. and that this group would also include participation from the PNTL. or police powers under the Criminal Procedures Code and the Rules of Organization Procedures.) C.N. including a new policy introduced in 2003 restricting the use of force. Legal Gaps The process leading to the establishment of the PNTL led to the existence of a range of different and sometimes competing rules. there now seems to be an urgent need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms for the fledgling police force. procedures and practices which govern the PNTL. D. While many ROPs have been finalized (see above). but there remains little knowledge and understanding by the police about definition of crimes under the Criminal Code. (For comment on the need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms.[116] However. or refer a grievance to a competent jurisdiction or other recourse mechanism.N.[113] There is also little training on these areas made available to the police force. see below. and the 2004 regulation providing a new disciplinary code for police. Ray Murray. Saif Ullah Malik.'s senior police advisor. including persons with mental illness and victims of gender-based violence. a language not understood by most PNTL personnel. told Human Rights Watch that the disciplinary regulation "has a formula to determine discipline that is virtually unusable and cannot be understood by the vast majority of the PNTL including trainers and advisers. told Human Rights Watch in May 2005 about a working group established to harmonize all the different institutions including the then-PEO. The Need for More and Better Training . Even if the disciplinary regulation were available in Indonesian or Tetum. languages understood by most police officers. There is substantial overlap between the different agencies." [114] Equally important is for the PNTL to finalize its Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). The U. more need to be finished.N.

Secretary-General noted in February 2005 that U.N. We are trying to encourage children to be aware that if they have a problem they can go to the police. In these courses.N. but that "of the approximately 1. etc.700 East Timorese police academy graduates) simply underwent a four-week "Intensive Transitional Training Course.[118] The U. police training is an important tool for addressing human rights violations by the police. and a need for a great deal more specialized skills training. police training team (see also below). those rights are not always recognized It is not entirely clear within the police who is doing what. One child protection officer with UNICEF in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: There is a notion that if children are victims there is an awareness of special treatment from the VPU [Vulnerable Persons Unit] and rights. and community policing. who comprised 350 of the first 1. there is some training in specialized areas of investigations. who do not become full PNTL officers until after successful completion of this additional training. There is also little awareness of the appropriate treatment of women. if they are offenders.[120] . trainees. civilian police advisors were providing training to the East Timor police through a skills development plan which was based on the results of a national survey of police officers to identify gaps in capacity. children. during both UNTAET and UNMISET the fledgling police force received largely inadequate and sometimes contradictory training from UNPOL and CivPol personnel. The curriculum at the academy has also been recently re-written by an Australian/U. But. mean that continued strengthening of the human rights dimension of training for experienced officers. just normal investigators. but you run the risk that you are not exposing children to greater risks by going to the police. or other vulnerable groups. followed by nine months of field training.. combined with the lingering legacy of Indonesian policing techniques.Although not a solution on its own.K. Reports of human rights violations and inappropriate behavior by officers.. or mainstreaming ideas such as the method of investigation into gender-based crimes."[119] There is still a huge lack of management and mentoring capacity in the police force. intelligence gathering. Dili. with human rights material incorporated throughout the course. only half were able to achieve the desired level of competence. Unfortunately. Not all children will be dealt with by the VPU. Former POLRI officers (members of the Indonesian police force responsible for security in the territory before the vote for independence in 1999.700 police officers who completed the first phase of the plan in December [2004]. After graduation a further six months of formal field training is undertaken for probationary officers. and police academy graduates is essential. The first batch of new cadets received three months of basic training at the rehabilitated PoliceAcademy in Dili followed by six months of on-the-job training in the field. including in the area of internal investigations of police misconduct."[117] Standard training for new recruits is now a four-month training course at the PoliceTrainingAcademy in Comoro.

police missions around the world: The U.. To reinforce this message it is essential that the judiciary rigorously and consistently refuse to allow evidence where there are credible allegations that it was obtained through illegal use of force by the police. More intensive training in basic investigation and forensic techniques. but would help reduce abuse of power. However. However we are still new. civilian police staffing the mission were from a wide range of countries.[122] E. . or with international standards.N. The education that they receive here is still a little. UNDP and UNICEF. It has already been socialized [disseminated] to all the Commanders but not yet fully to all members of the PNTL.N. There had been a recommendation from the Ministry of Interior that before this program started the UNPOL officers should be given a "training of trainers" course. training during UNMISET was conducted by UNMISET police advisors at the district and sub-district level. It also limited interaction between U. so PNTL officers were exposed to different approaches to policing and not all were consistent with what was being taught at the Academy. A problem affecting this approach is one that is common to most U. and implementation of training scenarios.N. including the use of other sources of information and evidence. Their experience and consequently their teaching was therefore not standardized. all of whom had provided materials for the training courses.. so that the training delivery could be uniform across the country. What we have now is the result of a lack of training. Problematic Past Training Approaches The majority of U. this would have improved some of the training delivery. We need a course for the PEO [now PEDU] so that they can carry out their duties well. There is not yet a course about it. When Human Rights Watch met with the head of Dili's PoliceTrainingAcademy he was emphatic about the volume of human rights materials included in the basic training package taught at the academy. but this recommendation was not followed. not only offers the police an alternate and better way to do their job. rather than a mix without any common members to work. and undoubtedly contributes to the current climate where beating of suspects is routine. each with varying adherence to international standards on policing. he was also quite frank in admitting how much further they had to go. This inherently creates an incentive to resort to excessive use of force to extract a purported "confession" from a suspect. and the good cooperation the Academy had with the U. rather than taught lecturestyle.[121] Because of that we are less sure that the Code will hold [be put into practice]. He told Human Rights Watch: There is a Code of Conduct for the PNTL. A UNOTIL staff member was extremely critical of the support which UNPOL had previously provided: I don't think UNPOL knew what they had to do when they were in charge.N. As most of the UNPOL were police officers and not trainers. and East Timor police.N.Police in East Timor rely heavily on confessions as their sole means of "solving" crimes. the focus being on the training of trainers in the field. Further problems with the UNPOL training of East Timorese police recruits and officers included communication difficulties caused by language problems that restricted the ability for training sessions to be participatory and inclusive. It would have been better to have one police force from one country. Human Rights Unit.

For peacekeeping this approach may be appropriate. "You should not only teach on what should be done. Current Initiatives Recognizing the urgent and ongoing need of the PNTL for further training and assistance." F. At various stages Malaysia and Portugal have also extended training to various units of the PNTL. Indonesia has been hosting a series of exchange programs for PNTL officers to visit and acquire in-house training with the Indonesian police force.K. Their key goal was to set up and handover to an East Timor police force. including training programs as well as equipment and infrastructure support. One of the problems with this approach is that. Amongst the international support.Quite crucially the six-month rotations for U. something that the minister also acknowledged. The United States is funding specialized training courses for supervisors and investigators. told Human Rights Watch." and that combined with the tick-the-box approach of UNPOL meant that "their counterparts don't have a clue. and Australia have . Canada and Japan have both provided small grants and provided equipment. In other words. Recognizing this problem."[126] While it is important to teach human rights. The UNOTIL Human Rights Unit has also been working in cooperation with the Ministry of Interior to provide human rights and use of force training to the national police.N. but for institutional development it had negative consequences. There is a sense that the U. the Security Council authorized the deployment of up to forty police training advisors. primarily targeted at the specialist police units such as the Border Patrol Unit and the Rapid Intervention Unit. under UMISET (see above).N.N." There are two other main reasons why current training has taken such a long time to halt police abuses. The second is that there are few penalties if the officers do not implement what they learn in training and few incentives to follow it. with different countries' domestic procedures being taught. for training to be meaningful. Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris told Human Rights Watch that amongst the police force "there is still very little real understanding of what human rights are. There is a wide range of bilateral international assistance to the PNTL. A senior diplomat in East Timor commented: "The biggest criticism of UNPOL is that they've been here for four or five years. the international advisor to the Ministry of Interior. but also on why it should be done. police personnel also hindered the effective development or long-term implementation of policies. International funding also plays a critical role in East Timor in all areas. Ray Murray. as with the U." This diplomat identified the further problem that "the government never refuses aid. with no coherent plan for establishing oversight mechanisms and enforcement of disciplinary measures against police officers. The first is that current training has failed to address the overall institutional culture of policing methods. the U. But they just ticked a box. a large part of UNOTIL's mandate is in the area of continued support and development of the East Timorese police. so you would expect four or five years of training. In establishing UNOTIL in May 2005. so there is a problem in trying to coordinate all the training. it is equally important to train officers about their responsibilities to act professionally. not least the development of the police service. there must be consequences for failing to abide by it. Assistance has also been given to the Professional Ethics Office. most recently through a "training of trainers" course and the launching of a training manual on human rights for the police in mid-2005. was in crisis management with no coherent strategic development plan for the PNTL. the training is inconsistent in standards. Human rights training and courses have already been provided by these advisers.

" He continued: "As an exit strategy we are incorporating local NGOs to monitor the human rights situation in each district. primarily Perkumpulan HAK or FOKUPERS.K. Part of the joint U. He commented "There is a problem of inconsistency in the standard of training./Australian initiative will fill the vacuum on advice and training created by UNPOL's departure. team leader for the U. does constitute a deterrent to perpetrators. concurred. Local civil society needs to be activated." . The first phase will concentrate on training of trainers. as noted. Training for the police on the role of civil society. for most victims of police brutality the first place they turn is normally either the U. monitoring and in terms of advance training. They will think that their behavior is correct because there will be no one to give the recommendation that they have to be processed and brought to justice. Kevin Raue. The U. leaves and there are no more advisors the police will increase committing violations in the future. There is a need also to avoid duplication of training and inappropriate training. Human Rights Unit due to close with the end of UNOTIL's mandate (foreseen for May 2006).embarked on a joint development program for the PNTL focusing on mainstreaming international policing standards across the board over the long-term.N. The senior U.K.N.-Australian initiative.N." G. Monitoring The presence of human rights officers here. saying: "We need support in terms of training. training of PNTL. Police Advisor in East Timor. the U.K. consistency of guidance. That problem is not yet resolved. he added: "We have adopted an approach. When UNPOL leaves (currently scheduled for May 2006). As the head of the JSMP told Human Rights Watch: I think that if the U. and the valuable place it has as a counterbalance to government. Special Representative of the Secretary-General Sukehiro Hasegawa A critical issue for the future will be to ensure independent monitoring of police behavior in East Timor. cannot stay forever.N. Human Rights Unit or an East Timorese human rights NGO. the urgency of strengthening civil society mechanisms to provide human rights monitoring and reporting has never been greater.N." Indicating that lessons had been learned from the experience of shortcomings in U. With the U. the two biggest rights organizations in East Timor and the main Timorese bodies in the country monitoring police abuse. there are formal internal and external oversight mechanisms of the police. Human Rights Unit will be trying to visit districts at least once a week.N. will also be crucial to ensure mutual respect and cooperation.N.N. concedes that "bad" training was a problem. A lack of monitoring will create a vacuum in which violations will be committed with impunity. Saif Ullah Malik.-Australian plan is to integrate standard operating procedures into all aspects of the training. and our readiness to report on human rights violations to the international community. Noting the wide variety of bilateral and U. for example my technical advisors in the districts are advising the same thing across the board. training currently underway with the PNTL. After the withdrawal there will be a big gap in monitoring. The U. Though.

small-scale affair that lasted about 48 hours and resulted in a grand total of 12 deaths. and others would be the most successful way to devise an action plan for ending human rights abuse in East Timor. human rights violations by the PNTL are just one symptom of a much broader nationwide problem. to identify patterns and perpetrators. inevitable. began on October 1). The PKI had supposedly attempted a coup d'état and a nationwide uprising called the September 30th Movement (which. communities of interest. to a brief. The mass murder of hundreds of thousands of the party's supporters over subsequent months was thus a natural. the anti-PKI atrocities. and until this is analyzed and addressed then the possibility is that police abuse can only be minimized at best. or starved to death were labeled perpetrators. acknowledged the massive scale of the killings only to dismiss the necessity for any detailed consideration of them.the supporters of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) -. later revealed to be Helen Louise Hunter. The September 30th Movement was Suharto's Reichstag fire: a pretext for destroying the communist party and seizing state power. stabbed. for some unknown reason. and justifiable reaction on the part of those non-communists who felt threatened by the party's violent bid for state power. Major General Suharto." That was how a CIA publication described the killings that began forty years ago last month in Indonesia. 40 Years Later The Mass Killings in Indonesia By JOHN ROOSA and JOSEPH NEVINS "One of the worst mass murders of the twentieth century. crisis-filled atmosphere. justified his acquisition of emergency powers in late 1965 and early 1966 by insisting that the September 30th Movement was a devious conspiracy by the PKI to seize state power and murder all of its enemies. Seen in this light. The author of this 1968 report. As with the February 1933 fire in the German parliament that Hitler used to create a hysterical. bludgeoned.NGOs. It was one of the few statements in the text that was correct." The hundreds of thousands of people shot. donors and the East Timor government need to work more closely together to monitor the broad range of human rights violations. A participatory. the . offhanded comment. among them six army generals * into the greatest evil ever to befall Indonesia [2]. The 300-page text was devoted to blaming the victims of the killings -. Suharto's martial law regime detained some 1. and emerging corruption issues. just as culpable for the murder of the army generals as the handful of people who were truly guilty. The weakness of the judiciary. She concentrated on proving that the PKI was responsible for the September 30th Movement while consigning the major issue. are just two areas that directly impact on police abuse and remedies for it. and accused them of being "directly or indirectly involved in the September 30th Movement. The commander of the army. [1] Hunter's CIA report accurately expressed the narrative told by the Indonesian army commanders as they organized the slaughter.for their own deaths. and to highlight structural problems that allow human rights violations to emerge in the first place.5 million people as political prisoners (for varying lengths of time). partnership approach including the wide range of actors in civil society such as the media. The killings were part of the "backfire" referred to in the title: Indonesia * 1965: The Coup that Backfired. That narrative rendered the September 30th Movement * a disorganized. or would-be perpetrators of atrocities. for multiple purposes: to remedy individual abuses.

they made their case against the PKI largely on the basis of the transcripts of the interrogations of those movement participants who hadn't already been summarily executed. Many people outside of Indonesia believe that the victims were primarily Indonesian Chinese. All the members of their organizations would not have been imprisoned or massacred. the target of the PKI's alleged coup attempt. With so little public discussion and so little scholarly research about the 1965-66 mass killings. and so on. vicious. It was not a case of ethnic cleansing. Otherwise. If the movement's leaders had been treated as the leaders of previous revolts against the postcolonial government. nothing more than "a ripple in the wide ocean. is as reliable as an Inquisition text on witchcraft. While some Indonesian Chinese were among the victims. danced naked and slit the bodies of the army officers with a hundred razor blades. as were two of the three other core Politburo leaders (Lukman and Njoto). however. The violence targeted members of the PKI and the various organizations either allied to the party or sympathetic to it. and sentenced. The PKI as a whole was clearly not responsible for the September 30th Movement. The one among them who survived the initial terror.September 30th Movement was exaggerated by Suharto's clique of officers until it assumed the proportions of a wild. Hunter's CIA report. put on trial. whatever ethnicity they happened to be: Javanese. the general secretary of the party. Aidit. The question as to whether or not the PKI actually organized the September 30th Movement is important only because the Suharto regime made it important. it would not have been such a small-scale affair. . he said. however." His inability or unwillingness to muster anything more than rhetorical protests. President Sukarno. It was precisely this work of the army's psychological warfare specialists that created the conditions in which the mass murder of "the PKI" seemed justified. It was. The army banned many newspapers and put the rest under army censorship. The party's three million members did not participate in it. Sundanese.N. admitted in the military's kangaroo court in 1967 that the PKI as an institution knew nothing of the September 30th Movement but that certain leaders were involved in a personal capacity. stockpiled guns imported from China. Sudisman. it is irrelevant. they were by no means the majority. does seem to have played a key role. But recent oral history research suggests that most of the killings were executions of detainees. etc. Even if the PKI had nothing whatsoever to do with the movement. drawn up hit lists. [3] Much more research is needed before one can arrive at definitive conclusions. He was summarily and secretly executed in late 1965. Given that the army used torture as standard operating procedure for interrogations. Balinese. primarily based on those transcripts. compared the army's murderous violence against those labeled PKI to a case of someone "burning down the house to kill a rat. If they had. they would have been arrested. As it was. supernatural monster. the army generals would have blamed the party for it." He routinely protested the army's exaggerations of the September 30th Movement. dug thousands of ditches around the country to hold countless corpses. Many people imagine that the killings were committed by frenzied mobs rampaging through villages and urban neighborhoods. they remain poorly understood. The army whipped up an anti-communist propaganda campaign from the early days of October 1965: "the PKI" had castrated and tortured the seven army officers it had abducted in Jakarta. D. before they could provide their accounts. The party chairman. the statements of the suspects cannot be trusted.

which Washington feared would eventually win national elections.S." [9] Two years earlier. Suharto. officials went so far as to express concern in the days following the September 30th Movement that the army might not do enough to annihilate the PKI."[8] This collaboration between the U. appoint. Navy League's publication gushed over Indonesia's new role in Southeast Asia as "that strategic area's unaggressive. wrote that the embassy had "made clear" to the army that Washington was "generally sympathetic with and admiring" of its actions. Eisenhower's administration attempted to break up Indonesia and sabotage Sukarno's presidency by supporting secessionist revolts in 1958. government.S. American ambassador to Indonesia at the time. The destruction of the PKI and Sukarno's ouster resulted in a dramatic shift in the regional power equation. thuggish. embassy supplied radio equipment. was outmaneuvered by a taciturn. nonaligned. [4] U. [5] The U. but stern. the cosmopolitan visionary of the Non-Aligned Movement. in a 1965 speech in Asia. uneducated. leading Time magazine to hail Suharto's bloody takeover as "The West's best news for years in Asia. Suharto grabbed the authority to dismiss.[11] When that criminal escapade of the Dulles brothers failed. his government had a working relationship with the powerful PKI. monitor. Sukarno's domestic and foreign policy was nationalist.S. In March 1966. The great orator who had led the nationalist struggle against the Dutch. the strategists in Washington reversed course and began backing the army officers of the central government.ultimately doomed his rule.S. and explicitly anti-imperialist." [13] Several years later. Many in Washington saw Indonesia as the region's centerpiece. moved against the PKI and Sukarno with the full support of the U.S." [10] But obstacles to the realization of Washington's geopolitical-economic vision arose when the Sukarno government emerged upon independence in Indonesia. The new strategy was to cultivate anti-communist officers who could gradually build up the army as a shadow government capable of replacing President Sukarno and eliminating the PKI at some future date." while characterizing the country as "one of Asia's most highly developed nations and endowed by chance with what is . Moreover. a relative nobody in Indonesian politics. Richard Nixon characterized the country as "containing the region's richest hoard of natural resources" and "by far the greatest prize in the South-East Asian area. [6] A diligent embassy official with a penchant for data collection did his part by handing the army a list of thousands of names of PKI members. and small arms to Suharto so that his troops could conduct the nationwide assault on civilians.S. The top army generals in Jakarta bided their time and waited for the opportune moment for what U. even while maintaining Sukarno as figurehead president until March 1967. Nixon had argued in favor of bombing North Vietnam to protect Indonesia's "immense mineral potential. walkie-talkies. corrupt army general from a Javanese village. and the top army brass in 1965 was rooted in Washington's longstanding wish to have privileged and enhanced access to Southeast Asia's resource wealth. [7] Such moral and material support was much appreciated in the Indonesian army. embassy officials in October 1965. Marshall Green. strategists called a final "showdown" with the PKI. and arrest cabinet ministers. "This was just what was needed by way of assurances that we weren't going to be hit from all angles as we moved to straighten things out here. the U.S. 1965. [12] That moment came on October 1. As an aide to the army's chief of staff informed U.

swallow up much of the government's budget. and declared. rice. and soybeans. the TNI committed widespread atrocities during counterinsurgency campaigns in the resource-rich provinces of West Papua and Aceh. By now it is clear that the much ballyhooed economic growth of the Suharto years was severely detrimental to the national interest. Suharto's army was jailing and killing union leaders at the facilities of U. They expected the legitimacy of their new regime would derive from economic growth and that growth would derive from bringing in Western investment. Within Indonesia proper. oil companies and rubber plantations. embassy account has it." [14] Among other things. entered the chamber. Middle class university students. The result was an occupation that lasted for almost 24 years and left a death toll of tens of thousands of East Timorese. [16] Once Suharto decisively sidelined Sukarno in March 1966. epidemic and preventable diseases are rampant. The country has little to show for all the natural resources sold on the world market. exporting natural resources to Western markets. The Suharto regime lived by foreign capital and died by foreign capital." to quote from a lighted sign at the Jakarta airport. shipped large quantities of rice and cloth for the explicit political purpose of shoring up his regime. resulting in tens of thousands of additional fatalities.S. Apart from the pillaging of Indonesia's resource base. the cabinet indefinitely postponed the discussion. and begging for Western aid." Faced with such a threat. or "the heroes of foreign exchange. the euphoria reflected just how lucrative the changing of the guard in Indonesia would prove to be for Western business interests. The country imports huge quantities of staple commodities that could be easily produced on a larger scale in Indonesia. he suddenly arrived by helicopter. At his command. such as sugar. Payments on the foreign and domestic debt. He personally intervened in a meeting of cabinet ministers in December 1965 that was discussing the nationalization of the oil companies Caltex and Stanvac. . Soon after the meeting began. Falling prices were meant to convince Indonesians that Suharto's rule was an improvement over Sukarno's. part of it being the odious debt from the Suharto years. There is little domestic industrial production.S. the Suharto regime caused an astounding level of unnecessary suffering. Once that pattern of growth ended with the capital flight of the 1997 Asian economic crisis. played a particularly important role in forcing Suharto from office. The U. as the gleeful U. Suharto's clique of army officers took power with a long-term economic strategy in mind.probably the most strategically authoritative geographic location on earth. The main products of the villages now are migrant laborers. The regime's ability over the following years to sustain economic growth via integration with Western capital provided whatever legitimacy it had. [15] At the same time. the regime's legitimacy quickly vanished. the floodgates of foreign aid opened up. The forests from which military officers and Suharto cronies continue to make fortunes are being cut down and burned up at an alarming rate.S. that the military "would not stand for precipitous moves against oil companies. With health care spending at a minimum. the fruits of economic growth. Henry Kissinger. the Indonesian military invaded neighboring East Timor in 1975 after receiving a green light from President Gerald Ford and his secretary of state. Suharto's vision for the army was not in terms of defending the nation against foreign aggression but defending foreign capital against Indonesians.

edu Notes . there has not been a thorough investigation of any of the countless massacres that took place in 1965-66. In his "year of living dangerously" speech in August 1964 * a phrase remembered in the West as just the title of a 1982 movie with Mel Gibson and Sigourney Weaver * Sukarno spoke about the Indonesian ideal of national independence struggling to stay afloat in "an ocean of subversion and intervention from the imperialists and colonialists. and is the author of A Not-so-distant Horror: Mass Violence in East Timor (Cornell University Press." [17] Suharto's removal from office has not led to radical changes in Indonesia's state and economy. It is thus not surprising that the government of the world's newest country feels compelled to play down demands for justice by its citizenry and emphasize an empty reconciliation process with Indonesia.S. Sukarno used to indict Dutch colonialism by saying that Indonesia was "a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. There is even an official effort to create a national truth commission to investigate past atrocities.) after experiencing the misery that Suharto's strategy of collaboration has wrought. forthcoming in 2006). but it might just rise again during the ongoing economic crisis that is endangering the lives of so many Indonesians. despite political support and billions of dollars in U. John Roosa is an assistant professor of history at the University of British Columbia." Thanks to the Suharto years. As such. prosperity.S. military training and economic assistance to Jakarta over the preceding four decades. History textbooks still focus on the September 30th Movement and make no mention of the massacres. It is encouraging that many Indonesians are now recalling Sukarno's fight against Western imperialism (first the Netherlands and then the U. This impunity is a source of continuing worry for Indonesia's civil society and restless regions. the military still looms large over the country's political system. no military or political leaders have been held responsible for the Suharto-era crimes (or those that have taken place since).-assisted takeover of state power forty years ago last month drowned that ideal in blood. as well as poverty-stricken. significant democratic space has opened in Indonesia." Suharto's U. 2005). and international recognition for which the nationalist struggle was fought now seem as remote as ever. and is the author of Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia (University of Wisconsin Press.With Suharto's forced resignation in 1998. There are competitive national and local elections. Similarly. weaponry. that description remains true.S. Joseph Nevins is an assistant professor of geography at Vassar College. as part of the global "war on terror. Meanwhile in the United States. Nevertheless. The principles of economic self-sufficiency. now-independent East Timor.vassar. thus enabling the Bush administration's current efforts to further ties with Indonesia's military. Victims of the "New Order" and their families are able to organize. Washington's role in Indonesia's killing fields of 1965-66 and subsequent brutality has been effectively buried. thus increasing the likelihood of future atrocities. They may be reached at: jonevins@pop.

1981 edition of The Nation." in Malcolm Caldwell (ed. In the course of these abductions. Tahun yang Tak Pernah Berakhir: Memahami Pengalaman Korban 65. 1990. p. a teenaged nephew of another general. May 20.gwu.html 8. "The 30 September Movement in Indonesia." Foreign Affairs (October 1967). and Hilmar Farid. one that reflected its agents' honest opinions.K. p. Kahin and George McT. p. 57-58.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB52/#FRUS 5. .htm 2.). 283. 1965. 1983). 50 (October 1990). 2004). A former CIA agent who worked in Southeast Asia. the movement's troops abducted and killed six army generals and a lieutenant taken by mistake from the house of the seventh who avoided capture. The Dark Side of Paradise. The Dark Side of Paradise: Political Violence in Bali (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. for its own in-house readership. Kathy Kadane. In Jakarta. 9. 59. John Roosa.gov/csi/kent_csi/docs/v14i2a02p_0001. Esai-Esai Sejarah Lisan [The Year that Never Ended: Understanding the Experiences of the Victims of 1965." (Fall 1969). 4.pir. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: The New Press. p. Foreign Relations of the United States. Audrey R. Cited in Robinson. "Exporting Military-Economic Development: America and the Overthrow of Sukarno. "Ex-agents say CIA Compiled Death Lists for Indonesians. p. in United States Department of State. a five year-old daughter of a general. Telegram from the Embassy in Jakarta to Department of State. p. 1995). 26. Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia (Nottingham (U. "American 'Low Posture' Policy Toward Indonesia in the Months Leading up to the 1965 'Coup'. October 14. two army colonels were abducted and killed. McGehee's description of it was heavily censored by the agency when it vetted an account he first published in the April 11. 3. 241. and a security guard were killed. 1995).1. Quoted in Geoffrey Robinson. 111. The latter is available online: http://www. Telegram from the Embassy in Indonesia to Department of State.odci." San Francisco Examiner. pp. 7. Ralph McGehee. 11. October 14. Kahin. 1975). 14 to the White House (from Jakarta). Two articles in the agency's internal journal Studies in Intelligence have been declassified: John T. In Central Java. Frederick Bunnell. 10. Richard Cabot Howland. 6. 354. 1965. Pizzicaro.): Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation for Spokesman Books. Richard Nixon. p. Quoted in Peter Dale Scott." Indonesia. vol. "The Lessons of the September 30 Affair. "Asia After Viet Nam. CIA Report no. Oral History Essays] (Jakarta: Elsam." (Fall 1970). Also consider the massacre investigated in Chris Hilton's very good documentary film Shadowplay (2002). This FRUS volume is available online at the National Security Archive website: http://www. Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square. Ayu Ratih. 283. available online at http://www. November 4. noted in his memoir that the agency compiled a separate report about the events of 1965. eds. 1.org/kadane. 19641968. 1965.

12. Bunnell, "American 'Low Posture' Policy," pp. 34, 43, 53-54. 13. Time, July 15, 1966. Also see Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues (Boston: South End Press, 1993), pp. 123-131. 14. Lawrence Griswold, "Garuda and the Emerald Archipelago: Strategic Indonesia Forges New Ties with the West," Sea Power (Navy League of the United States), vol. 16, no. 2 (1973), pp. 20, 25. 15. Telegram 1787 from Jakarta to State Department, December 16, 1965, cited in Brad Simpson, "Modernizing Indonesia: U.S.*Indonesian Relations, 1961-1967," (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Northwestern University, 2003), p. 343. 16. Hilmar Farid, "Indonesia's Original Sin: Mass Killings and Capitalist Expansion 1965-66," Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (March 2005). 17. For information on U.S.-Indonesia military ties, see the website of the East Timor Indonesia Action Network at http://www.etan.org/

Oleh: Andre Vitchek:[1] Lain hari, terjadi lagi kehilangan nyawa yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu: 16 orang terbunuh dan 16 orang masih hilang pada saat banjir dan longsor di Tahuna, sebuah pulau kecil dekat Sulawesi . Dengan kecepatan yang mengerikan, Indonesia telah menggantikan Bangladesh dan India sebagai bangsa yang paling rentan bencana di dunia. Jika nama Indonesia muncul pada daftar judul utama di berita Yahoo, besar kemungkinan telah terjadi lagi suatu tragedi besar yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu terjadi di salah satu pulau dari kepulauan yang tersebar luas ini. Pesawat terbang hilang atau tergelincir di landasan pacu, kapal-kapal ferry tenggelam atau rontok di lautan bebas, kereta api bertabrakan atau tergelincir satu kali seminggu, penumpang yang tak berkarcis berjatuhan dari atap yang berkarat. Tumpukan sampah yang berbau busuk dan tidak memperoleh izin telah mengubur kelompok pemulung yang tak berdaya, tanah longsor telah menghanyutkan rumah-rumah kardus ke anakanak sungai, gempa bumi serta gelombang pasang telah menghancurkan kota-kota serta desa-desa pantai.Kebakaran hutan di Sumatra telah menyesakkan nafas penduduk di daerah yang luas di Asia Tenggara. Ruang lingkup bencana sebesar ini tidak pernah terjadi sebelumnya dan sungguh aneh jika kita menyepelekannya sekedar sebagai nasib jelek bangsa atau amarah Tuhan ataupun karena keganasan alam belaka. Sebagian besar faktor penyebab bencana ini harus dipersalahkan pada korupsi, inkompetensi atau sekedar ketidakacuhan dari kelompok elite yang sedang berkuasa dan para pejabat peemrintah. Adalah kemiskinan, minimnya proyek untuk kepentingan umum, dan kegemaran [para pejabat untuk ] mencuri yang membunuh ratusan ribu pria, wanita serta anak-anak Indonesia yang tidak berdaya.

Sejak kudeta militer dalam tahun 1965 yang disponsori Amerika Serikat yang menjatuhkan Sukarno, dan menaikkan rezim militer yang sangat anti komunis, korup, dan pro pasar dari diktator Suharto , Indonesia terhindar dari pengawasan yang sungguh-sungguh dari media dan pemerintahan negara-negara Barat. Setelah jatuhnya Suharto dalam tahun 1998, Indonesia dipuji oleh media massa sebagai suatu demokrasi yang sedang tumbuh dan semakin toleran. Sebagian dari bencana ini adalah buatan manusia; [dan] hampir semuanya malah bisa dicegah. Dalam penelusuran yang lebih cermat semakin jelas terlihat bahwa orangorang mati karena hampir tidak ada upaya pencegahan, kurangnya pendidikan (Indonesia merupakan negara yang ketiga paling rendah prosentase GDP anggaran pendidikannya sesudah Equatorial Guinea dan Ecuador) dan suatu sistem ekonomi pro pasar yang buas yang membiarkan sekelompok kecil orang kaya untuk memperkaya dirinya sendiri di atas penderitaan orang banyak yang hidup d engan biaya kurang dari dua dollar sehari. Kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik terhadap bagaimana berfungsinya masyarakat Indonesia bisa sangat mengerikan. Namun, menghindari pengungkapan hal ini tidak diragukan lagi akan menyebabkan jatuhnya korban nyawa yang berharga dari ratusan ribu manusia. [Kehidupan bernegara di] Indonesia dewasa ini didorong oleh semangat mencari untung dalam bentuknya yang paling ekstrim. Ia juga merupakan salah satu dari bangsa yang paling korup di muka bumi. Dan kelihatannya tidak ada keuntungan cepat yang dapat diperoleh dari mengambil langkah-langkah preventif [terhadap bencana alam ini]. Dimanapun dunia, bendungan dan dinding anti-tsunami dipandang sebagai pekerjaan umum dan justru perkataan –umum—yang telah hampir lenyap dari kamus mereka yang membuat keputusan di Indonesia . Keuntungan berjangka pendek bagi sekelompok khusus orang diberikan prioritas yang lebih tinggi dari kemanfaatan berjangka panjang bagi seluruh bangsa. Keruntuhan moral dari bangsa ini terbayang dalam skala nilai, yaitu: orang korup tapi kaya memperoleh penghormatan yang jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mereka yang jujur tapi miskin. Tenggelamnya kapal-kapal ferry bukanlah "karena angin kencang dan ombak"; kapalkapal itu tenggelam karena penuh sesak oleh penumpang dan karena perawatan yang buruk. Semuanya bisa dijadikan uang, bahkan keselamatan ribuan penumpang. Perusahaan-perusaha an hanya ingat terhadap keuntungannya sendiri, sedangkan para pengawas dari pemerintah hanya memperhatikan uang suap belaka. Tenggelamnya kapal Senopati Nusantara dengan ratusan kurban dan disiarkan secara luas itu hanyalah salah satu dari ratusan kecelakaan laut yang terjadi setiap tahun di Indonesia . Walaupun tidak bisa diperoleh angka statistik yang pasti (dengan alasan yang dapat diduga, yaitu karena pemerintah Indonesia berusaha sekeras-kerasnya untuk mencegah dipublikasikannya statistik komparatif secara lengkap), beberapa rute pelayaran kehilangan lebih dari tiga kapal setiap tahun. Catatan keamanan dari industri penerbangan Indonesia merupakan salah satu yang paling buruk di dunia. Sejak tahun 1997, sekurang-kurangnya 666 orang telah meninggal dalam delapan kecelakaan pesawat di Indonesia . Latihan terhadap beberapa orang pilot sedemikian buruknya sehingga pesawat sering tergelincir di landasan pacu atau sama sekali tidak bisa menemukan landasan, atau [malah] mendarat di bagian

tengah landasan. Pemeliharaan pesawat adalah masalah lainnya: flaps sering tidak berfungsi sama sekali; roda tidak dapat dimasukkan setelah take-off, ban yang jarang diganti cenderung meletus pada saat mendarat. Sungguh merupakan suatu keajaiban bagaimana beberapa pesawat – khususnya pesawat tua Boeing 737 yang diterbangkan oleh hampir semua perusahaan penerbangan Indonesia – bisa lolos dari inspeksi. Setelah mewawancarai pejabat penerbangan sipil lokal (nama yang bersangkutan jelas tidak mau disebutkan) wartawan Anda mengetahui bahwa sistem navigasi dari beberapa bandar udara Indonesia berada dalam keadaan yang amburadul, terutama bandar udara Makasar di Sulawesi dan Medan di Sumatra. Rata-rata, telah terjadi satu kecelakaan kereta api setiap enam hari di Indonesia , umumnya disebabkan karena kurangnya penjagaan pada 8000 lintasan kereta api. Sebagai perbandingan, kereta api Malaysia tidak pernah mengalami kecelakaan fatal selama 13 tahun sampai tahun 2005 (satu kecelakaan terjadi tahun 2006, yang statistiknya bisa diperoleh). Walaupun kenyataan menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia secara relatif mempunyai jumlah mobil per kapita yang kecil, namun jalan-jalannya merupakan jaringan jalan yang "paling banyak digunakan" di dunia (hanya nomor dua setelah Hongkong yang justru bukan merupakan negara): 5.7 juta kend eraan-km per tahun dari jaringan jalan. (2003, The Economist World in Figures, 2007 Edition). Menurut The Financial Times, walaupun kepadatan yang luar biasa serta lalu lintas yang bagaikan merangkak ini, lebih dari 80 orang tewas setiap hari di jalan-jalan Indonesia, umumnya disebabkan oleh karena amat buruknya infrastruktur dan amat lemahnya penegakan hukum. Gempa bumi belaka tidaklah membunuh manusia. Faktor penyebab banyaknya jatuh korban adalah buruknya konstruksi rumah serta bangunan, bersamaan dengan kurangnya upaya preventif dan pendidikan preventif. Sudah menjadi pengetahuan umum bahwa Indonesia rentan terhadap bencana; bahwa ia berada di kawasan yang disebut sebagai 'lingkaran api' (ring of fire). Namun kaum miskin tidak bisa mengharapkan adanya proyek perumahan umum yang mampu menahan gempa (seperti yang diban gun di negara tetangga, Malaysia ). Hampir setiap keluarga harus mengurus nasibnya sendiri: mereka harus merancang dan mendirikan tempat tinggalnya sendiri. Gempa besar membunuh ratusan orang, kadang-kadang ribuan orang, dan menyebabkan ratusan ribu orang kehilangan rumah mereka. Sekurang-kurangnya 5.800 orang meninggal dan 36.000 luka-luka pada tanggal 27 Mei 2006 sewaktu gempa berkekuatan 6.2 skala Richter menghantam daerah Jawa Tengah dekat kota bersejarah Yogyakarta. Infrastruktur yang primitif, fasilitas media yang tidak memadai, dan korupsi yang terjadi pada saat pendistribusian bantuan merupakan faktor yang menyebabkan tingginya jumlah korban pada saat terjadinya goncangan. Pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah (illegal logging) dan penggundulan hutan merupakan alasan utama terjadinya tanah longsor. Semua orang tahu siapa yang bertanggung jawab terhadap terjadinya kebakaran hutan di Sumatera dan di tempattempat lain, tetapi para pejabat pemerintah enggan sekali melakukan penangkapan, oleh karena mereka yang bertanggung jawab terhadap penggundulan hutan tersebut biasanya

kemudian mengatakan bahwa tidak banyak yang dapat diperbuat karena daerah tersebut tidak dilengkapi dengan sirene atau pengeras suara. sehingga mereka secara harfiah terpaksa ikut serta menggali lubang kuburnya sendiri dengan menghancurkan lingkungan. ratusan ribu orang masih tinggal di rumah-rumah darurat. Bukan saja reaksi dari pemerintah Indonesia dan militernya amat lamban. banyak anggota tentara Indonesia memeras sogokan dari lembaga-lembaga bantuan dan merusak perbekalan atau air minum yang berharga jika sogokan tidak dibayar. Dalam suatu kasus menyolok tentang perampasan tanah oleh pemerintah. "Banjir lumpur" baru-baru ini telah menenggelamkan demikian banyak desa di luar Surabaya . Banyak lagi kejadian seperti itu. termasuk penegakan hukum. Indonesia sering menderita berbagai jenis bencana buatan manusia yang sungguh sukar untuk dimengerti dan diperbandingkan dengan apapun juga. Bencana itu terjadi karena tidak dipatuhinya prosedur secara wajar oleh suatu perusahaan eksplorasi gas (yang sebagian sahamnya dimiliki oleh salah seorang menteri kabinet). Demikian banyak bentuk penyelesaian terhadap masalah-masalah ini. beberapa puluh orang terbunuh kaena tanah longsor dan banjir bandang di bagian utara pulau Sumatra . sebagian besar dari bantuan luar negeri yang amat banyak itu lenyap karena korupsi. yang selanjutnya menghancurkan seluruh masyarakat itu sendiri. bahkan mungkin suatu buku yang khusus ditulis tentang hal itu. Pejabat-pejabat Indonesia < /SPAN> telah menerima peringatan dini dari Jepang namun tidak mau bertindak. Menurut angkaangka resmi.000 orang di provinsi Aceh pada bulan Desember 2004.000 orang menjadi pengungsi. Lebih dari dua tahun setelah terjadinya tragedi yang menghancur-luluhkan Aceh ini. dan merendam lebih dari 1. yang terkenal sebagai tsunami. namun angka yang sebenarnya hampir pasti jauh lebih tinggi. banjir dan tanah longsor yang disebabkan oleh hutan lebat telah menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang di provinsi Sulawesi Selatan. Masih banyak korban tsunami lainnya. tapi daftar lengkap akan memenerlukan banyak sekali halaman surat kabar. Bulan lalu. sedangkan anak-anak dipisahkan secara paksa dari orang tuanya (karena kehilangan sertifikat kelahiran) dan 'diadopsi' oleh organisasi-organisa si keagamaan. "Kecelakaan" ini telah menyebabkan lebih dari 10. Pada bulan Juni 2006. Jangankan membantu korban. inspeksi dan upaya untuk mencari nafkah alternatif bagi masyarakat yang sedemikian putus asanya. banyak korban dihambat pulang ke tanahnya sendiri. telah menewaskan lebih dari 126. menghancurkan satu-satunya jalan raya dari Surabaya serta jalan kereta api utama.000 are tanah dengan lumpur panas. Namun hampir tidak ada yang dilakukan sama sekali. oleh karena pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah merupakan bisnis raksasa dan sangat menguntungkan. beberapa di antaranya menjadi korban perdagangan manusia (human traficking). Gelombang raksasa.000 oang terpaksa mengungsi dari rumah mereka.kaya raya dan mempunyai koneksi dengan [pejabat] negara dimana bahkan keadilan bisa dijual. yang menghantam pantai Jawa selatan pada tanggal 17 Juli 2006 yang masih menunggu bantuan yang berarti. sebanyak 600 orang tewas. . yang dapat mengisi demikian banyak telapak tangan yang menunggunya dengan sukacita. Sampah telah menguburkan suatu desa pemulung miskin pada sebuah penimbunan sampah tanpa izin di luar kota Bandung . yang memaksa 400.

Tetapi mereka gagal untuk menegaskan bahwa apa yang terjadi itu adalah suatu keadaan luar biasa dan tidak dapat ditoleransi. Indonesia telah kehilangan sekitar 200 ribu orang rakyatnya dalam berbagai bencana. Tetapi jika korban yang harus dibayar harus dihitung dengan hilangnya ratusan ribu nyawa. Pers dan media massa Indonesia telah melaporkan secara detail masing-masing dan setiap bencana itu. yang terancam akan dikuburkan oleh tanah longsor. bahwa mungkin tidak ada negara besar lainnya di dunia yang mengalami demikian banyak korban manusia yang tidak semestinya terjadi karena bencana buatan manusia atau bencana yang sesungguhnya bisa dicegah. Senior Fellow pada Oakland Institute (www. dimana istanaistana mewah dari pejabat-pejabat yang korup telah memakan berhektar-hektar tanah.org). korupsi adalah pencurian dari publik.--------[1] Novelis. banyak orang Indonesia yang hidup dalam keadaan berbahaya dan penuh risiko seperti mereka yang hidup di daerah yang tercabik-cabik oleh perang. bahkan dari bencana dan dari penderitaan berjuta-juta rakyatnya sendiri. Cukup banyak semen dan batu bata untuk membuat bendungan dan dinding untuk menghambat tsunami. Upaya mengaitkan demikian banyak bencana dengan korupsi dan sistem sosial ekonomi telah ditolak sama sekali. juga lebih besar dari korban yang jatuh di Sri Langka atau di Peru selama perang saudara yang demikian lama.--------. oleh karena statistik komparatif atau tidak tersedia atau telah ditekan. Di Indonesia. Dalam kalimat sederhana. Sejak Desember 2004. Masalah utama adalah tidak adanya kehendak politik (political will). ia menjadi pembunuhan massal. Jumlah itu lebih besar dari jumlah korban di Irak pada saat yang sama. baru-baru ini memberangus komentar ini. Suatu penglihatan sekilas di sekitar Jakarta berlusin-lusin shopping malls baru dibangun di beberapa tempat. untuk memperkuat bukit-bukit di sekitar kota-kota. angka-angka statistik yang benar. dua bencana yang terjadi baru-baru ini – peristiwa tenggelam yang mengerikan dari kapan 'Satria Nusantara" dan 'hilang'-nya pesawat Boeing 737 Adam Air dengan 102 penumpang – sudah lebih dari cukup untuk memaksa menteri kabinet untuk mengundurkan diri. dan menolak menerbitkannya di halaman-halamannya. Sebagian besar mereka tidak menyadarinya. tetapi masih berada dalam posisi untuk melindungi sebagian dari warganya yang rentan. Surat kabar Indonesia terkemuka J akarta Post.--------.Masalahnya adalah: kapankah rakyat Indonesia akan berkata bahwa sudah cukup apa yang terjadi itu dan kapankah mereka akan menuntut pertanggungjawaban dan keadilan. produser film.--------. Sungguh.--------.oaklandinstitu te. jurnalis. salah seorang pendiri dari Mainstay Press (www. Badanbadan usaha serta pejabat-pejabat lokal telah mengemban gkan kemampuan khusus untuk mengeruk keuntungan dari apa pun juga. dan 'cetak biru' yang konkrit untuk menyelesaikannya? Hampir di semua negara. -----------. Saat ini ia . kedua tragedi ini dipandang (atau ditampilkan) ha nya sebagai suatu nasib buruk lainnya belaka tanpa meminta pertanggungjawaban atau akuntabiltas siapa pun juga. org). Keengganan untuk menyelesaikan masalah mempunyai akarnya pada korupsi. tidak termasuk kecelakaan kenderaan bermotor di jalan raya dan konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di seluruh kepulauan Indonesia.mainstaypress. Indonesia adalah miskin.--------.

" I was informed that some 80% of men living in three Muslim villages of Tobelo were massacred. added that each of the villages was inhabited by around 200 to 300 family units. "Muslim women were also raped in the streets. Not less than 800 Muslim men in three villages in the district of Tobelo. Thamrin Amal Tomagola of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. Another Bosnia Tragedy in Indonesia# Republika*. Women Raped in Halmahera. dimuat dalam International Herald Tribune dan The Financial Times. According to Thamrin. only 5000 are Muslims. Yesterday. Muslims were indeed minority. 12 Februari 2007. the indication that there would be attack on the Muslims in Tobelo was noticed on 25 December when there was a huge people gathering in Tobelo. Thamrin said that he did not know who provoked them to carry out the attack. Prof Dr Salim Said . The massacre happened all of a sudden following social tension which has been escalating in North Halmahera. Out of 50000 Tobelo population. including Islamic Affair Offices (Kantor Urusan Agama-KUA) and all buildings associated with Islam. he continued.tinggal dan bekerja di Asia Tenggara dan bisa dihubungi pada alamat email andre-wcn@usa. According to the Vice President of Assembly of Muslim Scholars of Indonesia (Majelis Ulama Indonesia . dikirimkan via e-mail oleh Duta Besar RI di Ceko." he told. Halmahera. The crowd came from some districts in North Halmahera and Ternate and the number reached about 10 to 20 thousands people. on 26 December 1999. They were thought to have come from groups of people who had celebrated Christmas in Tobelo on 25 December. On 28 December 1999. Komnas HAM.MUI) H Adjit bin Taher. In this region. Mr. 800 Muslims massacred JAKARTA. they did the attack on the Muslim enclaves in the city of Tobelo after [Ramadan] break fast. Naskah aslinya berjudul " Indonesia : Natural Disasters or Mass Murder?". Indonesian University." he said. Galela and Jailolo) but also from Kao and . Halmahera. "For sure. since the tension sparked up on 26 December 1999. Therefore. Tuesday 4 January 2000 ========================== Three Villages Raided. MA . said. the number of the Muslim men killed would be around 800. They came not only from three districts in North Halmahera (namely Tobelo. Tomagola. Saafroedin Bahar.MAIA.The worst and the most heartbreaking human tragedy has occurred in North Maluku on 28 December 1999. dan diterjemahkan oleh Dr. a convoy of trucks laden with people were roaming the streets. who is a sociologist and was born in Galela. North Maluku Province were massacred in a single night. In a single night. net. while the women were raped in the streets. nearly 2000 Muslims from Tobelo were killed and four mosques burnt down.

whereas Ambon conflict [which is relatively longer] . At present. reacted quickly by sending additional troops from Malang. where Muslims are majority. "They then poured the mosques with petrol and burnt the people inside alive. is the follow-up of the conflicts in Makian Malifut district on 18 August. Indeed. he added." he said. "I have not seen any proper coordination and arrangement from the Government. he said. The mobs on the trucks did no action when passing through Christian villages. Only around 3000 people remains in Galela district. Muslim enclaves in Jaelolo district are currently under siege by Christians. Indonesian Army (Tentara National Indonesia-TNI). The Indonesian Government and the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM): Too luggishÉ!!!!! Although the conflict in North Halmahera was extremely tragic. the mass immediately got off the trucks and then poured petrol on Muslims' houses before set on fire.Pidiwang districts as well as Christians from Ternate who had sought refuge in Tobelo." he added. The tension that built up in North Halmahera started when Christian community in Kao expelled Muslim inhabitants of Makian Malifut from their villages to Ternate Island. the inhabitants left the houses and went outside. When the convoy was underway. Solo and Madiun. Nonetheless. Apart from victimising Muslims. Thamrin said. with thousands of people dead. the Muslims in North Halmahera were besieged. he continued. Thamrin was also dismayed by Komnas HAM which was less responsive with this extraordinary human right violation in North Halmahera. The Muslims then took revenge by driving out Christian inhabitants in Ternate who then took refuge in North Sulawesi and in majority-majority areas of North Halmahera. whereas some 5000 of the inhabitants have fled to Ternate. the Christian mass put the people who were inside the mosques under their siege. Thamrin admitted. the convoy leader kept agitating speech using a loud speaker mounted on the truck." said Thamrin. But. To illustrate the enormous scale of the human right violation. The social tension which has currently turned into inter-religious clashes in the upper part of the northern region of Halmahera island. Thamrin said. Thamrin disclosed that since a sectarian conflict erupted in Makian Malifut district on 18 August 1999. Both the Muslim and Chinese people who were under attack run toward Jami Mosque in Gamsuni Village and any mosque in Dufa-Dufa village seeking for refuge. And they [the Christians] then slain the men. But. Furthermore. yet the dead victims have reached 2500. Thamrin mentioned that the conflict has been going on for about five months. when coming to the Muslim areas. Thamrin sees the Government being too slow in giving response. the real aids came from local NGOs. he said. the Christians also attacked the residents of Chinese origin. no real help from Government has been given to deal with the social atastrophe in the region. They were driven out from Tobelo and Kao districts." he said. "In this situation. About 400 [Muslim] youths have determined to defend Soa Siu City. "Apart from that. the death toll has reached 2500 people.

Muslim mujahideen have now gathered around the corridor regions of North Halmahera to launch a counter attack. "I am ready to run the risk [of being sacked from my position] as a Pangdam [in my effort] to stop this human tragedy. TNI Brigade General Max Tamaela. has vowed to leave his position if he cannot stop this prolonged bloodshed. Through a spokesperson. Meanwhile. dated 28 December 1999 was implemented on the following Wednesday morning.[END] INDONESIA.caused merely 1200 people died. according to the January 28 Washington Post. based on evaluation in the field. It has become a tragedy for humanity. regardless who are they since the facts have told that non-violence and negotiation approaches are not welcomed by the two sides. While Suharto may be gone. Pangdam XVI/Pattimura (=the Army Chief for Maluku Province). looking at the nature of the present conflicts. The instruction letter of Kodal numbered TR/1291/1999. never having faced justice for the millions of people he killed or the billions of dollars he stole during his three decades in power. it seemed necessary to crush the attackers. They came from Tidore. From the reports he continuously receives. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd described Suharto as an “influential leader” who “oversaw a period of significant economic growth and modernization”. Bacan. the hypocrisy of his rich-country supporters — especially Australia — lives on. Sanana. aged 86. ." he said in Ambon this Monday. The letter mentioned that the Indonesian Army Chief had granted permission to allow additional troops when. Suharto — the Australian elite’s favourite mass murderer Justin Randell 1 February 2008 Genocidal mass murderer and former Indonesian dictator Suharto died in hospital in Jakarta on January 27. 29 December 1999." he said. the Chief Commander for restoring peace and public order. In the same article. Sultan Baabulah Airport in Ternate was closed temporarily since Monday to anticipate any situation caused by the series of sectarian conflicts that have occurred in North Maluku since last week. "The Government must set up immediately a special team for and investigate this grotesque human rights violation." he stressed. Thamrin said that hostility is still there despite of the deployment of additional troops. US President George Bush expressed “his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president”. "Komnas HAM just came over during the first conflict on 18 August 1999. "So. but they did not even set up a special team [to investigate the following] conflicts on 26 November and end of December 1999. the personnel already deployed were felt insufficient to stop the clashes and restore the peace and order. Galela and South Halmahera. Ternate.

it also recognised “his achievements É he brought Indonesia from a country that was subsistence to one with a developing economy É” Keating told the Australian on January 28 that focusing on Suharto’s crimes was “missing the point”. while opponents were routinely killed. Some estimates put the figure as high as 2 million. Suharto launched his coup. Australian and US government support for Suharto goes all the way back to his rise to power via a bloody military coup in 1965. With the active assistance of the CIA and the US embassy. thenprime minister Harold Holt expressed his joy at this turn of events. but at least half a million people were butchered in the space of four months. Under Suharto. McClelland told AAP that while the Australian government recognised “issues of controversy”. Even more concerning for Western governments was the rise of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on the back of mass struggles by workers and peasants.Rudd characterised Suharto’s record of genocide as merely “controversial”. democratic elections and freedom of speech were completely nonexistent. infamously declaring with satisfaction: “With 500. Attorney General Ian McClelland and Australian ambassador to Indonesia Bill Farmer attended Suharto’s funeral on January 28. Mass murder Keen to secure the great wealth of the Indonesian archipelago for Western corporations.” Indonesia was opened for business. utilising the military and right-wing Islamic fundamentalist militias to carry out a campaign of mass slaughter against all leftists or suspected leftist sympathisers. . because Suharto “devoted himself entirely to the development of social conditions in Indonesia”. By the time Suharto took power. Former prime minister Paul Keating. Suharto. then a top-ranking general. which had undertaken a number of measures that attempted to protect Indonesia from the ravages of exploitation by Western corporations. The PKI was physically exterminated — completely wiped out. the PKI had an estimated 3 million members and 20 million organised supporters. Via corruption and nepotism. overthrew the nationalist government of president Sukarno. jailed and tortured. At a New York meeting of the Australian-American Association in July 1966. No-one knows the exact number killed. Suharto and his cronies became obscenely rich while any attempt by ordinary Indonesians to organise to defend their rights was brutally suppressed.000 to 1 million communist sympathisers knocked off É I think it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place. making it the largest communist party outside of the Soviet Union and China.

] . Richard Woolcott. the capital of East Timor. Soon after the “aberration”. recommended that Canberra back the invasion. who had signed the treaty. “The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon had called ‘the richest hoard of natural resources. forced Suharto from power in May 1998. secured the division East Timor’s gas and oil deposits between the two countries. Then-foreign minister Gareth Evans. the joint Australian-Indonesian board overseeing implementation of the treaty awarded 11 contracts to Australian oil and gas companies. called this “an aberration. Suharto’s “US-trained economists É agreed to the corporate takeover of their country. sector by sector. Suharto’s crimes against humanity were carried out on behalf of Western interests. American. and could not have occurred without the support of countries like Australia. led by pro-democracy students. A US/European consortium got the nickel. the greatest prize in south-east Asia’. Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of Sumatra. Nine months later. When a mass movement. [Justin Randell is a member of the Democratic Socialist Perspective. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia’s bauxite. In 1985. The outpouring of support for Suharto following his death is consistent with Australian foreign policy: democracy and human rights are only allowable when they don’t interfere with the profits of big business. signed by Australia and Indonesia in 1989. then-prime minister John Howard praised Suharto’s time in power as bringing “stability” to the archipelago.” According to Pilger. Australia became the first country to formally recognise Indonesia’s illegal annexation of East Timor. because Australia could “more readily” negotiate a deal with the Suharto to give Australia access to the oil and gas in the Timor Sea than with an independent East Timor. the Indonesian military killed or wounded more than 450 young mourners at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili. Up to 200. also backed by Western governments — especially Australia.000 people — around one third of the population — died in East Timor as a result Indonesian occupation. The Freeport company got a mountain of copper in West Papua.Dividing the spoils London-based Australian journalist John Pilger summed up the benefits of the Suharto regime for corporate interests in a January 28 article in the British Guardian. not an act of state policy”. a Marxist tendency in the Socialist Alliance.” One of Suharto’s greatest crimes was the invasion and annexation of East Timor. The Timor Gap Treaty. Australian ambassador to Indonesia at the time of the invasion. He was active in the solidarity campaign with Indonesia’s democracy movement struggling against Suharto as a member of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor.

15-02-2006 07:00 Dibuka : 990 Rubrik : Arsip. sudah berlangsung kegiatan dakwah di Masjid alA'raf. dari sumber lain beliau juga mendapatkan informasi. Karena keadaan makin panas. Saya memang kenal baik dengan dia karena sering bertemu. saya masih memonitor situasi. Amir Biki. H. Saya segera mengontak Panglima (ketika itu Try Soetrisno). kini berpangkat Brigadir Jenderal dan menjabat Wakil Gubernur Jawa Barat. di Jalan Sindang. yang mengkoordinasi para dai. kini ketua DPD Golkar Jawa Tengah. saya berada di depan Masjid alA'raf. Kemudian. minta pembebasan anggota jamaah yang ditahan di Kodim atau di Polres. saya turun bersama Asisten Operasi Alif Pandoyo. saya mencoba maju ke depan. Salim Qadar. dakwah yang "panas" itu juga sudah ada.tentang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Pasukan dari Kodim hanya satu regu. dan M. Di antara para penceramah. bertutur sebagai berikut.A Sampurna --waktu itu berpangkat Letkol dan menjabat Asintel KodamJaya-. yang . Akan tetapi tiga puluh menit kemudian. yang bernada menghasut. Di depan Polres Jakarta Utara itulah terjadi "kontak" dengan massa. Saya hampir bisa masuk. Instruksi beliau waktu itu ialah "cepat atasi".00. Tanjung Priok 1984 Oleh Rumah Kiri. yang bersuara keras ialah Amir Biki. yang diungkapkannya kepada majalah mingguan Tempo. sekitar pukul 19. Syarifin Maloko. Mungkin seribu lebih. sedangkan anak buah saya segera siaga di lapangan. Ternyata situasinya makin panas karena para penceramah mulai menghasut Akhirnya. yang waktu itu berada di rumah. tetapi karena situasinya kurang menguntungkan.From: International News.M. Pukul 20. Jauh sebelum pecahnya peristiwa itu. Tanjung Priok. permintaannya yang terakhir tidak bisa diluluskan karena saya anggap sudah keterlaluan. Kebetulan. Green Left Weekly issue #738 6 February 2008.MA Sampurna. tetapi ternyata massa sudah mulai bergerak maju. Pada tanggal 12 September itu. Tony Ardie. saya kembali ke Kodim.30. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi HMA Sampurna Berikut ini adalah kesaksian H. massa sudah ke jalan menuju Polres. terjadi pembakaran sepeda motor milik ****nsa. Akan tetapi. Lagi pula sudah terjadi "kontak" sehingga saya tidak sempat menghitung. lalu menghubungi saya. Sebelum saya menjadi Asintel. Kalau masalahnya kecil. Saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah mereka karena massa amat padat. sering menemui saya. misalnya soal selebaran. Sebelum peristiwa itu pecah. Nasir. biasanya saya minta dia menyelesaikannya secara baikbaik. Sulit pula menghitungnya karena keadaan gelap.

Tidak jelas siapa dari massa itu yang mengejar atau dikejar. . dan memproses mereka yang ditangkap. Pangdam V/Jaya Try Soetrisno. Sampai pagi saya tidak tidur. Akan tetapi. masih bisa dilihatgerakan mereka ke berbagai arah. tetapi mereka tidak mau. Namanya juga massa. Yang sudah. beliau bersama panglima datang. mereka membawa berbagai macam senjata tajam. Malam itu posisisaya di jalan yang menuju ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Kampung Rambutan. Bahkan. Saya lantas melaporkan kejadiannya. memeriksa. sedangkan yang lain dibebaskan. Beberapa saat kemudian Panglima memberi tahu bahwa Pangab (waktu itu Jenderal LB Moerdani) sebentar lagi akan meninjau ke tempat kejadian. pada hari jumat tanggal 7 September 1984. Di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak terpasang pamflet dan poster yang menghasut bersifat SARA. tidak mengurusi jenazah. Soedjoko. tetapi saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah korban yang meninggal.00 dini hari.berjumlah 10 orang. menurut saya tidak usahlah. Dalam kegelapan. ditahan di beberapa tempat. Jaraknya amat dekat. Keterangan resmi peristiwa Tanjung priok diterima publik diuraikan oleh Pangab sebagai berikut. dan Kapolda Metro Jaya Drs. pasukan campur dengan massa. ada yang ke arah Sampur. Sekitar lima belas menit kemudian. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. 10 meter di belakang pasukan. menahan. Saya mengendarai jip. dikuburkan di satu lokasi di desa Ceger. kecuali sejumlah rumah dan toko yang dilempari batu dan dibakar massa. Lalu saya menunggu di Polres. menutup tulisan-tulisan yang bersifat menghasut itu dengan warna hitam. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Resmi Pemerintah Orde Baru Versi resmi peristiwa Tanjung Priok dikeluarkan sekitar sepuluh jam setelah peristiwa ini terjadi. ada pula yang ke arah Kodim dan Polres. Pasukan berusaha memberitahu massa agar mereka berhenti. Urusan saya ialah memproses mereka yang terlibat dan ditahan. Sekitar pukul 02. saling mengejar. Karena imbauan petugas agar pamflet-pamflet dan poster-poster itu dihapus atau dicabut tidak dihiraukan. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Sambil bertakbir. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. Mereka malah mengejar tentara. Kalau sekarang ini ada korban yang minta agar kasus ini dijelaskan. Moerdani didampingi oleh Menteri Penerangan Harmoko.B. Keterangan resmi pemerintah Orde Baru dikemukakan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib L. di tempat kejadian sudah tidak ada masalah yang berat karena sudah "dibersihkan" dan sudah selesai. Tentara gantian mengejar massa. Amir Biki memimpin mereka ke arah Kodim dan Polres. jumlahnya sekitar seratus. saya mengantar Pangab dan Pangdam meninjau para korban yang dirawat di RSPAD Gatot Subroto. ya sudah. Ada yang menuju Priok. Diseleksi siapa gembongnya untuk diajukan ke pengadilan. Massa itu ada yang di jalan dan ada yang di lapangan. Salim Qadar memimpin mereka ke arah Priok. Jakarta Timur. Para korban diangkut dengan truk. karena sebagian tidak dikenali identitasnya. seorang petugas. ada yang bergerak ke Ancol.

Menurut Pangab dalam versi ini. di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama tanpa izin dan bersifat menghasut. 7 September. Massa terus maju mendesak satuan keamanan sambil mengayun-ayunkan dan mengacung-acungkan celurit. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Intern Aparat Pemerintahan Orde Baru Versi kedua ini diungkapkan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib dalam penjelasan kepada lurah wilayah Jakarta Utara. menguasai keadaan. 10 September 1984. Dalam jarak yang sudah membahayakan.00 WIB ancaman telepon diulang lagi. Hari Kamis. Setelah datang pasukan keamanan lainnya. Lima belas orang petugas keamanan menghambat kerumunan atau gerakan massa tersebut. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. pukul 19. dan membubarkan massa. Nasir (bukan M. merusak beberapa rumah. dihadang dan kemudian dikeroyok oleh sekelompok orang. keras. Tembakan diarahkan ke tanah dan kaki penyerang. sekitar 1. Regu keamanan berusaha membubarkan massa dengan secara persuasif. Penjelasan Pangab/Pangkopkamtib sebagai berikut. Petugas keamanan berhasil menyelamatkan diri. seorang petugas yang sedang menjalankan tugasnya di daerah Koja. Natsir mantan Perdana Menteri dan ketua DDII). 12 September 1984. barulah massa mundur. Pukul 22.00 WIB. di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak banyak tertempel pengumuman tentang ceramah oleh mubalig-mubalig yang terkenal ekstrem. M. tetapi mereka membakar mobil.30 WIB. pasukan keamanan Laksusda (Pelaksana Khusus Daerah) Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. sehingga petugas keamanan dalam kondisi kritis dan terpaksa melakukan penembakanpenembakan untuk mencegah usaha perusuh merebut senjata dan serangan-serangan dengan celurit dan senjata tajam lainnya.Pada hari senin. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. namun dijawab dengan teriakan-teriakan yang membangkitkan emosi dan keberingasan massa. Pada hari Rabu. Penceramahnya antara lain Amir Biki (tewas tertembak). pukul 00. tetapi sepeda motornya dibakar oleh para penghadang. regu keamanan mulai memberikan tembakan peringatan dan tidak dihiraukan. Sekitar tiga puluh menit kemudian gerombolan menyerang kembali petugas keamanan. Sekitar pukul 23. bukan mubalig . tidak pernah diketahui keberadaannya setelah peristiwa malam itu. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.500 orang menuju Polres dan Kodim. korban pun tidak dapat dihindari. Setelah itu. 9 orang meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. dan apotek. Syarifin Maloko (tertangkap setelah semua sidang perkara Tanjung Priok selesai). Jumat.00 WIB aparat keamanan menerima telepon dari Amir Biki yang berisi ancaman pembunuhan dan perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. 13 September 1984. Aparat keamanan pun menangkap empat orang pelakunya untuk keperluan pengusutan dan penuntutan sesuai ketentuan hukum yang berlaku.

ayam sayur. Salah seorang petugas Koramil setempat, yang merasa terhina karena peringatan-peringatannya pada panitia untuk tidak mengundang penceramah seperti itu –mubalig keras-- selalu diabaikan, menyiram salah satu pengumuman dengan air selokan. Senin, 10 September 1984, petugas yang menyiram pengumuman dengan air selokan itu lewat di depan sekelompok pemuda yang sedang berada di Pasar Koja. Mereka segera menghadangnya dan mencoba mengeroyok petugas tersebut. Pada saat itu ada dua warga yang mencoba menyelamatkan petugas itu. Setelah itu para pengeroyok mencoba melampiaskan kemarahan mereka dengan membakar sepeda motor dinas yang digunakan petugas itu. Selanjutnya, sesuai prosedur hukum yang berlaku, Polres Jakarta Utara terpaksa menahan dua orang penyelamat itu dan dua orang lagi yang diduga sebagai pelaku pengeroyokan untuk dimintai keterangan. Penahanan sementara diperlukan oleh aparat keamanan guna penelitian dan pengusutan lebih lanjut serta guna penuntutan sesuai dengan hukum yang berlaku. Rabu, 12 September 1984, sekitar pukul 19.30 WIB, di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama oleh Amir Biki, Syarifin Maloko, S.H., dan M. Nasir. Para penceramah melontarkan ucapan-ucapan anti-Pancasila, anti asas tunggal, memecah persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa, serta mengganggu stabilitas nasional. Di akhir ceramahnya. Amir Biki yang dikenal masyarakat setempat sebagai tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat yang berpengaruh, mengajak pendengar agar ramai-ramai mendatangi polres Jakarta Utara untuk menuntut agar empat orang, yang sebenarnya hanya ditahan sementara guna dimintai keterangan, dibebaskan saat itu juga. Sekitar pukul 23.00 WIB peserta ceramah beramai-ramai mendatangi Polres Jakarta Utara, dipimpin Amir Biki yang membawa bendera hijau. Karena gerakan ini sudah tercium sebelumnya, pengamanan Polres Jakarta Utara diperkuat pasukan Laksusda Jaya. Sesampainya massa di depan Polres, terjadi perundingan antara Amir Biki dan Komandan Laksusda Jaya dan Danres (Kapolres) Jakarta Utara. Sementara itu, para pengikutAmir Biki mulai berteriak-teriak mencaci petugas keamanan. Mereka memaksa agar empat orang temannya dibebaskan saat itu juga. Akhirnya, karena massa terus mendesak maju dan karena sakit hati dicaci maki terus menerus, petugas keamanan sebagai biasanya manusia, hilang kesabarannya. Maka tanpa dapat dicegah, sebagian petugas keamanan membidikkan senjata mereka ke arah massa. Terjadilah hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan. Sekitar 40 orang tewas tertembak saat itu juga, termasuk Amir Biki, serta puluhan lainnya mengalami luka-luka. Selanjutnya, para peserta ceramah sambil meneriakkan "Allahu Akbar" mengamuk dan membakar toko-toko milik orang Tionghoa hingga jatuh korban orang-orang Tionghoa yang mencapai 100 orang lebih. Kamis,13 September 1984, pukul 00.00 WIB, aparat keamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi, menguasai keadaan, dan membubarkan massa. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah, Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data, Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.

Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Abdul Qadir Djaelani
Abdul Qadir Djaelani adalah salah seorang ulama yang dituduh oleh aparat keamanan sebagai salah seorang dalang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Karenanya, ia ditangkap dan dimasukkan ke dalam penjara. Sebagai seorang ulama dan tokoh masyarakat Tanjung Priok, sedikit banyak ia mengetahui kronologi peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Berikut adalah petikan kesaksian Abdul Qadir Djaelani terhadap peristiwa Tanjung Priok 12 September 1984, yang tertulis dalam eksepsi pembelaannya berjudul “Musuh-musuh Islam Melakukan Ofensif terhadap Umat Islam Indonesia”. Sabtu, 8 September 1984 Dua orang petugas Koramil (****nsa) tanpa membuka sepatu, memasuki Mushala asSa'adah di gang IV Koja, Tanjung Priok, Jakarta Utara. Mereka menyiram pengumuman yang tertempel di tembok mushala dengan air got (comberan). Pengumuman tadi hanya berupa undangan pengajian remaja Islam (masjid) di Jalan Sindang. Ahad, 9 September 1984 Peristiwa hari Sabtu (8 September 1984) di Mushala as-Sa'adah menjadi pembicaran masyarakat tanpa ada usaha dari pihak yang berwajib untuk menawarkan penyelesaan kepada jamaah kaum muslimin. Senin, 10 September 1984 Beberapa anggota jamaah Mushala as-Sa'adah berpapasan dengan salah seorang petugas Koramil yang mengotori mushala mereka. Terjadilah pertengkaran mulut yang akhirnya dilerai oleh dua orang dari jamaah Masjid Baitul Makmur yang kebetulan lewat. Usul mereka supaya semua pihak minta penengahan ketua RW, diterima. Sementara usaha penegahan sedang.berlangsung, orang-orang yang tidak bertanggung jawab dan tidak ada urusannya dengan permasalahan itu, membakar sepeda motor petugas Koramil itu. Kodim, yang diminta bantuan oleh Koramil, mengirim sejumlah tentara dan segera melakukan penangkapan. Ikut tertangkap 4 orang jamaah, di antaranya termasuk Ketua Mushala as-Sa'adah. Selasa, 11 September 1984 Amir Biki menghubungi pihak-pihak yang berwajib untuk meminta pembebasan empat orang jamaah yang ditahan oleh Kodim, yang diyakininya tidak bersalah. Peran Amir Biki ini tidak perlu mengherankan, karena sebagai salah seorang pimpinan Posko 66, dialah orang yang dipercaya semua pihak yang bersangkutan untuk menjadi penengah jika ada masalah antara penguasa (militer) dan masyarakat. Usaha Amir Biki untuk meminta keadilan ternyata sia-sia. Rabu, 12 September 1984 Dalam suasana tantangan yang demikian, acara pengajian remaja Islam di Jalan Sindang Raya, yang sudah direncanakan jauh sebelum ada peristiwa Mushala as-Sa'adah, terus berlangsung juga. Penceramahnya tidak termasuk Amir Biki, yang memang bukan

mubalig dan memang tidak pernah mau naik mimbar. Akan tetapi, dengan latar belakang rangkaian kejadian di hari-hari sebelumnya, jemaah pengajian mendesaknya untuk naik mimbar dan memberi petunjuk. Pada kesempatan pidato itu, Amir Biki berkata antara lain, "Mari kita buktikan solidaritas islamiyah. Kita meminta teman kita yang ditahan di Kodim. Mereka tidak bersalah. Kita protes pekerjaan oknum-oknum ABRI yang tidak bertanggung jawab itu. Kita berhak membela kebenaran meskipun kita menanggung risiko. Kalau mereka tidak dibebaskan maka kita harus memprotesnya." Selanjutnya, Amir Biki berkata, "Kita tidak boleh merusak apa pun! Kalau adayang merusak di tengah-tengah perjalanan, berarti itu bukan golongan kita (yang dimaksud bukan dan jamaah kita)." Pada waktu berangkat jamaah pengajian dibagi dua: sebagian menuju Polres dan sebagian menuju Kodim. Setelah sampai di depan Polres, kira-kia 200 meter jaraknya, di situ sudah dihadang oleh pasukan ABRI berpakaian perang dalam posisi pagar betis dengan senjata otomatis di tangan. Sesampainya jamaah pengajian ke tempat itu, terdengar militer itu berteriak, "Mundur-mundur!" Teriakan "mundur-mundur" itu disambut oleh jamaah dengan pekik, "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!" Saat itu militer mundur dua langkah, lalu memuntahkan senjata-senjata otomatis dengan sasaran para jamaah pengajian yang berada di hadapan mereka, selama kurang lebih tiga puluh menit. Jamaah pengajian lalu bergelimpangan sambil menjerit histeris; beratus-ratus umat Islam jatuh menjadi syuhada. Malahan ada anggota militer yang berteriak, "*******! Pelurunya habis. Anjing-anjing ini masih banyak!" Lebih sadis lagi, mereka yang belum mati ditendang-tendang dan kalau masih bergerak maka ditembak lagi sampai mati. Tidak lama kemudian datanglah dua buah mobil truk besar beroda sepuluh buah dalam kecepatan tinggi yang penuh dengan pasukan. Dari atas mobil truk besar itu dimuntahkan peluru-peluru dan senjata-senjata otomatis ke sasaran para jamaah yang sedang bertiarap dan bersembunyi di pinggir-pinggir jalan. Lebih mengerikan lagi, truk besar tadi berjalan di atas jamaah pengajian yang sedang tiarap di jalan raya, melindas mereka yang sudah tertembak atau yang belum tertembak, tetapi belum sempat menyingkir dari jalan raya yang dilalui oleh mobil truk tersebut. Jeritan dan bunyi tulang yang patah dan remuk digilas mobil truk besar terdengarjelas oleh para jamaah umat Islam yang tiarap di got-got/selokan-selokan di sisi jalan. Setelah itu, truk-truk besar itu berhenti dan turunlah militer-militer itu untuk mengambil mayat-mayat yang bergelimpangan itu dan melemparkannya ke dalam truk, bagaikan melempar karung goni saja. Dua buah mobil truk besar itu penuh oleh mayat-mayat atau orang-orang yang terkena tembakan yang tersusun bagaikan karung goni. Sesudah mobil truk besar yang penuh dengan mayat jamaah pengajian itu pergi, tidak lama kemudian datanglah mobil-mobil ambulans dan mobil pemadam kebakaran yang bertugas menyiram dan membersihkan darah-darah di jalan raya and di sisinya, sampai bersih. Sementara itu, rombongan jamaah pengajian yang menuju Kodim dipimpin langsung oleh Amir Biki. Kira-kirajarak 15 meter dari kantor Kodim, jamaah pengajian dihadang oleh militer untuk tidak meneruskan perjalanan, dan yang boleh meneruskan perjalanan hanya 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu, di antaranya Amir Biki. Begitu jaraknya kira-kira 7 meter dari kantor Kodim, 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu diberondong dengan peluru yang keluar dari senjata otomatis militer yang

Huru-Hara di Tanjung Priok Sejak hari Minggu pagi lalu (pertengahan September 1984 . Di beberapa daerah yang Rabu malam pekan lalu diamuk kerusuhan. Menurut ingatan saudara Yusron. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Senin malam pekan ini tampak terparkir dua panser di depan kampus PTDI (Perguruan Tinggi Dakwah Islam) di Jalan Tawes. menyatakan bahwa pada tanggal 12 September 1984. jamaah pengajian yang menunggu di belakang sambil duduk. menjadi panik dan mereka berdiri mau melarikan diri.Ed. Amir Biki sempat datang ke kantor Satgas Intel Jaya. memang masih tampak tentara berjaga-jaga. apalagi pihak Kopkamtib yang selama ini sering sesumbar kepada media massa bahwa pihaknya mampu mendeteksi suatu kejadian sedini dan seawal mungkin. Melihat kejadian itu. corat-coret di beberapa jalan di daerah Tanjung Priok. Petugas rumah sakit datang dan mengangkat saudara Yusron untuk dipindahkan ke tempat lain. telah dihapus.). di saat saya ditangkap tanggal 13 September 1984. menurut petugas-petugas satgas Intel Jaya. mayat-mayat itu langsung dibawa ke kamar mayat. sekitar 14 jam setelah kejadian. sewaktu saya diperiksa oleh Kepolisian Daerah Metropolitan Jakarta Raya. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. Bahkan. kira-kira pukul 10. karena gerak cepat tersebut telah berhasil mengempiskan bermacam kabar angin dan menghindarkan timbulnya berbagai isu.00 pagi. Jakarta Utara. Peristiwa kerusuhan itu sendiri diungkapkan dan dijelaskan langsung oleh Pangkopkamtib Jenderal L. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. disebabkan membakar motor petugas. Namun. Yang lebih menarik. Suasana Tanjung Priok sendiri sudah pulih. Moerdani kepada pers Kamis siang. Sebenarnya peristiwa pembantaian jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok tidak boleh terjadi apabila PanglimaABRI/Panglima Kopkamtib Jenderal LB Moerdani benar-benar mau berusaha untuk mencegahnya.menghadangnya. yang ditutup sejak Jumat malam. Dalam keadaan bertumpuk-tumpuk dengan mayat-mayat itu di kamar mayat. saudara Yusron berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Banyak yang memuji langkah ini. Ketiga orang pimpinan jamaah itu jatuh tersungkur menggelepargelepar. termasuk di dalamnya saudara Yusron. . kira-kira 30-40 mayat berada di dalamnya. tetapi disambut oleh tembakan peluru otomatis. kehidupan sehari-hari bisa dikatakan telah kembali normal. di saat ia dan mayat-mayat itu dilemparkan ke dalam truk militer yang beroda 10 itu. Jenderal Benny sama sekali tidak menuduh suatu pihak atau kelompok mendalangi peristiwa ini. Sesampainya di rumah sakit. Kepala Intel Kepolisian tersebut di mana ia menyatakan bahwa jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok menuntut pembebasan 4 orang rekannya yang ditahan. saya sempat berbincangbincang dengan Kolonel Polisi Ritonga.B. yang lalu dibawa menuju Rumah Sakit Gatot Subroto (dahulu RSPAD). Puluhan orang jamaah pengajian jatuh tersungkur menjadi syahid. Ini karena pada tanggal 11 September 1984. Ia juga tidak menghubungkannya dengan kegiatan subversif apa pun. Kapur tebal putih telah menutupi tulisan-tulisan yang bernada rasial dan anti pemerintah itu.

Dengan santun. 3 sepeda motor. masuk mushala. menemukan beberapa poster di Mushala asSa'adah. Pada Jumat sore. ia mengambil sehelai koran. yang dalam konferensi pers di Mabes ABRI itu didampingi oleh Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno. melakukan penembakan untuk mencegah usaha mereka merebut senjata. Tatkala ditanya tentang jumlah korban yang jatuh. 3 skuter. serta siapa saja yang tidak berkenan bagi mereka." kata Benny. dalam keadaan kritis dan terpaksa." kata siaran tersebut. 3 mobil sedan.00.500 orang. Menurut Benny Moerdani. "Mereka itu campuran antara yang terkena tindakan tegas aparat keamanan. dan Kapolda Mayjen Soedjoko." ujar Jenderal Benny. Usaha regu pengamanan secara persuasif untuk menenangkan dan membubarkan massa tidak berhasil. mereka terus menyerang dengan mengayunkan senjata celurit dan berusaha merebut senjata petugas keamanan. Permintaan itu ditolak. maupun akibat kerusuhan itu sendiri. Pamflet itu berisi anjuran agar para wanita memakai pakaian "Islam" termasuk jilbab (kerudung). dan 3 rumah (termasuk sebuah apotek) terbakar. dan M. menguasai keadaan." begitu bunyi siaran pers yang dibacakan Jenderal Benny Moerdani. sekitar pukul 23. "Sekitar pukul 00. Sertu (Sersan Satu) Hermanu. yang menjadi ****nsa (Bintara Pembina Desa) di Kelurahan Koja Selatan. mencelupkannya ke selokan di depan mushala." ujarnya menambahkan. sehingga regu pengamanan. Menurut pelacakan Tempo. serta membunuh beberapa pemiliknya. Esok siangnya." Baru setelah bantuan pasukan pengamanan lain datang. "Tapi tidak ada tempat hiburan yang ikut dibakar. gerombolan massa mundur. dan berdialog dengan beberapa remaja serta jamaah yang ada. hingga jatuhnya korban tidak dapat dihindari lagi. Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. dan membubarkan massa. "Dalam ucapan-ucapan mereka secara sepihak melontarkan kritik yang tidak sehat kepada sebagian pejabat pemerintah maupun pemerintah sendiri. 7 September. " Kata Hermanu. Selain itu. Sertu Hermanu kembali datang ke mushala yang terletak di Gang IV Jalan Raya Pelabuhan itu. "Bahkan. 3 truk. "Tembakan terpaksa diarahkan ke tanah dan kekaki para penyerang. Massa bahkan terus mendesak maju dengan teriakan-teriakan yang menyatakan tidak mengenal kompromi. gerombolan massa kembali menyerang. adalah "Penduduk Tanjung Priok yang secara berkala mengadakan ceramah di Rawabadak". satu regu pengamanan ABRI di Tanjung Priok yang terdiri atas 15 orang telah menghadapi serangan gerombolan massa yang berjumlah sekitar 1. Nasir." kata seorang jamaah. "Tapi mereka sempat membakar mobil. Tembakan-tembakan peringatan ke udara tidak mereka acuhkan. pasukan pengamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. dan melaburkan airnya . asal mula peristiwa itu adalah suatu insiden kecil. "Dia minta agar poster-poster itu dicopot. Sementara itu.Menurut Pangab Moerdani. oknum-oknum yang mendalangi peristiwa itu: Amir Biki. "Sudah 16 bulan saya menjabat ****nsa di sana. Syarifin Maloko.00 WIB. Sekitar setengah jam kemudian. merusakkan beberapa rumah dan apotek. sang sersan membuka sepatu. Setelah itu ia menyebut: 9 meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. Benny menoleh dan berbisik kepada Try Soetrisno. pada Rabu malam pekan lalu. Tatkala mengetahui poster itu masih ada.

yang ditunjukannya kepada massa." cerita beberapa saksi mata.yang hitam itu ke tiga poster yang menempel di dinding luar mushala itu. Puluhan loud speaker diikat di tiang listrik di sepanjang Jalan Sindang yang lebarnya sekitar 7 meter. "Waktu ditanya agamanya.00. Di atapnya ditutup dengan tenda terpal warna garis-garis hijau putih. yang rupanya dimintai bantuannya untuk melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. Syarifudin Rambe. dan "ceramah saya ini mungkin yang pertama dan terakhir". Tampaknya. Amir Biki. tetapi bisa dicegah oleh Sahi dan beberapa kawannya. Kemudian. persis di perempatan lorong 102. menyampaikan tuntutan yang sama melalui telepon kepada markas aparatur keamanan. Ia mengancam akan menggerakkan massa jika mereka tidak dibebaskan sebelum pukul 23. ditangkap.00 malam itu. . ia pasti bukan Islam. seorang tokoh Tanjung Priok yang disegani. antara lain Syarifin Maloko. sebuah panggung didirikan di Jalan Sindang. tiba-tiba ada yang berteriak "motornya". Pidato mengecam berbagai hal. Amir Biki pada sekitar pukul 22. Selasa siangnya. pergi ke Skogar untuk mengurus. ketua pengurus Mushala as-Sa'adah. M. Yayan Hendrayana. yang muncul sebagai pembicara pertama malam itu adalah Amir Biki. Entah siapa yang memulai. Mereka menuntut agar Hermanu meminta maaf. Rabu 12 September. Melihat kemacetan itu beberapa anggota Polisi Militer datang. Dalam undangan yang disebarkan oleh Remaja Islam Sindang. seperti diungkapkan Jenderal Moerdani. Melihat itu penghuni gang tadi mulai berdatangan. Hermanu mengaku beragama Islam. Massa pun makin mengumpul. Ia juga menjelek-jelekkan pemerintah. Jadi. Tiba-tiba suasana memanas setelah muncul isu "Sersan Hermanu orang kristen". Massa pun bergerak akan menghajar Hermanu. serta beberapa temannya bertemu dengan Hermanu. Mula-mula beredar cerita. yang sedang menyeret sepeda motor itu. Untunglah bantuan dari Kodim 0502 Jakarta Utara segera tiba dan berhasil membubarkan massa. Desas-desus pun menjalar cepat. Esoknya. Ia mengenakan celana cokelat dan kemeja batik hitam. kepada Tempo Hermanu mengatakan bahwa agamanya Islam). Tapi ia mengucapkan kala Allah (Alloh) dengan bunyi "Alah". yang mula-mula ditolaknya. dan Sofwan pun diangkut petugas. Pengajian yang diadakan di persimpangan jalan (yang ditutup untuk lalu lintas). yang tak keruan ujung pangkalnya (belakangan. dan M. Massa yang marah lalu membakar motor tersebut. Ternyata. menurut beberapa sumber. Puncak pidatonya adalah tatkala ia menuntut "kepada penguasa" agar melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. Jalan pun macet. Nasir. berkembang menjadi tentara mengguyur masjid dengan air comberan. Achmad Sahi. karena beberapa kali ia menegaskan agar massa "menunggu instruksinya". yang diisi ceramah beberapa ustadz. ada sersan masuk masjid tanpa melepas sepatu. biasa diadakan di kawasan tersebut Acara malam itu dimulai sekitar pukul 20. Senin pagi 10 September.00. dari gusuran tanah sampai keluarga berencana dan RUU keormasan. massa pun menyeret sepeda motor Honda GL 100 warna merah milik Sertu Hermanu ke tengah Jalan Raya Pelabuhan. Nur (22 tahun). Maka. acara yang akan diselenggarakan adalah pengajian remaja. Ia juga membawa sebilah badik. Rupanya. ia merencanakan sesuatu. Achmad Sahi.

ia menghambur ke luar kamar --dan bertemu pembantu wanita. Sementara itu.00. Jarak antara petugas dan penyerbu. massa urung membakar Apotek Tanjung di sebelahnya. pasukan keamanan bisa menguasai keadaan. Dalam waktu singkat. Tetapi api yang membakar Tanjung Jaya ikut meludaskan Apotek Tanjung. kabarnya tak kurang "keras" suaranya. korban yang meninggal tercatat 28 orang. Pangab Jenderal LB. yang menjual onderdil.00 tiba." kata sebuah sumber. Beberapa pembicara lain setelah Amir Biki. pembantu yang baru bekerja empat hari di Toko Tanjung Jaya di Jalan Jampea. dan pelumas. di reruntuhan Tanjung Jaya di temukan delapan mayat keluarga Tan Kio Liem serta seorang pembantunya. Antara lain: Abdul Qadir Djaelani. terbangun. yang pada hari Kamis tercatat sembilan orang meninggal. Pasukan ini mencegah dan berusaha membubarkan massa. Massa tercerai-berai oleh tembakan. dan keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. mereka memang terkena tembak dalam jarak dekat. Moerdani sendiri kabarnya ikut memeriksa situasi setempat setelah lewat tengah malam. "Saya lihat asap masuk kamar dan terdengar suara ribut-ribut. Tuntutan melalui telepon itu diulangi lagi pada pukul 23. mereka dihadang sepasukan tentara.5 km. dan luput dari tembakan. Sebelumnya. terutama dilakukan oleh sekelompok lain yang melewati Jalan Jampea. Amir Biki pun menggerakkan massa. Menurut suatu sumber dari luka-luka mereka yang tewas diketahui. Tatkala pukul 23. memang menjadi sasaran amukan massa. dan Mawardi Noor." kata seorang yang malam itu berbaris di dekat Amir Biki. Tatkala mereka terus bergerak. Amir sendiri berjalan di depan. . Ia malah memegang bendera dan meneriakkan 'maju dan serbu'. yang memang tidak dijaga. sampai Sabtu pekan lalu. menurut saksi ini. melewati Jalan Anggrek. masing-masing membawa bendera hijau. Sekitar tengah malam itu Riswanto (20 tahun). Ia membagi mereka dalam dua kelompok. "Pembicaraannya ngawur dan jelas bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. "Tapi Pak Amir rupanya sudah emosi." kata pemuda asal Purwokerto. setelah diberitahu pemiliknya Cina Islam. bahan bakar. sejumlah perusuh dan tokoh yang diduga terlibat ditahan. Tony Ardie.Amir mengancam "akan melakukan pembunuhan dan perusakan-perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tersebut tidak dibebaskan". "Jadi bila petugas tak menembak. menempuh jarak sekitar 1. Malah ada pembicara yang menghasut massa dan isi hasutannya sangat rasialistis. Namun. Bersama tiga rekan pria sesama pembantu." kata seorang pejabat. Jumlah korban. memimpin satu kelompok yang menuju markas Kodim di Jalan Yos Sudarso. Pemerintah telah menyatakan berduka cita kepada keluarga korban yang jatuh. bisa jadi mereka sendiri akan tewas lebih dulu. Datangnya bantuan pasukan membuat mereka mundur. Sebuah sumber kepolisian menyebutkan. Saat itulah perusakan dan pembakaran mulai terjadi. sekitar dua meter. setengah perjalanan. Esoknya. Toko Tanjung Jaya. kabarnya bertambah. di depan kantor Polres di Jalan Yos Sudarso. petugas keamanan melepaskan tembakan peringatan.

" katanya. Dec 17. Regular territorial troops have been withdrawn from the villages and replaced by four commando units.000. the Indonesian armed forces. Itu terlihat dari pernyataan Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno dalam Sarasehan DPP KNPI pekan lalu. son-in-law of President Suharto. Pemerintah tampaknya tidak akan menuding suatu golongan mendalangi peristiwa ini. have embarked on a campaign of systematic murder. 22 September 1984 Pembunuhan yang terjadi di Aceh Mass Murder in Aceh. Pramono said many people had already been killed and that killings are occurring almost every day. The number of troops in the area has been doubled. In an interview with Tempo [17 November. Sumber: Majalah Tempo. This battalion. acting on the orders of regional military commander Major-General Djoko Pramono. A Call for Action from TAPOL. 1990]. kata Sarwono. Just shoot them or knife them. just kill them. . on the north-western tip of Sumatra.Terjadinya Peristiwa Tanjung Priok ini disesalkan semua pihak. 300 marines and about 100 men from the mobile brigade based in East Java were sent to Sigli. I have told people to arm themselves with sharp weapons. who saw service last year in East Timor and gained a reputation for extreme brutality. "Kita harus tetap menyucikan agama.] In the same interview. meski bertentangan dengan Pancasila. Sekjen DPP Golkar. West Java. based in Bogor. known in English as the Aceh-Sumatra National Liberation Front. PPP.. memuji sikap Pangab Jenderal Moerdani yang sangat menolong mendudukkan perkara ini sesuai apa adanya berkat keterangannya yang tidak dibuat-buat dan tidak. The military commander has called on the local population to take part in a mass murder campaign. machetes or whatever. Di belakang peristiwa ini. 1990 After trying for more than a year to put down widespread rebellion and protest in Aceh. It is commanded by Colonel Prabowo. an airborne battalion of 600 men was parachuted into the districts of North Aceh. to 12. Menurut Try. didramatisasikan. is part of the notorious red-beret unit known as Kopassus.. No need to investigate. the capital of Pidie. DPP Golkar. According to AFP [The Straits Times. If you encounter the GPK." ['GPK' or 'security disruptors' is the term used officially for the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM.. East Aceh and Pidie. you should kill them. seperti terlihat konsep tertentu yang hendak dipaksakan. Earlier in August. 16 August 1990]. Pramono said: "I have told the people here: if you meet GPK members. Sarwono Kusumaatmadja. masyarakat tidak perlu khawatir akan ada golongan yang harus menerima citra akibat Peristiwa Tanjung Priok. dan PDI mengeluarkan pernyataan yang menyesalkannya seraya memuji tindakan aparatur keamanan yang tegas.

On 8 November 1990. or engage in a shoot-to-kill campaign to exterminate the 'GPK' and strike fear into the entire population. Most of the victims are local civilians. Death toll It is not possible to quantify the number already slain this year.. Mutilated corpses litter the roadsides and ditches. taken to nearby military centres and forced to pledge loyalty to the government." A TAPOL contact in Jakarta was told by a senior intelligence officer that the security forces in Aceh face two options. some villagers have been set upon.. on their way home. "Some soldiers admit to killing unarmed people and leaving their corpses in public places as a 'counter-terrorist' measure.government party politician. Reuter quoted an Indonesian human rights lawyer. In some cases. There is strong evidence that bodies are deliberately left without burial for greater psychological impact. weighted down and drowned. In a press release issued on 10 December. often on the smallest suspicion. A mass grave was discovered in Akue Mira. either to arrest many thousands of people and deal with them in the courts of law which could take years. three months before a deadline set by Pramono to end the conflict. a Reuter correspondent who visited the area wrote: "A trickle of deaths over the past year became a torrent in late September. though several members of the security forces and some of the rebels have also been killed. On 23 November. according to a western human rights observer. bodies have been buried with a foot or arm exposed.' said a non. recently returned from Aceh." According to The Economist [15 December 1990]. Acehnese are being rounded up in their hundreds and taken to detention centres. The bodies of people not known locally have been found in plantations and by rivers. according to the Front.. The Reuter report [23 November] said that "hundreds of unidentified corpses have been found and hundreds of people have disappeared. killed. Pramono has clearly chosen the second option. villagers working on a river bank found eight bodies tied together. Many have been found with hands and feet tied together and a bullet wound in the head. as saying that residents reported finding mass graves and a steady flow of decomposed corpses. residents said. a senior army doctor puts the toll at more than a thousand. it listed many large detention centres each of which are being used by the army to hold up to a thousand people at any one time. 'They are taken out of their houses at night. No-one has reported any attempts to identify the bodies or carry out autopsies to determine the cause of death. Our source reports that many villagers suspected of sympathising with GAM have been rounded up. their bodies grotesquely mutilated and left on the roadside.. as many ." The Aceh National Liberation Front believes that more than five thousand people have been put to death since the beginning of the year.. Villagers troubled by a foul smell found an open pit with 200 bodies in it. You often have a fifty-fifty chance of ever coming back.

has left an estimated 200. out of a population of about 700. Tjot Girek.as a hundred people may be taken out from each of the camps and killed in a night. Keudah (Bandar Aceh). army death squads killed at least 4. South Sumatra. These centres are located in Lammeulo.placing the victim in filthy water for hours or days. Sigli. Medan and Takengon. Bindjai. . it was responsible for the massacre of an estimated one million communist suspects or sypathisers. . Peureulak. perhaps more than a hundred. . and urges the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and Asia Watch to make public without delay the findings of on-the-spot investigations already carried out by them.raping women and mutilating their breasts.squeezing a man's testicles with pliers. Dozens.000 people dead. July or August this year. launched in 1975. It calls on governments and people everywhere to exert pressure on the Suharto government to put a stop to the slaughter. Reudeuep Lhok Sukon. The reports. . This information should be submitted to the February 1991 session of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. In 1983-84.mutilating various parts of the body.immersing the victim in boiling water. Its war in East Timor. . Tualang Tjut.electric shock. Lampung. Rantjong. Need for action The campaign of extermination now under way in Aceh is the latest in a string of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Suharto regime. in February 1989. Langsa. . before the campaign of mass slaughter began. . It calls on human rights organisations in Indonesia (LPHAM and Infight) and abroad (Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists) to send observers to Aceh.hanging the victim upside down.000. a campaign which Suharto described in his autobiography as 'shock therapy' against alleged criminals. In 1965-66. villagers were killed in Way Jepara. TAPOL most vigorously condemns this latest murder campaign against the people of Aceh.using cigarettes or hot irons to inflict burns. most of which were written in June. Army troops shot at least a hundred Muslims in Tanjung Priok in September 1984 who were protesting against the arrest of mosque officials.000 people. .placing the feet under the legs of a chair on which a soldier sits until the bones are broken.nailing down the hands as if for crucifixion. Lhok Seumawe. . The Front earlier compiled a dossier of reports naming hundreds of people who had been arrested or who had disappeared. Western governments should send officials to Aceh to assess the scale of the massacre. . also give details of torture methods which include: .

To feed Japan's war machine. Most oil--about 55 percent--came from the United States. and other raw materials had to be imported from foreign sources. scrap iron. A nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union in April 1941 freed Japan to wage war against the United States and the European colonial powers. to secure its rich natural resources. it followed the United States in freezing Japanese assets and imposing an embargo on oil and other exports. which had begun in July 1937. Because Japan could not continue its China war without these resources. March 1942 Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division. the increasingly critical attitude of the "ABCD powers" (America. large amounts of petroleum. Japan's invasion of North China. Britain. Library of Congress The Japanese occupied the archipelago in order. Negotiations continued through mid-1941. and the Dutch) toward Japan's invasion of China reflected their desire to throttle its legitimate aspirations in Asia. an International Tribunal on Crimes against Humanity should be convened to hold the Suharto regime responsible for its campaign of death and mass intimidation in Aceh. China. the militarydominated government in Tokyo gave assent to an "advance south" policy. 1990 Ini tentang Kejahatan Jepang terhadap Indonesia! Indonesia WORLD WAR II AND THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE. by the end of the decade had become bogged down in the face of stubborn Chinese resistance. Since this cannot be done in Indonesia. Those responsible for the killings must be brought to justice. 1942-45 [JPEG] A Japanese soldier watching oil tanks near Jakarta set afire by the retreating Dutch. played for time. like their Portuguese and Dutch predecessors. realizing its extremely weak position.The European Parliament should adopt an emergency resolution calling for an end to the slaughter. Further demands were made for some form of economic and financial integration of the Indies with Japan. TAPOL calls on solidarity organisations throughout the world to exert pressure on their own governments along these lines and make their own approaches to the NGOs mentioned above. But in summer 1941. German occupation of the Netherlands in May 1940 led to Japan's demand that the Netherlands Indies government supply it with fixed quantities of vital natural resources. 1942-50 The Japanese Occupation. . London 17 December. From Tokyo's perspective. but Indonesia supplied a critical 25 percent. French Indochina was already effectively under Japanese control. especially oil. The Indies government.

Committees were organized to standardize Bahasa Indonesia and make it a truly national language. the Dutch language was discarded in favor of Malay and Japanese. the Netherlands Indies government surrendered without offering resistance on land. Japanese troops often acted harshly against local populations. Java's economic value with respect to the war effort lay in its huge labor force and relatively developed infrastructure. The Battle of the Java Sea resulted in the Japanese defeat of a combined British. In administration. fell on February 15. as Batavia gave up its empire without a fight. Singapore. In the closing months of the war. business. the overriding concern of the occupiers was maintenance of law and order and extraction of needed resources.The Japanese experienced spectacular early victories in the Southeast Asian war. the protector of Asia. Britain's fortress in the east. the light of Asia. joined with Malaya under the Twenty-fifth Army. Sumatra. The Japanese occupation was a watershed in Indonesian history.000 romusha were sent to the Outer Islands and Japaneseheld territories in Southeast Asia. was the forced mobilization of some 4 million--although some estimates are as high as 10 million--romusha (manual laborers). this approach was appealing and harmonized remarkably well with local legends that a two-century-long non-Javanese rule would be followed by era of peace and prosperity. where they joined other Asians in performing wartime construction projects. "The leader of Asia. there were profound cultural implications from the Japanese invasion of Java. Japanese commanders promoted the independence movement as a means of frustrating an Allied reoccupation. Given Indonesian resentment of Dutch rule. Although their motives were largely acquisitive. Modern Indonesian literature. Food and other vital necessities were confiscated by the occupiers. and the eastern archipelago was placed under naval command. and cultural life. was to be a nonexploitative economic and cultural community of Asians. It shattered the myth of Dutch superiority. The worst abuse. of political activities carried out by nationalists and Muslims. 1941. received further impetus under Japanese auspices. There was little resistance as Japanese forces fanned out through the islands to occupy former centers of Dutch power. despite British numerical superiority and the strength of its seaward defenses.000 were repatriated to Java. the Japanese justified their occupation in terms of Japan's role as. which got its start with language unification efforts in 1928 and underwent considerable development before the war. encompassing both Northeast and Southeast Asia. At the end of the war. Revolutionary (or traditional) . Australian. Dutch. The relatively tolerant policies of the Sixteenth Army on Java also confirmed the island's leading role in Indonesian national life after 1945: Java was far more developed politically and militarily than the other islands. In addition. In Sumatra and the east. 1942. for a time. About 270. with Japan as the focal point. The Sixteenth Army was tolerant. most of whom were put to work on economic development and defense construction projects in Java. and United States fleet. causing widespread misery and starvation by the end of the war." Tokyo's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. This tolerance grew as the momentum of Japanese expansion was halted in mid-1942 and the Allies began counteroffensives. On March 9. The occupation was not gentle. however. The Japanese military police were especially feared. only 52. in the words of a 1942 slogan. The Japanese divided the Indies into three jurisdictions: Java and Madura were placed under the control of the Sixteenth Army. within limits.

such as the priyayi on Java and the Acehnese uleebalang. as this seemed to be the best opportunity to secure independence. as were a large number of kyai (religious leaders). For example. the occupiers began organizing Indonesians into military and paramilitary units whose numbers were added by the Japanese to romusha statistics. the Army of God. films. the Japanese allowed a huge rally in Batavia (renamed Jakarta) to celebrate by tearing down a statue of Jan Pieterszoon Coen. was tarnished by his role in recruiting romusha. and the Defenders of the Fatherland (Peta) in 1943. Like the Dutch. as they did in their Korean colony.000. a Muslim armed force.Indonesian themes were employed in drama. which embittered Dutch-Japanese relations even in the early 1990s). military personnel. the occupiers believed that Indonesians. European officials. the personnel vacuum on the lower levels was filled with Indonesians. to administer the countryside. Nahdatul Ulama was given a prominent role in Masyumi. designed to create a united front of orthodox and modernist believers. was the opportunities it gave for Javanese and other Indonesians to participate in politics. the seventeenthcentury governor general. In October 1943. Although the occupiers propagated the message of Japanese leadership of Asia. Because of the harshly exploitative Japanese policies in the closing years of the war. semangat in Indonesian).000 men in Java and 20. after the Japanese surrender collaborators in some areas were killed in a wave of local resentment. The most significant legacy of the occupation. was attached to Masyumi. and he became increasingly valuable to them as the need to mobilize the population for the war effort grew between 1943 and 1945. As the fortunes of war turned. While Japanese military officers occupied the highest posts. paramilitary units recruited by the Japanese in mid-1943. at least in camps for male military prisoners. businessmen. Muslim leaders opposed the practice of bowing toward the emperor (a divine ruler in Japanese official mythology) in Tokyo as a form of idolatry and refused to declare Japan's war against the Allies a "holy war" because both sides were nonbelievers. Many members of the elite responded positively to an inculcation of samurai values. Sukarno and Hatta agreed in 1942 to cooperate with the Japanese. it had 37. Japanese attempts to coopt Muslims met with limited success. were essentially like themselves but had been corrupted by three centuries of Western colonialism.000 in Sumatra (where it was commonly known by the Japanese name Giyugun). who were brought to Jakarta for training and indoctrination. to coercively promote Japanese culture on a large scale. Peta was a military force designed to assist the Japanese forces by forestalling the initial Allied invasion. His reputation. the Japanese relied on local indigenous elites. as fellow Asians. . however. These included the heiho (auxiliaries). In December 1944. however. they did not attempt. What was needed was a dose of Japanese-style seishin (spirit. administration. and art. the Japanese organized the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi). Soon after the Dutch surrender. or Barisan Hizbullah. The occupiers were particularly impressed by Sukarno's mass following. however. According to historian Anthony Reid. and the military. and others. and hated symbols of Dutch imperial control were swept away. were interned (the harsh conditions of their confinement caused a high death rate. however. totaling around 170. By the end of the war. whom the Dutch had largely ignored.

and hungry. and some had been wounded in the attacks on the ship and the lifeboats. including twenty-two Australian nurses. Some were suffering from exposure to the sun after many hours immersed in the sea. but none panicked or pleaded for mercy. about fifty in number. the Japanese soldiers returned alone. When the number of survivors at the bonfire reached about one hundred. While some guarded the Australian nurses. The unlucky survivors.Data as of November 1992 THE BANKA ISLAND MASSACRE (1942) Sister Vivian Bullwinkel's Story On 12 February 1942. sixty-five Australian Army nurses. were evacuated from the besieged city on the small coastal steamer Vyner Brooke. or by drifting with the tide. When the water had reached the nurses' waists. she pretended to be dead. including Sister Vivian Bullwinkel. Sister Vivian Bullwinkel was in this group of nurses. it was decided that they should surrender to the Japanese. In addition to the Australian nurses. All of the survivors were tired. and shortly afterwards. The twenty-two Australian nurses stayed to look after the injured. Twelve Australian nurses were either killed in the attack on the ship or drowned in the sea. with the fall of Singapore to the Japanese imminent. After some time had passed. The survivors in lifeboats were strafed by Japanese aircraft but some reached Bangka Island off the coast of Sumatra. She looked around for the other twenty-one nurses and saw none. thirsty. A patrol of about fifteen Japanese soldiers arrived from the coastal township of Muntok. the rest herded the male survivors. . Their expectations were short lived. the nurses expected to be treated in a civilised manner by the Japanese when they reached shore. The women knew what was going to happen to them. she risked a glance at the beach and saw that the Japanese soldiers had gone. Wearing their Red Cross armbands. and they made and erected a red cross to indicate to the Japanese that they were non-combatants. The nurses heard gunfire from this direction. the Japanese opened fire on them. A party of male survivors went off to find Japanese. landed in lifeboats on the northern coast of Bangka Island and lit a bonfire to guide other survivors to them. down the beach and around a headland. As the Vyner Brooke was passing between Sumatra and Borneo. Sister Bullwinkel was hit in the back by a bullet and knocked off her feet. Upon discovering that she was only wounded. The Japanese were unsympathetic to their plight and only offered the survivors a bucket of water and a bucket of rice. the ship was crammed with over two hundred civilian evacuees and English military personnel. The remaining fifty-three nurses reached Bangka Island in lifeboats. The lucky survivors were rounded up at gunpoint by the Japanese and herded into a building that was filthy and overcrowded. The twenty-two Australian nurses were then ordered by the Japanese to form a line and walk into the sea. Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed the overloaded ship and it sank quickly. She was the only nurse who had survived the massacre. and having protected status as non-combatants by convention of civilised nations. on rafts. Some were wiping blood from their bayonets. They were accompanied by civilian women and their children.

termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. Private Kingsley had been bayoneted by the Japanese and left for dead. She survived harsh imprisonment to give evidence of the massacre at a war crimes trial in Tokyo in 1947.When she reached the beach. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. Private Kingsley died from the bayonet wound. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. They were given food by the local village women. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. Realising that the lives of all survivors of the Vyner Brooke would be at risk if the Japanese discovered what she had seen. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. she was joined by an English soldier who had survived the massacre behind the headland. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. Naas yang selamat. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. pada rakit. but after two weeks. haus. dan telah beberapa luka dalam serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. sisanya herded laki-laki . kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. dan lapar. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. Sister Bullwinkel concealed her wound from the Japanese and treated it herself. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. and they decided to walk to Muntok and give themselves up. they realised that their position was hopeless. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. Shortly afterwards. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke.

termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. dan lapar. namun setelah dua minggu. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. pada rakit. haus. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. dan telah beberapa luka dalam . tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. Sesaat setelah itu. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets.korban. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. dan segera setelah itu. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut.

Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut.. a leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts – a group of people that strive for The Netherlands' apology for what . dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. August 14.tapi apa sesungguhnya kita memang sudah merdeka ya. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. sisanya herded laki-laki korban. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. namun setelah dua minggu. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok.mirip jaman penjajahan sekarang tapi dengan muka yang modern hehehe Rawagede Massacre: An Unpublished Story Thursday. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia.. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan.. dan segera setelah itu. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. Sesaat setelah itu. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan.serangan di kapal dan lifeboats.rakyat kaga sejahtera sejahtera. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki... sekarang kita sudah merdeka. Naas yang selamat. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat.. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. 2008 Tonight I received an email from Batara Hutagalung. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri.

I would like to just share the story here. . Imih still could not forget the day when. The troops ordered all residents to get out their houses. However.” The tragedy took place on December 9. “The troops started to bombard us.” He remembered how the troops continued shooting at all dead bodies to make sure none is alive before they left the scene. gather up in a yard.they did to Indonesia years ago. she saw troops all over her village. after more than 300 hundreds troops of Netherlands army surrounded Rawagede. “There were hundreds of them. Kali Rawagede. with some tracker dogs they brought. Saih managed to survive by playing dead. The email said that the committee was planning to stage a demonstration in front of Dutch Embassy this Friday. the wanted soldier actually had left the village for Jakarta the day before. They were in attempt to capture Mr. A bullet hit my back but I lay still. located about 60 kilometers to the east of Jakarta. a village between Karawang-Bekasi. He recently had damaged a train containing weaponry with another train. Lukas Kustario – an Indonesian soldier who had previously attacked some Netherlands facilities. according to a report the troops received. but my husband – he was so frightened he ran away and got shot. 1947.” an 84-year-old soldier Saih said. They also chased other male residents who were hiding in a nearby river.” said the 74-year-old woman. Batara's email reminded me of my story about Rawagede Massacre that didn't get published. had entered Rawagede to join the soldiers force in the city. Kustario. back when I was still an intern reporter at The Jakarta Post. recollecting a horrible day she had 60 years ago. They separated male citizens from the crowds and made them stood in line. at four o’clock in the morning. They asked the people: “Where is Lukas Kustario?! Where are the soldiers?!” None of the men said anything. “As they shot. They opened fire and soon everyone was in panic. Since it's been almost a year. “I quickly told my husband and my father to stay in the house because I knew it was safer there. I quickly dropped myself to the ground. Please tell me what you think okay :) ########## Up until now. Pissed off by the response.

But not all victims were relocated and buried here.” she said. Moreover. They pray for the heroes. They read the story on how Netherlands troops had tore down the entire life of the village. A monument was built in 1996 in the village to “honor the heroes”. The “Rawagede People Struggle Monument” complex also has a cemetery for the victims. “Hundreds of man died that day. We. “It’s hard to identify all the victims.” said Batara. They sing national anthem. leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts said. All men who were lucky to be alive escaped the village for their lives because the troops were believed to come back anytime. a famous poem from a namely poet Chairil Anwar. Every year the people of Rawagede hold a ceremony at the monument to commemorate the tragedy. We should reach reconciliation with dignity. We only managed to identify 181 out of 431 victims. making there were only women and children in this village. “It was a crime against humanity. who manages the monument complex. and throw flowers at their graves. Some elderly people are crying as they hear the poem.” . While Netherlands considered what happened in Rawagede “a correctional action” – as they claimed the area as their territory at the time – a group of people is currently putting effort on getting Netherlands apology for what they did. cannot shout “Independence!” and carry weapon any more.” Batara Hutagalung.” said head of Rawagede Foundation Sukarman. who have lain down between Karawang-Bekasi.” he said. “The Netherlands surrendered to Japan in 1942 while Indonesia declared its independence in 1945 so it was not also war crime as there was no war at all. dedicated to the victims: “Karawang-Bekasi”. “I saw so many victims. “It took us two days to bury all 431 dead bodies.” said Imih. Saih stood up and walked home. “They should say sorry and pay compensation to the victim’s family to help them prosper. They make moment of silence.When he thought it was safe to make a move. It is ironic that the massacre happened just one day after Indonesia and Netherlands started the “USS Renville” peace talk.

who was later jailed for 10 years after being named a leftist sympathizer. It was the worst mass slaughter in Southeast Asia’s modern history after the Khmer Rouge killing fields in Cambodia.Talking about compensation. A frenzy of anticommunist violence stained rivers with blood and littered the countryside with the bodies of teachers. and schoolteachers. 2008 by The Boston Globe by Anthony Deutsch BLITAR.0128 04It was 1968.” recalled Surien. seized control of the military in 1965 and ruled the country for 32 years. 2008 pada 7:11 am (soeharto) Published on Monday. I remember the sound of the guns clearly: tat-tat.” said Talam. farmers. including trade union members. “I have no hatred in my heart against them. and others.” The CIA provided lists of thousands of leftists.” “Of course even if we did. and mow them down with round after round of automatic weapons fire. we really had no idea where he was. January 28. Estimates for the number killed during his bloody rise to power .Hiding out in the dense. 70. line them up. tat-tat . Imih said she just wished to have her house repaired. Lukas but unfortunately.000 to 1 million cited by US historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr.” “They were just looking for Mr. “That’s all. suppressing dissent with force and supported by an American government at the height of the Cold War. he only wished his family a better life. now the world’s most populous Muslim nation. many of whom were executed or sent to remote prisons. “They used to dump the bodies here. . humid jungle. tat-tat. intellectuals.” Mass Killings Under Suharto Recalled Februari 1. who died yesterday at a Jakarta hospital.“They gunned them down and dumped their bodies in a mass grave dug by other prisoners. “People called it the beach of stinking corpses because of the smell. Indonesia . Markus Talam watched Indonesian soldiers herd manacled prisoners from trucks. who have published books on Indonesia’s history. The big-hearted old man said he had forgiven Netherlands. . .” As for Saih. 68. over and over again.from 1965 to 1968 range from a government figure of 78. and the killings were part of a final offensive by forces under General Suharto to wipe out the communist party and secure his position as leader of Indonesia. a woman who lived near a bay used as an execution ground. Suharto. we would not tell them anyway.

Another 183. according to a local human rights group. and the military has blocked efforts by relatives to unearth mass graves.” Putmuinah hid in a cave south of Blitar before being picked up and detained for 10 years.” she said. I saw great cruelties and am lucky I am not dead. where people are more concerned with day-to-day survival. Those believed responsible still wield influence in politics and the courts. Though Suharto was swept from power in a 1998 prodemocracy uprising in this nation of 235 million people. whose simple two-room home overlooks a valley dotted with overgrown mass graves. Jakarta. his government and his regime. living in caves.000 political prisoners were held. Moreover. In recent interviews around the city of Blitar. “They beheaded many of us because we were members of the union for women. Similar abuses left more than 100. eating what the jungle had to offer for 50 days.” said Talam. “Suharto ordered the elimination of communists and leftwing sympathizers.” she said. the dark era remains largely unknown to many Indonesians. where about 12. “One of the enduring legacies of Suharto’s regime has been the culture of impunity. according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the UN.” . hunger. public interest in reviving a turbulent past is muted in the largely poor country. a prominent monument and museum honors the crushing of the communist threat.” she added. being beaten. and seeing beheadings of other captives. said he was tortured and beaten repeatedly during interrogations while detained on remote Buru island. Near Blitar. Talam. “I was spared torture because I knew the commander who arrested me. In fact.000 dead in West Papua. There is no official record of the shootings Talam said he witnessed by the Indonesian Army near Blitar. a former communist stronghold. Dragging on a clove-cigarette with trembling hands. 1. and illness during Indonesia’s 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor. “I am disappointed.100 miles east of the capital. About 15. a former member of a left-wing union for park rangers. which lies 310 miles east of Jakarta. disappearances. “They robbed me of the opportunity to raise my seven children. 80. “The ones who should be held accountable for those crimes are Suharto. and the Communist Party is still banned in Indonesia today. “Why has no one been put on trial?” he asked. no one has ever been tried for the bloodletting.000 others died during a 29year separatist rebellion in Aceh Province. survivors of the atrocities recounted a life on the run. until being picked up. the head of Human Rights Watch Asia. said Putmuinah. a former communist city council member in Blitar. he described how he was detained by police but escaped.” said Brad Adams.000 died due to killings. He stumbled across dead bodies in shallow graves and slept in dank caves with hundreds of others. Details of the communist purge are banned from school books. in part because some of Suharto’s former generals remain in power.

Munir. Udin. Namun sampai saat ini seperti kasus. 8 bus dan kendaraan umum lainnya. Tanjung Priok. Mereka kemudian disuruh menjarah apa saja yang ditemukan. dsb. Poso.kasus lainnya seperti Peristiwa G30S. Yogya Department store. Yang paling tragis adalah terjadinya perkosaan massal terhadap puluhan kalau tidak ratusan perempuan Tionghoa yang dilakukan secara brutal. Penyelamatan diri inilah yang dihembus.Akibat aksi kekerasan ini ribuan warga Tionghoa yang merasa trauma dan ketakutan dengan berbagai jalan berusaha menyelamatkan diri dengan meninggalkan seluruh harta bendanya untuk mengungsi ke berbagai tempat yang dianggapnya aman antara lain ke Bali. 14 Mei 2006) Oleh : Benny G.hembuskan oleh sebagian orang sebagai "eksodus" dan tindakan anasional.026 rumah tinggal habis dirusak.119 mobil. Tindakan anarkis dan kekerasan kali ini merupakan puncak dari berbagai kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi di Indonesia sejak zaman penjajahan Belanda sampai di masa Republik. PUNCAK KEKERASAN ANTI TIONGHOA DI INDONESIA (Disampaikan dalam Seminar Memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang diselenggarakan ICAA di Los Angeles.5 triliun atau $US 238 juta. Kalimantan Barat. Eropa bahkan ke Amerika Serikat. 821 sepeda motor dan 1. 45 bengkel. 387 kantor.Namun apa yang terjadi? Pintu pertokoan tersebut kemudian dikunci dari luar dan dibakar oleh para provokator. Australia. Talangsari.479 ruko.Ribuan toko dan rumah tinggal milik orang-orang Tionghoa habis dijarah dan dibakar. 13 Mei 2006 dan ICA Net di San Francisco. Malaysia. menyerbu berbagai mall.2. dijarah dan dibakar selama berlangsung aksi anarkis tersebut. Marsinah. Supermarket Hero dan supermarket Tops. 2. Semanggi. [1][1] Yang sangat disesalkan adalah sikap pihak keamanan yaitu Kapolda Metro Jaya Mayjen Hamami Nata dan Pangdam Jaya Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsuddin yang tidak berbuat suatu apapun untuk mencegah dan mengatasi aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. 9 SPBU. remaja dan ibu-ibu rumah tangga yang berhasil diprovokasi. Memang ada beberapa kasus yang telah dibawa ke Pengadilan namun ternyata yang disidangkan hanya oknum-oknum yang dikorbankan tanpa mengungkap siapa yang menjadi otak atau dalang yang sesungguhnya. Menado. . Malari. Demikian juga ribuan kendaraan bermotor baik roda dua maupun roda empat hangus dan menjadi bangkai karena dibakar gerombolan anarkis. Singapore.604 toko. Supermall Karawaci dan City hotel berikut pusat pertokoan Glodok. Trisakti. Setiono Tanpa terasa tahun ini kita memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang ke delapan kalinya.nya tragedi ini masih diselimuti awan misterius. Tigabelas pasar. Sementara itu ratusan rakyat kecil yang terdiri dari anak-anak.PERISTIWA 13-15 MEI 1998. Ambon. Kalimantan Barat. Diperkirakan lebih dari seribu orang yang tewas akibat dibakar hidup-hidup tersebut. Hongkong. Padahal tindakan menyelamatkan diri adalah hak paling hakiki dari setiap machluk yang diciptakan Tuhan. Jumlah seluruh kerugian diperkirakan paling sedikit Rp. 40 mall dengan 1. 1. antara lain Yogya Department Store di Klender dan Super Mall Karawaci. Demikian juga Jenderal Wiranto sebagai Panglima ABRI hanya bersikap wait and see. Demikian juga sejumlah shopping mall dan pertokoan antara lain Glodok Plaza.

Pada 6 Maret 2003. disamping berbahayanya pelayaran di masa itu. Kanada. Mereka hidup membaur dengan saling membawa budaya masing-masing. Habibie membentuk Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta (TGPF) di bawah pimpinan Marzuki Darusman. Namun seperti kasuskasus sebelumnya. ia segera membangun koloninya tersebut dengan bantuan orang-orang Tionghoa dibawah pimpinan Souw Beng Kong yang dibujuk dan diberi janji-janji untuk pindah dari Banten. sehingga lahirlah keturunan campuran yang biasa disebut peranakan atau babah. Rekomendasi Komnas HAM mengajukan nama Jenderal Wiranto dan Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsyudin yang layak dicurigai untuk dimintai pertanggung-jawabannya. dan Beijing. Pada masa itulah terjadi gelombang kedatangan orang Tionghoa secara besar-besaran ke tanah Jawa yang pada umumnya berasal dari provinsi Hokkian di bagian tenggara . Australia.J. hasil kerja TGPF ini yang berupa rekomendasi dan telah diserahkan kepada Jaksa Agung dan Menteri Dalam Negeri tidak pernah ditindak lanjuti dan hilang begitu saja bagaikan debu ditiup angin. Sebaliknya Coen berusaha mendatangkan sebanyak mungkin tenaga dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dijadikan kuli. Sejak itu jung-jung dari Tiongkok dilarang merapat ke pelabuhan Banten.Peristiwa ini sangat memprihatinkan dan memalukan serta merusak citra seluruh bangsa Indonesia di dunia Internasional. Mereka tidak membawa istri dari Tiongkok karena memang ada larangan dari Kaisar membawa perempuan keluar dari daratan Tiongkok. pendatang. Coen segera menjalankan politik monopoli di segala bidang perdagangan dan melakukan blokade atas pelabuhan Banten. bertani dan menjadi tukang. seluruh kejadian dengan kasat mata dapat disaksikan secara langsung oleh jutaan pemirsa TV di seluruh dunia. antara lain di Amerika Serikat. Terjadi protes-protes dan demonstrasi di muka Kedutaan atau Perwakilan Republik Indonesia di berbagai negara. Eropa. Setelah Belanda (VOC ) dibawah pimpinan Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587. Namum hingga saat ini tidak ada kabar beritanya apakah hasil penyelidikan tersebut akan ditindak lanjuti sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 26 Tahun 2000 Tentang Pengadilan HAM atau mungkin akan dipetieskan saja. Hongkong.1629) menguasai Jayakarta atau Sunda Kelapa yang lalu dirubah namanya menjadi Batavia. tukang dan pedagang eceran demi memajukan koloni dan perdagangannya. Orang Tionghoa hidup dengan berdagang. Pelaut Belanda tidak segan-segan merompaki jung-jung Tionghoa secara terang-terangan dan menahan awak kapalnya untuk kemudian dipaksa bekerja di Batavia.[2][2] Mereka menikah dengan perempuan pribumi setempat atau membeli budak untuk dijadikan gundik. Hubungan Tionghoa dengan pribumi di masa sebelum kemerdekaan Sebelum kedatangan orang-orang kulit putih ke Nusantara. juga dari Komnas HAM yang telah menyelesaikan tugasnya dengan menyerahkan seluruh hasil penyelidikannya yaitu berupa rekomendasi dan Berita Acara (BAP) yang bersifat pro justicia kepada pihak penyidik yaitu Kejaksaan Agung. Komnas HAM telah membentuk tim Ad Hoc Penyelidikan Perisitiwa Kerusuhan Mei 1998 di bawah pimpinan Salahuddin Wahid. SH dari Komnas HAM. Apa sebenarnya yang menyebabkan timbulnya berbagai aksi kekerasan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia? Untuk menjawabnya baiklah kita buka lembaran sejarah kita. Dengan adanya kemajuan teknologi di bidang komunikasi. Taipei.pendatang dari Tiongkok hidup damai dengan penduduk setempat. Untuk meredamnya Presiden B.

728 Hakka 124. padahal seluruh penduduk pulau Jawa diperkirakan hanya 5 juta orang.484 orang Tionghoa dan 235.[5][5] Akibat dibukanya kembali perdagangan Tiongkok dengan Asia Tenggara oleh Kaisar dari Dinasti Ch'ing dan berhasilnya pasukan Ch'ing mengamankan Selat Taiwan serta dimulainya liberalisasi di bidang ekonomi oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dengan diizinkannya pihak swasta membuka perkebunan dan pertambangan. India (Keling). deel VII. data orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda adalah sebagai berikut: Laki-laki Perempuan Hokkian 309. 290.740 38. Jepang dan terutama orang-orang Tionghoa dari bagian selatan Tiongkok membanjiri Hindia Belanda yang menjadi tanah harapan mereka.941 64.945 orang Tionghoa.574 orang pada 1739.000 orang. Sejak itu migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa. Tujuan utama mereka hanya mencari kehidupan baru dengan memasuki semua bidang perdagangan dan hidup damai dengan .[7][7] Selanjutnya berdasarkan hasil sensus pada 1930 seperti dinyatakan dalam Volkstelling 1930. Dengan terjunnya pihak swasta di sektor perkebunan dan pertambangan dan semakin stabilnya keamanan.390 Lain-lain 123.222 orang di antaranya laki-laki.468 [8][8] Orang-orang Tionghoa ini hidup menyebar ke seluruh pulau Jawa.423 24.[3][3] Namun migrasi perempuan Tiongkok ke Asia Tenggara baru dimulai pertengahan abad ke-19 dan permulaan abad ke-20.389 Kongfu 97.[4] [4] Pada permulaan abad ke-19 jumlah penduduk Tionghoa di Batavia saja hampir 100. Migrasi perempuan Tiongkok dimungkinkan bertalian dengan adanya fasilitas penggunaan kapal api dan murahnya tarif angkutan. Batavia 1935. Demikian juga dengan imigran-imigran dari negara lain seperti dari Arab. Di pulau Jawa saja terdapat 248.448 orang di antaranya laki-laki.253 245.Tiongkok. pada akhir 1893 di seluruh Hindia Belanda ada 443. Belum lagi para imigran gelap yang diturunkan di kepulauan Seribu. Dari tiga atau empat buah menjadi lebih dari dua puluh buah dalam setahun.[6][6] Menurut laporan Kolonial Verslag 1895. di Teluk Jakarta atau di berbagai tempat di pesisir utara Pulau Jawa. Chineezen an andere Vreemde Oosterlingen in Nederlandsch Indie terbitan Departement van Economische zaken. jumlah penduduk di Jawa meningkat dengan pesat. dari 3.101 orang pada 1682 menjadi 10. Jumlah orang Tionghoa naik dengan pesat. telah mendorong mengalirnya para imigran dengan deras dari daratan Tiongkok. Jumlah kedatangan jung-jung dari Tiongkok meningkat pesat.831 Teo Chew 63.905 75. hal. terutama dari provinsi Fujian/Hokkian dan Guangdong/Kwangtung. baik ke daerah pedalaman maupun di sepanjang pesisir utara. baik laki-laki maupun perempuan meningkat dengan pesat.88.

teluk ataupun anak sungai yang masih dapat dipergunakan untuk pelayaran. Orang-orang Tionghoa tetap bermukim di perantauan sampai beberapa keturunan tanpa pernah kembali ke negeri asalnya. pakaian maupun agama. bahwa sejak 1683 jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terdapat di daerah tersebut tumbuh dengan pesat. Bahkan di dalam pandangannnya. Karena perbuatan segelintir orang Tionghoa yang telah melakukan kolusi dengan para Sultan dan Pangeran Jawa dan penguasa Belanda inilah. sebagai akibat kontak-kontak yang sering mereka lakukan dengan para pendatang baru itu. orang-orang Jawa yang baik hati telah menjadi lebih pandai dan rajin. mengungkapkan dalam uraian dan gambaran tentang wilayah Timur Laut pantai utara pulau Jawa (1700-1703). Banyak dari mereka yang memeluk agama Islam sebagai akibat peristiwa Pembantaian 1740 dan juga untuk menghindari pajak kepala yang khusus dikenakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa.penduduk setempat. Di sepanjang pesisir utara. Disamping itu mereka pun diberi hak untuk membuka rumah judi. Hal ini dikarenakan gaya rambut tersebut memang wajib digunakan di seluruh daratan Tiongkok. Timbulnya istilah "Cina kunciran" yang berkonotasi penghinaan. Mereka masuk menjadi Islam dan menolak memakan daging **** dan memungut seluruh ada-istiadat penduduk asli. Begitu mereka diizinkan untuk bermukim di wilayah kekuasaan kerajaan Mataram. Sunan Amangkurat II. ketika dinasti Ch'ing telah berhasil menegakkan pengendalian sepenuhnya terhadap orang-orang Han. Karena jumlah orang Tionghoa yang memeluk Islam semakin banyak. khusus merujuk kepada orang-orang Tionghoa pendatang baru.uang real yang bulat-bulat-dari pajak-pajak seperti itu. Tetapi jabatan mayor atau kapiten dalam masyarakat muslim Tionghoa di Batavia dihapuskan pada 1827. kecuali sisa di bagian belakang kepala yang dibiarkan tumbuh panjang dan dikepang (tauchang). mereka langsung membuktikan diri mereka sebagai orang-orang yang dapat bekerja keras. makanan. yang memerintah dari 1677-1703 menikmati penghasilan kira-kira 50. maka VOC memisahkan mereka dari masyarakat Tionghoa yang bukan muslim dan menyerahkan pengurusan dan pengawasan mereka kepada seorang kapiten Tionghoa yang diangkat dari kalangan mereka sendiri. Gubernur Jenderal Johan Van Hoorn (1653-1711) dalam masa jabatannya.1704-1709. para imigran Tionghoa yang datang dari Tiongkok telah menggunakan gaya rambut pada zaman dinasti Ch'ing. Mereka membaurkan diri baik dalam soal bahasa.[9][9] setelah mereka menjadi sulit dibedakan lagi dari penduduk asli yang beragama Islam. Mereka datang ke Indonesia dengan tetap mempergunakan gaya rambut seperti pada zaman dinasti Ming. Namun pada masa-masa kemudian.[10][10] Banyak dari para imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Indonesia pada abad ke –17 terutama orang-orang Hokkian sebagai pelarian.aksi kekerasan di kemudian hari. menghindari serbuan bangsa Manchu. yaitu dengan mencukur bersih rambut di kepala. Hal ini berlawanan dengan golongan . Sejak itu istilah "peranakan" hanya digunakan bagi orang Tionghoa yang lahir di Jawa.000 ronde realen. tidak terdapat sebuah sungai. pelabuhan. di mana tidak terdapat sebuah pos bea cukai (gerbang tol) yang penjaganya pasti seorang Tionghoa. mulai timbul rasa kurang senang orang-orang Jawa kepada orang Tionghoa dan menjadi benih sentimen-sentimen dan aksi. pelacuran dan kelak tempat menghisap candu oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda..

peranakan yang telah berasimilasi sampai tingkat tertentu ke dalam masyarakat Jawa asli. Kemudian pejoratif sebutan Cina (berasal dari bahasa Belanda Ch'ina untuk Tiongkok) tersebut berlanjut dan berkembang terhadap seluruh etnis Tionghoa sehingga timbulnya gerakan kebangkitan dan berdirinya Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan pada 1900 dan Chung Hua Ming Kuo atau Republik Tiongkok pada 1911. Kata Chung Hua dalam dialek Hokkian adalah Tiong Hoa.[11][11] Pada saat berlangsungnya Perang Jawa (Perang Diponegoro) 1825-1830, gaya rambut orang Tionghoa ini kembali menjadi suatu masalah ketika Pangeran Diponegoro memerintahkan semua orang Tionghoa yang ingin bergabung menjadi muslim, harus disunat dan memotong kuncir mereka. [12][12] Pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa. Kebudayaan Tionghoa kemudian membaur dan beradaptasi dengan kebudayaan setempat baik bahasa,kesenian, tarian, pengobatan, cara berpakaian, kuliner dan sebagainya. Terdapat cukup banyak bukti yang dapat kita jumpai dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, seperti kesenian gambang kromong, cokek, topeng Betawi, Lenong atau di bidang kuliner seperti tahu, kecap, taoge, bakmi, bakso, bihun dan di bidang pakaian seperti kebaya encim, baju koko, oto, angkin dan sebagainya. Malahan naga, binatang legenda Tiongkok juga beradaptasimenjadi naga Jawa, bedanya naga Jawa memakai mahkota. Demikian juga mesjid-mesjid dan surau-surau di Indonesia pasti digantungi bedug seperti yang terdapat di klenteng-klenteng di Tiongkok. Bedanya bedug di Indonesia dipukul dengan tongkat seperti memukul tambur, sedangkan bedug dan genta di Tiongkok dipukul dengan mendorong sebatang kayu balok yang digantung di muka bedug tersebut. Bedug hanya dijumpai di mesjid-mesjid di Indonesia. Di negara-negara Arab dan Timur Tengah lainnya tak akan kita jumpai bedug-bedug yang digantung di samping mesjid.[13][13] Arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Jawa sangat dipengaruhi kebudayaan Tiongkok yang bergaya pagoda dan beratap susun, berbeda dengan arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Timur Tengah yang beratap dome (bulat) Contohnya mesjid semacam ini sampai saat ini dapat kita jumpai di sepanjang pesisir utara Pulau Jawa (pantura). Pendatang-pendatang Tionghoa juga mengajarkan cara menanam padi di sawah yang dibajak dan diairi yang hasilnya lebih maksimal dibandingkan menanam padi di huma yang dipelajari penduduk pribumi dari orang-orang India. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan penduduk setempat cara berkebun tebu dan cara membuat gula. Mereka juga mengembangkan budi daya tanaman kacang tanah, kacang hijau, kacang kedelai, semangka dan nila atau tarum untuk dijadikan bahan pewarna. Sejak 1611 mereka mengembangkan penyulingan arak yang dibuat dari beras yang difermentasi, tetes tebu dan nira. Dari kacang hijau dan kedelai mereka menghasilkan taoge, tauco dan kecap. Mereka juga mengajarkan pembuatan bata dan genting sebagai pengganti batu dan rumbia untuk membangun rumah. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan menjahit baju dan menyamak kulit untuk keperluan busana. Di bidang pengobatan, pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa sangat kental. Seperti kita ketahui, jamu yang sangat terkenal, yang menjadi pusaka peninggalan dari kraton-kraton Jawa sangat mirip dengan obatobatan Tionghoa. Jamu merupakan ramuan yang menggunakan bahan-bahan dari dedaunan, rempah-rempah dan akar-akaran. Cara penyajiannya dengan merebus daun-

daunan obat atau menumbuk dan menggilingnya, identik dengan obat-obatan Tionghoa yang telah berusia ribuan tahun. Pengobatan dengan jamu-jamuan ini hanya berasal dari Jawa dan Madura, tidak berasal dari kepulauan lain di Nusantara. Belum lagi permainan pencak silat, permainan judi dan kebiasaan membakar petasan atau mercon pada masa bulan Ramadhan dan menyambut Idul Fitri atau pada upacaraupacara perkawinan atau khitanan dan sebagainya, yang dilakukan umat Islam di pedesaan di pulau Jawa, jelas merupakan tradisi yang dipengaruhi tradisi Tionghoa yang membawa kebiasaan ini dari daratan Tiongkok, tempat asal petasan tersebut. Masih banyak lagi contoh-contoh pengaruh budaya Tionghoa dalam kehidupan kita sehari-hari yang tentunya tidak dapat kita tuliskan satu-persatu di makalah ini. Demikianlah sekilas keadaan masyarakat Tionghoa di masa sebelum kedatangan orangorang kulit putih dan di masa penjajahan Belanda baik di bawah VOC maupun di bawah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda. Pembantaian 1740, aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa VOC Ketika orang-orang Belanda di bawah pimpinan Cornelis de Houtman pada 23 Juni 1596 berhasil mendarat di pelabuhan Banten, ternyata orang Portugis telah lama mempunyai kantor dagang di sana. Ketika tiba di Nusantara orang-orang Belanda dan kemudian Inggris menjumpai pemukiman-pemukiman Tionghoa di kebanyakan Bandar di Asia Tenggara seperti di Hoi An, Patani, Banten, Phnom Penh, dan Manila. Pada 1642 di Hoi An terdapat 45.000 orang Tionghoa dan pada 1600 di Banten ada 3.000 orang Tionghoa.[14][14] Terbukti dalam sejarah bahwa kedatangan Belanda ini mengubah peta poltik di seluruh Nusantara. Salah satu "jasa" Belanda adalah berusaha menyatukan seluruh wilayah Nusantara ke dalam genggamannya, yang pada ujungnya melahirkan gerakan kebangkitan nasional di kemudian hari. Dengan kedatangan Belanda, hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa yang begitu harmonis dengan penduduk setempat, berangsur-angsur mulai menjadi renggang. Belanda memandang hubungan harmonis antara etnis Tionghoa dan penduduk setempat sebagai "duri" dan suatu bahaya bagi niat mereka menguasai Nusantara. Belanda kemudian mulai menjalankan politik devide et impera atau pecah belah dan mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan dan peraturan yang bertujuan memisahkan orangorang Tionghoa dari penduduk setempat. Antara lain dengan "mengekslusifkan" tempat tinggal mereka melalui "wijkenstelsel dan "passenstelsel". Demikian juga cara berpakaian orang-orang Tionghoa diatur oleh pihak penguasa kolonial. Ketika itu orang Tionghoa dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa (Barat) atau memakai pakaian Jawa atau pribumi lainnya. Bagi yang melanggar diancam hukuman denda atau kurungan penjara. Kebijaksanaan memisahkan kelompok-kelompok ini menguatkan sikap acuh tak acuh di antara kelompok-kelompok, dan bagi Belanda lebih mudah untuk mengendalikan orang Tionghoa dari pakaiannya, tempat pemukimannya dan tandatanda yang mudah dikenali yang ada pada mereka. Sampai akhir abad ke-19 orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa, yaitu jas dan celana pantalon. Pasal 128 Regeeringreglement 1854 memerintahkan para gubernur jenderal mengatur sekolah untuk anak-anak negeri, namun tidak termasuk anak-anak Tionghoa, sehingga

mereka tidak dapat diterima baik di Europeesche School maupun Inlandsche School. Jadi bagi anak- anak Tionghoa tidak disediakan sekolah sama sekali. Sebaliknya segelintir orang-orang Tionghoa dijadikan alat pemerintah Hindia-Belanda untuk memeras rakyat dengan menjadikan mereka pachter pajak, pachter judi, pachter madat dan pachter gadai. Semua ini semakin menguatkan kesan buruk, kebencian dan sentimen anti Tionghoa sebagian orang Jawa terhadap orang Tionghoa. Pada 1854, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda melakukan politik segregasi dengan membagibagi penduduk menjadi tiga kelompok. Yang pertama kelompok orang Eropa termasuk ke dalamnya orang-orang Indo Eropa. Yang kedua kedua kelompok Vreemde Ooosterlingen atau Orang Timur Asing yang terdiri dari orang Tionghoa, Arab dan orang Asia lainnya. Yang ketiga kelompok inlander atau pribumi. Peraturan ini dimuat dalam Staatsblad No. 2, Jo.1 Pasal 131. Jo.61 Wet op de staats inrichting van NederlandschIndie atau Indische Staats regeling (IS) tahun 1855. Ketiga kelompok ini tunduk kepada sejumlah buku undang-undang yang berbeda dan diadili di pengadilan yang berbeda-beda pula. Tetapi khusus untuk masalah perdagangan, sejak awal VOC, bagi orang Tionghoa diberlakukan Hukum Dagang Belanda, sepanjang hukum itu masih dapat diterapkan. Selain dari masalah perdagangan terutama dalam masalah kriminal, status orang Tionghoa disamakan dengan golongan inlander dan perkaranya diadili di landraad atau politieroll. Dengan diberlakukannya undang-undang ini lengkap sudah politik pecah belah dan adu domba pemerintah Hindia-Belanda terhadap penduduk Nusantara terutama di Pulau Jawa. Aksi kekerasan pertama terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Nusantara adalah Peristiwa Pembunuhan Orang-orang Tionghoa (Chinezenmoord) 1740. Dalam aksi kekerasan yang berlangsung selama dua minggu tersebut, hampir 10.000 orang Tionghoa tewas, dibunuh secara kejam oleh tentara Belanda dengan dibantu orang-orang Eropa lainnya, para kelasi kapal, para gelandangan, orang-orang Sepoy (India), para tukang dan budak. Pembunuhan yang terjadi di masa pemerintahan Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier ini bertujuan mengeliminasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang jumlahnya dianggap telah membahayakan posisi orang-orang Belanda. Demikian juga orang-orang Tionghoa ini dianggap telah mendominasi perdagangan dan perkebunan serta pabrik gula yang banyak berdiri di seputar Batavia. Pada 1740 terdapat 2.500 rumah orang Tionghoa di dalam tembok kota Batavia, sedangkan seluruh jumlah orang Tionghoa termasuk yang berada di luar tembok kota diperkirakan berjumlah tidak kurang dari 15.000 orang. Jumlah tersebut merupakan 17% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk di daerah tersebut. Ada kemungkinan jumlah orang Tionghoa sebenarnya jauh lebih besar, karena berdasarkan sensus yang diadakan pada 1778, sebesar 26% dari jumlah penduduk yang berada di luar tembok kota adalah orang-orang Tionghoa. Sedangkan pada masa pemerintahan Inggris (1811-1816) jumlah orang Tionghoa merupakan 24% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk yang berdiam di dalam dan di luar tembok kota. Namun suatu hal yang jelas sangat berbeda dengan apa yang terjadi dengan Peristiwa Mei 1998 adalah tindakan pihak VOC yang dengan segera mengambil tindakan dengan memecat dan kemudian menangkap Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier di Capetown, Afrika Selatan dalam perjalanannya pulang ke Belanda. Ia kemudian dibawa

Tubuh-tubuh yang telah terpotong-potong dibiarkan bergelimpangan di muka pintu. penguasa Spanyol di Manila membantai ribuan orang "sangley". Sekali ini. Perlu diketahui sampai pertengahan abad ke-19. Pemerintah RRT segera mengirim pesawat charter China Southern Airline dari Guangzhou untuk mengangkut 300 warganya kembali ke Tiongkok. Aksi kekerasan tersebut terjadi karena warga setempat menuduh warga asal Tiongkok dan Taiwan menyuap anggota parlemen untuk mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan perdana menteri. Akhirnya ia meninggal dunia pada 1751 dan pemeriksaan terhadap dirinya dihentikan. sehari setelah anggota parlemen memilih Snyder Rini sebagai perdana menteri. padahal Taiwanlah yang mendapat pengakuan diplomatic dari kepulauan Salomon. Pemeriksaan Valckenier berlangsung berbelit-belit dan berkepanjangan sampai hampir sepuluh tahun lamanya. puteri Sultan Hamengku Buwono I menyerbu Ngawi sebuah kota kecil di perbatasan Jawa Tengah . pembantaian orang-orang Tionghoa terjadi berulang-ulang.kembali ke Batavia dan dimasukkan ke penjara Robijn di benteng Batavia. pembunuhan terhadap orang Tionghoa perantauan terjadi kembali. sebuah pasukan berkuda di bawah pimpinan Raden Ayu Yudakusuma.pedagang yang berasal dari provinsi Hokkian.[16][16] Setelah peristiwa pembunuhan di Batavia sekelompok orang Tionghoa yang sakit hati dan dendam di bawah pimpinan Que Panjang atau Sie Panjang (Oei Panko) menuju Jawa Tengah dan bersekutu dengan sejumlah Pangeran Jawa untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC. namun warga Tiongkok maupun Taiwan menolak tuduhan tersebut. Di seluruh Jawa Tengah dan di sepanjang Bengawan Solo.orang Spanyol menyebut orang –orang Tionghoa sangley. untuk gampangnya orang. Massacre yang dipimpin VOC di Batavia terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa ini. orang-orang Spanyol menyebut orang Tionghoa dengan sebutan sangley bukan "Cina". Apa yang menyebabkan pembantaian orang-orang Jawa Tengah terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa? Padahal mereka sebelumnya hidup damai dan rukun serta saling membantu dengan penduduk Jawa tempat mereka tinggal? Pemimpin pasukan yang melakukan .[15][15] Baru-baru ini kita dikejutkan dengan berita bahwa pada 17 April 2006. ibukota Kepulauan Salomon. seluruh anggota masyarakat Tionghoa yang terdapat di Ngawi. aksi kekerasan meletup di Honiara. merupakan lembaran hitam yang mencoreng muka pemerintah Belanda dan merupakan kejadian pertama dalam sejarah orang Tionghoa di perantauan. Pembantaian di Ngawi tersebut ternyata bukan satu-satunya kejadian pada masa permulaan Perang Jawa. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa semasa Perang Jawa Pada 23 September 1825 yang merupakan masa awal Perang Jawa.Jawa Timur yang terletak di tepi Bengawan Solo. yang diduga berasal dari dari kata "sengli" yang dalam bahasa Hokkian berarti dagang. Namun ternyata pada 1762. habis dibantai. di jalanan dan di rumah-rumah yang penuh lumuran darah. Mungkin karena kebanyakan perantau Tionghoa pada masa itu adalah pedagang. Sebaliknya pemerintah Taiwan tidak berbuat apa-apa untuk membantu warga Tionghoa setempat yang menjadi korban aksi kekerasan tersebut. Tanpa memperdulikan jerit dan tangisan perempuan dan anak-anak yang sangat memilukan. Akibat kerusuhan tersebut sekitar 150 keluarga Tionghoa kehilangan rumah dan tempat usahanya karena dijarah dan dirusak/dibakar massa.

menimbulkan dampak semakin tergantungnya para raja dan pejabat lainnya kepada mereka. terutama para pedagang Tionghoa . pelabuhan.pembantaian di Ngawi. Karena para sultan selalu kekurangan uang. jembatan. Pada masa itu para sultan. terutama dalam menyediakan kebutuhan mereka akan uang perak. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga dijadikan bandar-bandar pemungut pajak di jalan-jalan utama. Terutama dalam pekerjaan memungut pajak untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan dan memenuhi kebutuhan pribadinya. ikut berjuang bersama-sama pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. ternyata mengalami banyak perkembangan. Oleh karena semakin banyak yang ingin terjun di bidang yang dianggap basah ini. sebelumnya mempunyai hubungan yang baik dengan orang-orang Tionghoa Jawa Timur yang sering meminjaminya uang. pangkalan di sungai-sungai. Orangorang Tionghoa ini berlomba-lomba melakukan penawaran untuk mendapatkan konsesi pemungutan pajak. Raden Ayu Yudakusuma. ia dibantu oleh seorang komandan bangsa Tionghoa yang ahli senjata api. Demikian juga banyak orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa. kadangkadang mereka harus membayar sampai dua atau tiga kali lebih besar dari yang seharusnya mereka bayar. senjata. memasuki segala bidang kehidupan di Jawa. Peranan orang-orang Tionghoa muslim yang semakin besar di sejumlah kesultanan Islam yang ikut dibentuknya. candu dan lain-lainnya. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan Pangeran Trunajaya dari Madura.senjata api dan mesiu.Migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang mengalir dengan deras setelah Belanda membuka pintu demi kepentingan ekonomi kolonial yang sedang dibangunnya. pangeran dan pejabat kesultanan banyak yang mengambil perempuan peranakan Tionghoa yang cantik-cantik dan berkulit putih bersih untuk dijadikan selirnya. yang kemudian berkembang menjadi kerajaan Mataram. sudah tentu semakin mahal pula yang harus dibayarkan kepada para sultan tersebut. pasar dan lain-lainnya. Malahan banyak orang Tionghoa yang ikut bertempur bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. Akibatnya para Bandar ini mencari jalan untuk memungut pajak yang sebesar-besarnya dengan cara yang lebih kejam kepada penduduk. Malahan karena semakin ketatnya persaingan di antara mereka. banyak laporan yang dibuat orang-orang Jawa bahwa raja pendeta dari Giri mendapat bantuan dari 200 orang Tionghoa penembak cepat yang dipimpin oleh seorang anak angkatnya. Tionghoa muslim bernama Endrasena. kaliber 18 pon. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga telah memberikan sumbangan yang besar dalam pengembangan ketrampilan dan teknologi militer. Demikian juga senjata. Hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa dengan penduduk setempat di Jawa yang telah berjalan selama ratusan tahun. Pada 1636 ketika Pangeran Pekik dari Surabaya menaklukkan Giri. Demikian juga tanah-tanah milik kesultanan banyak yang mereka sewakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dengan rajin akan mengolah sebaik-baiknya. Orang-orang Tionghoa di Gresik yang telah berabad-abad bermukim di sana membangun pusat persenjataan dan memproduksi meriam kuningan berukuran besar dan panjang. maka mereka lalu meminjamnya dari para rentenir Tionghoa yang dengan senang hati akan selalu membantunya. istri Bupati Wieasari yang sering sakitsakitan.

Banyaknya orang Tionghoa yang masuk Islam selain karena alasan praktis. Pada awal Perang Jawa.orang Tionghoa ini dibalas dengan sikap yang sama oleh orang-orang Jawa. maka sang Pangeran mengeluarkan instruksi agar mereka masuk Islam terlebih dahulu dengan disunat dan memotong kuncirnya. Baik dari para sultan Jawa maupun dari pemerintah Belanda maupun Inggris. Malahan mereka juga menunjuk segelintir orang Tionghoa menjadi pachter candu dengan mengijinkan mereka membuka berbagai tempat pengisapan candu yang impornya dimonopoli mereka. Ia juga melarang mereka mengambil gadis-gadis peranakan Tionghoa menjadi gundiknya. bukan saja bagi pemerintah. para bandar pemungut pajak tersebut. Sesuai dengan apa yang ditulisnya sendiri di . Rumah-rumah judi yang pengelolaannya dilakukan oleh orang-orang Tionghoa. orang Tionghoa banyak yang ingin bergabung dengan pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. Hal ini tentu saja banyak menimbulkan ekses negatif yang berpotensi besar timbulnya konflik di antara penduduk Jawa dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. bahkan banyak petugas gerbang tersebut yang dibunuh. Pembantaian terhadap orang Tionghoa pada awal Perang Jawa telah menimbulkan kekecewaan dan prasangka yang mendalam pada diri orang. yaitu untuk menghindari "pajak konde" dan pajak kepala yang dikenakan pemerintah Belanda kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. Padahal mereka hanya menjadi alat dari kekuasaan yang ada. Demikian juga dengan rumah pelacuran (bordil) yang menyediakan perempuan-perempuan segar dan cantik untuk para pangeran dan pejabat kompeni Belanda. Dengan masuk Islam mereka terbebas dari pajak-pajak yang dirasa sangat memberatkannya. Pangeran Diponegoro juga bersikap sama dengan melarang para komandannya melakukan hubungan yang akrab dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. sebenarnya lebih banyak disebabkan pertimbangan ekonomi.orang Tionghoa terhadap orang Jawa. Sikap Diponegoro ini disebabkan oleh pengalamannya sendiri ketika menghadapi kekalahan pertempuran di Gowok. Demikian juga pemerintah Hindia-Belanda maupun Inggris yang melihat begitu efektifnya orang-orang Tionghoa dalam membantu para sultan Jawa dalam memungut pajak. Dari sinilah mulai tumbuh "rasa benci" orang-orang Jawa. sehingga kedudukan mereka baru dapat diganti setelah ada persetujuan dari pihak kompeni. untuk menjaga keselamatan mereka yang mengakibatkan makin meningkatnya sentimen politik terhadap orang Tionghoa.menyesuaikan diri dengan masyarakat setempat dan mendekatkan diri dengan kultur Jawa. Sementara itu para Bandar pajak ini mendapatkan perlindungan hukum dari para Sultan atau pemerintah Hindia-Belanda. juga menjadi sumber penghasilan yang besar. tetapi juga bagi kantung para pejabat setempat. Sikap takut dan curiga orang. yang dilakukan para bandit setempat.terutama orang-orang Jawa Tengah di pedalaman kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dianggapnya sebagai pemeras dan pembawa sial dan kesengsaraan. karena ia berpendapat bahwa hubungan dengan gadis-gadis Tionghoa hanya akan membawa sial dan malapetaka. melakukan hal yang sama di daerah-daerah yang telah dikuasainya.sendiri yang kadang-kadang harus membayar sampai tiga kali lebih banyak dari yang harus dibayar orang Jawa. Sebagai akibatnya para penjaga gerbang tol itu mengorganisasi diri dengan membentuk pasukan pengawal yang terdiri dari orang-orang Jawa. Menjelang Perang Jawa terjadilah penjarahan dan pembakaran gerbanggerbang tol tempat pemungutan pajak di berbagai tempat. di luar Surakarta pada 15 Oktober 1826.

Ada 3 mayat orang Tionghoa yang bertumpuk di kamar mandi.[19][19] SDI kemudian berubah menjadi Sarekat Islam (SI) dan berkembang dengan pesat sehingga anggotanya mencapai setengah juta orang.[17][17] Kenyataan bahwa komandan-komandan pasukannya banyak yang menggauli gadisgadis Tionghoa sebagai hiburan dan penggunaan candu secara bebas di antara prajuritnya. Untuk mengalihkan konflik. Perisitiwa kerusuhan ini diawali dengan perkelahian antara sejumlah pemuda Tionghoa yang sedang melakukan prosesi arak-arakan gotong Toapekong dengan sejumlah pemuda SI. di daerah Lasem karena melanggar perintahnya dengan menggauli seorang perempuan Tionghoa di Lasem. pemerintah kolonial Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dan berusaha membenturkan kepentingan pedagang. Ada 40 rumah/toko yang habis dijarah dan dibakar dan sebuah klenteng dirusak.pedagang Islam yang dipelopori para pedagang Arab dengan pedagang Tionghoa yang menjadi saingan utamanya. ia telah terjebak dan "dihancurkan" oleh kecantikan seorang gadis Tionghoa yang tertangkap di daerah Panjang dan kemudian dijadikan tukang pijitnya. Ada mayat gadis yang masuk kedalam bak mandi namun karena rumahnya terbakar matang terebus. dengan maksud memojokkan etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. Pada malam itu semua rumah dan toko milik orang Tionghoa di kota Kudus habis dijarah dan dibakar oleh ribuan massa Sarekat Islam yang datang dari Mayong. dalam pertempuran di pesisir utara. Dalam perkembangannya SI menjadi organisasi yang paling militan pada masa itu dalam berjuang melawan penjajah Belanda. Prosesi ini di selenggarakan sebagai upaya menangkal wabah penyakit influenza yang menyerang kota Kudus dan telah meminta korban jiwa Karena wabah penyakit ini dikuatirkan akan meminta lebih banyak korban. masyarakat Tionghoa di Kudus yang masih percaya akan kebiasaan yang berbau tahayul lalu mengadakan upacara gotong Toapekong untuk menghentikan wabah tersebut. Pandangannya yang keliru dan bersifat rasis inilah yang seolaholah menjadi "mitos" bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa hanya membawa sial. Namun ada .dalam Babad Dipanegara. Pati. yang sampai sekarang masih dihembus-hembuskan oleh kalangan tertentu. Terjadilah sejumlah bentrokan kecil antara kedua kelompok pedagang tersebut yang mencapai puncaknya pada Kamis malam 31 Oktober 1918 di kota Kudus yang terkenal dengan Peristiwa Peroesoehan di Koedoes. Selain itu sejumlah pabrik rokok dan batik habis dijarah dan dirusak. Demak dan daerah sekitarnya. telah menimbulkan anggapan Pangeran Diponegoro bahwa kalahnya dia dalam pertempuran dengan Belanda disebabkan orang-orang Tionghoa yang membawa sial dan malapetaka. Persaingan antara pedagang batik dan rokok kretek Arab dengan pedagang-pedagang Tionghoa sengaja dihembus-hembuskan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dengan para penasehatnya dari Biro Umum Bumiputera. Korban meninggal dunia ada 16 orang yang terdiri dari orang-orang Tionghoa dan para perusuh. Jepara.[18][18] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda Berdirinya Sarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) yang diprakarsai Tirto Adhi Soerjo pada awalnya sebenarnya bukan bertujuan untuk melawan pedagang Tionghoa yang dianggap pesaing utama para pedagang Islam. Korban yang luka-luka mencapai ratusan orang yaitu kaum perusuh yang diserang polisi. ada mayat yang sudah menjadi arang dan tertimbun puingpuing rumah yang habis terbakar. Demikian juga ia menyalahkan kekalahan iparnya Sasradilaga.

dan kebudayaan. Ratusan pabrik milik orang Tionghoa dihancurkan pasukan Belanda yang sedang mengundurkan diri. Namun terlepas dari semuanya. adalah awal dari rangkaian kerusuhan rasial anti Tionghoa yang berlangsung selama abad ke-20. kelompok tersebut lalu mengganggu dan mengejek para peserta upacara itu. Ketika berlangsung prosesi. pihak keamanan Belanda tidak segera menghentikan kerusuhan itu dan setelah jatuh banyak korban baru meminta bantuan polisi dari Semarang. baik politik. Maka terjadilah berbagai aksi perampokan dan penjarahan toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang Tionghoa yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi.orang Tionghoa di Jawa Barat dan Jawa Tengah. pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam usahanya menegakkan "law and order" masih mau menyeret para pelaku dan dalangnya ke pengadilan. Ratusan perusuh yang ditangkap. Evakuasi mencapai puncaknya ketika pemerintah Hindia-Belanda memerintahkan agar para pengusaha Tionghoa menyingkir dari kotakota besar. Sindanglaya.kota kecil seperti Cibadak. Masa sebelum Perang Dunia II biasa disebut zaman "normal" karena pemerintah HindiaBelanda dianggap berhasil menegakkan hukum dan menjaga kemanan sehingga penduduk merasa aman dari berbagai tindakan kejahatan (kriminal). hukum. Namun pada keesokan malamnya terjadilah kerusuhan tersebut. Ternyata para pemuda Tionghoa tersebut terpancing dan terjadi perkelahian yang kemudian berhasil dilerai. Namun situasi ini berubah sepenuhnya pada saat tentara Jepang mendarat di Jawa. Yang paling disesalkan masyarakat Tionghoa Kudus. Di Jawa Barat kota. ekonomi. suasana menjadi chaos dan terjadi penggedoran dan penjarahan terhadap semua pabrik dan gudang milik Belanda dan Tionghoa oleh orang-orang Indonesia. hanya 32 yang selamat dari perusakan. Hal ini juga dilakukan pengusaha-pengusaha Tionghoa di Batavia. Pada 25 Pebruari 1919 dibacakan vonis hakim yang menjatuhkan hukuman terberat 15 tahun dan teringan 9 bulan. Tentara Belanda yang mengundurkan diri dari kota. karena kalah bersaing dengan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Dari 130 pabrik gula yang berada di pulau Jawa pada 1940. namun hanya 69 orang saja yang diajukan ke pengadilan.sekelompok haji yang menjadi pengusaha pabrik rokok kretek yang selama ini merasa dirugikan. dan Bogor telah menjadi pilihan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Mereka menggunakan kesempatan ini menghasut para pengurus dan anggota SI setempat dengan melakukan sejumlah provokasi. Pembauran dan integrasi orang-orang Tionghoa dengan orang-orang Jawa yang selama ratusan tahun berjalan dengan harmonis berhasil dirusak Belanda dengan menjalankan politik segregasi di segala bidang. karena ketika pasukan Jepang mendarat di Jawa dan Sumatera. beberapa bulan sebelumnya. Peristiwa kerusuhan di Kudus yang merupakan puncak dari berbagai kerusuhan kecil yang dimulai di Surabaya dan Solo pada 1912. beberapa orang dinyatakan bebas karena terbukti tidak bersalah. Peristiwa kerusuhan Kudus membuktikan keberhasilan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam mengadu domba etnis Tionghoa dengan golongan pribumi. . Untuk mengantisipasi serangan pasukan Jepang.kota besar mendobrak dan menjarah toko-toko P&D yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. Kerugian paling banyak dialami orang. perusahaan-perusahaan Belanda telah memindahkan persediaan barangnya ke kota-kota kecil di pedalaman. Perbuatan ini telah mendorong rakyat yang hidup serba kekurangan untuk meniru tindakan para anggota militer Belanda tersebut. Ternyata kebijaksanaan ini keliru.

Tentara Kerajaan Belanda kemudian berusaha kembali ke Indonesia dengan mendompleng tentara sekutu dan mendirikan pemerintahan NICA (Netherlandsch Indies Civil Administration) dibawah pimpinan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Dr. Demikian juga dengan Hioe Nyan Yoeng. Di Sumatera. Hatta sebagai Wakil Ketua. Dimulailah periode revolusi bersenjata melawan Belanda dalam mempertahankan Republik dan mengusir penjajah Belanda untuk selamalamanya dari bumi Indonesia. Daerah Pintu Kecil. Saiko Syikikan (Panglima Tertinggi Tentara Jepang ke-16 untuk Jawa dan Sematera) Letjen Kumakichi Harada mengumumkan pembentukan Dokoritu Zunbi Tyoosa Kai atau Badan Penyelidik Usaha. pusat perdagangan pengusaha Tionghoa dan grosir tekstil menderita kerugian terbesar. Pasukan. Di daerah Krawang. KRT Radjiman Wedioningrat. diperkirakan jumlah kerugian mencapai dua juta gulden.[20][20] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Perang Kemerdekaan Pada 1 Maret 1945. Tjung See Gan seorang importir dan grosir tekstil terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Cibadak menderita kerugian 370.J. Oei Tiang Tjoei. tambang-tambang dan kilang minyak serta tambang batu bara di sekitar Palembang dan Padang diduduki.Aksi penjarahan tersebut hanya berlangsung beberapa hari karena berhasil diredam pasukan Jepang yang bertindak tegas terhadap para penjarah tersebut dan hukuman mati dijatuhkan kepada mereka yang terlibat dalam kerusuhan bersenjata. Mereka ini termasuk para founding fathers yang merancang konsitusi atau UUD 1945 sebagai persiapan dalam menghadapi proklamasi kemerdekaan. 7080% pengusaha Tionghoa menjadi korban penjarahan. pada 20 Juli 1947 tengah malam. DI Jakarta pasukan Belanda menduduki kantor-kantor Republik Indonesia dan menangkap anggota-anggota delegasi yang sedang berunding dengan Belanda. Moh. Hatta sebagai wakil Presiden. Drs. Soekarno diangkat menjadi Presiden pertama RI dan Drs. department store terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Sukabumi. Yap Tjwan Bing dipilih menjadi anggota mewakili etnis Tionghoa.Kemudian pada 7 Agustus 1945 di Jakarta diumumkan terbentuknya Dokuritu Zunbi Inkai atau Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI) yang dipimpin Ir. .pasukan Belanda bergerak dari Jakarta dan Bandung untuk menduduki Jawa Barat dan dari Surabaya untuk menduduki Madura dan ujung timur Jawa. pengusaha tekstil terkemuka lainnya menderita kerugian 280. sembilan dari sepuluh toko dijarah habis. van Mook. beras dijarah habis dari gudang-gudang penggilingan beras. Tan Hoan Kie.usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI) yang susunan anggotanya diumumkan pada 29 April 1945 dibawah pimpinan Dr. pemilik toko De Zon. dan Tan Eng Hoa. Di daerah pedalaman. H. mengalami nasib yang sama dengan kedua orang tersebut. Ternyata terdapat empat orang Tionghoa yang diangkat menjadi menjadi anggota yaitu: Liem Koen Hian. Demikian juga daerah sekitar Semarang diamankan. Di dalam sidang PPKI pada 18 Agustus 1945. perkebunan-perkebunan di sekitar Medan. Daerah Tanjung Priok juga mengalami nasib yang sama.Soekarno sebagai ketua dan Drs. Belanda melancarkan agresi militer atau "aksi polisionil" yang pertama. Kerugian yang diderita para pengusaha Tionghoa diperkirakan berjumlah 100 juta gulden.000 gulden. Setelah melalui berbagai perundingan yang menghasilkan berbagai perjanjian yang merugikan Republik antara lain Perjanjian Linggajati dan Perjanjian Renville. Demikian juga di daerah Jembatan Lima.000 gulden. Moh. Oei Tjong Hauw. UUD 1945 disahkan dan Ir.

perampokan dan penjarahan yang dilakukan para gangster dan kriminal yang bekerja sama dengan oknum.188). dan Jawa Timur terjadi perampokan. Di berbagai tempat di Jawa Barat.besaran terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah sebelah barat sungai Tangerang (Cisedane). sejak tanggal 1 sampai 5 Juni terjadi 28 kasus pembakaran di sekitar Tangerang dimana orang-orang Tionghoa dibakar hidup-hidup. Di kota yang terletak di pantai timur Sumatera yang penduduknya hampir seluruhnya nelayan Tionghoa. Serpong dan Krawang. Namun dalam keadaan kacau dan tidak terkendali terjadi ekses terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa. dan berbagai harta benda milik orang Tionghoa. Pembunuhan massal tersebut belum berhenti sampai pada 8 Juni. termasuk 136 perempuan dan 36 anak-anak. toko.[23][23] Di Bagan Siapi-api lain lagi. mayatnya ditumpuk dan hartanya dijarah lalu rumahnya dibakar. termasuk perempuan dan anak-anak yang dibakar hidup-hidup. penjarahan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. pada September 1946 diserang . Dengan cepat aksi pembunuhan di Tangerang menyebar ke berbagai tempat. di desa Panggang (Cilongok). 653 orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh di daerah Tangerang dan sekitarnya. Masyarakat Tionghoa lalu mengumumkan 11 Juni 1946 sebagai hari Duka Cita. Di Medan terjadi gelombang pembunuhan. malahan dengan oknum TKR. Lim Tjiaw Hie yang telah berusia 71 tahun. Terjadi pembunuhan besar.Pada hari itu seluruh orang Tionghoa menyatakan ikut berkabung dengan menutup semua toko dan perusahaan miliknya dan sepanjang hari hanya berdiam di rumah. Menurut laporan yang diterima Palang Merah Jang Seng Ie Jakarta. 1. di Molenvliet West (Jl. perusahaan.[21][21] Pada 3 Juni 1946. Gajah Mada No.oknum organsasi pemuda.Pasukan Republik dalam keadaan bingung dan panik akibat aksi polisionil Belanda yang tiba-tiba segera bergerak mundur ke pedalaman dan melakukan taktik bumi hangus serta menghancurkan segala apa yang dapat dihancurkan. Malahan di beberapa tempat terjadi pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang tak berdosa dengan tuduhan menjadi agen atau mata-mata NICA.268 rumah dibakar habis dan 236 lainnya dirusak. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Jawa Barat terjadi pada 3 Juni 1946 jauh sebelum aksi polisionil yang pertama. pabrik.Ratusan orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibantai dengan kejam. bengkel. Di daerah Mauk malah laki-laki Tionghoa diminta membuka celananya untuk kemudian disunat secara paksa. Diperkirakan ada 25. Antara lain kawasan Mauk. Menurut laporan.000 orang pengungsi di Jakarta yang datang dari daerah tersebut. Sebagian ada yang ditampung di gedung perkumpulan Sin Ming Hui. Demikian juga perempuan Tionghoa banyak yang diperkosa secara brutal. Peristiwa keji tersebut menimbulkan kegeraman di kalangan banyak orang.[22][22] Dalam keadaan stress. orang-orang Tionghoa mengamati dan mencatat dengan cermat seluruh kejadian yang menakutkan. Jawa Tengah. The New York Times edisi 6 Juni 1946 melaporkan 600 orang Tionghoa yang dituduh bekerja sama dengan Belanda dibunuh dan desanya dibakar. Lim Tjoen Nio seorang gadis berusia 20 tahun dan Lim Tiang Tjeng seorang anak berusia 3 tahun dibakar hidup-hidup.

Sukateja. Gumukmas. Mereka ini dipersilahkan melakukan apa saja asal membantu pengosongan kota guna mendukung politik bumi hangus yang dipilih pihak Republik. para nelayan sering diganggu para perompak yang mendapat bantuan anggota Angkatan Laut Republik. yaitu Memorandum. 32. dan Rambogudono. Jember. Indramayu. Rambipuji. 4. 38. Sebelum penyerangan tersebut. 11. Ciawigebang dan daerah sekitarnya.pemerkosaan dan pembunuhan terus berlangsung di berbagai daerah di Jawa dan Sumatera hingga akhir 1949. dan Mumbusari. Karanganyar. Bangsalsarie. Kutobeda dan Buring. 27. Dembulsari. Purbalingga.000 penduduk Tionghoa menghadapi bahaya kelaparan. Wirolegi dan Aryoso. Salatiga. 2. Rajagaluh. pembunuhan dan perkosaan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di daerah-daerah dan kota sebagai berikut: 1. 10. 3. 9. Mengaran dan Jatiroto. Kejadian yang hebat terjadi di kawasan Jawa Timur. Jatitujuh. Di Bangko 20 orang Tionghoa dibunuh. Tempuran. 13.orang-orang Indonesia. 37. 34. 18. Tanjong Rejo dan Wuluhan. Sumberjambe. Ledokombo. Karena serangan tersebut gagal. Bobotsari. Picoro. 23. Majalengka. Pekalongan. Tetapi banyak juga yang berhasil melarikan diri dan menurut Departemen Sosial Inggris. namun mereka yang selamat melakukan perlawanan dengan menggunakan senjata seadanya. 17. Cikijing. 30.000 orang menjadi pengungsi di Malaka. Lawang. 5. Sukabumi dan Cibadak. Pada 18 September 1946. 31. 35. Tegal. 6. 39. Ambulu. Wangon. Menghadapi perlawanan tersebut. Kencong. Lumajang. Pembakaran. Cilacap. Gugut. 12. Jamblang dan Arjawinangun. Outlining Acts And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesian Bands. perampokan. perkosaan dan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses aksi polisionil pada Juli 1947 bisa dilihat laporan yang dikeluarkan Chung Hua Tsung Hui Batavia pada 15 September 1947 untuk Liga Bangsa. 20. 19. Prapatan. 16.000 orang anggota pasukan Angkatan Laut Republik. mereka berusaha mengisolasi kota Bagan Siapi-api sehingga sekitar 14. Malang. Dalam Memorandum tersebut dengan jelas dan rinci dilaporkan jumlah korban sebagai akibat penjarahan. di Palembang 250 orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibunuh dan kerugian yang diderita diperkirakan 20 juta gulden. Maja. Jalaksana. Singosari. Beberapa daerah di mana . pihak penyerbu terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke pedalaman sambil melakukan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang ditemuinya. Rawatamtu. Kadipaten. dan Puger. Kalisat. 29. Mjang. Manglis dan Panti. dibantu 450 orang tentara menyerbu pemukiman Tionghoa di Bagan Siapi-api. Purwokerto. 26.penjarahan. 200 orang Tionghoa meninggal dunia. tidak kurang dari 2. pembakaran. Menghadapi serangan yang tiba-tiba.Bangsa. Gajasan. 22. 21. Curamalang. terutama sejak para tahanan penjara Kalisosok. 21. 7. 15. 24. Sukowono. dan Sekar. 1947. 25. Polisi juga dengan cepat mengambil bagian dalam serangan tersebut. Kuningan. Nogosari. di Djembra 75 orang. Krawang dan Cikampek. Simpalan. On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July. Jangawah. Jatiwangi. Petung. Di Telok Poelau 34 orang. 28. 40. Kemuning. Gombong. Surabaya dilepaskan dan dipersenjatai serta direkrut ke dalam sejumlah satuan pasukan. 14. Tanggul. 36. Kaliwining. 8. sekitar 4. Selanjutnya pada Januari 1947. Keselir Kulon. Talaga dan sekitarnya. 33.[24][24] Selanjutnya untuk memberi gambaran yang lebih jelas mengenai para korban selama terjadi penjarahan. Ceracas dan Cilimus. di Mentaga 40 orang.

Karena dalam setiap gerakan pasukan Belanda. Begitu sampai di luar kota. rombongan dipisahkan antara laki-laki dengan perempuan dan anak-anak. Keesokan harinya orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diminta berkumpul di dalam lubang tersebut untuk kemudian ditembaki.bangunan vital saja yang harus dihancurkan. Malahan di Sukabumi pasukan Belanda melakukan pemberitahuan terlebih dahulu dengan menyebarkan pamflet. tampak dengan jelas bahwa Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dengan mengorbankan orang-orang Tionghoa. Hal ini sebagai ekses taktik bumi hangus yang dijalankan oleh TRI yang dipelopori Divisi Siliwangi. memberikan kesempatan kepada laskar-laskar dan gerombolan-gerombolan liar untuk menjarah dan membakar toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang-orang Tionghoa. Mayat-mayat yang berserakan kemudian ditimbun dengan tanah.penganiayaan. Tulungagung. Memang revolusi memerlukan pengorbanan. Laki-laki dewasa dibagi dalam kelompok-kelompok lalu digiring ke hutanhutan dan pegunungan. Wlingi dan Malang. namun dalam pelaksanaannya terjadi banyak ekses dan penyelewengan yang dilakukan oknum-oknum TRI yang diikuti laskar-laskar liar yang sukar dikendalikan. Kalau kita perhatikan dengan seksama. Kediri. Orang Tionghoa yang mengungsi biasa membawa semua anggota keluarga berikut harta bendanya. bahkan menyiksa dan membunuhnya. Madiun.pembakaran. Nganjuk. orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah Republik tidak mengalami gangguan. walaupun penangkapan terhadap orangorang yang dicurigai sebagai mata-mata berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. Kebanyakan pembunuhan dilakukan dengan cara menggiring semua orang Tionghoa keluar kota dengan mengatakan bahwa kota harus dikosongkan. tetapi lebih dari itu merupakan suatu grand strategi Belanda untuk menghancurkan reputasi Republik Indonesia di mata Internasional. toko dan rumah milik orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa yang menjadi sasaran penjarahan dan pembakaran. Sebenarnya sebelum kedatangan pasukan Belanda. . sebelum tiba di sasaran mereka akan menghentikan gerakannya dan beristirahat terlebih dahulu.perkosaan dan pembunuhan yang dialami orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses revolusi kemerdekaan tahun 1946-1949. penjarahan dan pembakaran dilakukan oleh pasukan Indonesia. Seharusnya hanya bangunan. Baru ketika menghadapi kedatangan pasukan Belanda. Blitar.mayoritas Tionghoa jadi korban aksi penjarahan dan pembunuhan ini antara lain adalah daerah Kertosono. Dengan segera Belanda menyiarkan seluruh kejadian yang menimpa orang Tionghoa dengan tujuan memojokkan Republik yang dianggap barbar dan belum layak untuk merdeka. Sungguh sangat disayangkan para pemimpin Republik kurang waspada dan secara naïf memakan umpan yang disodorkan Belanda sehingga terjadi tindakan yang sangat merugikan reputasi Indonesia di mata dunia dan menyebabkan etnis Tionghoa harus menanggung semua penderitaannya. Semua yang diperoleh lalu dikumpulkan dan dibagi di antara para pembunuh. tetapi apa yang diderita etnis Tionghoa bukanlah pengorbanan tetapi kekonyolan yang sia-sia.[25][25] Demikianlah rangkaian penjarahan. apabila akan memasuki suatu daerah atau kota. Caruban. Tindakan penjarahan dan pembakaran ini bukan saja usaha Belanda untuk mengadu domba pribumi Indonesia dengan orang Tionghoa. Mereka lalu diminta membuat lubang yang kemudian ditumpuki kayu. Harta mereka yang kebanyakan emas dan permata yang dijahit diujung baju diambili. Justeru bangunan-bangunan pabrik.

Pemberontakan tersebut hanya bertahan beberapa bulan. Ternyata UUDS ini berhasil mengakomodasi seluruh jiwa Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945 yang sangat esensial. UUDS ini berlaku sampai dilaksanakannnya pemilihan umum yang akan menyusun UUD baru. pasal ini juga telah dirubah menjadi presiden dan wakil presiden adalah orang Indonesia sejak kelahirannya dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain atas kehendaknya sendiri. Kartosuwiryo akhirnya berhasil tertangkap dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan di Jawa Barat dan pada sidang Mahkamah Angkatan Darat Keadaan Perang untuk Jawa dan Madura (Mahadper) pada 16 Agustus 1962 dijatuhi hukuman mati. Ketentuan ini tidak disinggung sedikit pun dalam UUDS. saat memperingati hari ulang tahun Proklamasi Kemerdekaan. Sementara Kahar Muzakkar tertembak mati dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan Sulawesi Selatan. Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan dan Daud Beureu'eh di Aceh. Soumoukil yang berhasi ditangkap dan kemudian dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Sidang Mahkamah Militer Luar Biasa (Mahmilub). Salah seorang anggotanya adalah Siauw Giok Tjhan. Bentuk negara adalah negara kesatuan menggantikan negara federal UUD-RIS. nyaris tidak terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang berarti. Yang terjadi adalah aksi-aksi kekacauan yang dilakukan gerombolan DI/TII Kartosuwiryo di Jawa Barat–Jawa Tengah. Syukur dalam amandemen UUD-1945 ke-3 yang dilakukan MPR pada 21 Nopember 2001. dalam UUDS dicantumkan dengan mengambil oper seluruh Universal Declaration of Human Rights PBB yang telah disahkan oleh Sidang Umum PBB pada 10 Desember 1948. Disamping itu juga terjadi pemberontakan Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) di bawah pimpinan Dr. Pada 17 Agustus 1950. Antara lain Pancasila dimasukkan kembali ke dalam Mukadimah UUDS tersebut.Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Demokrasi Parlementer (1950. Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS) sebagai hasil Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) yang berlangsung 23 Agustus-2 Nopember di Den Haag dibubarkan dan dideklarasikan berdirinya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) dengan Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara (UUDS) yang selesai disusun pada 24 Juli. Kekacauan lain adalah pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA yang dimulai pada 15 Pebruari 1958 dengan diprokamirkannya Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) oleh Kolonel Ahmad Husein. Sebelumnya pada 2 Maret 1957 Saleh Sahade membacakan piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (PERMESTA). Selama berlakunya UUDS-1950 sampai dikeluarkannya Dekrit 5 Juli 1959 untuk kembali ke UUD-1945 oleh Presiden Soekarno. dihidupkan kembali dalam Pasal 38 UUDS. UUDS 1950 disusun oleh Panitia Bersama yang terdiri dari 14 orang dan dibentuk oleh Badan Pekerja KNIP (Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat) dan Pimpinan DPR-RIS. Pada 17 Pebruari 1958 PERMESTA menggabungkan diri dengan PRRI. Demikian juga dengan Dr. Sehingga sebenarnya kekuasaan tidak berada di tangan Presiden Soekarno.1959) dan Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965). . Soumoukil. Juga dinyatakan dalam UUDS bahwa sistim pemerintahan (kabinet) adalah parlementer yang tidak bertanggung jawab kepada presiden melainkan kepada parlemen. Pada pertengahan 1958 praktis pemberontakan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan walaupun seluruh kekuatan para pemberontak baru berhasil dihancurkan pada 1961. Suatu hal yang sangat penting adalah dihapusnya Pasal 6 ayat 1 UUD-45 (pasal yang sangat rasialis) yang menyatakan presiden Indonesia adalah orang Indonesia asli. Pasal 33 UUD-1945 yang dihapus oleh UUD-RIS. Hak-hak asasi manusia yang dalam UUD-1945 tidak dinyatakan secara jelas.

Keahlian dan pengalaman yang dimiliki orang-orang Tionghoa yang telah beberapa generasi lamanya akan merusak dan melumpuhkan jaringan distribusi di daerah pedalaman. Siauw Giok Tjhan menyatakan bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa mempunyai usaha yang legal di daerah. Apa yang sesungguhnya menjadi alasan sehingga Presiden Soekarno akhirnya menandatangani peraturan tersebut tetap menjadi tanda tanya dan kontroversi. Ada yang berpendapat bahwa Presiden Soekarno mendapat tekanan dari militer dan partai-partai Islam.daerah pedalaman yang otomatis mendapatkan perlindungan hukum internasional yang harus dipatuhi pemerintah Indonesia. sehingga terjadi kesimpang siuran dalam menentukan yang mana asing dan mana WNI. karena pada masa itu Undang-Undang Kewarganegaraan Tahun 1958 belum dilaksanakan. Ketika peraturan ini diterbitkan. Presiden Soekarno pada November 1959 dengan tiba-tiba menandatangani Peraturan Pemerintah N0.Karena keterlibatan Taiwan dalam pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA. berisi larangan bagi orang asing untuk tinggal dan berdagang di daerah pedalaman. sehingga dalam kabinet yang dibentuk setelah 5 Juli 1959 ia tidak diikut-sertakan. Semua sekolah Kuomintang di seluruh Indonesia ditutup dan gedungnya dijadikan sekolah negeri. Ketika kembali dari lawatannya ke luar negeri dan mengetahui adanya peraturan tersebut. Rupanya peraturan ini sengaja dikeluarkan pada saat Presiden Soekarno sedang berada di luar negeri.10 atau yang lebih terkenal dengan sebutan PP-10. Tanpa terduga sebelumnya. Ia menyatakan bahwa peraturan semacam ini tidak bisa dikeluarkan oleh seorang menteri. Pada umumnya perdagangan eceran di daerah pedalaman didominasi para pedagang Tionghoa yang telah mempunyai pengalaman dan jaringan beberapa generasi.Peraturan ini berisi larangan bagi orang-orang asing (terutama ditujukan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa) untuk berdagang eceran di daerah-daerah pedalaman. Siauw Giok Tjhan segera menentangnya di DPR. Sebenarnya PP-10 ini merupakan kelanjutan dari Peraturan Menteri Perdagangan Kabinet Djuanda yang dijabat Rachmat Moeljomiseno. Ia juga memperingatkan kalau sampai orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diusir dari tempat kediaman dan usahanya di daerah pedalaman. akan menimbulkan kemunduran ekonomi Indonesia. Demikian juga seluruh perusahaan milik orang-orang Kuomintang diambil alih militer. melainkan harus merupakan sebuah undang-undang yang disahkan DPR. Sudah tentu peraturan yang rasialis ini sangat mengejutkan dan menggoncangkan sendisendi kehidupan orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. Para . pada Agustus 1958. Sudah tentu hal ini sangat merugikan para pedagang Islam yang baru bermunculan. Peraturan tersebut dikeluarkan pada Mei 1959. yaitu di luar ibukota daerah swatantra tingkat I dan tingkat II yang berlaku sejak 1 Januari 1960. Para penguasa militer di daerahdaerah dengan seenaknya mengusir bukan saja orang-orang Tionghoa asing tetapi juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdasarkan UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 1946 telah menjadi warga negara Indonesia. Seluruh pimpinannya ditangkap atau melarikan diri ke luar negeri. Presiden Soekarno secara de fakto baru benar-benar memegang kekuasaan sejak 5 Juli 1959 dengan membentuk kabinet gotong royong dan menerapkan doktrin Demokrasi Terpimpin. kegiatan Kuomintang dilarang di seluruh Indonesia. seorang tokoh NU yang pernah aktif di KENSI. Presiden Soekarno sangat marah kepada Rachmat Moeljomiseno.

sehingga pada akhir 1960-an. Amerika. tetapi banyak juga pemuda dan pelajar Tionghoa yang menyambut dengan gembira dan dengan penuh semangat berbekal keranjang-keranjang rotan dan peti-peti besar berisi berbagai macam keperluan. Macau dan negara lainnya. . di pinggiran Cirebon. Terjadi perkelahian di Pengadilan Negeri Cirebon antara pemuda-pemuda Tionghoa dengan pemuda-pemuda pribumi. Melalui Duta Besar Huang Chen dan Radio Peking. Satu-satunya aksi kekerasan anarkis yang terjadi dimasa Demokrasi Terpimpin adalah peristiwa rasialis 10 Mei 1963 di Jawa Barat. akhirnya mereka berusaha ke luar dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dapat bermukim di Hongkong. Serawak. Pelaksanaan PP-10 ini menimbulkan ketegangan hubungan diplomatik RI. seorang perempuan Tionghoa mati tertembak karena ia bersama keluarganya mencoba bertahan dan tidak mau meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Merasa tidak betah. Sebuah mobil di muka toko Medan. ditambah lagi dengan kendala bahasa ternyata menimbulkan banyak kesengsaraan. Pada saat itu timbul keguncangan dan demam repatriasi di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa. Ada juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang memilih pindah ke Singapore. Orang Tionghoa dianggap semuanya berstatus dwikewarganegaraan atau asing. Dengan dikeluarkannya peraturan tersebut mereka merasa diuntungkan.000 orang Tionghoa yang meninggalkan Indonesia untuk bermukim kembali di Tiongkok. berbondong. Berbagai cerita yang penuh penderitaan di daratan Tiongkok menyebabkan menurunnya minat orang-orang Tionghoa untuk kembali ke Tiongkok.pedagang Islam yang pada umumnya berkiblat ke NU dan Masjumi merasa sulit bersaing dengan pedagang Tionghoa. Rupanya vonis hakim yang membebaskan tertuduh tidak memuaskan keluarga korban dan teman-temannya. Berbagai insiden menyedihkan terjadi. lalu terjadi terjadi perkelahian di halaman pengadilan antara pemuda-pemuda tersebut dengan sekelompok pemuda pribumi. Bukan hanya para pedagang tetapi yang tidak berdagang pun diusir. Pada masa itu lebih dari 136. gelombang tersebut surut sama sekali. Murad menabrak seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang kemudian meninggal dunia. Pada saat pulang dari pengadilan para pemuda pribumi mulai melakukan perusakan terhadap toko-toko milik Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan batu. Murad (seorang aktivis PSI) yang menjadi tertuduh dalam kecelakaan lalu lintas di jalan raya Gronggong. Brasil dan negara-negara lainnya untuk mencari kehidupan baru di sana. pemerintah RRT menyampaikan protes-protesnya dan menyatakan kesediaannya menampung korban PP-10 dengan mengirimkan beberapa kapalnya dan mengangkut mereka untuk ditempatkan di berbagai tempat di Tiongkok.bondong berangkat ke tanah harapan.RRT. sehingga oleh pihak militer mereka dipaksa meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Eropa. Peristiwa ini diawali di Cirebon pada akhir Maret 1963. Dalam kecelakaan tersebut putera Dr. Tetapi kondisi dan sistim masyarakat di tempat baru serta kebiasaan di tempat lama di Indonesia. Peristiwa ini meminta korban harta benda orang Tionghoa yang cukup besar. seperti di Cimahi pada Juli 1960. Pada awalnya bukan hanya mereka yang menjadi korban PP-10. Hal ini terjadi karena Pengadilan menjatuhkan vonis bebas kepada putera Dr. Tindakan paling buruk dilakukan pihak militer di Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kolonel Kosasih.

rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa menjadi korban perusakan para pemuda anarkis. [27][27] Peristiwa ini menimbulkan banyak reaksi. Sebuah mobil baru milik Yap Tjwan Bing habis dibakar massa pemuda. mantan anggota PPKI yang turut mengesahkan UUD 1945. Yang terparah disamping Bandung adalah Cianjur dan Sukabumi. Kemudian dipelopori mahasiswa ITB dan mahasiswa Universitas Padjadjaran. terdiri dari 28 truk. Kerusuhan dimulai dari daerah Tegallega. Ironis sekali salah seorang yang menjadi korban adalah Drs. 3 bus. ratusan rumah tinggal. 4 mobil tangki minyak. Banjar dan di kampung Panumbangan. 2 pabrik aci dibakar yaitu di kampung Cijambu. 1 pick-up dan 2 sepeda motor. PKI dan kelompok kiri lainnya dengan segera mengeluarkan pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini adalah peristiwa rasialis kontra revolusioner yang didalangi oleh sisa-sisa Masjumi dan PSI. Di luar kota Ciamis selain sebuah pabrik soun di Cisaga. 20 oplet. anggota Dewan Pimpinan Pusat PNI. Kejadian inilah yang menyebabkan Yap Tjwan Bing dan keluarganya meninggalkan Indonesia untuk menetap di Belanda dan kemudian pindah ke Amerika Serikat. 7 bus. Kendaraan lainnya yang menjadi korban. Namun kejadian tersebut dapat segera diatasi dan tidak berlanjut. Tasikmalaya. sedangkan Peristiwa 10 Mei di Bandung telah mengakibatkan kerugian pada 500 buah toko. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di Bandung. terdiri dari 52 truk. anggota DPR-RI fraksi PNI.di jalan Pasuketan dibakar massa menyebabkan terjadi kepanikan di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa Cirebon. 4 jeep. rumahnya yang terletak di jalan Cipaganti 32 akan menjadi sasaran. 35 becak dan 167 sepeda hangus dibakar.Jumlah toko yang dirusak 316 sedangkan barang-barang isi toko tersebut habis dibakar. Sebuah pabrik teh dibakar. Malahan kabarnya terdapat korban jiwa dalam aksi kerusuhan itu. Ratusan toko. Kerusakan lainnya 4 pabrik di bakar (1 pabrik kertas. Di Sukabumi 98 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. anggota Dewan Kurator ITB dan anggota Panitia Ujian Fakultas Farmasi Universitas Padjadjaran. Di samping itu 2 becak dibakar para pengemudinya. Sudah tentu para pemimpin . 4 pick-up dan 11 sepeda motor. 57 oplet. Bogor. 16 rumah tinggal hancur dilempari massa anarkis. Demikian juga Baperki mempunyai pandangan yang sama. Di Cianjur 137 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. Selanjutnya 40 toko bersama isinya habis dijarah dan dibakar.[26][26] Dari Bandung aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa menjalar ke kota-kota sekelilingnya antara lain Garut. Kerusuhan tersebut diawali dengan perkelahian di kampus ITB antara seorang mahasiswa Tionghoa dengan seorang mahasiswa pribumi karena terjadi senggolan sepeda motor. Peristiwa di Tegal telah menimbulkan kerugian materiil sebesar 650 juta.Kerugian lainnya 120 ton aci habis dibakar. Padahal salah seorang anaknya menderita lumpuh akibat terkena penyakit polio. Disamping itu 114 rumah dan 2 gedung bioskop dirusak. 63 mobil habis dibakar dan puluhan kendaraan lainnya dirusak. Cianjur. 30 sedan. 12 sedan. 1 pabrik tenun. 1 pabrik aci atau tapioka dan I pabrik teh). Sebaliknya LPKB di bawah pimpinan Sindhunata mengeluarkan selebaran berisi pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini disebabkan oleh prilaku orang Tionghoa yang ekslusif dan suka pamer kemewahan. hanya saja pada 5-6 Mei sempat menjalar ke Tegal. aksi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa tersebut menjalar ke Bandung. dan Sukabumi. demikian juga bungalownya di Lembang di rusak. Tetapi anehnya baru pada 10 Mei 1963. karena istrinya menjadi trauma dan kuatir apabila kejadian serupa terulang kembali. dimulailah aksi perusakan toko-toko. Yap Tjwan Bing.

IPPI. banyak juga yang . CGMI.Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh mempunyai loyalitas ganda dan selalu berusaha mentrasfer uangnya ke luar negeri. harus dicari "kambing hitam". Setelah PKI dibubarkan dan Presiden Soekarno dikurangi kekuasaannya dengan membentuk kabinet baru. Pada masa itu Perang Vietnam sebagai manifestasi perang dingin antara kubu negara-negara kapitalis Barat dibawah pimpinan Amerika Serikat dan Inggris dengan kubu negara. Kampanyei anti Tionghoa ini disponsori oleh kekuatan asing terutama Inggris dan Amerika Serikat. Chiao Chung maupun hanya simpatisan saja atau bukan. pihak militer juga melakukan penangkapan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa dengan tuduhan yang sama. Perhimi. Chung Hua Tsung Hui. merebut kursi presiden dari Soekarno. Sebenarnya tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memeras uangnya. PPI. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Orde Baru Selaras dengan aksi penumpasan G30S/PKI maka dimulailah kampanye anti "Cina" (Sinophobia) baik yang ditujukan kepada pemerintah RRT yang secara aktif melalui Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua menyerang rezim militer Soeharto-Nasution. tanpa perlindungan dan mudah dipermainkan. kader dan anggota PKI dan ormas-ormasnya yang dituduh terlibat G30S. Pemerintah Amerika dan terutama peemrintah Inggris merencanakan dan mensponsori kampanye dan aski-aksi antiTionghoa yang seolah-olah mendapatkan "dukungan" dari kegiatan Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua. ternyata masalah kesulitan ekonomi. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa kampanye dan kerusuhan-kerusuhan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi setelah G30S.negara sosialis Eropa Timur dan Asia dibawah pimpinan Uni Soviet dan RRT sedang mencapai puncaknya. Dalam kalkulasi Soeharto. tukang timbun dan sama sekali tidak pernah peduli dengan kepentingan rakyat. Puluhan ribu orang Tionghoa di seluruh Indonesia baik yang menjadi pengurus atau anggota PKI. Di dalam negeri sendiri agen. ditimbulkan oleh faktor-faktor eksternal dan internal. kekuatan para mahasiswa dan pemuda merupakan kekuatan yang ampuh dan masih dibutuhkan dalam menyelesaikan tahap akhir rencananya. pemuda dan pelajar yang tergabung dalam KAPPI/KAMI/Laskar Ampera ARH. Pemilihan etnis Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kambing hitam dengan pertimbangan bahwa mereka adalah golongan yang secara politis sangat lemah. Baperki. Tidak ada satu pun negara di permukaan bumi yang terhindar dari pengaruh perang dingin. maupun kepada orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. Dalam melakukan operasi-operasi penangkapan dan pengejaran terhadap pimpinan. Namun untuk menampung aspirasi dan menjaga mobilitas para mahasiswa. Pemuda Rakyat.Baperki memprotes para pimpinan LPKB yang dianggap secara provokatif mengipasi kemarahan massa. Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh menjadi kolone kelima. Terjadi tarik-menarik kedua kekuatan tersebut hampir di seluruh belahan dunia.agen CIA dan MI-6 mendapatkan dukungan dari LPKB dan perwira-perwira AD dan pimpinan partai politik yang anti Tionghoa dengan memojokkan Baperki serta mengkondisikan terjadinya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. Namun bagi yang tidak mempunyai uang. baik WNI mau pun WNA yang dituduh menjadi pengacau dan parasit ekonomi. kalau dituduh berindikasi PKI langsung "diciduk" (ditangkap) pihak militer. Maka hal yang paling mudah adalah dengan menimpakan segala kesalahan ini kepada orang-orang Tionghopa. terutama masalah inflasi tidak dapat diperbaiki dengan segera.

Kerusuhan berikutnya terjadi di Medan pada 10 Desember 1965. mobil dan sepeda motor. Hal ini menimbulkan kemarahan massa yang mengira pihak konsulat lah yang melakukan penembakan tersebut. klenteng dan bekas sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa. Diperkirakan sebanyak 2. malahan ada yang ikut dibuang ke pulau Buru bahkan ribuan orang Tionghoa ikut dibunuh. jendela-jendelanya hancur dan 3 orang stafnya mengalami luka-luka. Pada 8 Mei 1966.000 pengungsi Tionghoa WNA menuju kota Medan dan sekitarnya. toko-toko. Kampanye dan berbagai aksi anti Tionghoa. Pangdam Aceh. sekolahsekolah dan mobil-mobil milik orang Tionghoa terjadi di mana-mana.[30] [30] Seluruh sekolah-sekolah dan universitas-universitas Baperki ditutup dan disita. ditambah tindakan represif penguasa militer inilah yang menimbulkan kekuatiran dan trauma berkepanjangan dan menjadi salah satu sebab mengapa orang-orang Tionghoa selama tiga puluh dua tahun mati-matian berusaha menghindari wilayah politik.ditahan sampai bertahun-tahun lamanya. rumah dan mobil milik orang-orang Tionghoa. Menurut nota protes Kedubes RRT. kemudian ditikam dengan pisau dan sangkur. Aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa terjadi antara lain di Makassar pada 10 Nopember 1965. dan memusatkan seluruh perhatian dan kegiatannya hanya di bidang bisnis. Akibatnya lebih dari 15. Massa demonstran mengamuk dan kemudian menjarah. lebih dari 2. Malahan KAPPI Sumatera Utara kemudian mengeluarkan pernyataan agar mengusir seluruh orang Tionghoa dari Indonesia atau KAPPI sendiri yang akan bertindak.000 toko dan rumah milik Tionghoa mengalami kerusakan dan hampir seribu keluarga bangkrut.orang Tionghoa diseret turun dari becak.tembok penuh coret-coret anti Tionghoa antara lain "Orang-orang Cina pulang " dan "Sekali Cina Tetap Cina". merusak dan membakar berbagai toko. Massa demonstran dipimpin gerombolan Pemuda Pancasila kemudian mengamuk ke seluruh kota Medan. Mereka tinggal di gudang-gudang tembakau.Demikian juga seluruh sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa dan gedung. Pada awalnya terjadi demonstrasi yang dilakukan mahasiswa dan pemuda anggota HMI dan Ansor yang ditujukan ke konsulat RRT. Penjarahan. tetapi aksi-aksi anarkis kemudian berlanjut ke pertokoan dan pemukiman orang Tionghoa. Pada Agustus 1966 KAPPI dan KAMI Sumatera Utara menuntut agar sebelum akhir tahun semua warga negara RRT diusir dari Sumatera Utara. [31][31] Dalam perkembangannya ternyata banyak di antaranya telah berubah menjadi ruko dan gedung perkantoran. . Brigjen Ishak Djuarsa mengumumkan agar seluruh orang Tionghoa WNA meninggalkan Aceh sebelum 17 Agustus 1966. Di tengah aksi tersebut pihak keamanan melepaskan tembakan ke arah massa demonstran. perusakan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. Disamping itu setelah Peristiwa G30S intensitas kerusuhan anti Tionghoa makin menjadi-jadi. Di jalan-jalan raya orang. Di kota Medan sendiri tembok.gedung perkumpulan yayasan-yayasan Tionghoa diduduki pihak militer. Konsulat RRT dihujani batu. Mereka menjarah toko-toko dan kios-kios milik orang-orang Tionghoa dan melukai atau membunuh siapa saja yang berani melawan.000 orang menjadi korban.

Kegiatan anti Tionghoa relatif menurun. kopral tersebut bersama temannya seorang anggota garnisun dipukuli sekelompok pemuda Tionghoa yang membela temannya sesama pedagang. Seluruh perabot rumah tangga dilemparkan ke tengah jalan. Ratusan orang Tionghoa menjadi korban pembunuhan dan puluhan ribu lainnya terpaksa mengungsi. Empat puluh orang Tionghoa menderita luka-luka dan beberapa toko dirusak ketika terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa tersebut. pada 25 Januari. Pada 17 Oktober 1968.Singapura pada masa konfrontasi dengan Malaysia. diburu dan dibunuhi orang Dayak. Mobil. demonstrasi untuk memprotes hukum gantung dua orang KKO berubah menjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa. kemudian dibakar. Selanjutnya pada akhir Oktober dan Nopember 1967 dalam rangka penumpasan Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (PARAKU). dua peleton anggota RPKAD menyerbu Glodok untuk melakukan pembalasan. di Surabaya terjadi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa sebagai ekses dari suatu demonstrasi KAPPI untuk memprotes digantungnya dua orang KKO di Singapura. . karena tertangkap basah ketika melakukan aksi sabotase di Orchard Road . kedua orang KKO tersebut menjalani hukum gantung di penjara Changi. meninggalkan rumah dan harta bendanya di daerah pedalaman yang telah ratusan tahun turun-temurun dihuninya. Semua mobil yang dikendarai orang Tionghoa dihentikan. Seorang kopral RPKAD yang berusaha "memeras" seorang pedagang Tionghoa terlibat perkelahian dengan beberapa orang pemuda Tionghoa. selaras dengan kebijaksanaan pemerintah dalam menghadapi masalah Tionghoa dan bekunya hubungan diplomatik dengan RRT. massa melakukan sweeping. Di kawasan Pandaan yang merupakan lintasan jalan Surabaya-Malang. Pemerintah Singapura dibawah pimpinan Perdana Menteri Lee Kuan Yew tidak menghiraukan permintaan Presiden Soeharto yang mengirim Brigjen Tjokropranolo untuk melakukan pendekatan. Pada 21 Oktober 1968. terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. Pengemudinya diminta keluar dan dipukuli. Namun pada Januari 1968. Dalam perkelahian itu. para anggota RPKAD tersebut dengan ngawur menyerang setiap orang Tionghoa yang mereka temui. Pangdam Sumatera Utara Brigjen Sobiran Mochtar menyatakan bahwa demonstrasi. Setelah terjadi peristiwa aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. Karena tidak dapat menemukan pemuda-pemuda yang terlibat dalam aksi pemukulan kepada teman mereka. Sungguh luar biasa. agar membatalkan hukuman gantung tersebut. sepeda motor dan becak dihentikan kemudian dibalikkan dan dibakar. Jakarta. Beberapa hari kemudian. Orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di pedalaman Kalimantan Barat atas hasil rekayasa pasukan RPKAD. maka dengan menggunakan rantai sepeda dan pisau komando.demonstrasi anti Tionghoa tidak cukup untuk mematahkan dominasi orang Tionghoa dalam perekonomian setempat. kemudian mobilnya dicemplungkan ke sungai. terjadi suatu insiden di Glodok. Demikian juga toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang Tionghoa diserbu dan isinya dijarah.Dalam suatu rapat umum mahasiswa pada 15 Oktober 1966. Para mahasiswa harus memelopori menolak membeli atau menjual barang kepada orang Tionghoa dan secara aktif mengawasi toko-toko milik Tionghoa agar orang enggan belanja ke sana. menuju kota-kota pesisir Kalimantan Barat seperti Singkawang dan Pontianak.

Demikian juga 444 toko. Kerusuhan kembali terjadi pada waktu meletusnya Peristiwa Malari atau Lima Belas Januari 1974. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan yang dimulai pukul 4 sore baru berakhir pukul 1 dini hari. Yani. di muka bioskop Siliwangi disenggol gerobak yang dikendarai Asep bin Tosim. Walaupun telah terbentuk Bakom-PKB. Kopo dan lainnya habis dijarah dan dirusak para perusuh. Ali Sadikin pada Agustus 1974 mereka mendirikan Badan Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa (BPKB) yang kemudian pada 18 Oktober 1977 berubah menjadi Badan Komunikasi Penghayatan Kesatuan Bangsa (Bakom-PKB).Kemudian beredar isu bahwa Asep ditusuk dan meninggal dunia. masyarakat Tionghoa yang telah merasa tenang dengan meredanya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. Namun ketiganya berhasil menyelamatkan diri. hanya mobilnya hancur dirusak massa. sentimen rasialisme dan benih-benih anti Tionghoa ternyata masih saja hidup di dalam hati sebagian rakyat Indonesia yang mudah diprovokasi menjadi aksi-aksi anarkis. Dengan dukungan Gubernur DKI Jaya. 9 pabrik dan 71 rumah tinggal beserta isinya dirusak dan dijarah. Demonstrasi anti Jepang pada saat kedatangan Perdana Menteri Kakuei Tanaka berhasil diprovokasi sehingga berubah menjadi aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di daerah Glodok dan mencapai puncaknya dengan aksi penjarahan dan pembakaran pertokoan proyek Senen. Tiga orang pemuda Tionghoa turun dari VW tersebut dan terjadi perkelahian yang mengakibatkan Asep terluka ringan dan dibawa ke rumah sakit.500 toko dan rumah milik etnis Tionghoa. Melihat kejadian tersebut beberapa orang menjadi marah dan mengeroyok ketiga pemuda tersebut. Asia Afrika. 176 sepeda motor/scooter. Massa tukang becak kemudian diprovokasi dan dialihkan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. Sebagai akibat aksi tersebut lebih dari 1. . Kebetulan hari itu sedang disiapkan demonstrasi para tukang becak untuk menentang diberlakukannya daerah bebas becak di kota Bandung. Demikian juga ratusan kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar atau dirusak. Korban akibat perusakan tersebut diperkirakan 98 mobil. Sindhunata dengan dibantu oleh Junus Jahya dan Kwik Kian Gie mendapatkan pengakuan resmi dari Menteri Dalam Negeri yang menjadi pelindungnya pada 31 Desember 1977. Sudirman.Aksi perusakan berjalan sehari penuh dan jam malam terpaksa diberlakukan. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut dipicu oleh sebuah kecelakaan lalu lintas kecil dimana sebuah VW yang sedang lewat di jalan Astana Anyar. tiba-tiba dikejutkan dengan terjadinya huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Bandung. terutama di pusat kota antara lain di Jalan Braga. A. 4 bemo dan 660 sepeda dirusak atau dibakar. Badan yang Ketua Umumnya K.namun karena kebijaksanaan pemerintah Orde Baru terutama di bidang ekonomi yang diterapkan terhadap etnis Tionghoa dan KKN yang semakin subur berkembang. Pada Minggu 5 Agustus 1973. Setelah Peristiwa Malari '74 yang meminta korban cukup banyak etnis Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa. beberapa orang mantan pimpinan LPKB merasa kuatir melihat perkembangan situasi di mana gap antara yang kaya dan miskin di Indonesia semakin dalam dan menjurus ke arah rasialisme.

Banyubiru. Kerugian terbesar diderita PT Arta Electronics yang konon berjumlah 1.Hal ini terbukti dengan terjadinya peristiwa huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Solo.[32][32] Beberapa tahun menjelang terjadinya krisis moneter yang menimpa Indonesia. muncul rasa ketidakpuasan di kalangan masyarakat luas terhadap kebijaksanaan ekonomi pemerintah yang dianggap hanya menguntungkan keluarga Presiden Soeharto dengan kroninya segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Mereka menyerang semua toko dan bangunan milik orang Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan bongkahan batu yang telah dipersiapkannya terlebih dahulu. Candi dan Semarang. Aksi penjarahan. Di kota-kota ini para perusuh melempari semua rumah dan toko Tionghoa. Ratusan pelajar dengan mengendarai sepeda motor bercampur-baur dengan menggunakan seragam sekolah secara terbalik sehingga identitasnya tidak bisa dikenali lagi. Peristiwa penjarahan. Seluruh hasil pembangunan ternyata hanya fatamorgana yang dihasilkan melalui utang dan penjarahan kekayaan alam negara. dimulai dari daerah Coyudan kemudian menjalar ke daerah-daerah lainnya dan ditunggangi para "gali" (gang anak liar) yang menjarah toko-toko tersebut. Malahan aksi-aksi perusakan toko. Hanya segelintir penguasa bersama kroninya. dipicu hanya oleh sebuah perkelahian antara 3 siswa Sekolah Guru Olahraga (SGO) dengan seorang pemuda Tionghoa. Kerugian dari aksi kerusuhan ini puluhan milyar. Salatiga.2 milyar dan PT Standard Battery sebesar 600 juta.aksi tersebut kemudian berkembang bukan hanya ditujukan kepada etnis Tionghoa tetapi juga kepada gerejagereja Kristen dan Katolik. Pemicu aksi tersebut tidak masuk akal. bahkan seorang santri yang mengalami penganiayaan oleh anggota kepolisian (Tasikmalaya) menyebabkan terjadinya aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. Aksi-aksi tersebut antara lain terjadi di Purwakarta (31 Oktober – 2 Nopember 1995). Aksi anarkis yang berlangsung beberapa hari lamanya. perusakan dan pembakaran yang paling parah terjadi di Semarang mulai tanggal 25 Nopember 1980. Beberapa pemuda Tionghoa yang dijumpai diludahi dan dipukuli massa. perusakan dan pembakaran toko-toko dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa di Solo yang berlangsung pada 22-23 Nopember 1980. Malahan di beberapa tempat kelenteng-kelenteng dan vihara-vihara Buddha turut dijadikan sasaran perusakan.toko milik orang Tionghoa juga menjalar ke beberapa kota di Jawa Timur antara lain Ngawi. Selama tiga puluh dua tahun pemerintahan rezim Orde Baru. Aksi. Dengan cepat kerusuhan menjalar ke Boyolali. Semarang yang kemudian menjalar ke Kudus dan beberapa kota kecil lainnya. antara lain 15 pabrik besar kecil dirusak atau dibakar. Pekalongan (24 Nopember . Boyolali. Madiun dan Jombang. Ambarawa. antara lain insiden seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang tidak waras disuruh menyobek kitab suci Al-Qur'an (Pekalongan) atau seorang perempuan Tionghoa yang merasa terganggu dan marah-marah kepada sekelompok pemuda pemukul bedug untuk membangunkan umat Islam melakukan saur (Rengasdengklok). negara telah dibuat bangkrut dengan meninggalkan utang yang luar biasa besarnya. Krisis moneter yang berkembang menjadi krisis ekonomi membuktikan bahwa konsep pembangunan yang digembar-gemborkan rezim Orde Baru ternyata membawa kesengsaraan tidak terhingga kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Situasi ini dengan mudah digunakan oleh para provokator untuk melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. sekelompok konglomerat hitam yang menikmati kue pembangunan. Salatiga.

. Rengasdengklok (27 Januari-31 Januari 1997) dan Banjarmasin (23 Mei 1997). agama dan sebagainya. lurah dan Rt/Rw. HPH. Aksi tersebut telah menyebabkan terjadinya kerusuhan yang mengakibatkan puluhan bangunan perkantoran. Sudah tentu kembali etnis Tionghoa yang menjadi korban. Kebiasaan dan kebijaksanaan raja-raja Jawa yang diteruskan oleh pemerintah HindiaBelanda untuk memelihara segelintir orang Tionghoa yang dijadikan kroninya untuk memeras rakyat ternyata ditiru dan diterapkan oleh rezim Orde Baru yang juga memelihara segelintir oknum Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kaki-tangannya dalam menumpuk kekayaan.H.kantor DPP PDI di jalan Diponegoro diserbu gerombolan yang mengaku pendukung PDI Kongres Medan dibawah pimpinan Buttu Hutapea cs. mengakibatkan bangsa Indonesia terkotak-kotak. Puncak aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa seperti telah disampaikan di halaman pertama makalah ini adalah Peristiwa 13. Ratusan toko milik orang Tionghoa hancur. sehingga gaji pegawai negeri tidak pernah dicukupi dan mereka diberi kesempatan untuk melakukan korupsi asal memberikan upeti kepada atasannya. malahan Pasar Besar Solo yang sangat terkenal dan menjadi salah satu icon kota Solo habis dibakar massa yang menjadi brutal dan sulit dikendalikan. terutama dari koalisi Poros Tengah pimpinan Amien Rais dengan alasan gender. Tasikmalaya (26 Desember 1996). Perbankan dsb. malahan sampai detik terakhir kekuasaannya mereka diberikan kesempatan untuk merampok negara dengan mengucurkan ratusan trilyun dana BLBI. Setelah terjadinya krisis moneter berbagai kerusuhan dan aksi-aksi rasialis anti Tionghoa masih terjadi antara lain di Makassar (15 September 1997) dan setelah lengsernya Presiden Soeharto di Kebumen (7 September 1998). maka dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional yang diwarisi oleh penjajah Belanda. Hal ini dilakukan mulai dari pemegang puncak kekuasaan bersama keluarganya sampai ke tingkat paling bawah.nya diberikan kepada segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Para pengikut PDIP/ Megawati yang merasa dizalimi mengamuk dan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis di Bali dan Solo. Satu-satunya aksi anarkis yang meminta korban tokot-toko milik Tionghoa di era reformasi adalah pada saat Sidang Umum MPR hasil Pemilu 1999 (September 1999) memilih K. Sanggau Ledo (30 Desember 1995-2 Januari 1996).15 Mei 1998. Berbagai kemudahan. Situbondo ( 10 Oktober 1996). Masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional Setelah dengan jujur mempelajari sejarah . Pada 27 Juli 1996.1995). Pemilihan presiden baru untuk menggantikan Presiden B. Habibie mengalami berbagai rekayasa. Abdurrachman Wahid menjadi Presiden. toko dan kendaraan bermotor sepanjang jalan Salemba dan Kramat Raya habis dirusak atau dibakar massa yang mengamuk.J. Tanah Abang (28 Januari 1997). Megawati sebagai calon presiden dari partai pemenang Pemilu mengalami hambatan dari partai-partai Islam. Sistim upeti yang menjadi tradisi raja-raja Jawa diterapkan. Kebijaksanaan politik segregasi penjajah Belanda. Ingat apa yang dilakukan oleh Van Mook dan KMB yang menghasilkan negara federal ciptaan mereka yang ingin memecah-belah bangsa Indonesia yang baru saja memproklamirkan kemerdekaannya.

1997. Archipelago Press.nya mempunyai hak dan kewajiban yang sama.000 orang setahun.Pribumi 1. [6][6] Sejak 1920 sampai 1930 jumlah imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Hindia Belanda rata-rata lebih dari 40. Baik yang berada di eksekutif. reprinted 1993 by Periplus Edition (HK) Ltd.242-244. dalam Mely G. Batavia Landdrukkerij 1868 dan 1900. [5][5] Menurut Scott Merilles.Yayasan Cipta Loka Caraka. Tionghoa 50. 173-174. menjunjung tinggi hukum dan hak azasi manusia serta bersih dari segala bentuk KKN dan diskriminasi.1. Singapore 2000. legislatif maupun yudikatif dengan seluruh aparat dan birokrasinya dari pusat sampai ke tingkat Rt/Rw.301 orang. [2][2] Major William Thorn. Sedangkan pada Desember 1895. Untuk menjadi bangsa yang modern dan berperadaban tinggi kita harus membangun negara kita menjadi negara yang demokratis. etnis. BATAVIA in Nineteenth Century Photographs.678 orang. Jakarta. gender. egaliter. kepercayaan.15. agama. Peraturan Pemerintah. Mei 14. Pribumi 472. Pada 1921 jumlahnya kurang lebih 43. [4][4] G. tetapi juga oleh seluruh komponen bangsa. Hal.Jumlah rata-rata sejak 1900 sampai . kira-kira 41.429 orang. termasuk seluruh kekuatan politik yang ada di Indonesia.Hal. Jakarta 1979.169. Hal.510 orang dan lainnya 3.William Skinner.000 orang dan pada 1928. Hal.000 orang."Tempat-tempat bersejarah di Jakarta". penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya berjumlah 1.Tan (ed).253 orang.018 orang terdiri dari Eropa 6. Angka-angka ini diperoleh dari Regeering Almanak voor NederlandschIndie.426 orang.Rangkaian aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang dimulai dari zaman VOC/HindiaBelanda sampai mencapai puncaknya dengan terjadinya tragedi 13-15 Mei 1998 adalah warisan sejarah yang harus diselesaikan bukan saja oleh etnis Tionghoa. Kita tidak bisa berilusi bahwa etnis Tionghoa bisa berjuang dan menyelesaikan masalah Tionghoa sendirian tanpa menceburkan diri ke dalam mainstream bangsa dan bersamasama komponen bangsa lainnya ikut menciptakan masyarakat baru Indonesia seperti yang kita cita-citakan.268. Golongan Etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia.043 orang terdiri dari Eropa 12. "The Chinese of Java in Colloquium on Overseas Chinese".Tionghoa 82. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya pada Desember 1866 berjumlah 530.583 orang dan lain-lain 881 orang. 1815. Pertanyaannya sekarang adalah bagaimana kita harus bersikap? Apakah kita akan menerima saja keadaan yang penuh ketidak-pastian bagi hari depan anak cucu kita atau kita menginginkan perubahan? Jawabannya ada di dalam lubuk hati masing-masing. fisik dsb. Untuk itu baik UUD maupun seluruh Undang-undang. The Conquest Of Java. PT Gramedia. Peraturan Daerah dsb. [3][3] Adolf Heuken SJ. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------[1][1] Damar Harsono "May Riots Still Burns Into Victim's Minds" dalam The Jakarta Post. Seluruh warga negara tanpa memandang asal-usul ras.2002.nya harus bersih dari unsur-unsur diskriminasi.

1998. Holmes.Jakarta. Semarang. [9][9] Menurut Dr.000 orang. Hal.000 orang. 2003.000 orang. 1934 berjumlah 12. 1935 berjumlah 15."Opium to Java.51. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia". Oxford University Press. Menurut catatran kaki.kapiten Tionghoa peranakan Islam terakhir di Batavia bernama Muhammad Japar. [14][14] Lynn Pan. 1979. pada 7 Desember 1975 pasukan Indonesia berusaha meduduki Dili dengan melakukan penembakan di di jalan-jalan raya secara mem**** buta kepada siapa saja yang ditemuinya sambil melakukan penjarahan toko.000 orang anak laki-laki berusia di bawah 12 tahun.383 orang Arab dan 14. . "Riwajat 40 Taon T. Lihat : Victor Purcell. Hal.000 orang.Lihat Amen Budiman. "Sangat menarik juga untuk dicatat ikhwal penggantungan bedug-bedug besar di serambi mesjid-mesjid di tanah Jawa.Hal."Kapitalisme Cina di Hindia-Belanda" dalam Yoshihara Kunio. De Haan. "The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas". di mana kita bisa menjumpai adanya begug-bedug yang tergantung di serambi klenteng. [7][7] Pada 1875 di Jawa terdapat 8.Hal.Rush.K. 55-58. Ia meninggal pada 1827 dan pada tahun berikutnya penguasa Belanda di Batavia telah mengakhiri bentukan masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Jakarta dengan menyatukannya dalam golongan masyarakat Tionghoa. [11][11] Benny G. Second Edition. 8.toko milik orang Tionghoa dan penduduk sipil lainnya. 1933 berjumlah 9.1930 lebih dari 28. oleh karena bukan mustahil ikhwal ini pun merupakan pengaruh dari arsitektur Tiongkok. Jakarta.000 orang.1979.10. [13][13] Menurut Amen Budiman.32-35. terutama sekali di daerah pesisir utara tanah Jawa.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun.Lihat James R.34 [10][10] Onghokham. Kerajaan Bisnis Pertama di Asia Tenggara".Tanjung Sari. The Buddhist Revival in China. 84-85.1991.H. 1940.Batavia".Lebih lanjut periksa: Welch. 1860. [12][12] Amen Budiman "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia" Tanjung Sari. [8][8] Nio Joe Lan. 1981. catatan kaki hal.Cornell University Press. [15][15] Ketika pemerintah Indonesia menginvasi Timor Portugis. Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan Batavia.Setiono "Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik ".573 orang Timur Asing lainnya bukan Tionghoa. Revenue Farming and Chinese Enterprise in Colonial Indonesia. Sedangkan pada 1932 berjumlah 12. ini adalah informasi tertulis dari Ny." Konglomerat Oei Tiong Ham. Batavia. Tanjung Sari. 1937 berjumlah 31. Landmark Books.000 orang. Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia.Pustaka Utama Grafiti.249.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun.465.Hal.14.Singapore. Archipelago Press.000 orang.1910". 1990.000 orang dan 1938 berjumlah 20.Yang datang pada 1938 terdiri antara lain 3. 1968. 40. PT. "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia".ELKASA." Lihat Amen Budiman.H.Michele Blusse.Hal. Semarang.Hal. Hal. 2000 orang anak perempuan berusia di bawah 12 tahun dan 6. Semarang 1979. Kuala Lumpur. Hal. 1936 berjumlah 19.

yaitu persarikatan saudagarsaudagar yang mempunyai badan hukum yang diakui dan dilindungi undang-undang negeri. Kuala Lumpur.9. [24][24] Chung Hua Tsung Hui (Federation Of Chinese Associations) in Batavia. Untuk melihat detil pembantaian ini bisa dilihat Star Weekly No 23 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 9 Juni 1946.1825 ". Hasta Mitra. 24 April 2006. tetapi kerukunan ini terbikin di bawah tangan. .1994.70-72. Kuala Lumpur.9 [17][17] Dr.Tangerang.Hal.Pasukan Indonesia yang menjarah dan membunuh orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut berdalih bahwa mereka adalah pelarian G30S/PKI dari Indonesia yang menyelamatkan diri dan mengkonsolidasikan diri di daerah jajahan Portugis itu. Jakarta 1986. Pustaka Azet.Ltd. Hal.1947. Star Weekly No 24 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 16 Juni 1946. MEMORANDUM.7 dan Harian "Kompas". Second Edition.23 Tahon k1. Pembunuhan tersebut berlanjut sampai satu minggu lamanya. Lihat : Adam Schwarz.pemerkosaan dan pengusiran warga Tionghoa di kawasan Bandung Selatan. Star Weekly No 25 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 23 Juni 1946 dan Star Weekly No 26 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 30 Juni 1946. "A Nation in Waiting. untuk mendapatkan perubahan kedudukan kaum pedagang kita bangsa Islam di Hindia wajib satu badan yang anggota. [22][22] Aksi penjagalan. [16][16] Harian "Suara Pembaruan".25 April 2006. Hal. 1998.Hal. [18][18] Benny G.000 orang penduduk Dili tewas akibat pembunuhan yang dilakukan pasukan Indonesia tersebut. Peter Carey. [23][23] Lihat iklan seruan hari duka cita dalam Star Weekly No. 1981. 171-177.anggotanya adalah para saudagar supaya ilmu sarwat bisa dilakukan dengan sepertinya dan supaya lidi yang mudah dipatahkan itu tidak mudah dipatahkan.. Lidi digabungkan jadi satu menjadi teguh karena tali pengikat. Indonesia in the 1990s". Edisi 9 Juni 1946. Allen & Unwin Pty. Oxford University Press."The Chinese Business Elite in Indonesia and the Transition to Independence 1940-1950". [20][20] Twang Peck Yang. Menurut laporan seorang pastor Katolok. Jakarta. 1985. "Sang Pemula". [21][21] Victor Purcell. "Orang Jawa dan Masyarakat Cina 1755. Hal. 700 orang di antaranya orang Tionghoa.Setiono Op cit. Outlining Acts Of Violence And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesia Bands On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July 21.Hal. karena dipersatukan sehingga menjadi teguh. diperkirakan 2. 15 September 1947. Lihat Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Batavia.204. Hal. Mauk dan sekitarnya yang konon mencapai ribuan korban jiwa ini terjadi sepanjang Mei hingga Juli 1946. Antara saudagar Islam satu dengan yang lain tentu sudah ada yang membikin kerukunan dalam suatu hal. [19][19] Pengantar pendirian SDI yang disampaikan Tirto Adhi Soerjo menyatakan antara lain.120-121.Hal.Australia. Oxford University Press.jadi tidak kekal dan mudah bubar. Hal.6. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia".474.

[25][25] Kisah ini dikumpulkan berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan sejumlah anak korban yang salah satu di antaranya dengan ilmu silat yang dikuasainya berhasil melompat dan melarikan diri ke hutan.Hal.5 Km sebelah barat Nganjuk. [27][27] Harian "Warta Bhakti".1994 Hal.400 trilyun ataus setara dengan $ US 140 milyar. "Tionghoa Indonesia Dalam Krisis".250 orang korban. PT Gramedia. 1981.Andi Jauhari. [29][29] Budi Setiawanto. Hasil Wawancara Dengan Sejumlah Keluarga dan Korban Pembunuhan Anti Tionghoa di Malang.Perwujudan Integrasi Wajar".Robert Shaplen menyebut angka kira-kira 20. "Menguak Tabir Perjuangan Suripto". [31][31] Seluruh sekolah Tionghoa di Indonesia yang ditutup berjumlah 629 buah dengan jumlah murid 272.000 orang mati. Jakarta. Hal. sekitar 9. 2001. Salah satunya adalah sebuah kuburan masaal yang berlokasi di pinggir hutan di Desa Donomulyo. Namun menurut Charles Coppel jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terbunuh hampir tidak mungkin melebihi dua ribu orang. 26 Mei 1963.Aksara Karunia.ratus ribu orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh. Proses penggalian dan pencarian jenasah para korban pembunuhan massal yang terjadi sepanjang 1946-akhir 1949 ini dilakukan oleh berbagai cabang Chung Hua Tsung Hui di sejumlah kota pada 1951.Sebaliknya kantor berita Hsinhua menyatakan beratus-ratus orang Tionghoa yang mati selama 6 bulan setelah G30S. Site Sponsors .Hal."Lima Jaman. Di beberapa daerah dengan mudah bisa ditemukan kuburan massal para korban. Jakarta 1988. Sumber Dokumen Stanley. Kecamatan Bagor.782 orang dan jumlah guru 6. Lihat .22. Jakarta-Amsterdam.324-325.478 orang. [26][26] Yap Tjwan Bing. [30][30] Menurut majalah Life dan Far Eastern Economic Review beratus. Pustaka Sinar Harapan.79. Jakarta. [32][32] Dalam suatu pengumuman yang dikeluarkan Menko Bidang Perekonomian pemerintahan Megawati Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti dinyatakan bahwa seluruh utang dalam negeri dan luar negeri pemerintah berjumlah lebih dari Rp 1. [28][28] Siauw Giok Tjhan. Di kuburan massal ini dikuburkan 1. Jakarta. Yayasan Teratai. Charles Coppel.Otobiografi seorang Pejuang Kemerdekaan". Blitar dan Nganjuk pada Desember 1986 dan Agustus 1987.124-125.Rahmad Nasution dan Unggul Tri Ratomo."Meretas Jalan Kemerdekaan.

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