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PembunuhanPembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia

PembunuhanPembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia

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Published by: bunjur on Nov 09, 2011
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Pembunuhan-Pembunuhan Massal Yang Terjadi Di Indonesia!

Anti Communist Massacres
Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66.

One regular writer for Indonesiamatters.com (Ross) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia, a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. The article succeeded in provoking much debate, but sadly, some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are.

The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Parallel to this, transition of power also occurred. Sukarno, who reigned in the country for more than twenty years, was replaced by Suharto, an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years.

Official Accounts
During the Suharto period, the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums, films and school history textbooks. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country.

Despite these problems, some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo, Iwan Sudjatmiko, Clifford Geertz, Geoffrey Robinson, Harold Crouch, and John Roosa. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence.

Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict
Sulistyo, Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD), which launched its report a year after the coup took place, suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. [1] Likewise, twenty years later, the Indonesian State Secretary used the term, “spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. [2]

Military-State Sponsored Violence
A differing view is put forward by another historian, Hilmar Farid, who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging, because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. [3]

Early Military Role
There are important factors that should be taken into account, if we want to look at the military role in the killings. Firstly, the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha, which were owned by the Army. [4] By closing down media outlets, it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. Moreover, the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms, grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. Secondly, Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. In conjunction with the military campaign, KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to “crush the PKI down its roots.”

Secret Cable Message
There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965, the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. In Central Java, Army (RPKAD) is training Moslem Youth [probably either Banser or HMI] and supplying them with weapons and will keep them out in front against the PKI. Army will try to avoid as much it can safely do so, direct confrontation with the PKI “¦ Army is letting groups other than Army discredit them [the PKI] and demand their punishment. [5]

Having said this, it can be argued that the training was inextricably linked to the campaign programme and the strategy of avoiding direct confrontation with the PKI.

The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. For example, the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali, the PNI and the PKI, it did not culminate in the bloodshed. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta, the anti-communist camp held more sway. [6]

Central Java
In Central Java, the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. A witness, Suparno, recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati, before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. The operations were then carried out in the next days. [7] With the support from civilian militias, the operations were done easily. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings.

Rivers of Blood
As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java, turned to red during the horrific months. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. However, the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians. As if they liked to say through the river: communists should end up like this!

Associate Organisations
Noteworthy, not all of victims were actually communists. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions, unlike Pemuda Rakyat, which was officially the youth wing of the party. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party, Masyumi, but was arrested. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority.

The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. Some commentators

the unsolved biggest question is not “whodunit” but “can it happen again?” [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future.suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. beside tortures. Nona. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. however. 2008. di Opini. but . untuk suatu tindakan balasan oleh Julia Suryakusumah di Indonesia bahasa Inggris-koran Jakarta Post.com (Samarinda) diajukan artikelnya pada komunisme dan Genosida di Indonesia. in Opinion . by Guest Writer 25 Januari 2008. Penulis Tamu memuntahkan Semua ini menulis tentang sifat yang antikomunis massacres dari 1965-66. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. Zakaria. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. a riposte to a piece by Julia Suryakusumah in the Indonesian English-language newspaper the Jakarta Post. Biasa satu penulis untuk Indonesiamatters. oleh Penulis Tamu Guest Writer Spew It All writes about the nature of the anti-communist massacres of 1965-66. they were also subject to sexual harassments. Misunderstandings / Kesalahpahaman One regular writer for Indonesiamatters. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. [10] For female prisoners. admitted that after August 1966. The article succeeded in provoking much debate. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. a leader of youth organisation. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. this similar method of killings also took place. [9] In Kediri. a woman who was arrested. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. The Future Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. Anti Komunis Massacres January 25th.com ( Ross ) submitted his article on communism and genocide in Indonesia . and resulted in a greater number of victims. But following the downfall of Suharto. many stories of the massacres began to emerge.

films and school history textbooks. Buku-buku yang ditulis oleh cendekiawan telah diblokir dan penulis telah menolak untuk memasuki negara. Much worse than that is the New Order’s representation of that bloody event seeing it as merely horizontal conflicts between the PKI masses and their bitter rivals. Walaupun masalah ini. an army umum yang kemudian kepala Indonesia selama lebih dari tiga puluh tahun. Clifford Geertz. Sukarno. beberapa dari diskusi masih mencerminkan bagaimana disalahfaham yang buruk dari pembunuhan 1965/66 adalah. who reigned in the country for more than twenty years. some of the discussion still reflects how poorly misunderstood the killings of 1965/66 are. Jauh lebih buruk daripada yang Orde Baru's keterwakilan yang melihat peristiwa berdarah itu hanya sebagai konflik horisontal antara massa PKI dan pahit saingan mereka. and John Roosa. Artikel berhasil membuat banyak perdebatan. kisah dari massacres nampaknya akan lupa. beberapa . film dan buku sejarah sekolah. Massacres 1965 yang telah menjadi teka-teki terbesar dalam sejarah Indonesia.sadly. Sejajar dengan ini. Any alternative interpretation was an anathema in Indonesia during Suharto regime. Official history only highlights the heroic action of the Indonesian army that successfully crushed communism in Indonesia. Setiap alternatif interpretasi adalah anathema di Indonesia selama rezim Soeharto. Geoffrey Robinson. tetapi kurang sehat. Books written by scholars were banned and the writers were refused to enter the country. Iwan Sudjatmiko. Official Accounts / Resmi Account During the Suharto period. the stories of massacres seemed to be forgotten. Sukarno. The communist members and their partisans were hunted and killed gruesomely by their fellow Indonesians with support from the military. This constructed truth is perpetuated further through enactments in various museums. yang memerintah di negara untuk lebih dari dua puluh tahun. Research / Penelitian Despite these problems. an army general who later headed Indonesia for more than thirty years. Harold Crouch. The killings took place following the failed coup attempt carried out by several military officers and a few members of the Communist Party. Sejarah resmi hanya menyoroti tindakan heroik dari tentara Indonesia yang berhasil dilumatkan komunisme di Indonesia. Penjara dan sanksi lain akan memperhatikan Menyoal Orde Baru versi sejarah. Anggota yang komunis dan mereka dan partisans buruan yang dibunuh oleh mereka gruesomely sesama Indonesia dengan dukungan dari militer. Gaol and others sanctions would be the consequence for contesting the New Order version of history. History / Sejarah The massacres of 1965 have been the biggest conundrum in Indonesian history. Selama periode Suharto. transisi kekuasaan juga terjadi. Pembunuhan yang terjadi setelah gagal membalikkan upaya dilakukan oleh beberapa pejabat militer dan beberapa anggota Partai Komunis. was replaced by Suharto . Parallel to this. diganti oleh Suharto. Ini adalah kebenaran dibangun perpetuated lebih lanjut melalui enactments di berbagai museum. transition of power also occurred. some scholars succeeded in conducting researches on what happened in 1965 including Hermawan Sulistyo.

“spontaneous mass action against the PKI” to describe the ferocity of the event. Horizontal-Spontaneous Conflict / Konflik horizontal-spontan Sulistyo. "spontan massa tindakan terhadap PKI "untuk menjelaskan kekejaman dari acara. Harold Crouch. Sepertinya tidak ada perbedaan antara mereka dan kesimpulan versi resmi diluncurkan oleh pemerintah Indonesia. dua puluh tahun kemudian. militer's tindakan segera untuk mengontrol media dengan penutupan semua media kecuali Angkatan Bersenjata dan Berita Yudha. [2] Military-State Sponsored Violence / Militer-negara yang disponsori kekerasan A differing view is put forward by another historian. Selain itu. it enabled them to create fear through propaganda and the fabricated story of the PKI as the main culprit in the killings of seven generals spread out easily. Iwan Sudjatmiko. yang dimiliki oleh Angkatan Darat. jika kita ingin melihat peran militer dalam pembunuhan. [3] Early Military Role / Peran militer awal There are important factors that should be taken into account. because blatant evidence can reveal the involvement of state apparatus. Geoffrey Robinson. which were owned by the Army. karena ribut bukti dapat mengungkapkan keterlibatan aparat negara. the military publications also reported that military operations to purge communism in Indonesia’s outer region had succeeded in seizing firearms. suggested that the mass anger could not be controlled. Sudjatmiko dan Geertz adalah pendukung dari "horisontal teori". [4] Dengan penutupan outlet media. who suggested that the task of disputing this view is not too intellectually challenging. Hilmar Farid.cendekiawan berhasil melakukan penelitian tentang apa yang terjadi di tahun 1965 termasuk Hermawan Sulistyo. the military’s immediate action to control media by closing down all media except Angkatan Bersenjata and Berita Yudha. the Indonesian State Secretary used the term. The Army Information Centre (PUSPENAD). [2] Angkatan darat Information Center (PUSPENAD). Sudjatmiko and Geertz are the proponent of “horizontal theory”. There seems to be no dissimilarity between their conclusions and the official version released by the government of Indonesia. if we want to look at the military role in the killings. Hilmar Farid. [3] Sebuah tampilan yang berbeda diletakkan maju lain oleh sejarawan. Clifford Geertz. [1] Likewise. Ada faktor penting yang harus diperhatikan. Sekretaris Negara Indonesia istilah yang digunakan. yang meluncurkan laporan setelah satu tahun pemerintahan berlangsung. dan John Roosa. Not all these scholars agree with the idea that the killings were state-sponsored violence. which launched its report a year after the coup took place. ini memungkinkan mereka untuk membuat takut melalui propaganda dan yg siap untuk dimakan kisah PKI sebagai jahat utama dalam pembunuhan dari tujuh Umum tersebar dengan mudah. Pertama. Firstly. [1] Demikian pula. Moreover. twenty years later. militer publikasi juga melaporkan . mengemukakan bahwa massa marah tidak dapat dikontrol. grenades and documents revealing the coup plans. Sulistyo. yang mengemukakan bahwa tugas disputing pandangan ini tidak terlalu layan menantang. [4] By closing down media outlets. Tidak semua beasiswa tersebut setuju dengan ide bahwa pembunuhan yang disponsori negara-kekerasan.

Indonesia Angkatan Darat akan mencoba untuk menghindari konfrontasi langsung dengan PKI. According to a cable sent by the US embassy in Jakarta to State Department in November 1965. KAP Gestapu (Front Aksi untuk Crush yang ketigapuluh September Gerakan) telah dibentuk oleh sebuah aliansi anti-Komunis dan organisasi wartawan dan keseluruhan kampanye ini bertujuan untuk “crush the PKI down its roots. Meskipun heightened ketegangan antara dua golongan dominan di Bali. Menurut sebuah kabel dikirim oleh kedutaan Amerika Serikat di Jakarta untuk Negara Departemen pada bulan November 1965. the arrests and killings took place not long after the arrival of RPKAD (the Indonesian Special Forces) headed by Sarwo Edhie Wibowo. Suharto was appointed to head the Operational Commander for the Restoration of Security and Order (Pangkokamtib) and commenced an effective campaign against the PKI. KAP Gestapu (Action Front to Crush the Thirtieth of September Movement) was formed by an alliance of anti-Communist organisations and their overall campaign mantra and objective was to Dalam kaitannya dengan kampanye militer.bahwa operasi militer untuk menyingkirkan komunisme di luar wilayah Indonesia telah berhasil dalam perebutan api. grenades dan dokumen yang mengungkapkan rencana tindakan. Kedua. Dukungan dari militer yang signifikan seperti di beberapa daerah jumlah anggota PKI dan lawan nampaknya akan di par. tidak berujung pada darah. [6] Central Java Jawa Tengah In Central Java. Di Jawa Tengah. Suharto diangkat ke kepala Komandan Operasi untuk Pembangunan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Pangkokamtib) dan mulai kampanye yang efektif terhadap PKI. anti-komunis kamp diselenggarakan lebih lenggok. it did not culminate in the bloodshed. This would clearly make people under the impression that the PKI was ready to launch a coup. With the arrival of troops from Jakarta. . Ada juga melaporkan bahwa militer telah terlibat dalam pelatihan dari organisasi pemuda. the Indonesian Army would try to avoid direct confrontation with the PKI. the PNI and the PKI. yang PNI dan PKI. In conjunction with the military campaign.” "Crush PKI bawah akarnya. For example. the anti-communist camp held more sway. the killings in Bali did not take place until the middle of December 1965. The troops arrived in Semarang on 18th October 1965 and then fanned out to other towns. Hal ini jelas akan membuat orang di bawah kesan bahwa PKI telah siap untuk memulai minggu. Secondly. Pasukan yang tiba di Semarang pada tanggal 18 Oktober 1965 dan kemudian fanned ke kota-kota lain. [6] Dengan kedatangan ekspedisi dari Jakarta. Although tension heightened between two dominant factions in Bali. pembunuhan di Bali tidak berlangsung sampai pertengahan Desember 1965. Bali The support from the military is significant as in some areas the number of the PKI members and its opponents seemed to be on a par. Misalnya. penahanan dan pembunuhan berlangsung tidak lama setelah kedatangan RPKAD (Indonesia Angkatan Khusus) dipimpin oleh Sarwo Edhie Wibowo." Secret Cable Message / Rahasia Kabel Pesan There was also a report that the military was involved in the training of youth organisations.

Suparno. menjadi merah selama bulan menyeramkan. the operations were done easily. However. Rivers were perhaps the “favourite” places for the killers to dump the bodies. Penting. Even Gerwani and the labour unions were not officially part of the Communist Party. operasi yang dilakukan dengan mudah. Satu club mengakui bahwa dia adalah seorang anggota dari sebuah partai Islam. Suparno. [7] With the support from civilian militias. before stopping at the town hall and delivering a speech on what had happened in Jakarta. [8] Ini adalah pengkhianatan di belakang tuduhan palsu ini. tetapi mereka tidak mayoritas. tetapi telah ditangkap. Operasi ini kemudian dilakukan pada hari berikutnya. The reason might be practical as the current would take the bodies away. which was officially the youth wing of the party. [7] Dengan dukungan dari milisia sipil. but was arrested. Orang Cina di antara para korban. These organisations worked together with the PKI on several occasions. tidak semua korban yang sebetulnya komunis. Seperti banyak yang memiliki warna mendengar dari Sungai Brantas di Jawa Timur. One survivor admitted that he was a member of an Islamic party. He remembered that the troops paraded in his town Pati. not all of victims were actually communists. recalled what happened before he was accused of planning to overthrow the head of the region and arrested and imprisoned for decades. turned to red during the horrific months. sebelum berhenti di balai kota dan menyampaikan pidato pada apa yang telah terjadi di Jakarta. Namun. Organisasi ini bekerja sama dengan PKI pada beberapa kesempatan. mengingat apa yang terjadi sebelum dia dituduh perencanaan untuk menggulingkan kepala daerah dan ditangkap dan dipenjarakan untuk dekade. unlike Pemuda Rakyat. badan apung di sungai mungkin berisi pesan yang ampuh untuk Indonesia. Militer dan truk yang disediakan milisia membantu dengan informasi atau bahkan ikut serta dalam pembunuhan. [8] It is denunciation behind this false accusation. Masyumi. Chinese people were amongst the victims but they were by no means a majority. Sungai yang mungkin "favorit" tempat bagi orang untuk dump badan. . Bahkan Gerwani dan serikat pekerja tidak resmi bagian dari Partai Komunis. As if they liked to say through the river: Karena jika mereka suka mengatakan melalui sungai: communists should end up like this! komunis harus berakhir seperti ini! Associate Organisations / Associate Organisasi Noteworthy. Rivers of Blood / Sungai dari Darah As many may have heard the colour of the River Brantas in East Java. Sebabnya mungkin praktis seperti saat ini akan mengambil badan jauh. Masyumi. yang secara resmi sayap pemuda dari partai. the floating bodies in the river might be containing a powerful message for Indonesians.A witness. The military provided trucks and the militias helped with information or even took part in the killings. Dia diingat bahwa pasukan paraded di kota Pati. The operations were then carried out in the next days. Seorang saksi. tidak seperti Pemuda Rakyat.

selain Penyiksaan. however. Ini nasib korban dalam penjara tidak lebih baik dari orang-orang yang ringkasnya dilaksanakan. The Future / Masa Depan Discussion on what happened on 1965 is still centred on the mastermind of the coup. Beberapa komentator mengemukakan bahwa jumlah kapel shrank di beberapa daerah. Diskusi tentang apa yang terjadi pada 1965 masih terpusat pada otak dari pemerintahan. [9] Zakaria. Survivors who were released from prison wrote their memoirs giving their accounts on that crucial moment in Indonesian history. Tetapi setelah kejatuhan Suharto. Some commentators suggested that the number of inmates shrank in several regions. Untuk tahanan perempuan. a woman who was arrested. Zakaria. But following the downfall of Suharto. dipaksa melakukan hubungan seks dengan aparat militer dan kemudian menjadi hamil dan melahirkan bayinya di kamp. namun. [11] Nona. mengakui bahwa setelah Agustus 1966. jumlah narapidana komunis telah menurun. Jebakan yang selama ini-perhatian pada otak dapat mengakibatkan anggap sebagai pembunuhan yang terpisah dari pembentukan Orde Baru. The pitfall of this over-attention on mastermind may lead to assuming the killings as separated from the establishment of the New Order. pertanyaan yang belum terjawab terbesar adalah tidak “whodunit” "Cerita detektif" but tetapi . [10] Di Kediri. this similar method of killings also took place. [9] In Kediri. admitted that after August 1966. As Robert Cribb lamented in his article. the unsolved biggest question is not Seperti Robert Cribb almarhumi dalam artikelnya. Untuk tiga dekade ini horor tetap tak terhingga. beside tortures. dan menghasilkan lebih banyak korban. yang dilakukan interrogations narapidana di Lombok. albeit under the different name of Operasi Teratur or Organised Operation. a leader of youth organisation. banyak cerita dari massacres mulai muncul. [10] For female prisoners. Nona.Imprisonment / Penjara The fates of victims in prisons were not better than those who were summarily executed. metode ini serupa juga terjadi pembunuhan. seorang wanita yang telah ditangkap. Tortures and killings could happen even in the prisons. mereka juga tunduk pada pelecehan seksual. Penyiksaan dan pembunuhan bisa terjadi bahkan dalam penjara. and resulted in a greater number of victims. they were also subject to sexual harassments. [11] For three decades this horror remained untold. walaupun di bawah nama yang berbeda Operasi Teratur atau diatur Operasi. was forced to have sex with the military officer and then became pregnant and delivered her baby in the camp. who carried out interrogations of prisoners in Lombok. many stories of the massacres began to emerge. seorang pemimpin organisasi pemuda. the number of communist prisoners had decreased. Korban yang dilepaskan dari penjara wrote mereka memberikan riwayat account mereka pada saat yang penting dalam sejarah Indonesia.

It has been a decade since Reformasi (reform) movement took place in Indonesia that succeeded in forcing Suharto to step down. however. To some extent. people bewildered with his smile: how can he smile after killing innocent people? There seems no other alternative to explain this perplexing phenomenon but put it into a cultural category box called amok. 2008. these reflections therefore highlight the progress of reform in Indonesia. labelled them looters. and how the rioters came to be judged. looters emerged as a product of discourse on representation of poor people in Indonesia. The friendly. hospitable. Since reform is the grand theme. . Having said this. media and political and social analysts reflect on what has happened and has been happening since Suharto was ousted. Although many topics can be written regarding reformasi in Indonesia only democracy and political reforms are arguably having much more attention than other issues. the riots may have confirmed the wide representation of Indonesian people as having an amok culture. Adalah penting untuk Indonesia untuk memikirkan pertanyaan yang nanti jika mereka ingin membangun Indonesia yang lebih demokratis di masa depan. Not long after the riots which took place in Solo. When one of the Bali Bombing perpetrators Amrozi had his picture taken in foreign media. Indonesians were shocked to know that many people were burnt to death in malls and shopping centres. Looters can be equated with criminals and with their deaths. In their headlines. Medan. These “looters” are victims of structural violence stemming from unfair economic development. The riots shocked the international community and may have changed their views on the Indonesian people. May 1998 Jakarta Riots May 16th. I would like to shift the focus away from political reforms and democracy and reflect on the riots that took place in Indonesia. Labelling them looters instead of victims will impact on how big was the state’s responsibility for the dead people. The government. The majority of the dead were those who were trapped in the burning shopping centres. by Guest Writer Spew looks back on the May 1998 riots and the issues of mass rapes. Volunteer Team for Humanity. and barbaric acts. media outlets played an important role in perpetuating the representation of people who were burnt to death in malls. the total death toll was about 1200 people [1]. Jakarta. and inclusive attitude can suddenly turn into vicious. and Surabaya. Labelling them looters also denies the history of well-being of the poor in Indonesia. in Opinion. anti-Chinese sentiment. violent. Every year after the movement. Quoting the government. the state should not be responsible for dealing with criminals.“can it happen again?” [12] "Bisa terjadi lagi?" [12] It is important for Indonesians to contemplate the later question if they want to build a more democratic Indonesian in the future. According to a report released by Jakarta based non-governmental organisation.

the existence of victims who died in shopping malls and Chinese victims could help us to deconstruct the representations of May 1998 violence. Roesmanhadi the Chief of the Indonesian Police contended that the failure of providing “concrete data” meant that NGOs could be charged with disseminating lies. The report. In fact. [5] The raging debate over the mass rapes seemed to impact on the representation of the riots. in doing so we should not be differentiating them based on racial lines as this will only perpetuate the New Order logic. however. AntiChinese sentiments. anti-Chinese sentiment was played up at that time.What made the riot gaining more attention. Only radical understanding of victims of May Riots which weighs much on the interrogation of dominant discourse may lead to a better comprehension on what happened in those three days of atrocities. Although working within a strict time constraint. doubts were voiced publicly as to whether the rapes indeed had taken place. The stories of rapes appeared publicly not long after the news of more than a thousand deaths in malls emerged. “anti-Chinese” became a lexicon that is often used to understand the riots. the anti-Chinese sentiments were played up in order to represent the violence as something natural which stemmed from the tension between pribumi and non-pribumi. During that time. these urban poor were dead when they would like to loot things from Chinese stores. [4] Responding to the furore over mass rapes as well as international pressure to deal with these rapes the Indonesian government formed a joint fact finding commission (Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) in which government and NGO were expected to work together to solve this puzzle. Volunteer Team for Humanity (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-TRuK) that brought up the issue about the rapes. In other words. however. did not draw a conclusion that mass rapes were systematic violence but only confirmed that such acts happened simultaneously with the riot and that among those rapes were some that were carried out with particular purposes. hundreds of Chinese women were gangraped. [3] Similarly. It was Jakarta based NGO. As one crucial element to understand violence are the victims. Indeed. When the riots took place. Once the stories of rapes unfolded. . According to their report. And the rapes were merely manifestation of frustration derived from imbalance economic status between Chinese and non-Chinese. What we should look at regarding the May violence is that race can be a powerful discourse in producing the knowledge of that violence. the Indonesian Minister of Women’s Affair Tutty Alawiyah. this commission finally completed its report and suggested that the riot was a result of political tension at elite level and worsening economic condition. for instance. was the rape of the Indonesian Chinese. in this respect were constructed in order to lay foundation of what constituted Indonesia or pribumi. this appalling news did not immediately receive sympathetic gestures. But one should bear in mind that political marginalisation towards Chinese people throughout Indonesian history may have contributed to Indonesian peoples’ understanding of their identities. [2] Yet. In response to the rapes issue. discourse on rapes submerged the other gloomy stories such as those who were burnt to death in the shopping centres. Yet. contested the data provided by TRuK and asked for concrete proof regarding the mass rape.

* ↑5 TGPF. “Gendered Visibilities and the Dream of Transparency: The Chinese-Indonesian Rape Debate in Post-Suharto Indonesia”. pp. Kerusuhan Jakarta Mei 1998 16 Mei 2008. * ↑4 Ibid. looters muncul .* ↑1 Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). orang limbung dengan tersenyum: bagaimana dapat tersenyum setelah dia membunuh orang bersalah? Seolah-olah tidak ada alternatif lain untuk menjelaskan fenomena ini membingungkan tetapi memasukkannya ke dalam kotak yang disebut kategori budaya amuk. dan termasuk sikap dapat tiba-tiba menjadi ganas. Jemma Purdey. Di bawah ini.3 November 2004. Indonesia: The Damaging Debate on Rapes of Ethnic Chinese Women. sentimen anti-Cina. available from: http://www. dan tindakan biadab. kerusuhan Mei telah dikonfirmasi yang luas dari perwakilan masyarakat Indonesia yang memiliki budaya amuk. Vol. dan bagaimana rioters datang untuk dinilai. ramah. maka ini tercatat menyorot kemajuan reformasi di Indonesia. Jakarta. Penawaran pemerintah. ‘Laporan Akhir’. dan Surabaya. media dan analis sosial politik dan mencerminkan pada apa yang telah terjadi dan telah terjadi sejak Suharto telah ousted. 2002). 689–725. Jemma Purdey provides an excellent account on the dynamic within the fact finding commission.html. Gender & History. pp. For more discussion on TGPF. See. 42. Sudah satu dekade sejak reformasi (reformasi) gerakan terjadi di Indonesia yang berhasil memaksa Suharto turun. Kerusuhan kaget masyarakat internasional dan mungkin telah berubah pandangan mereka terhadap masyarakat Indonesia. Indonesia yang terkejut mengetahui bahwa banyak orang mati dibakar di mal dan pusat perbelanjaan. di Opini. * ↑3 Karen Strassler. Setiap tahun setelah pergerakan. saya ingin menggeser fokus dari reformasi politik dan demokrasi dan mencerminkan pada kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. (Jul-Aug. kekerasan. outlet media memainkan peranan penting dalam memperkekalkan dengan perwakilan dari orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di mal. ‘Problematizing the Place of Victims in Reformasi Indonesia: A Contested Truth about The May 1998 Violence’. 1 September 1999. [Accessed at 8 May 2008] * ↑2 Human Rights Watch. [Accessed at 10 May 2008]. 23 Oktober 1998. Ketika salah satu dari pelaku ledakan bomb di Bali Amrozi telah diambil itu gambar di media asing. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. Pemerintah. Vol. The Legacy of Violence in Indonesia. 4. namun. No. Untuk beberapa hal. available from: http://semanggipeduli. Tidak lama setelah kerusuhan yang terjadi di Solo. 605-622. Meskipun banyak topik dapat ditulis mengenai Reformasi di Indonesia hanya demokrasi dan reformasi politik adalah Rasulullah memiliki lebih banyak perhatian dari isu-isu lain.16 No. label mereka looters.htm. Asian Survey. Jakarta. Dalam utama mereka.hrw. Yang ramah. Medan.com/tgpf/bab4.org/reports98/indonesia3/rapes. Sejak reformasi adalah grand tema. oleh Penulis Tamu Memuntahkan terlihat kembali pada Mei 1998 kerusuhan dan isu-isu massa perkosaan.

[2] Namun. Setelah cerita dari kasus perkosaan yang terbuka. Tetapi kita harus ingat bahwa politik marginalisation terhadap orang Cina di seluruh Indonesia sejarah mungkin telah menyumbang kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk memahami identitas mereka. mengeluhkan data yang diberikan oleh Truk dan meminta bukti konkret mengenai perkosaan massa. Walaupun bekerja dalam waktu yang sangat ketat kendala. wacana pada kasus perkosaan yang terendam mendung cerita lain seperti orang-orang yang dibakar sampai mati di pusat perbelanjaan. komisi ini akhirnya selesai laporan dan mengemukakan bahwa kerusuhan merupakan hasil dari ketegangan politik di tingkat elit serta kondisi ekonomi. berita ini menggemparkan tidak segera menerima bersimpati gerak gerik. misalnya. Cerita-cerita perkosaan muncul publik tidak lama setelah berita lebih dari seribu kematian muncul di mal. negara tidak harus bertanggung jawab untuk menangani kriminal. tidak menarik kesimpulan bahwa massa perkosaan pada kekerasan sistematis tetapi hanya menyatakan bahwa perbuatan tersebut terjadi bersamaan dengan kerusuhan dan yang di antara mereka ada beberapa kasus perkosaan yang dilakukan dengan tujuan tertentu. "anti-Cina" menjadi kosa kata yang sering digunakan untuk memahami kerusuhan. Menurut laporan mereka. Laporan Namun. Label looters mereka bukan korban akan berdampak pada seberapa besar negara adalah tanggung jawab untuk orang mati. sentimen anti-Cina telah diputar di waktu itu. yang meragukan untuk menyampaikan kepada publik sebagai apakah kasus perkosaan memang telah terjadi. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan. Bahkan.sebagai produk dari wacana perwakilan dari masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. Bila terjadi kerusuhan. dalam hal ini sudah dibangun untuk meletakkan dasar apa yang pertama atau Pribumi Indonesia. jumlah korban jiwa adalah sekitar 1200 orang [1]. Label looters mereka juga denies sejarah kesejahteraan masyarakat miskin di Indonesia. Ianya Jakarta berbasis LSM. [3] Demikian pula. Sebagian besar yang mati adalah orang-orang yang terperangkap dalam pembakaran pusat perbelanjaan. Sentimen anti-Cina. Ini "looters" adalah korban kekerasan struktural berasal dari pembangunan ekonomi yang tidak adil. adalah perkosaan dari Indonesia Cina. [5] Perdebatan yang hebat atas kasus perkosaan massa nampaknya terhadap perwakilan dari kerusuhan. Sesungguhnya. Looters dapat menyetarakan dengan kriminal dan dengan kematian mereka. Indonesia Menteri Perempuan Affair Tutty Alawiyah. Roesmanhadi sebagai Kepala Polisi Indonesia contended bahwa kegagalan memberikan "beton data" dimaksudkan LSM yang dapat diisi dengan sosialisasi terletak. Menanggapi masalah kasus perkosaan. Selama masa itu. Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan (Tim Relawan untuk Kemanusiaan-Truk) yang dinyalakan isu tentang perkosaan. [4] Menjawab kemarahan massa atas kasus perkosaan serta tekanan internasional untuk menangani kasus perkosaan ini dengan pemerintah Indonesia membentuk komisi bersama Pencari Fakta (Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan Mei 13-15) di mana pemerintah dan LSM tersebut diharapkan akan bekerja sama untuk menyelesaikan puzzle. Apa yang membuat kerusuhan mendapat lebih banyak perhatian. ratusan perempuan Cina gangraped. maka sentimen anti-Cina . namun. Menurut laporan yang dikeluarkan oleh Jakarta berbasis organisasi nonpemerintah.

Apa kita harus melihat tentang kekerasan Mei adalah ras yang dapat menjadi wacana kuat dalam memproduksi pengetahuan yang kekerasan.3 November 2004. 605-622.Pak Dionysius Utomo. Indonesia: The Merusak Debat pada perkosaan dari Etnik Cina Perempuan. (Juli-Agustus.16 No. Ini tentang penghilangan orang2 . Vol. 2006. Laporan Akhir Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998. ini miskin perkotaan yang mati ketika mereka ingin menjarah sesuatu dari toko Cina. * ↑ 4 Ibid. Vol. Jender & Sejarah. 42. tersedia dari: http://www. dalam melakukan hal ini. * ↑ 3 Karen Strassler. Jakarta.htm. Lihat. eight years ago. I searched for him everywhere but there was no information. kita tidak boleh membedakan mereka berdasarkan ras baris seperti ini hanya akan melanggengkan Orde Baru logika. Sebagai salah satu elemen penting untuk memahami kekerasan adalah korban. Hanya radikal pemahaman korban Mei Riots Berat yang banyak di interogasi dari wacana dominan dapat mengakibatkan pemahaman yang lebih baik mengenai apa yang terjadi dalam tiga hari kerusuhan.yang diputar dalam rangka untuk mewakili kekerasan sebagai sesuatu yang membatasi alam dari ketegangan antara Pribumi dan non-Pribumi. 23 Oktober 1998. I feel a little hope that he is still alive somewhere. Political Disappearances May 19th. pp. [Diakses pada 8 Mei 2008] * 2 ↑ Human Rights Watch. tersedia dari: http://semanggipeduli. 2002). Untuk diskusi lebih pada TGPF. Political Disappearance: A Neverending Story in Reformasi Regime “I was shocked when I heard that my son was arrested in 1998. in Opinion. 689-725. pp. 'Problematizing di Tempat Korban Reformasi di Indonesia: mengeluhkan tentang kebenaran Mei 1998 Kekerasan'. 60. Namun. father of Bimo Petrus. Dengan kata lain. Asian Survey.” . Legacy Kekerasan di Indonesia.hrw. 1 September 1999. Dan perkosaan pada hanya manifestasi dari kekecewaan yang berasal dari status ekonomi ketidakseimbangan antara Cina dan non-Cina.org/reports98/indonesia3/rapes. [Diakses pada 10 Mei 2008].com/tgpf/bab4. 'Laporan Akhir'. "Jender dan Visibilities Dream of Transparansi: The IndonesiaCina Rape Debat di Post-Suharto Indonesia". . * ↑ 5 TGPF.html. Jemma Purdey. Jemma Purdey menyediakan akun yang dinamis dalam Pencari Fakta komisi. by Sarawut Pratoomraj Guest writer Sarawut Pratoomraj discusses cases of political disappearances in the last years of the Suharto regime. keberadaan korban yang meninggal di mal dan Cina korban dapat membantu kami untuk gagas pernyataan kekerasan Mei 1998. * ↑ 1 Tim Gabungan Pencari tahta Kerusuhan 13-15 Mei 1998 (TGPF). No 4.

The activists demanded the change of the regime as it was against the Dual Function of the Armed Forces that supported Soeharto’s authoritarian regime. to campaign to abolish the five unjust acts issued by the Soeharto government namely: act on political parties. chairperson of the Indonesian Association of Families of the Disappeared (IKOHI). not the police station. I was tortured and electrocuted. He was arrested by the military on 13 March 1998 and released three months later on 8 June 1998. to bring his case to Europe and the Unites Nations. He immediately joined his friend Munir at KontraS.J. He went to the government house and many military and police stations but found nothing. the Commission for Involuntary Disappearance and Victims of Violation. act on mass organizations.I survived and not dead or disappeared like many friends. mother of Yani Afri. Dionysius was an administrative officer at Malang Central Mental Hospital.”ン . when the then President B. I went to look for his friends but they didn’t know. when asked for other reasons.“”¦a friend of my son came and told me that my son was arrested by the military in Tanjung Priok. and Dionysius Utomo’s son. I was afraid that I would be killed. 68. Mugi and many students worked underground.two were in military uniform while most were in plainclothes. I am a lucky guy . The officer said the same and showed me my son’s release paper”¦” . was a victim of human rights violation. I immediately went to the military station to ask for Yani Afri’s whereabouts.Ibu Tuti Koto. The government banned his organization by linking it to the Communist Party of Indonesia. and told me to find his friend. Mugiyanto or Mugi. I returned to the military station crying. as many university students were at that time. He immediately searched for him when he learned about his son’s case. act on the composition of the parliament. I was psychologically shaken because those who arrested me weren’t police. Aside from knowing whether his son is dead or alive. and act on referendums. One of Mugi’s friends who disappeared in 31 March 1998 is Bimo Petrus. He decided to resign from his job and joined IKOHI. I was taken somewhere. a student from the Department of Philosophy at the Driyakara Jakarta University. In his mind were his friends and other people who were arrested at the same period but still missing. Mugi worked as correspondent with a Dutch television network in 2000-2001. 32. He was an activist in 1998. Only three political parties were allowed during the Soeharto regime. Other people still don’t know if their relatives are dead or alive. Habibie was overthrown. Above were testimonies of victims and relatives of victims of human rights violations who suffered under the crackdown of the Soeharto regime in 1997-1998. Chairperson of IKOHI. he thinks for a while and said with mournful eyes . an illegal political party accused of subversive acts.Mugiyanto. act on general elections. The officers said that he was released and no longer in their custody. “About 10 people came into my room .

every Indonesian government can’t resolve the issues of the families of the disappeared. I have to bury him according to the Catholic custom. he would assist me financially by working as a driver while pursuing his studies. no social welfare. The President has never set up any independent body to look into my case. Aceh. and election of committee members to continue the work and to follow-up the disappeared cases. We urge for government commitment and political will for the victims and families”ン. but it was hopeless. “The public is not interested with the victims of human rights violations now even when we are in the so-called “Reformasi”ン system. mandate.“I had a lot of hope in the government during the Reformasi. The crisis to oust Thaksin is the second stage of reform. She asked every government agency but failed. I don’t have any regular source of income”¦”ン 1 IKOHI was established in 1998 by Munir and other human rights activists. The purposes of the Congress were to review the constitution. He liked to play guitar and sing for me. She met Munir who helped her to search for Yani in various military headquarters and government offices and had a personal dialogue with former President Abdurrahman Wahid and Armed Forces Chief Wiranto. to the east. her son Yani Afri disappeared on 26 July 1997. . I have the right to know. “”¦ after Soeharto. There is still not much progress since political reform in Thailand was initiated more than 10 years ago. If he is dead.not to any single family”ン. I always remember my son. He was poor but he was an artist. The last words “short memory”ン seems like the situation in Thailand. Mugi explained and added. people participation in every level of administration. I need to know. The pains and cries of the families have no meaning. and human rights protection system. The disappearance of lawyer Somchai Neelaphaijit in 2004 or those who are still missing in southern most Thailand are also quiet. Indonesians try to forget what happened during the New Order period. there were no compensation. I don’t want to see it happen again . activities. Now. and Papua. Political reform in Thailand started in late 1990s with the enforcement of the 1997 constitution that stated three main reforms: strengthen the political system (Prime Minister and Senator system). but still with no results. There were about 80 participants from the west of Indonesia. While my son was still around. We should do more for our justice. died or wounded. Indonesia and Thailand are in the process of political reform and should learn from each other. Similarly to Ibu Tuti. she immediately went to ask for help. It held its 2nd Congress in Makassar. no response in any way. “I got assistance from KontraS but I cry every time I went there and saw the street singers. I hope that violations would stop now. I need to charge those who were involved in his disappearance. and no solution for the victims of human rights violations. When she heard about Kontras. Thai people also have short memory with what happened on 6 October 1976 or May 1992 were many disappeared. they have short memory”ン. South Sulawesi on 7-10 March 2006 and chose Mugiyanto as Chair. There are so many social crises in our country that human rights is not a priority. The congress was attended by victims and families of human rights violations during the Soeharto regime from 1965 to1998.

"? . politicians respect and disseminate the universal standards of human rights.Ibu Tuti Koto. Saya segera pergi ke stasiun militer untuk meminta Afri Yani's yang sedang dikerjakan. Pejabat mengatakan bahwa ia telah dirilis dan mereka tidak lagi di penjara. Terjemahannya . Saya telah disiksa dan electrocuted. Politik Kehilangan: A Neverending cerita dalam reformasi rezim "Saya kaget ketika saya mendengar bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap pada tahun 1998. 60.saya selamat dan tidak mati atau hilang seperti banyak teman. Orang lain masih tidak tahu jika saudara mereka yang hidup atau mati. Saya kembali ke stasiun militer menangis. page 61. The IKOHI task is not yet finished.Pak Dionysius Utomo. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. 68. Healing Wounds.Indonesia should also question its “Reformasi”ン. ibu dari Yani Afri. dan mengatakan kepada saya untuk menemukan temannya. Saya merasa sedikit berharap bahwa dia masih hidup suatu tempat. published by AFAD. A strengthened people will result to the end of political disappearances and violations of human rights. and the government develop the country under the concept of “indivisibility”ン. "Sekitar 10 orang datang ke kamar saya . It does not only benefit the families but also the progress of democracy and human rights in general. “Reformasi”ン means people participation in every level of administration. oleh Sarawut Pratoomraj Tamu Sarawut Pratoomraj penulis membahas kasus politik Kehilangan di tahun terakhir dari rezim Soeharto.dua orang dari seragam militer di saat yang paling di plainclothes. the National Institute undertake its roles efficiently and independently. delapan tahun yang lalu. Saya telah diambil suatu tempat. state agencies practice the “Rule of Law”ン. Saya beruntung penjahat . The strength of the people in political reform should be the strength of human rights. Kata petugas yang sama dan menunjukkan saya putra lepaskan kertas "|" . "" | Teman anak saya datang dan mengatakan kepada saya bahwa anak saya telah ditangkap oleh militer di Tanjung Priok. Losing One’s Faith in the Law. Footnote 1: Tuti Koto. bukan polisi. " . which means the economic development of the country is parallel with civil and political development. 2005. Saya takut bahwa saya akan dibunuh. Mending Scars. Politik Kehilangan 19 Mei 2006. di Opini. Saya psikologis digoncang karena orang-orang yang ditangkap polisi tidak me. IKOHI and strengthening the families to pressure more politicians to work for justice are good examples for people participation in political reform. Aku mencari dia di mana-mana tetapi tidak ada informasi. Aku pergi untuk mencari teman-temannya tetapi mereka tidak tahu.

saya memiliki hak untuk tahu. . Di atas adalah bukti dari korban dan keluarga korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang menderita di bawah tindakan keras dari rezim Soeharto pada 1997-1998. "Saya memiliki banyak berharap pada pemerintah selama reformasi. kepala dari Asosiasi Keluarga Indonesia yang hilang (IKOHI). Beliau adalah aktivis pada tahun 1998. bertindak sesuai dengan komposisi dari parlemen. ayah dari Bimo Petrus. dan Dionysius Utomo anak. Selain dari mengetahui apakah anaknya sudah mati atau hidup. Dionysius Utomo Dionysius Utomo. ketika kemudian Presiden BJ Habibie telah terguling. Dalam pikiran adalah teman-temannya dan orang lain yang ditangkap pada periode yang sama tetapi masih hilang. untuk promosi untuk meniadakan lima tindakan tidak adil yang dikeluarkan oleh pemerintah Soeharto yaitu: bertindak pada partai politik. Saya perlu tahu. Mugiyanto atau Mugi. Komisi untuk secara Kehilangan dan Korban Pelanggaran. Pemerintah dilarang oleh organisasi itu dikaitkan dengan Partai Komunis Indonesia. Dionysius adalah petugas administrasi di Malang Rumah Sakit Pusat Mental. sebuah partai politik ilegal terdakwa dari tindakan murtad. Mugi dan banyak siswa bekerja di bawah tanah. 32. Dia segera bergabung dengan temannya Munir di KontraS. Mugi bekerja sebagai wartawan dengan jaringan televisi Belanda pada tahun 20002001. ketika diminta untuk alasan lain.. salah satu hilang. bertindak pada ormas. saya harus mengubur dia sesuai dengan adat Katolik. Jika dia sudah mati. Ia pergi ke rumah dan banyak pemerintah militer dan polisi tetapi tidak ditemukan. Dia memutuskan untuk mundur dari pekerjaannya dan bergabung dengan IKOHI. dan bertindak pada referendums. Saya tidak ingin melihatnya terjadi lagi . Presiden tidak pernah menyiapkan semua badan independen untuk melihat kasus saya. seorang siswa dari Departemen Filsafat di Universitas Driyakara Jakarta.Mugiyanto. ia berpikir untuk sementara waktu dan berkata dengan mata sedih: Bimo Petrus Bimo Petrus. Hanya tiga partai politik yang diperbolehkan selama rezim Soeharto. Dia segera mencari dia ketika dia belajar tentang kasus anaknya. Ia ditangkap oleh militer pada 13 Maret 1998 dan merilis tiga bulan kemudian pada tanggal 8 Juni 1998. Para aktivis menuntut perubahan dari rezim yang seperti ini terhadap Dual Fungsi TNI yang didukung rezim Soeharto yang otoriter. tetapi sia-sia. adalah korban pelanggaran HAM. Saya berharap bahwa pelanggaran akan berhenti sekarang. karena banyak mahasiswa yang pada waktu itu. bertindak pada pemilihan umum. untuk membawa kasus itu ke Eropa dan Amerika Serikat Bangsa-Bangsa. Salah satu Mugi's yang menghilang pada 31 Maret 1998 adalah Bimo Petrus.tidak untuk satu keluarga "?. ketua IKOHI. Saya perlu biaya untuk orang-orang yang terlibat dalam hilangnya. tidak ada respon dengan cara apapun.

Mugi dijelaskan dan ditambahkan. Kami harus berbuat lebih banyak untuk kami keadilan. Tuti koko Tuti koko. dan Papua.Demikian juga kepada Ibu Tuti. anaknya Yani Afri menghilang pada tanggal 26 Juli 1997. Ada sekitar 80 peserta dari barat Indonesia. tetapi masih tanpa hasil. ibu Yani Afri." Masyarakat tidak tertarik dengan korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia sekarang bahkan ketika kita berada dalam apa yang disebut "reformasi"? sistem. tidak kesejahteraan sosial. dan sistem perlindungan hak asasi manusia. Dia suka bermain gitar dan bernyanyi untuk saya. dan pemilihan anggota komite untuk melanjutkan kerja dan untuk menindaklanjuti kasus-kasus yang hilang. ke timur. Sementara anak saya masih sekitar. Kehilangan Somchai Neelaphaijit pengacara pada tahun 2004 atau orang-orang yang masih hilang di selatan Thailand adalah juga paling sepi. ia akan membantu me finansial dengan bekerja sebagai sopir sambil mencari dalam kajiannya. Sekarang. Dia miskin tetapi dia seorang artis. "" | Setelah Soeharto. Sulawesi Selatan pada 7-10 Maret 2006 dan memilih Mugiyanto sebagai ketua. Ketika ia mendengar tentang Kontras. Kongres IKOHI IKOHI Kongres. Reformasi politik di Thailand dimulai pada akhir tahun 1990-an dengan penegakan konstitusi 1997 yang menyatakan tiga utama reformasi: memperkuat sistem politik (Perdana Menteri Senator dan sistem). dan tidak ada solusi untuk korban pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. Saya selalu ingat anak saya. dia segera pergi untuk meminta bantuan. Terakhir kata "memori pendek"? tampaknya seperti situasi di Indonesia. Aceh. Krisis untuk mengusir . Ini 2nd kongres yang diadakan di Makassar. Orang Thai juga memiliki memori pendek dengan apa yang terjadi pada tanggal 6 Oktober 1976 atau Mei 1992 banyak yang hilang. Tujuan dari kongres adalah untuk meninjau konstitusi. Indonesia mencoba untuk melupakan apa yang terjadi pada masa Orde Baru. Dia meminta setiap instansi pemerintah tetapi gagal. saya tidak memiliki sumber pendapatan reguler "|"?? 1 IKOHI didirikan pada tahun 1998 oleh Munir dan aktivis hak asasi manusia. setiap pemerintah Indonesia tidak dapat menyelesaikan masalah dari keluarga yang hilang. mandat. Dia bertemu Munir yang membantu untuk mencari Yani di berbagai markas militer dan kantor-kantor pemerintahan dan pribadi telah dialog dengan mantan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid dan TNI Chief Wiranto. meninggal atau luka. Indonesia dan Thailand sedang dalam proses reformasi politik dan harus belajar dari satu sama lain. Ada begitu banyak krisis sosial di negara kita yang hak asasi manusia bukan merupakan prioritas. Yang payah dan cries dari keluarga tidak memiliki arti. partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. Kongres ini diikuti oleh keluarga korban dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama rezim Soeharto dari 1965 to1998. mereka memiliki memori singkat "?. tidak ada kompensasi. Kami mendorong pemerintah untuk komitmen dan politik bagi korban dan keluarga "?. "Saya mendapat bantuan dari KontraS tetapi saya menangis setiap kali saya pergi dan melihat ada jalan penyanyi. kegiatan.

explanations and recognition for their suffering. 63 years after Indonesian independence. lembaga negara mempraktekkan "Peraturan UU"?. IKOHI dan keluarga untuk memperkuat tekanan lebih politisi untuk bekerja untuk keadilan adalah contoh yang baik bagi partisipasi masyarakat dalam reformasi politik. baik melalui perbaikan. are being haunted again by their crimes in the aftermath of Soekarno’s declaration of 17-8-45 and they rightfully should. 2005. National Institute melakukan peran efisien dan mandiri. . the Dutch. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced they will study the matter. They survived the bloody attack of the Dutch Army on 9 December 1947. diterbitkan oleh AFAD.Thaksin adalah tahap kedua dari reformasi. 2008. Only just being liberated themselves from the Germans the Dutch wanted to continue the situation as it was before WWII and re-occupy their former territories now being declared independent and bearing the name Republik Indonesia. due to their stubbornness. IKOHI tugas yang belum selesai. Penyembuhan terluka. yang berarti pembangunan ekonomi negara adalah sejajar dengan sipil dan politik pembangunan. Ada yang masih belum banyak kemajuan sejak reformasi politik di Indonesia telah dimulai lebih dari 10 tahun lalu. dan pemerintah negara berkembang di bawah konsep "tdk dpt dibagi"?. "Reformasi"? berarti partisipasi masyarakat di setiap tingkat administrasi. West Java. Catatan kaki 1: Tuti Koto. in Opinion. Mr. According to the Dutch Indulgence Note from 1969 150 people were killed. Hilangnya Satu's Iman dalam Hukum. ignorance and patronizing behaviour. by Lairedion Lairedion on the Dutch state being sued over war crimes at Rawagede. They want financial compensation. Dutch State sued by Indonesians On Monday 8 September 2008 10 Indonesian survivors of Dutch post WWII violence have sued the Dutch State for the assassination of their family members during the First Police Action (Agresi Militer Belanda I) after WW II. as announced by their lawyer Mr. politisi menghormati dan menyebarkan universal standar hak asasi manusia. Dutch War Crimes September 9th. Kekuatan masyarakat dalam politik reformasi harus kekuatan hak asasi manusia. Ia tidak hanya menguntungkan keluarga tetapi juga kemajuan demokrasi dan hak asasi manusia pada umumnya. According to the Dutch Honorary Debts Foundation. Pulles acts on behalf of ten villagers from Rawagede. Gerrit Jan Pulles. Indonesia juga harus sering mempertanyakan "reformasi"?. 431 (almost all the male) villagers were slaughtered. halaman 61. West Java. Sebuah masyarakat akan diperkuat dengan hasil akhir Kehilangan politik dan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia. According to Pulles it is for the first time Indonesian victims of the fighting of 19451949 hold the Dutch State responsible. Well into 2008.

a disease many Western nations still suffer from. to offer apologies to the Indonesian people for its colonialism. It is very disappointing to see that of all the Dutch political parties only the left-wing Socialist Party support the claim while the conservative-liberal VVD on behalf of MP spokesman Hans van Baalen even denied Dutch crimes against humanity in Indonesia! 63 years of ignorance and subtle racism have been persistent obviously. are supportive of the Rawagede survivors’ claim. Furthermore they do not seek punishments for the people directly involved in the killings. Back in 2005 Indonesian Foreign Minister Hassan Wirayuda. At the same time more and more Dutch veterans. While financial compensation is sought after it must be noted that most survivors only want the Dutch State to take moral responsibility and offer official apologies to the Indonesian people. One survivor just wants the Dutch not to forget what has happened. They look after the interests of civilian victims who suffered from violence and war crimes committed by Dutch military. They demand the Dutch government: 1. haunted by the crimes and horror they experienced. It is because of this the KUKB has been founded by Netherlands-based Indonesian Jeffy Pondaag in 2005. made it clear Indonesia is not seeking apologies or compensation from the Dutch. slavery. This reaction came after then Dutch Foreign Minister .Rawagede is one of the most notorious events in the history of Indonesian struggle for independence against the Dutch. to recognize 17 August 1945 as the day Indonesia became independent. Apparently dissatisfied by their lack of success the Dutch commander directed all males to be separated from the rest in order to execute all of them. 2. On 9 December 1947 Dutch forces raided the West Javanese village to look for weapons and Indonesian freedom fighter Lukas Kustario who often spent time in Rawagede. The foundation is a non-subsidized independent foundation with branches in the Netherlands and Indonesia and would be happy to accept any donations. gross violations of human rights and crimes against humanity. despite the fact there were some young males of 11-12 years old among them. including its chairman Jeffry Pondaag. Their website have more information on the Rawagede story and on the infamous Raymond Westerling who murdered thousands of innocent people in South Sulawesi. They didn’t find any weapons neither did they find Lukas. Indonesian leaders reported the mass killing to local UN officials. obviously speaking on behalf of the Indonesian people. to collect witness accounts and endorsements from survivors in order to hold the Dutch State responsible. The UN made an inquiry and concluded the killings were “deliberate” and “ruthless” but failed to prosecute and to have the Dutch punished and sentenced for these obvious crimes against humanity and this is still the situation today! Last month Pulles (of mixed Indo-Dutch blood like yours truly) visited Rawagede together with people from the “Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)”.

Jawa Barat. gross violation of human rights and crimes against humanity and here lies an opportunity for the Dutch to finally deal with its own past by recognizing and helping those poor villagers. Mereka bertahan berdarah serangan dari Tentara . penjelasan dan pengakuan untuk mereka menderita. Sources and links: News article from Dutch daily “Parool” (Dutch) : Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Website of KUKB (Dutch and Indonesian): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (English) Word document approx. Menurut Pulles ini untuk pertama kalinya Indonesia korban yang memerangi 1945-1949 pegang dari Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. recognition and financial compensation. Bapak Pulles bertindak atas nama dari sepuluh desa Rawagede. requires broadband internet access. Streaming media. oleh Lairedion Lairedion di negara Belanda yang susu atas kejahatan perang di Rawagede. Jawa Barat. 7. di Opini. Mereka ingin kompensasi keuangan. witnesses and next of kin are still alive. seeking for Dutch responsibility. Bot’s remarks were widely criticized in the Dutch media for being insufficient and way too short of a full apology and recognition of 17-8-45. Terjemahannya : Belanda kejahatan perang 9 September 2008. sebagai pengacara mereka diumumkan oleh Bapak Gerrit Jan Pulles. It should come from the Dutch themselves but their stubbornness and ignorance are still hindering them anno 2008.8 MB: Report of the Rawahgedeh observation team Broadcast of Dutch news show Netwerk with topic on this story: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (witness accounts from survivors (Dutch-Indonesian-Sundanese).Ben Bot (who is Jakarta-born) expressed regrets and morally accepted the de-facto independence of Indonesia on 17-8-45 while he was representing the Dutch government during the festivities of Independence Day on 17-8-2005. Negara Belanda susu oleh Indonesia Pada Senin 8 September 2008 10 Indonesia korban Belanda pasca PD II kekerasan telah susu Negara Belanda untuk pembunuhan anggota keluarga mereka selama Pertama Polisi Aksi (Agresi Militer Belanda I) setelah WW II. we’re dealing with war crimes. The Netherlands have constantly refused to express a full apology and recognition but were always quick to raise their finger and lecture its former colony on alleged human rights violations during the Soeharto reign. Of course it is irrelevant if Indonesia is demanding apologies or compensation or not. Evidence is clear. I’m fully supportive of the Rawagede villagers and any future similar cases.

yang mendukung dari Rawagede korban klaim. karena sikap keras kepala. Mereka tidak menemukan senjata mereka tidak menemukan Lukas. Pada saat yang sama lebih dan lebih Belanda yang terluka. Baik ke 2008. Sangat mengecewakan untuk melihat bahwa semua partai politik Belanda hanya sayap kiriPartai Sosialis mendukung klaim sementara konservatif-liberal VVD atas nama MP juru bicara Hans van Baalen bahkan ditolak Belanda kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan di Indonesia! 63 tahun kebodohan dan halus rasisme telah tetap jelas. Tampaknya mereka tidak puas dengan keberhasilan Belanda komandan diarahkan untuk semua laki-laki dipisahkan dari sisanya untuk melakukan semua itu. 431 (hampir semua laki-laki) desa yang dipotong. Hanya saja yang liberated diri dari Jerman Belanda ingin melanjutkan situasi seperti ini sebelum PD II dan kembali bekas-membeset mereka wilayah yang sekarang dinyatakan independen dan peluru nama Republik Indonesia. penyakit banyak negara-negara Barat masih menderita. Pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947 Belanda memaksa raided Jawa Barat desa untuk mencari senjata dan pejuang kemerdekaan Indonesia Lukas Kustario yang sering menghabiskan waktu di Rawagede.Belanda pada tanggal 9 Desember 1947. Departemen Luar Negeri telah mengumumkan mereka akan mempelajari masalah. termasuk ketua JEFFRY Pondaag. untuk mengumpulkan saksi dan account endorsements dari korban untuk terus Negara Belanda bertanggung jawab. Rawagede adalah salah satu yang paling terkenal jahat dalam peristiwa sejarah perjuangan Indonesia untuk kemerdekaan melawan Belanda. Satu club hanya ingin Belanda untuk tidak lupa apa yang telah terjadi. meskipun ada beberapa fakta laki-laki muda dari 11-12 tahun di antara mereka. sedang angker lagi oleh mereka dalam kejahatan setelah Soekarno's Deklarasi 17-8-45 dan mereka harus tepat. Selain itu mereka tidak mencari hukuman bagi orang-orang yang terlibat langsung dalam pembunuhan. Belanda. Mereka menuntut pemerintah Belanda: . Hal ini karena ini KUKB telah didirikan oleh Belanda berbasis Jeffy Pondaag Indonesia pada tahun 2005. PBB telah dijalankan dan menyimpulkan pembunuhan yang telah "sengaja" dan "buas" tetapi gagal untuk menuntut dan agar Belanda dihukum dan hukuman ini jelas kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan ini masih dalam situasi hari ini! Bulan lalu Pulles (dari campuran Indo-Belanda darah seperti Anda benar-benar) dikunjungi Rawagede bersama-sama dengan orang-orang dari "Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda (KUKB)". kebodohan patronizing dan perilaku. Indonesia dilaporkan pemimpin massa lokal untuk membunuh pejabat PBB. Menurut Belanda Indulgence Catatan dari 1969 150 orang tewas. Menurut Yayasan Utang Kehormatan Belanda. setelah 63 tahun kemerdekaan Indonesia. angker oleh kejahatan dan kengerian yang dialaminya. Sementara kompensasi keuangan yang dicari itu harus dicatat bahwa kebanyakan korban hanya ingin Negara Belanda untuk mengambil tanggung jawab moral dan menawarkan apologies resmi kepada masyarakat Indonesia.

jelas berbicara atas nama masyarakat Indonesia. pengakuan dan kompensasi keuangan. Bukti yang jelas. 7. Ini reaksi datang kemudian setelah Menteri Luar Negeri Belanda Ben Bot (yang lahir di Jakarta) dinyatakan menyesalkan dan moral mengakui secara de-facto kemerdekaan Indonesia pada 17-8-45 sementara dia mewakili pemerintah Belanda selama acara-acara dari Hari Kemerdekaan pada tanggal 17 -82005. Belanda telah terus menolak mengungkapkan penuh maaf dan pengakuan tetapi selalu cepat untuk meningkatkan jari mereka dan para bekas koloni kuliah pada dugaan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia selama pemerintahan Soeharto. kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan dan terletak di sini kesempatan untuk Belanda akhirnya untuk berurusan dengan masa lalu sendiri oleh orang-orang yang mengenali dan membantu miskin desa.8 MB: Laporan dari pengamatan tim Rawahgedeh Menyiarkan berita Belanda Netwerk dengan topik memperlihatkan pada cerita ini: Netwerk 8 September 2008 (account dari saksi korban (Belanda-Indonesia-Sunda).1. Kembali pada tahun 2005 Indonesia Menteri Luar Negeri Hassan Wirayuda. Sumber dan link: Berita artikel dari Belanda harian "Parool" (Belanda): Indonesiërs klagen Nederlandse staat aan Situs KUKB (Belanda dan Indonesia): Yayasan Komite Utang Kehormatan Belanda 1948 (Inggris) sekitar dokumen Word. Bot's tersebut telah dikritik secara luas di media Belanda untuk menjadi kurang terlalu pendek dan cara yang penuh maaf dan pengakuan dari 17-8-45. mengenali 17 Agustus 1945 sebagai hari Indonesia menjadi independen. menjadikan Indonesia tidak mencari apologies atau kompensasi dari Belanda. sudah tidak relevan lagi jika Indonesia menuntut apologies atau kompensasi atau tidak. 2. membutuhkan akses internet broadband. Belanda untuk mencari tanggung jawab. saksi dan keluarga terdekat berikutnya masih hidup. perbudakan. apologies untuk menawarkan kepada masyarakat Indonesia untuk kolonialisme. Mereka menjaga kepentingan korban sipil yang menderita dari kekerasan dan kejahatan perang oleh militer Belanda. Saya mendukung sepenuhnya dari desa Rawagede dan kasus-kasus serupa di masa depan. Situs web mereka memiliki lebih banyak informasi mengenai Rawagede cerita dan pada jahat Raymond Westerling yang bersalah membunuh ribuan orang di Sulawesi Selatan. Yayasan adalah non-subsidi yayasan independen dengan cabang di Belanda dan Indonesia dan akan senang hati menerima sumbangan. Tentu saja. kami berurusan dengan kejahatan perang. Streaming media. . kotor pelanggaran hak asasi manusia dan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan. Ia harus datang dari Belanda mereka tapi mereka sikap keras kepala dan kebodohan masih Hambat mereka anno 2008.

or arrested themselves. Introduction Key Recommendations II. then arrest him. But because they [the police] have a bad attitude. Problematic Past Training Approaches F. Bobonaro[1] Carlito Gusmao was arrested by the police after he refused to take part in the national census. Aldeia Tasmasak. Discipline. Addressing Impunity B. Reforms. I think they should be fired. Police Abuse Arbitrary Detention Unauthorized Use of Firearms Impunity for Rape Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment V. Legal Gaps D. Carlito Gusmao. He was accused of threatening the census takers with a knife when they visited his village. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The Office of the Provedor C. The Need for More and Better Training E. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor A. Current Initiatives G. You have to ask first if he is guilty. Methodology III. they just arrest and straight away beat people. Acknowledgements I. Background Establishing the East Timor Police Force Composition of the East Timor Police Force Responsibility for Training. Introduction I think that if the police arrest people. they can't beat them. terjemahannya atur sendiri! Tortured Beginnings Police Violence and the Beginnings of Impunity in East Timor Map of East Timor I. Monitoring VI. and then take him to the court in Dili. and Investigating Police Abuse IV. He told Human Rights Watch how uniformed police officers arrived at his house at about 9:30 in the morning and took him in a police car to Maliana district .Ini tentang Timtim. victim of police beating. Detailed Recommendations Recommendations to the Government of East Timor Recommendations to Donors and Others Providing Assistance to the Police VII.

My face turned and he hit me again on my left chin and jaw. later I will shoot you. and also because he believes nothing will come of it. "I haven't done anything wrong. using a bulletproof vest. Many said that they were not told what the allegations against them were.[4] Many of these abuses. I will kill you. There is a lack of understanding among those investigating . both the top and the bottom. They do not accept the questioning of their role or authority.m. a twenty-seven-year-old man recounted what happened after he was arrested in Mulia village. He kicked my right side and I fell.[2] He was beaten as soon as he got out of the car and then put in a cell.police station in the western region of East Timor. The police officer from Laga took me to the hospital. It was about thirty minutes this violence.[3] Over the past two years police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. For about a week I couldn't eat. kicked my groin [kemaluan]. kicked me on my chin. and beat detainees once they are in custody. If I am a PNTL officer and say to you that you are guilty. measure. Mario Belo. Police officers appear to habitually utilize the full seventy-two hours of detention as a punitive. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse appropriately. He was wearing police boots.. While in the cell he said he witnessed police officers severely beating another detainee. I stood up and then straight away he kicked me here [in the mouth]. rather than procedural. you have to say. as described to Human Rights Watch. "I am ready to be guilty. One East Timorese activist working for a nongovernmental organization (NGO) in Dili that has been monitoring police violence in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: Beatings during arrest are already prevalent. two policemen from Laga. "You be quiet. for throwing rocks at some people he suspected of tampering with his fishing boat: By the time I got to the prison it was about 7:00 p." Beatings are already routine. the perpetrator. but before I could answer [the police officer] straight away hit me. They took me to the hospital in Baucau. I was ready to answer [a question]."[5] Many individuals whom Human Rights Watch interviewed also described their arrest by the police as illegal. They all just watched. full police uniform. This behavior seems to have become so common that officers rarely try to hide their actions from the general public. didn't try and stop it. That evening other police officers came into his cell and sprayed pepper spray into his eyes. In the room at the time [the beating took place] there was the officer from the prison. I think it was June 18. He kicked me with his feet. He has not made a complaint about the abuse he alleges. It was inside the examination room in the prison. and many were held without charges for more than the seventy-two-hour period allowed by East Timorese law. for fear of retribution.Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests. rise to the level of torture. and me. Human Rights Watch experienced no shortage of cases to document wherever we went in East Timor." I answered. He was about one meter away from me. "Later. Baucau. Finally he took out his gun and threatened me. Why do you hit me?" He said. He cut my lip. Why? Because of the attitude of the police that they are an institution that has to be respected. He said.

In fact it is now more likely that the lack of institutionalized responses to police brutality has been a key factor in the emergence of police abuse as one of East Timor's most pressing and current human rights problems. Many were frustrated and perplexed by opaque bureaucratic procedures and long delays. and can no longer be excused nearly six years after the first new police graduated in July 2000. Within the East Timor government.[7] Swift and appropriate disciplinary action and prosecutions against police officers responsible for human rights abuses and abuse of authority are critical indicators of the commitment of East Timor's government to creating a professional police force. and the absence of a functioning external. separate heads for each specialized unit.[6] This includes a general commander and deputies. the East Timor police service also has its own distinct legal personality and operational structure. but it will only make a difference if at a political and policy level the kind of violence described in this report is punished. it is perhaps not surprising that new recruits into East Timor's police are mirroring past experience in ignorance of professional standards. the portfolio for internal security lies with the Ministry of Interior. or in some cases not at all. has often failed to take cases of police abuse seriously. However. until recently called the Professonal Ethics Office. independent oversight and accountability mechanism for the police service have meant that such complaints are often dealt with inconsistently.complaints that police officers committing a crime such as assault should be prosecuted through the criminal justice system as well as through the internal disciplinary system. Human Rights Watch spoke to many victims and their families about their attempts to seek accountability for human rights violations committed by the East Timor police force. Insufficient police training on internal investigations and follow up. currently Rogerio Lobato. and thirteen district commanders. Ultimate responsibility for accountability for policing therefore lies with the minister of interior. the East Timorese people expected that its police would behave differently than the Indonesiancontrolled forces during the occupation. It is worth noting that the country's leaders often talk about the deficit of human resources in the country and the need for increased training. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. This is certainly necessary. They are also an indicator of how seriously the government takes its human rights obligations under the country's constitution and the many human rights treaties it has acceded to. follow up on complaints. which ordinarily convenes every six months to discuss disciplinary matters such as those arising from rights violations. accountability and oversight. Together with two Ministry-appointed officers. the failure to penalize human rights violators will create a climate of impunity that in turn will undermine training as an effective tool to decrease the level of police violence. But ineffective control. both as individual officers and as an institution. inadequate training. PEO). Otherwise. . while institutionally subordinate to the Ministry. this group comprises the Superior Police Council. The internal police oversight body. Where cases are taken up. With the creation of a new country. such behavior also reflects poor training. With the legacy of brutal Indonesian policing during the nearly twenty-five-year occupation that ended in 1999. or appropriately discipline the officers involved. However. One serious consequence of this emerging pattern of abuse and impunity in East Timor is the potential for long-term erosion of public respect and support for the police. victims are usually left uninformed about developments and outcomes of their cases.

arbitrarily detain.poor accountability mechanisms and lack of proper vetting of police officers have meant that abuse of powers by police remains a serious challenge to the rule of law in East Timor. This in turn may lead to a vicious cycle in which a police force increasingly criticized for an inability to do its job effectively turns to ever harsher tactics and increasingly resorts to violence to achieve results. We also urge the East Timor police service (PNTL) to: * Take swift and meaningful action against police officers who torture. * Ensure that legislation. If present violations are not addressed as an institutional problem. Human Rights Watch urges the East Timor government to: * Ensure through public measures and statements that there is a clear. and who fail to take action to prevent and punish them. The police commissioner should issue a directive to each district commander advising that he or she will be held personally responsible for ensuring the officers under his or her . While it is recognized that resources in East Timor are at a premium. or cooperate with them in criminal investigations. and. although not yet endemic. * Support the Provedor's Office in creating a unit dedicated to oversight of the police. criminal prosecution. arbitrary detention. in East Timor. or use excessive force against members of the population. they run the risk of becoming part of an endemic culture of abuse and impunity in the world's newest national police force. This should include administrative measures up to and including dismissal. unambiguous and consistent signal from the top that police use of torture. * Ensure all oversight mechanisms coordinate and work together. the importance of establishing a professional and accountable police force is crucial to the country's future stability. This should include provisions to hold police publicly accountable in a transparent and credible manner. * Task the minister of interior and the police commissioner to strengthen the police force's Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit by providing strong support for the unit's authority to enforce its decisions and by penalizing officers who do not comply with its directives. where appropriate. Key Recommendations Human Rights Watch found evidence of human rights violations by police officers to be widespread. A lack of accountability for abuses will undermine trust in the police and therefore its effectiveness and capacity to uphold the rule of law. Tolerated police abuse will make individuals reluctant to report crime to the police. a culture that will be hard to eliminate once it takes hold. * Take appropriate disciplinary action against commanding officers who know or should know of such acts. The United Nation's failure to address this issue effectively while it was in charge during the transition to independence was also a contributory factor. Now is the time to address this problem before it becomes endemic. East Timor is now at a crossroads. and excessive force will not be tolerated. policy and procedures are all in place so that the police operate under a coherent and clear legal framework that specifies police powers and their limits. either as witnesses or victims.

Donors should: * Raise with the government of East Timor in all official meetings. police in East Timor extended much cooperation at both national and district levels. Research interviews were conducted primarily in Baucau.command comply with the existing disciplinary regulation and Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). We also interviewed a range of domestic and international NGOs. NGOs and the PNTL to coordinate. * Initiate and support joint meetings between the East Timorese government. but many of these staff now work for the United Nations Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL) and have continued to provide information and assistance to Human Rights Watch. including with a representative from the Prime Minister's Office or the Ministry of Justice. and other support to the PNTL. We are grateful for the cooperation of East Timor's Police Commissioner Paulo Martins and Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris for assistance extended during the course of our research. Despite several written and telephone requests by Human Rights Watch. All interviews were conducted by a Human Rights Watch researcher directly in Indonesian or English. and staff from the UNMISET Human Rights Unit and Political Affairs Unit.N. including torture. II. UNMISET has since been stood down. Human Rights Watch interviewed more than thirty victims and witnesses to police violence. Police Senior Advisor Saif Ullah Malik for his time. and the national training academy. . Bobonaro and Dili districts. and to agencies that can provide services for victims. provide assistance for the development of local human rights groups with the capacity for independent monitoring of police violence. East Timor's police force extended a high level of cooperation throughout the research trip. United Nations (U. * Substantially increase support for effective human rights monitoring in East Timor through existing mechanisms. training.N. we regret having been unable to meet with more members of East Timor's government. Human Rights Watch is especially grateful to the U. Methodology Human Rights Watch visited East Timor in May-June 2005 and interviewed over eighty individuals on the issue of police violence and growing impunity. As an integral part of this strategy. Human Rights Watch met with a range of East Timor government and police officials.N. Call on the East Timor government to ensure that police treatment of all individuals conforms to international human rights standards. U. detention facilities. concerns over police violence.) agency and United Nations Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET) representatives. and at the highest level. including Special Representative to the Secretary-General (SRSG) Sukehiro Hasegawa. and allowed Human Rights Watch access to several police stations. fund and plan for long-term strategies on capacity building. such as civil society.

It remains one of the world's poorest countries and ranks as one of the lowest on the Human Development Index (HDI). in September 1999 the Indonesian National Army (TNI) and Timorese militias went on a campaign of extreme violence when the people of East Timor voted for independence in a U. and the six years since it ended have left people dissatisfied and frustrated by the slow pace of reconstruction and development. falling to as low as U. An estimated 1.S. which. forced disappearance.$150 in rural areas.$370. Background After almost twenty-five years of brutal occupation of East Timor by Indonesia. Indonesia's subsequent withdrawal in late 1999 left not only a country devastated and traumatized by occupation and conflict. Although East Timor benefited from a relatively stable and smooth transition from occupied territory to independent state under the stewardship of the United Nations. a huge human resource deficit. III.[10] The population is largely rural. mass forcible deportations. the destruction of property. . and an overwhelming and urgent need to build a government from scratch. the colonial legacy left to East Timor was one of very few functioning institutions.-administered referendum. but it also left an institutional vacuum at all levels of civil administration and government. and economic support outside the capital. in many cases. Approximately half a million people were forced from their homes or fled to seek refuge.The crimes committed against East Timorese included mass murder.[8] Unemployment and underemployment are estimated to be approximately 50 percent. is extremely limited. After four hundred years of Portuguese and then Indonesian occupation. and infrastructure for basic social services.400 East Timorese civilians lost their lives in the months before and the days immediately after the voting. These crimes were part of a pattern of gross violations of international human rights and humanitarian law. Many of East Timor's former civil servants were Indonesian or pro-Indonesia. the country still faces a myriad of post-conflict problems.N. and not the specialized units. The most effective environment in which to build functioning public institutions is a secure and stable one. and to punish them for voting for independence. and rape and other sexual violence against women and children. Much of the population remains traumatized by the Indonesian occupation. The violence was part of a systematically planned policy by elements of the Indonesian government and TNI to prevent the people of East Timor from freely participating in the referendum. Dili. and thousands left the country after the referendum. constituted crimes against humanity. assault. torture.S.[9] while recent figures estimate the annual per capita gross domestic product (GDP) to be equivalent to only U. Except where noted. Human Rights Watch offers no conclusions as to the guilt or innocence of criminal charges of any victim of police abuse described in this report. health care.For the purposes of this report Human Rights Watch has only looked into the conduct of the regular police force in East Timor.

professional and impartial police service. 2004. successive U. before finally adopting its current title of the PoliciaNacional de TimorLeste (PNTL). under the auspices of the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET). Civilian Police (CivPol) began recruitment drives for the new East Timorese police service in early 2000 and basic training commenced on March 27. Foreseen for a shorter timeframe. 2002). the U.[12] U. Originally envisaged to last one year.East Timor has made formal commitments to human rights: The constitution includes important human rights protections and. There is also a human rights advisor permanently appointed to the Prime Minister's office who.N. In 2005 East Timor established a Provedor's Office (see below). This process started with the PNTL successively taking over control of policing district by district. the International Covenant on Economic. and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel.[11] Ratification and reporting on these treaties is a key priority for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.700. when the handover of policing duties was effected for the thirteenth and final district. Dili. on May 20. Under a clear mandate to provide security and maintain law and order throughout the country. UNTAET's successor mission from May 2002. the East Timor Police Service was officially established. The initial graduating class of the newly inaugurated PoliceCollege numbered 1. East Timor's parliament approved accession to seven major international human rights treaties. internal and external security from the U.N. similar to an ombudsman institution in other countries. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.[15] . The joint policing arrangement between the new East Timor police and CivPol lasted into the initial independence period.[14] It later changed its name to the Timor-Leste Police Service. 2001. working alongside CivPol. missions in East Timor were instructed and authorized to help enable the rapid development of a credible. convened an inclusive government and NGO working group to discuss the drafting of a Human Rights Action Plan for East Timor (to include public consultations on what should be included). the first fifty of whom took up their functions as police officers on July 12.N. 2000. including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. partly reflecting the fact that the critical threshold of selfsufficiency in key government institutions was taking longer than originally anticipated. Mission of Support in East Timor (UNMISET). that an agreement was signed outlining the terms and timetable of the handing over of full policing duties from CivPol to the PNTL. It was at this juncture that the East Timorese national government finally assumed full responsibility for nationwide policing with the transfer of all executive responsibilities for policing. and was authorized to assist in the continued development of the PNTL. to the Government of East Timor as of May 20. and it was not until independence. on the first International Human Rights Day after independence (December 10. on August 10. was also mandated to provide interim law enforcement and public security. the PNTL finally assuming responsibility for general day-to-day policing for the whole country on December 10. in 2004. 2000.[13] Just over a year later. 2002. the process eventually took eighteen months. Establishing the East Timor Police Force Establishing a new police force for East Timor was one of the priorities for the United Nations before sovereignty was passed to the new state in May 2002. Social and Cultural Rights.N. UNMISET's mandate was twice extended (in May and November 2003). 2003.

the Border Patrol Unit is primarily concerned with the security. UIR-and the Border Patrol Unit-Unidade de Patrulhamento de Fronteira. In its own words. patrol. the regulation claims to provide "a systematized corpus of rules and principles to guide the action of [PNTL members] thereby guaranteeing the . Instead both pieces of legislation were submitted to the President by the Council of Ministers and duly promulgated. Office in Timor-Leste (UNOTIL). (Two of the special units are nevertheless of particular interest and are mentioned elsewhere in this report: the Rapid Intervention Unit-Unidade Intervensaun Rapida. and management of the border regions. and continues to face problems due to a lack of logistical capacity and a general lack of resources for equipment and infrastructure development.In May 2005 the U. A July 2005 government press release stated that the PNTL had a total force strength of approximately three thousand officers.[19] Therefore. It is also a very new and fragile police service which remains dependent on foreign aid for equipment and training support. There is a serious need for institutional strengthening across the board. Discipline. in internal and external security. there were 292 officers in the Border Patrol Unit and 217 in the Rapid Intervention Unit. The police continue to have a number of institutional weaknesses including limited professional skills and experience. but particularly in the area of mainstreaming human rights and ensuring that all police powers and procedures meet with international standards.[17] It is the legal instrument governing the structure and role of the Policia Nacional de Timor-Leste (PNTL). particularly in urban areas. The focus of this report is the regular police force. Security Council replaced the Support Mission of UNMISET with a much smaller special political mission. Responsibility for Training. Oversight mechanisms (such as those outlined below) are not mentioned in the police decree-law or the disciplinary regulation.[20] As of July 2005. and specifies the role of the police in relation to the army. both internal disturbances and border security remain under the auspices of the police and the Ministry of Interior rather than with the military. UPF.Neither the disciplinary regulation nor the police decree-law was subject to parliamentary scrutiny or public debate. (This is explored in detail in section V.N.[21]) The passing of the police decree-law was followed by the adoption of a disciplinary regulation in June 2004. and are implemented in accordance with them. imposes limits on police powers and outlines the disciplinary processes that would follow any breaches of the standards set out in the regulation.[22] the disciplinary regulation of June 2004 sets out the duties of PNTL officers. as its name implies. The force is hampered by a lack of professional expertise in many administrative and management functions. ThePNTL is divided into the regular police and five specialist units.N.D of this report).[16] Composition of the East Timor Police Force The Organic Decree-Law of the National Police of Timor-Leste was promulgated by the President in May 2004. while. particularly in the areas of policy and law. Falantil-FDTL. and Investigating Police Abuse Replacing a Code of Conduct for the East Timor police adopted by the United Nations administration during UNTAET. the U.[18]The function of the UIR is to respond to civil disorder.

and the prosecutor general's office. police abuse has become one of East Timor's most worrying human rights problems. including torture that former detainees and prisoners described to us at the hands of police officers was striking. the office of the human rights advisor to the prime minister. together with any recommendations for discipline. Police officers regularly use excessive force during arrests and beat detainees once they are in custody."[23] Fifteen Rules of Organisation Procedures (ROPs) have also been prepared in areas including use of force. First.[25] Second is the office of the Inspectorate. including the police. In the course of our research the number of accounts of severe ill-treatment. Police Abuse Since independence in 2002. Secretary-General Kofi Annan noted that major problems within the East Timor police force remained a cause for concern. handling of child abuse cases and handling at-risk children.[26] this body has disciplinary competence over all structures and institutions subordinate to the Ministry of Interior. the ease with which we found illustrative cases was alarming.[29] The police commissioner has the authority to recommend dismissals of members of the police force found guilty of human rights and other violations. which has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. Several people whom Human Rights Watch interviewed had had to be hospitalized because of the severity of their injuries. the internal police Professional Ethics and Deontology Office (PEDU. have increased since May 2004. In his February 2005 report to the Security Council on the United Nations mission in East Timor. and that "reports of police misconduct. but the power to enact the dismissal lies solely with the minister of interior. there is the Office of the Provedor.) The Ministry of Interior retains operational control over the police force.B of this report. community policing. U. PEO) is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse (which are usually made by members of the public). court duties. The results of any investigations. the police." He continued that "lack . including the police commissioner.N. police vehicle operation. Created in August 2003 in accordance with the Decree Law on the Organic Structure of the Ministry of Interior.[27] Third. are answerable to the minister of interior. who decides what action should be taken. comprising representatives from the Ministry of Interior. preliminary investigation of crime.[30]While this level of severity of abuse may not yet be systematic or systemic in East Timor. and training. negligent use of firearms and various human rights abuses. including the police (although the legislation is not explicit on the mandate of the Inspectorate to deal with police disciplinary matters). are sent to the Minister of Interior. The police and other state institutions have often failed to respond to incidents of police abuse with appropriate disciplinary measures or criminal proceedings.[28] (Analysis of the PEO/PEDU and the Office of the Provedor is provided in Section V. IV. investigation and reporting of traffic accidents. formerly the Professional Ethics Office.professionalism and prestige of the institution. including excessive use of force. assaults. the only external oversight mechanism. search and seizure.[24] There are three main bodies in East Timor that have responsibility for police oversight. and ultimately all members of the police force.

They didn't listen and hit him. Many were not told by arresting officers what the allegations against them were. Human Rights Watch interviewed many individuals who described their arrest by the police as illegal. Four men. So he fell. called his name. After that I was ready to apologize. Then the police. "This uniform is not scared of anyone!" I went over to my son. worried about his son. Two more people got out of the car and one of them punched me again in my chest. he again noted that "although the skills and competencies of the East Timorese police have been considerably enhanced."[31] Six months later. The police were using a microphone to instruct residents to remain inside their houses while they searched for the suspects. who was badly beaten by police officers in Dili in January 2005 after a fight between some youths on a bridge. At first two of them came in my direction. Their faces were not clear because it was dark. and wanted to handcuff my son."[32] Human Rights Watch interviewed Mario Sarmento. Then Vincent [another son] arrived to intervene in this incident. instances of excessive use of force and human rights violations by police officers. This all lasted about thirty minutes Then the streetlights came on. heading in my direction to try and stop what was happening. whereupon he or she must either be charged or brought before a judge to have the detention extended. Then because it was so chaotic my wife arrived from the house.of transparency and a slow-paced investigation mechanism have contributed to a poor level of police accountability. They kicked him one time in his chest. [One car then continued and the other stopped. East Timor criminal procedure allows for a suspect to be held without charge for up to seventy-two hours. Mr Sarmento. They released him and they faced me again. and asked them not to hit me.[33] Arbitrary Detention Arbitrary detention is a recurring problem in East Timor. My wife grabbed my wrist to pull me so that they would not hit me. One of the policemen grabbed the other wrist and was pulling me one way. . Human Rights Watch found that people were regularly held for more than the seventy-two-hour period without charge or appearance before a judge. They were wearing full police uniforms. came at great speed to where I was standing. Then the policeman pulled me strongly so that my wife fell down with my four-year-old child onto the ground. After the light came on they stopped their action. including against members of political opposition groups. I was propped up against the wall. I said "I don't accept actions like this. all of them carried out a beating." After I said that they got more vicious and then they put one of the sticks under my neck. and asked what was the matter. He talked to the police politely and asked them not to hit his father.] They got out of the car straight away. He described what happened: I called out for my son two times. I ask you to give me your names. and started threatening. continue to be reported. After my wife arrived she asked for their forgiveness and said that her husband had not done anything wrong and not to hit him. I thought they wanted to ask me some questions but they punched me straight away in the chest-one person. Both cars stopped right in front of me. with my wife pulling me in the other. two of them hit him. Then they all took out their sticks. The four of them just continued their actions. went out looking for him. Justo. finally they took out handcuffs. I asked them to help not make him a victim. two cars. without any words.

" To ensure freedom from arbitrary detention. Anaia told Human Rights Watch: This is a good example of how provision of resources and training can have an effect. or take place without the suspect having legal representation. name withheld] hit me in the chest. He told Human Rights Watch: After that they took me to the cell in Baucau. and basic lack of resources. For seventy-two hours I was detained in the cell in Baucau. I was released. to explain that the seventy-two hours was not for investigations So. Outside of the capital the courts are seriously understaffed and their workers under-resourced.[35] One reason for illegal detention in East Timor is the failure to implement key training on this issue. My chest was hurting. After that on Monday. That night I didn't eat. After I was called. We then designed the training for investigators and called in the prosecutors etc. 3. of the reasons for his or her arrest or detention as well as of his or her rights. It appears that his detention was as punishment for his words. directly or through a relative or a trusted person. That's it. and allowed to contact a lawyer.East Timor's constitution also states in Section 30: 2. we received sixty-two complaints about violations of the seventy-two hour rule. Nuno Anaia. Every individual who loses his or her freedom shall be immediately informed. No one shall be arrested or detained. At a more basic level a lack of resources such as cars. [Officer D] called for me to come to the front of the cell and put my hands up. Article 9 further requires that detention must be examined for its lawfulness by an impartial adjudicator. In the first six months of UNMISET. There was no hearing or investigation. A senior U. after seventy-two hours. even though he had committed no recognizable criminal offense. in the last six months only three cases have been reported. and the order of the arrest or detention should always be presented for consideration by the competent judge within the legal time frame. and limited availability of judges and public defenders means that hearings to rule on detention being continued beyond seventy-two hours do not take place. and those are mostly because of holidays [causing non-availability of judges] etc. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. [Officer E] then hit my chest.One young man was picked up by police officers after he had shouted coarsely at them. name withheld] called for me. This represents a real operational problem for the police's compliance with legal provisions for holding and detaining suspects.N. except under the terms clearly provided for by applicable law. it was Sunday. police advisor. told Human Rights Watch that some targeted training had been devised to address this issue. another key problem with meeting the maximum seventytwo-hour detention rule remains the weakness of East Timor's criminal justice system. fuel.[34] Article 9 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights provides that everyone "has the right to liberty and security of person.[36] However. through the bars of the cell. On the second night. and car maintenance is contributing to unlawful detention and inadequate investigations . in a clear and precise manner. [officer E. and that the result was a demonstrable decrease in the number of illegal detention complaints that they were receiving. another police officer. I was just let go and went straight home. [officer D.

He told Human Rights Watch: I have already checked four times at the district court but there is not yet any explanation I like it if you use my name because we want to improve the PNTL so that they can't do things like this again. it was about 10 or 11 at night. but also persons who are properly remanded in pre-trial detention. the process is taking a long time.simply because. and turn off the lights. I went to the hospital to get my surat keterangan [doctor's note]. Because the investigation is long I also submitted a complaint to the Professional Standards Unit.for the bruises on my back. My house is on top of the hill. from that police stick. The process is still with the prosecutor in Dili district. They . who worked for Perkumpulan HAK.Cristiano told us: They wanted us to all go in the police car and I said it was better if I took my truck to the station so that we would know better if there was any damage. The police had been summoned. Last time I went to check he said that my case was still being processed. and I was still in my truck. but the first time they did not come. Cristiano da Costa.[38] Mario's wife also described the incident to Human Rights Watch. us behind. told Human Rights Watch about an incident that happened in November 2004 after some policemen accused him of hitting a government minister's car with his truck and then not stopping.The police took out their guns. He was bruised all over. There were many witnesses. Dili. We drove down until we got to the river. I have not yet heard if there is a process with the perpetrator. on a road just outside Dili. Some accused can spend six months in pretrial detention with no judicial oversight.[37] The under-resourcing of the judiciary may affect not only suspects who are held unlawfully beyond the seventy-two hours without charge. That is what I thought. They told me to turn off the engine. you in front. thirty-four. He agreed to go to the police station with them to try and resolve the matter in the presence of his boss.[40] Another man. he was really sick. he is still free. He told Human Rights Watch that there were two policemen who had followed him to his home in Taibesse.[39] Mario Sarmento has repeatedly tried to find out what is happening with a case he has lodged against the police. They got out of their car. They said you take your truck. Everything was dark. a human rights organization in the capital. I have given a report to the police. They flashed their lights and told me to stop there. or without an indictment being filed against them. The community was standing in the road. They beat a lot that night. I thought maybe they wanted to take my truck and I would go in the police car. not detained. without transportation to meet with victims and witnesses. That night the back of my husband was all black. There were so many witnesses. Then the keterangan was in Indonesian so it is still being translated [into Tetum] to go to the court. adding: I don't know why they began to hit straight away. police may resort to prolonging a suspect's detention without charge until such time as they can conduct a basic investigation. then the lights came on and they left very quickly. I believe this is manipulation to stop the process in my case. took out their sticks. I got some letters asking me to be a witness in a different case. where they wanted to arrest him. I don't understand those people. There has been no action from the commander.

One of the victims told Human Rights Watch: The three of us went to Maliana to initiate an investigation against the PNTL in Maliana. one of the policemen drove my truck to the police station in CaicoliI told the commander that I had to go to the hospital.[44] Maliana hospital records seen by Human Rights Watch show that the victim was admitted to the hospital in August 2004 with a "cut on the head (above the right ear). Approximately 3cm. They used their fists and punched him in the stomach.[43] One man who witnessed this told Human Rights Watch: They took him out of the cell and took him right in front of the cell.[41] Perkumpulan HAK has been assisting Cristiano da Costa with his complaint against the police for assault and arbitrary detention. not allowed to attend. There are many cases like this. and the perpetrators still continue their duties as police. but then there is no process. However. now called the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit]. He was not informed. We don't yet know the result. Then he was beaten by those two policemen.ordered me to open the door. My cheek was injured. They told Human Rights Watch: The case has already had a hearing in the court. They said for me to come out to get some medicine. police from Maliana arrived and called for me in the cell. then they hit me-kicked me on the stomach and punched me on the chest.e. it was said it was to take some medicine but after he exited he was ordered to raise his hands and put his back against the wall. Once on my [left] cheek and two times in my chest. "If you do anything you will be killed." Then they put me in the police car. There is an incident. On March 17. charges dropped]. We didn't call out.[42] In August 2004. Scratches on the left side of the head. At the time of the hearing Cristiano was not present. Until now there has been no action from the PSU [Professional Standards Unit. We were just quiet. several men who had been involved in a fight with residents of a rival village were arrested and taken into police custody in Maliana police station. [The interviewee gives the first names of the first officer to hit him and of two others who hit him when he came out of the cell. I witnessed the beating. In the morning I was taken to Maliana hospital for treatment. When they ordered him to leave the cell. Since that hearing there have not been any further developments in the court. 2005. It was one of the policemen. One described what happened to him that night in the cell: At midnight. 2005. The result of the investigating judge's decision is that the two perpetrators would have an unconditional release [i. with his hand. Then he said. Maybe for about fifteen minutes.] Then they ordered me to go back into the cell. as soon as I started to stand up. and were told . the prosecutor's case went to the court. I opened the door and before I had even got my foot on the ground I was hit. We went again on March 17."[45] Several of the men submitted a complaint to the police regarding excessive use of force at the time of their arrest and ill-treatment during their detention in Maliana police station in August 2004. saying they wanted me to get out.

[49] The man's brother told Human Rights Watch what happened to him: After they let go of my father they started beating us. The policeman kicked me with his feet. a man from Dili was detained with about fifty other members of his martial arts group while on a group visit to the district of Ainaro. we were finally put in the cell We were detained for three days. There were about seven or eight men. and started beating my brother with a stick and a bulletproof vest. There were also other people hitting me from behind. We arrived there at 3:00 p. After they beat my father. and beat me with his fist and the vest. We went in the cells again in Dili. didn't beat him anymore. just left in our underwear. At 10:00 p. to be transferred] to Dili. A meeting to settle a land dispute turned violent after a police officer allegedly hit someone present at the meeting. The men believe they were targeted merely for membership in the martial arts group. Hit me on my head until it was bleeding. They hit him on the left side of his body. I was beaten on the chest.to wait for the result of the investigation. We were handcuffed first and then ordered to run to Ainaro townabout forty-five of us were handcuffed. He kicked me in the chest. Then we were ordered to stand on one foot with our arms stretched out to the sides. We are not satisfied with the actions of the police. At least two police officers were attacked and fled the scene. until it started bleeding. The [extra] police to arrive were from Bobonaro. They straight way started arresting and beating people here.e. I was hit four times. . 2004. They beat him on his head.[47] They were told they had been arrested on suspicion of burning down a house in a nearby village the night before. He recounted: The police met us in the road and immediately searched us. So. Human Rights Watch talked to one of the men about what happened.m. We were also tortured with pepper spray sprayed directly into our eyes. I was beaten on my back and kicked. He was ordered to do push-ups by the police and the UIR [Rapid Intervention Unit] for about thirty minutes. The police were kicking my father and beating him with the police stick. After that we walked for about a hundred meters. We passed by the house that had been burnt and they hit us. my older brother arrived and told them that there was no need to beat his father. If we put our foot down we were beaten. then in the morning of the fourth day we were released to return [i. When we got to Ainaro police station we were ordered to line up and take off our clothes-trousers. about forty kilometers from Dili. We had knives-they took all of them.[48] Human Rights Watch interviewed several men who were victims and witnesses of excessive police force at an incident in Bobonaro sub-district on August 13. We do not accept it because their violence is as if Indonesians are still here in East Timor. There was a friend of mine who was wearing a PNTL uniform but he is not PNTL. Forty-five of us were in a cell in Dili for another seventytwo hours. If they wanted to beat someone they should just beat us. One man told Human Rights Watch what happened next:. Then the police from Maliana said that they were there to calm the situation not to beat up victims.[46] In August 2004. Police backup was then called into the village. First they beat me with a bulletproof vest that they were carrying.m. Then the police let go of my father. everything.

2004. I'm scared they will want to arrest us again. We were scared and so we ran. I think if the Maliana police had not arrived. 'Hey! Stop!' then they took out their guns. and to date no one has been held accountable for the killing. Likewise. which had hindered resolution of the matter. My friends who had not been involved in the incident did not run. Just the three of us ran.[50] Unauthorized Use of Firearms The most high profile example of excessive use of force and resort to lethal force remains the police response to riots in Dili in December 2002. This resulted in the death of two young men and the hospitalization of another thirteen people with gunshot wounds. They said.[53] To date. Although not yet a widespread problem. they were not held responsible for the fatalities and injuries caused.[52] The U.[54] . with a normal car-arrived in a passenger minibus. I don't know how many policemen there were. I just saw one policeman get out of the bus. account of the episode criticized the "high incidence of contradictory statements" by police. in November 2003. One twenty-two-year-old man described his experience to Human Rights Watch.the police from Maliana were able to save us.] We have not yet reported to the police about the shooting.N. we would have been half dead. At that time hundreds of rioters smashed and looted their way through Dili and burnt several buildings to the ground. Although an earlier internal police investigation had identified and suspended six UIR members who had discharged their firearms during the riots. As soon as I saw the gun I started running. the fatal police shooting of one man during disturbances in Baucau one month earlier has yet to be satisfactorily resolved. It confirmed the number of casualties. That afternoon the police arrived at his village: We were playing football in the field here at about four o'clock in the afternoon. They shot four times-I didn't see it because I was running but I heard it. He told Human Rights Watch that the fight had only lasted about twenty minutes and no one had been injured. there has been no clarity on the status of any disciplinary action against police officers involved in the riots of December 2002.[51] The government report into the incident was not published until nearly a year later. [None of the three were injured. Several victims of the shootings claimed that they were shot and wounded when police drove through the streets and fired directly at suspects. The police straight away shot at us. Then the police-not with a patrol car. Human Rights Watch found other more recent incidents of disproportionate. They got out of the bus and we saw the police. In several instances the response of panicked and poorly trained East Timorese police officers was to use tear gas and open fire on members of the crowd with live ammunition. unnecessary. and illegal use of firearms by police in East Timor. he had been involved in an early morning fight with other men in the town of Tilolai. but was inconclusive as to the identities of the perpetrators of the shootings. On July 12.

N. He was ready to shoot and told us not to do anything We were carrying one bag and two umbrellas. he responded: Normally pistols are distributed in the morning and in the afternoon they are returned to the stock room. with his family. We were in the middle. We were looking for the cows for maybe three hours.Another man described an incident that occurred in January 2005. After that he told us to walk. Regarding the case above. He told Human Rights Watch: We went up to the hill at about ten o'clock in the morning. behind us. and two small machetes. After we had walked maybe two hundred meters we saw cattle footprints. He was wearing normal clothes. He forced us to walk. The PNTL was behind. 2005 When we got to the top we met this PNTL man. the chief of the PEO office in Bobonaro told Human Rights Watch that once the perpetrator had made peace with the community then maybe there would also be a disciplinary measure imposed by the PNTL on this officer (he suggested that this might be a two-month suspension. then went home for breakfast.[56] As with other types of violations the failure to discipline and hold officers involved accountable is undermining efforts to enforce strict adherence to use of firearms policies in the police force. Had the system been working properly the officer would have been disciplined by his superior officer. We saw the prints again and then maybe less than one hundred meters later we found the cattle. He changed his clothes and then heard about the cattle. The PNTL ordered us to give them to him. I don't know where he shot it. four of them altogether. or whatever the commander decided). He put all the things in his waistband. The PNTL was maybe half a meter behind me and then he shot his gun.It was January 23. The PNTL. We were walking for about twenty minutes and it was raining really hard. Took all of it. He also took cigarettes and some tobacco.[55] The man went to file a complaint with the police but later agreed to meet with the police officer to resolve the matter informally. He fired his gun one time and said. one man. then leave. received his gun. That's why he had his gun. He took all of it. who knew about the case but took no action.They [the PNTL officer and family] were looking for cattle. When asked about the unauthorized use of the firearm. Two sets and we had to follow them. I had a small amount of tobacco wrapped in some plastic. In this case the officer came in the morning. "If you don't want to die. He and his nephew were out picking fruit and vegetables when they came across a PNTL officer who accused them of having stolen cattle. Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials state that firearms may only be used in very specific circumstances: "Law enforcement officials shall not use firearms against persons except in self-defense or . and then they met us.When they came across us he readied his gun." When he fired his gun the two cows ran off. The U. He was holding his gun at the ready. They said someone had stolen them. I was still looking forward and the PNTL was behind me. always behind. as if to explain. His family was in front. It was already afternoon by the time I went home He is very wrong using a weapon that belongs to the government.

"[58] Although the Code of Conduct and the Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms are not binding international law. They document differently and always conclude that the police are the perpetrators.[61] . of Baucau district. It is still being considered where the truth is.defense of others against the imminent threat of death or serious injury [or] to prevent the perpetration of a particularly serious crime involving grave threat to life. I fell again onto the wall in front of me. told Human Rights Watch about an experience in late July 2004. He confirmed that allegations had been made against four PNTL officers from Bobonaro sub-district police station. they constitute authoritative guidance for interpreting international human rights law regarding policing. If the U.He didn't ask anything at all. one by name. It is not yet resolved Am I a perpetrator or a victim? This is not a small case. He told Human Rights Watch: All the way there I was asking. I didn't report [the assault] to anyone at the station. and taken to Baucau police station. My eyes are still sore because of the gas. [officer's name withheld] sprayed pepper spray in my eyes. When Human Rights Watch asked the Bobonaro sub-district police commander about this incident. He was mistakenly identified as the suspect. Human Rights Unit or HAK come here I don't receive them.e. he was still annoyed [jengkel] with me. He sprayed me once in the eyes."[57] According to the Basic Principles. very close to me. After that they took me to the interrogation room and I was kicked in the chest. Then he kicked me again. On the day in question he was at work. I was standing and he was nearby. when two police officers in a patrol car arrived. this case has gone all the way up to the minister [of interior]. I don't know how long he was kicking me for. I have already given them all of my reports. "Why are you arresting me?" The two men just told me to be quiet. [He identified the two officers. and one from the Maliana police station.[59] Human Rights Watch then interviewed the head of the Professional Ethics Office in Bobonaro who was overseeing the case. Then I was put in a cell for seventy-two hours. "Governments shall ensure that arbitrary or abusive use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials is punished as a criminal offence under their law. He told us that the case had already been processed and they were waiting to send the details to Dili.] As soon as they released the handcuffs. It was [name withheld] again. He said he was arrested for an incident involving two policemen and another man who had borrowed his motorbike. maybe for about ten minutes.[60] Elisio Dominggos da Piedade. he stated: The PSU [Professional Standards Unit] is already investigating this. It was completely empty. handcuffed. The result is still being processed in the PSU. after the incident] because their faces were so swollen. My members [officers] didn't eat for a week afterwards [i. He kicked me here [shows chest] and I fell backwards against the wall. with his motorbike outside.N. The community think because it is already a democracy they have the right to do anything at all. They also have to recognize that the police have the rights to defend themselves.

If it is investigated then [name withheld] has to be brought to justice. and drenched with water. I was continuously tortured. When they finished they took me back to the cell." Three police came into the cell. The first time I was in a cell with my friends. He has subsequently repeatedly sought accountability for the abuse. They hit me with a shoe. It has not yet been resolved. It shows that Elisio was given medication for a medical complaint over a period of three days in July 2004 for a trauma to his back caused by a beating.. "[name withheld].m. "If you oppose the police then you will know the consequence. They were the night guards. no one was ever arrested for it. About the original incident. called for me again.[64] Another young man. Until now it has not been brought to court. I was injured. I feel sad because it has not been submitted.[62] The charges against Elisio were dropped but during the criminal proceedings against Elisio at a court in Dili he did submit a complaint about his ill-treatment during his time in police custody. At the time of my hearing in Dili I also complained to the court [about the abuse]. then hit me. then they came again. The light was off. name withheld]. but both times they were beating me. So. It is already being investigated by the police but has not yet finished. They arrived.Baucau hospital records show that a doctor's note was written for Elisio's case detailing his injuries. but they didn't take him. and took me again to the cell-that torture room. beaten. I was shouting for help but no one came. complained to Human Rights Watch about the lack of movement on his son's case: My son was beaten in the prison (cell) but he was not taken to the hospital. On the first night they beat me at around 1:00 a.m. on the second night they beat me around 3:00 a. took off their jackets. I am dependent on the process. they said we have to wait for the process to proceed." They took me alone to another cell. They constantly threatened me saying. and were wearing PNTL uniforms. and the process is still ongoing. They were all Maliana PNTL. He told Human Rights Watch what he did after he was released from detention: I submitted a complaint about [the policeman whom he alleges beat him and sprayed him with pepper spray. to be given medicine. They beat me until I was . On the second night we slept until 3:00 a. After the decision in my case my defense lawyer Pedro asked the prosecutor and the Baucau police to investigate the wrongful arrest and abuse. you come with us.m. Until now we are still waiting for the case to be resolved. and put in a cell for two days and two nights. I couldn't walk so they lifted me into the cell. Both nights were different people. Because I was wrongly arrested I was unconditionally released. I was arrested by the PNTL. told Human Rights Watch about what happened to him when he was arrested in his village in Holsa: On June 25. Then they went back to their office. 2004. and kicked me on my back and on my feet. who did not wish to be identified. For about an hour they were beating me. locked the door.. My opinion is that I am ready to go to court. after the letter of request to the police and the prosecutor. Just me and it was a mistake. The three of them arrived and called for me. They were wearing police boots. I asked them to take him to the hospital.[63] Elisio's father. we have not yet received any information. When we got there they started beating me. who works at the district hospital. sprayed with pepper spray.

"This man is almost dead. I went home. he was wearing a black top and it had "police" written on the back of it. The police commander together with the perpetrator came to my house to resolve things. At that time I said that I didn't want to.e.. "Do you know me or not?" I saw he had a gun so I told him I knew him and apologized to him but he straight away hit me once in the chest with his hand. The policeman held my hands and stamped on my stomach. and therefore a member of his family has to accompany him everywhere he goes. I went to the Dili court to give a complaint and also to Yayasan [i. The doctor continued examining me and said that I had to spend the night in the hospital. He promised that the next day he would meet me and we would go to Maliana. He ordered the community to say if anyone knew me or not. I also saw that he was carrying a gun under his left armpit. At the hospital the healthcare official gave me some medicine. and on the third day he arrived. die in the police station. and then took out a sangkur [type of bayonet/knife] and wanted to stab me. I was dragged about a hundred meters and I fell. the commander from Mota'ain visited my house.. I am an ordinary citizen. "I know him. I want the problem to be resolved from above.. but the victim has not been given any information on his complaint. Here [points to right side of forehead] my head was cut and bleeding. The PNTL member left and my brother waited with me until four o'clock in the morning and then went to rent a car from Balibo to take me to the hospital in Balibo. And then the PNTL kicked my brother My brother was scared and ran away. There was lots of blood on my head and I only came to when the PNTL dragged me to stand up again. So. He told Human Rights Watch: The next morning [after the incident]. It was a severe beating and I fell backwards and my head collided with the asphalt. He is my brother.[65] One thirty-five-year-old man detailed a traumatic encounter he had with a police officer in May 2004 in his village in Batugade. Because the PNTL [officer] did not arrive. "Let him die. I then went to Balibo police station [to make a complaint] The police called the PNTL officer and ordered him to go to the Balibo police station. Perkumpulan] HAK.[66] This man is still suffering from trauma brought on by the event. After I shone my torch he ran in my direction and took hold of my right hand. When we got to the hospital the doctor said. When we got to the front of my brother's house I called for him to come out and my brother asked the policeman not to beat me anymore. about 8:00 a. I heard them do it when I was in the station. in the court. The police said. He said if there was a problem with us then we could resolve it in a manner which was better. he didn't arrive. I was unconscious. I asked for his forgiveness three times and then he hit me again and took me from my house to my brother's. My brother ran forward and said. So I was dragged and hit again in my stomach.unconscious. I collapsed and they took me to the hospital. you are still doing things like this?" The doctor examined my ribs. He said. and then I was dragged again. It appears that the perpetrator may have been punished for the offense.m. Bobonaro. . My head was spinning but I heard. He told Human Rights Watch: I saw a man standing in front of my door. After two days I waited. if no one knew me he was going to stab me because I was a militia [militiaman]. I was already unconscious. He told Human Rights Watch that he is too scared to go out by himself now." Then they took me back to the police station and put me back in the cell. As an ordinary citizen I know the legal process." The policeman released me and my family took me to my brother's house.

He told Human Rights Watch: I went to the prosecutor's office and he promised he was ready to take the case to the police.[70] Over a year after the original incident.The result? I don't know. working at the church. but has not yet had a hearing [disidang]. At the time I was about twenty meters away. They were sitting above. I saw [officer A] get out of the car and straight away hit Baltazar Then he was hit by [officer B] who hit him and grabbed his head and smashed it on the car. names withheld. and saw the car. "No. No one has come here to tell me. name and rank withheld] got out from the car. One PNTL [officer A. What has he done wrong?" After that they didn't hit him anymore. they got out of the car." When he replied he then burned me with his cigarette. under my left wrist [shows scar]." There was no response. I came home and until now I only heard that the perpetrator is in prison but I haven't seen it myself. I was here. I haven't been told. They arrived at the place where I was sitting on the road. beaten and threatened. and a third officer who punched him once on the back of his neck. [The interviewee names these two. officers B and C. it's better if we take him to Baucau first. There were two other PNTL. But the police thought I was provoking them." then [officer C] responded. Baltazar Fatima Correia. a twenty-two-year-old from Mulia village in Baucau district. Baltazar Fatima Correia is still trying to get some redress for the treatment he experienced in police custody. Only [Perkumpulan] HAK sent a letter to the PSU but it has not yet been investigated. This case is already at the prosecutor level. When we got as far as the river-it's not far. "Turn the car back. "Is there an empty house here or not? If there is we can let him out and torture him here. I've known them a long time. about nine or ten o'clock in the morning. Four of his friends were still in the car. [officer C] shouted at me. tens of people. I was at the back on the floor. I told [officer B]." [69] One man in the village who witnessed the event told Human Rights Watch what he saw: We were working here for Easter. He told Human Rights Watch: The five police were drinking tuak putih [palm wine] with my father and their friend [name withheld] at the police checkpoint. It is with the PSU in Dili I often go to the Baucau . was picked up by several drunk police officers. There were lots of people around. they interpreted me wrongly. After he burnt me. After that I fell to the ground. I don't know where the perpetrator is. "If you do anything I will shoot you. They put Baltazar in the car. After they finished drinking tuak the five police wanted to return to Baucau. About 500 meters later at the cemetery [officer A] said. I saw it and ran over. As soon as he got out of the car he straight away kicked me in my chest.[68]] After that [officers B and C] handcuffed my hands behind my back and put me in the car and took me to Baucau police station. not from HAK either. "Why is that kid being hit. The car stopped. They were constantly kicking me. I saw them going to Baucau but I couldn't say anything because the PNTL were very emotional They were wearing uniforms and driving a TATA Sumo car with "police" written on it. I called out to my younger brother in a coarse way whether or not he also wanted to go to Baucau. maybe about a hundred meters-[officer B] said to his friends. I said.[67] In April 2004. but there has been no result.

reportedly harassing and verbally abusing the victim when she left the courtroom. 2004. don't come here. I'm not afraid to go back."[77] When the case came to trial only the three police officers and the civilian in custody were tried.[73] Following preliminary hearings. where they sexually assaulted her. is another example of the effective impunity that police officers have come to expect in East Timor. the nine policemen were originally arrested and charged with rape. both the defense lawyers and the prosecutor claimed to have had no prior involvement in the case and to be ignorant of the evidence. In this case. under questionable authority. There is no evidence that they [police officers] were involved. The presiding judge then decided that the defendants should be released due to lack of evidence against them. there was also a tenth man. 2005. allegedly by nine PNTL officers on May 10. No further charges against any accused have been pursued. which reported deep concerns about the unorthodox manner in which the proceedings were conducted and factors which demonstrated. It went all the way to court and there was no evidence. accused of taking the girl in an official police vehicle to a police training compound in the Tasi Tolu area of Dili. The police only chase me out [mengusir] and threaten me saying."[72] Impunity for Rape The failure to hold anyone accountable for the rape of a teenaged girl. six of the suspects were conditionally released pending trial while four (three PNTL and the civilian) were kept in custody." I have already been three times to check my case there. and no one has been held accountable for the rape. nor the expectations of the victim and the community to have an independent tribunal hold a proper trial in regard to her allegations."[74] JSMP noted that during the hearings on the continued detention of the men. have been respected. who was charged in relation to having "procured" the girl for the police officers.police about my case.[71] When Human Rights Watch questioned Baucau's police commander about this case he stated. "About the Mulia case it has already been resolved. At the trial session of April 13. All the files are in Dili. a civilian. in their view. The preliminary hearings in June 2004 and the trial in April 2005 were monitored by the East Timorese NGO Judicial System Monitoring Programme (JSMP). cordoned off the public court building. and the police officers were set free. They also reported that police officers."[76] JSMP has also noted that "[t]he investigating judge assigned to the case told JSMP monitors that he could not control their [PNTL and UIR officers present at the court] conduct. "Just go back. It was a long time ago.[75] One report quoted a judge as saying that "justice was powerless since the government kept intervening in the process. They were all released. go back home. if you come here I will shoot you or hit you. with the outstanding charges against the six police officers conditionally released seemingly ignored. a substantial number of PNTL members were present in the courtroom and court compound. . the problem is the money to get to Baucau. that"neither the rights of the accused to proper legal representation. The last time was September 2004.

Few prohibitions in international human rights law are as clear as the ban on torture and other cruel. intimidation. the U. or degrading treatment or punishment. as far as possible."[82] The constitution also specifically refers to East Timor's obligations under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international treaties. water. or degrading treatment or punishment. inhuman or degrading treatment. and medical treatment. apply nonviolent means before resorting to the use of force and . and declarations on the actions and use of force by police.[78] In its human rights report for 2005. Degrading treatment includes treatment that involves the humiliation of the victim or that is disproportionate to the circumstances of the case.[83] The Convention against Torture defines torture as intentional acts by public officials that cause severe physical or mental pain or suffering for the purpose of obtaining information or a confession."[86] Similarly.[85] In addition to binding treaties on torture. or for punishment.[80] and is also entrenched in Article 7 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel. East Timor's constitution also explicitly prohibits the use of torture.[79] Legal Standards on Torture and Other Physical Mistreatment Even if an individual is guilty of a criminal offence. Cruel and inhuman treatment includes suffering that lacks one of the elements of torture or that does not reach the intensity of torture. which forms part of customary international law. Department of State noted that there had also been "no significant developments in the September 2004 case of an off-duty police officer who forcibly entered the home of a twelve-year-old girl who had allegedly been statutorily raped by the officer's nineteen-year-old brother. but by the end of 2005 no further action had been taken.'s Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials states that law enforcement officials. may also constitute inhuman treatment. Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). the U. stating that "no one shall be subjected to torture and cruel.[84] In cases where beatings and humiliation of detainees and prisoners by police do not rise to the level of torture. is to be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[81]East Timor acceded to the CAT in April 2003 and to the ICCPR in September 2003." It appears that the Professional Ethics Office had initially opened an investigation. or discrimination. A large body of international legal authority exists that prohibits any derogation from the prohibition on the use of torture and other cruel. inhuman. as well as demonstrating that violence against women is often not treated with appropriate seriousness by the formal justice system.S. inhuman. inhuman. the United Nations has developed detailed principles. they may nevertheless constitute cruel. cruel. inhuman.N. minimum rules. in carrying out their duty. Particularly harsh conditions of detention. or degrading treatment or punishment. or degrading treatment or punishment. Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement Officials limits the use of force by police to situations in which it is "strictly necessary and to the extent required for the performance of their duty. the use of torture and other forms of mistreatment against that individual is wholly prohibited under East Timorese and international law.The failure to prosecute this case is just one example of an unwillingness to tackle police abuse. The prohibition. The U.N. including deprivation of food. shall.

[and] (b) minimize damage and injury. In March 2005 the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) identified many of the problems when it stated in its report to the U.firearms.N. these perceptions are not likely to remain static."[91] . Delays are reported in investigations and decisions on disciplinary action. law enforcement officials must. The survey also found that "many feel the laws are not actually enforced.[87] When the use of force is unavoidable. so they do not want to open an internal investigation. are investigated by the Ministry of Interior. The Professional Ethics Office (PEO) of PNTL is increasingly unable to investigate cases of misconduct due to lack of resources for field work and at times political interference. A number of allegations of criminal acts are addressed through the administrative process only and are not subject to any criminal processes. Less than half the public (49 percent) believe the law requiring court approval to detain a suspect for more than three days is respected. Reforms. Tiago Amaral Sarmento." Most telling is one of the survey's conclusions that "confidence levels in East Timor's new and inexperienced police force are likely to drop dramatically unless they are effectively trained and professionalized. Institutions and Practices Needed to Create Police Accountability in East Timor The police are not brave enough to investigate cases where there are police involved. Cases where there are beatings of civilians are not investigated. among other things.[90] Two studies published in 2004 show mixed public views of the police. One survey commissioned by the Asia Foundation in East Timor encouragingly found that "of the only 11 percent of respondents who had brought disputes to the police. some cases are dealt with by PEO. particularly those laws enacted to protect anyone arrested and accused of a crime. Disciplinary actions are not always in proportion to misconduct. For unclear reasons. Sometimes police who have beaten or threatened people are not investigated." However. Commission on Human Rights that: Accountability mechanisms remain unclear and inadequate. "(a) exercise restraint in such use and act in proportion to the seriousness of the offence and the legitimate objective to be achieved. sometimes cases with particular sensitivity. The result is an emerging pattern of impunity for PNTL abuses. head of the nongovernmental Judicial System Monitoring Programme in East Timor[89] It is clear that police abuse is a serious and pressing problem. and new institutions and practices are needed to effectively eradicate this problem. and only four in ten think the law genuinely protects the accused from police brutality or allows them access to a public defender. while others. yet initiatives to address it have been inadequate. Existing oversight mechanisms are weak and need further support and strengthening. most did so because they considered their dispute to be a serious matter and they believed that they would be treated fairly by the police."[88] V.

in March 2005 the East Timor police commissioner reported that ten police officers had been dismissed from the service. Addressing Impunity Police abuse can become a serious problem when police officers and their superiors enjoy impunity for their actions. Department of State. no action had been taken in a number of cases involving serious misconduct. One conclusion that could be drawn is a general public reluctance to criticize the PNTL as a force. Another caveat is that although community confidence is generally a good indicator of the level of police abuse. Although neither study can be used as conclusive indications of public perceptions of the police. However. in its annual human rights report on East Timor noted. found that the public's respect for the work of the police was still quite high at 69."[95] The failure to properly investigate police misconduct undermines the police force's credibility in holding its members accountable. There were allegations that personal connections within the police force or the Ministry of Interior were a factor in some cases. order. thus far meaningful sanctions for police officers involved in serious human rights violations have been rare. fifty-five cases had been reported through the PEO.[93] However. In spite of the kinds of abuses documented in this report. In East Timor effective institutional mechanisms for accountability are essential if impunity is to be tackled. The challenge for the East Timor government will be to build and support those positive elements. This is as true for high profile incidents as for day-to-day violations. the surveys are useful in highlighting what communities believe are positive elements within the police force.The second study. or ignore it. One of the most common reasons that police abuse can become commonplace within a police force is the effective impunity enjoyed by police officers and their superiors who participate in. but much less in the districts of Baucau. Bobonaro and Viqueque. perhaps reflecting negative attitudes towards the police in a district with a high number of reported cases of police brutality. However. undertaken jointly by the Dili Institute of Technology and the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). and in several cases police officers were convicted and sentenced for assaults committed while on duty. in July 2004 a group of approximately one .[94] The U. that for 2005 "[s]ome officers were punished for relatively minor misconduct.S. by year's end. whilst also addressing the problem areas. the results do show already mixed feelings toward East Timor's new police force. for example. however. For example. it was unclear whether the dismissals were linked to human rights violations or mere criminal activity. According to the OHCHR. more specific questions on detention and abuse resulted in quite negative responses indicating that when people have come into direct contact with the police their experiences have been less positive. the results may just reflect an attitude that the PNTL is far less abusive than the Indonesian police force-a pretty low threshold for professionalism. An international advisor to the minister of interior told Human Rights Watch that for the period from January to March 2005. A. More robust and effective enforcement of existing legislation and stronger media vigilance and independent monitoring of the problem will also be key.[92] In Bobonaro the figure was only 32 percent. The early indications are that East Timor risks allowing impunity to become a grave and systematic problem if it does not respond appropriately.6 percent overall.

This incident received much attention at the time from the government. They were protesting a proposal by East Timor's Council of Ministers to designate religious education as an optional subject in some primary schools. Police were deployed to patrol these demonstrations. Television footage showed at least one police officer beating a protester. many of the demonstrators' banners. however.N. the U. Ironically. or in respect of the arbitrary detention of over thirty protestors.N. commenting: "the report of the special investigation into the incident of 20 July 2004. been encouraging signs that some things can be done right. There have.N. Few strategies were implemented at an early stage in the U. the exact grounds under which they were held were never clarified. Although many of those held were detained for more than thirty hours. including many Falintil veteran resistance fighters. And also because the police officers realize that sanctions are heavy if they commit an abuse. which they did in a manner widely . (Deficiencies in the UNPOL training regime are explored in detail in section V.'s failure to prioritize police disciplinary measures. staged a protest outside the main government building in Dili. in which the police used excessive force to disperse a largely peaceful demonstration.[97] The tardiness of an appropriate response to the police violence at the July 2004 demonstration shows that there is some way to go before the commissioner's words about internal disciplinary processes translate into concrete measures. and the media. He was clear in his understanding that proper punishment for violators would be an effective deterrent: We are trying to improve this which is not very good within the police. police officers.D of this report.hundred persons. For example. trampled under foot by the security services. the United Nations in East Timor. However. had proclaimed messages calling for greater democratization and reform of the police force. In his February 2005 progress report on UNMISET. who conceded that there was a problem and that this had implications for creating a culture of impunity. secretary-general noted the negative consequences delays in accountability could produce. We already have a police disciplinary regulation and have taken strong measures against those who commit abuse or violence against the people I don't think it is because of training but an increase in understanding from the commanders and the communities that the police have to respect human rights. and there were several other reports that several detainees were beaten in police custody. used tear gas to disperse the crowd. the second day of their protest. once again there has not yet been a satisfactory outcome either in respect of disciplinary measures against the police officers responsible for excessive use of force. These delays are perceived by the community as voluntary inaction and hence undermine the general trust in the professionalism of the police. and subsequently arrested over thirty people. together with members of the elite Rapid Intervention Force. has not yet been completed."[96] Yet at least part of this problem is a legacy of the U. transitional administration to stop inappropriate police behaviors before they became too entrenched. in April 2005 several thousand people joined anti-government demonstrations in Dili.) Human Rights Watch spoke with Police Commissioner Paulo Martins. On July 20.

according to the police Organic Decree-Law. or. B. although. transfers followed by promotions. if at all. As one example. but instead he was only transferred to Dili. together with any recommendations for discipline. Such allegations are usually made by members of the public. The Development of Oversight Institutions Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit The first port of call for investigating police violations is usually the PNTL's internal oversight body. PSU). the chief of the then-PEO office for Bobonaro district. In cases where complaints have been taken up by the PEO/PEDU.[99] Unfortunately. told Human Rights Watch about an incident earlier in 2005 when a uniformed police officer in his district had fired his gun in the air at the market in Maliana. for that attitudinal change to take place. Looking to the future. PEO. The PEO/PEDU has also been weak and very slow to take action.regarded as professional and restrained. or to return to complainants to update them on the status of their . which ones would be sent to Dili.[98] Staffed by serving police officers and working under the general commander of the PNTL. formerly known as the Professional Ethics Office. in practice it was the district commanders who ultimately decided which cases would be investigated in the district. Combined with training there needs to be a strong system of discipline. It seems little thought or consideration has been given to the rights of the victims in this process. which saw the positive outcome from implementing the standards provided by appropriate training. One then-PEO officer in Dili told Human Rights Watch that although in theory PEO officers could investigate police officers of superior rank to themselves. and before that the Professional Standards Unit. especially in sensitive cases. and which ones would be set aside. The results of any investigations. who then decides what action should be taken. There is no automatic suspension for police officers under investigation for alleged offenses. in some cases. the PEDU lacks institutional authority over the various branches of the police.[101] At a more basic level the PEO/PEDU continues to be restricted by a lack of human and financial resources. effective leadership and support by the management of PNTL over time. In some cases PEO/PEDU staff do not have access to transport to conduct investigations. attitudinal change within the police force is going to have to be a priority and will need a long-term strategy to have impact. the Professional Ethics and Deontology Unit (PEDU. together with positive reinforcement for appropriate police behavior. are sent to the minister. transfers. the Ministry of Interior can also order the PEDU to conduct inquiries. This display of professionalism has improved the public image of the police force. punishments for police officers have often just been temporary suspensions. the unit is charged with investigating allegations of police misconduct or abuse. Lopes recommended that the officer be discharged from the police force. with the PNTL disciplinary regulation not even envisaging that complaints could come from outside the force.[100] Another problem is the lack of understanding by police of the rights and interests of those filing complaints. Simao Lopes. and significantly also appears to have given a confidence boost to the police force itself.

We want to work but we do not get strong enough support.[105] It appears that lack of faith in and/or fear of the new police force is already preventing people going directly to the police to register complaints. a change of personnel in the office would improve the office's strength."[108] Where such knowledge exists. stating. officer heard the commander tell the man that they wanted to solve the matter through traditional dispute mechanisms."[106] A U. In his opinion. I don't want to be summoned again by the PNTL. First of all are the limitations in personnel and transport. The U. Cases from 2001 to 2003 have already finished being investigated. police advisor told Human Rights Watch that he heard a district police commander threatening a man who had come to complain about the police treatment of some people involved in martial groups in the district.N. The communities don't yet know or understand that they can report to someone." The U. When the man protested the commander issued a stark warning. did not provide him with the skills necessary to lead investigations or manage staff. Likewise for 2005 we've finished about twenty cases and still have about seventy left. One young man who was severely ill-treated in police detention told Human Rights Watch that he was too scared to seek accountability for the abuse he suffered at the hands of three police officers in Maliana police station. The statistics of cases involving the PNTL every year is increasing.N. pointing out to Human Rights Watch that the previous experience of its chief.[104] When he was interviewed by Human Rights Watch the chief of the PEO office in Maliana conceded that he lacked essential experience. I ask you to recommend for us to have more training about the role of the PEO so that we can understand it in more depth.N. We would be happy to participate in more training. advisor told Human Rights Watch that in his opinion it was clearly a threat.N. "If there are violations the communities don't know who they can report it to. He said. I received just two days' training from the PNTL. "Go to the U.[103] One U.case.[102] As Carlos Moniz Maia.N. This has only further . will leave soon and then it will just be us. as a patrol officer within the occupation-era Indonesian police force. He told Human Rights Watch: Before I was with the PEO I was a community police officer. but he was keen to stress his willingness to receive more training in the area of internal investigations. The U. I do not want to go back to Maliana police station. police officer in Bobonaro district had a poor opinion of the then-PEO in Maliana. The police are a strong institution. but there are still about 50 percent of cases from 2004 which have not yet been resolved because of restrictions of transport and staff. the deputy head of the then-PEO national office commented: We have several problems. the lack of resources and experience resulting in delays and incompetence of the PEO/PEDU in dealing with complaints has led to frustration amongst affected communities about lack of transparency and efficiency in dealing with their cases.[107] Tiago Amaral Sarmento from JSMP told Human Rights Watch. human rights unit then and see what they will do.N. They are scared and just stay quiet. "I have not yet submitted a complaint because they threatened me.

the continued reports of human rights violations by the East Timorese police. there are concerns about the capacity of this new institution to comprehensively or effectively carry out the role of a police oversight body. Another major weakness of the office is that it does not have the power to make enforceable decisions-any of the provedor's recommendations can be ignored. If they don't work with the Provedor.[112] By the end of 2005. However. We also have limited human resources. considering the many other functions it has also been tasked with."[111] In June 2005 Human Rights Watch met with Sebastiao Dias Ximenes shortly before his inauguration as provedor. Issues within the purview of the office include abuse of power. the office of the Provedor de Direitos Humanos e Justicia. It's a problem. But what is most important is the people and all the communities. lack of due process. I don't have the power to make decisions. Office in Timor-Leste. As a relatively new body. the position of provedor was not filled until Sebastiao Dias Ximenes was inaugurated in the post June 16. We need training and maybe comparative studies so that we can increase our experience and knowledge."[110]In a previous report he had expressed concern at the delay in electing the provedor.increased the distrust people have in the impartiality of the office. maladministration. "especially in light of the recent increase in reported cases of abuse of police power.N. just recommendations. including the police.The office can also only make . The Office of the Provedor has far-reaching powers to investigate and report on complaints against government officials and institutions. The budget for the Provedor is small. The Office of the Provedor The East Timor constitution provides for a special office to scrutinize human rights practices throughout the territory. without waiting for a complaint. I can give recommendations but not follow up. it is hard to accurately gauge the effectiveness of the Provedor's Office. It is to be hoped that the office will contribute to an increased culture of respect for human rights and accountability. including excessive use of force. secretary-general noted that the Provedor's Office "provides an important legal instrument to address inter alia. the U. ill-treatment and arbitrary arrest and detention. this office cannot be a success without their support. was promulgated in May 2004. the Office of the Provedor had still not been fully established or staffed. including assaults and threats. which are not being adequately addressed by internal disciplinary processes and are rarely taken up by the Public Prosecutor for institution of criminal proceedings. although as parliament initially found it hard to agree on a candidate. nepotism.N. Our program cannot go forward if we don't have facilities or a budget. Already aware of the limitations of his new office. and has the power to order a person to appear for questioning. collusion and corruption. 2005. We are an independent institution but receive our budget from the government. A law to establish such a position.[109] In his August 2005 report to the United Nations Security Council on the U. Its strengths are that it can undertake investigations on its own initiative. he discussed his main concerns and what he saw as the priority challenges of his new role: The Provedor has limits.

more need to be finished. as a result. Even if the disciplinary regulation were available in Indonesian or Tetum.[115] While there have been some developments at addressing the legal vacuum. the June 2004 disciplinary regulation is only available in Portuguese. the Inspectorate and the Office of the Provedor. procedures and practices which govern the PNTL. Human Rights Unit. The Need for More and Better Training . Provedor and Ministry of Interior.recommendations to the relevant bodies such as the police. offer to act as a mediator between the complainant(s) and representatives of the public body involved. told Human Rights Watch that the disciplinary regulation "has a formula to determine discipline that is virtually unusable and cannot be understood by the vast majority of the PNTL including trainers and advisers. a language not understood by most PNTL personnel. Legislation or regulations need to be adopted to clarify the various responsibilities of the PEDU. including persons with mental illness and victims of gender-based violence. or refer a grievance to a competent jurisdiction or other recourse mechanism. see below. There is substantial overlap between the different agencies. Code of Conduct. the authorities continue to use the previous U." [114] Equally important is for the PNTL to finalize its Rules of Organization Procedures (ROPs). (For comment on the need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms. Saif Ullah Malik. D. including ROPs on the treatment of vulnerable persons. and the 2004 regulation providing a new disciplinary code for police. but there remains little knowledge and understanding by the police about definition of crimes under the Criminal Code. and that this group would also include participation from the PNTL.[116] However. the Inspectorate and the U.) C. it has been criticized by police experts for being incoherent. The U. While many ROPs have been finalized (see above). including a new policy introduced in 2003 restricting the use of force. or police powers under the Criminal Procedures Code and the Rules of Organization Procedures.N.[113] There is also little training on these areas made available to the police force. told Human Rights Watch in May 2005 about a working group established to harmonize all the different institutions including the then-PEO. advisor to the minister of interior.N. At quite a basic level. languages understood by most police officers.'s senior police advisor. which is not necessarily a problem but leads to a certain amount of confusion among the public about how to report incidents or hold the PNTL accountable. Legal Gaps The process leading to the establishment of the PNTL led to the existence of a range of different and sometimes competing rules. at the time of writing it was understood that this group had not met since March 2005. Ray Murray. there now seems to be an urgent need to formalize coordination and cooperation between the various institutions entrusted with acting as oversight mechanisms for the fledgling police force. The promulgation of the Organic Decree-Law in May 2004 went some way towards clarifying the legal framework for the police.N.

In these courses. only half were able to achieve the desired level of competence. during both UNTAET and UNMISET the fledgling police force received largely inadequate and sometimes contradictory training from UNPOL and CivPol personnel. But. but that "of the approximately 1. police training team (see also below).700 East Timorese police academy graduates) simply underwent a four-week "Intensive Transitional Training Course. just normal investigators. and a need for a great deal more specialized skills training. who comprised 350 of the first 1. etc. The curriculum at the academy has also been recently re-written by an Australian/U. with human rights material incorporated throughout the course. After graduation a further six months of formal field training is undertaken for probationary officers.700 police officers who completed the first phase of the plan in December [2004].[120] .K. Dili. Secretary-General noted in February 2005 that U. civilian police advisors were providing training to the East Timor police through a skills development plan which was based on the results of a national survey of police officers to identify gaps in capacity. There is also little awareness of the appropriate treatment of women. and police academy graduates is essential. The first batch of new cadets received three months of basic training at the rehabilitated PoliceAcademy in Dili followed by six months of on-the-job training in the field. Unfortunately. or mainstreaming ideas such as the method of investigation into gender-based crimes.N. Reports of human rights violations and inappropriate behavior by officers... but you run the risk that you are not exposing children to greater risks by going to the police. if they are offenders.Although not a solution on its own. and community policing. there is some training in specialized areas of investigations. intelligence gathering."[117] Standard training for new recruits is now a four-month training course at the PoliceTrainingAcademy in Comoro. We are trying to encourage children to be aware that if they have a problem they can go to the police. followed by nine months of field training. or other vulnerable groups. those rights are not always recognized It is not entirely clear within the police who is doing what. Not all children will be dealt with by the VPU. children. combined with the lingering legacy of Indonesian policing techniques. including in the area of internal investigations of police misconduct. trainees. One child protection officer with UNICEF in East Timor told Human Rights Watch: There is a notion that if children are victims there is an awareness of special treatment from the VPU [Vulnerable Persons Unit] and rights."[119] There is still a huge lack of management and mentoring capacity in the police force. Former POLRI officers (members of the Indonesian police force responsible for security in the territory before the vote for independence in 1999. who do not become full PNTL officers until after successful completion of this additional training. police training is an important tool for addressing human rights violations by the police.[118] The U. mean that continued strengthening of the human rights dimension of training for experienced officers.N.

all of whom had provided materials for the training courses. What we have now is the result of a lack of training. Problematic Past Training Approaches The majority of U. rather than a mix without any common members to work. It would have been better to have one police force from one country. It also limited interaction between U. However we are still new. When Human Rights Watch met with the head of Dili's PoliceTrainingAcademy he was emphatic about the volume of human rights materials included in the basic training package taught at the academy. civilian police staffing the mission were from a wide range of countries. It has already been socialized [disseminated] to all the Commanders but not yet fully to all members of the PNTL.N. this would have improved some of the training delivery. and implementation of training scenarios. To reinforce this message it is essential that the judiciary rigorously and consistently refuse to allow evidence where there are credible allegations that it was obtained through illegal use of force by the police. He told Human Rights Watch: There is a Code of Conduct for the PNTL. Their experience and consequently their teaching was therefore not standardized. the focus being on the training of trainers in the field. As most of the UNPOL were police officers and not trainers. More intensive training in basic investigation and forensic techniques. but this recommendation was not followed. or with international standards. not only offers the police an alternate and better way to do their job. UNDP and UNICEF. so that the training delivery could be uniform across the country. and the good cooperation the Academy had with the U. This inherently creates an incentive to resort to excessive use of force to extract a purported "confession" from a suspect.N. each with varying adherence to international standards on policing. . Human Rights Unit. We need a course for the PEO [now PEDU] so that they can carry out their duties well.[121] Because of that we are less sure that the Code will hold [be put into practice].N. he was also quite frank in admitting how much further they had to go. There had been a recommendation from the Ministry of Interior that before this program started the UNPOL officers should be given a "training of trainers" course. However.Police in East Timor rely heavily on confessions as their sole means of "solving" crimes.N. police missions around the world: The U. The education that they receive here is still a little. training during UNMISET was conducted by UNMISET police advisors at the district and sub-district level. so PNTL officers were exposed to different approaches to policing and not all were consistent with what was being taught at the Academy. A UNOTIL staff member was extremely critical of the support which UNPOL had previously provided: I don't think UNPOL knew what they had to do when they were in charge. but would help reduce abuse of power. including the use of other sources of information and evidence. and undoubtedly contributes to the current climate where beating of suspects is routine. Further problems with the UNPOL training of East Timorese police recruits and officers included communication difficulties caused by language problems that restricted the ability for training sessions to be participatory and inclusive... and East Timor police.N. A problem affecting this approach is one that is common to most U.[122] E. rather than taught lecturestyle. There is not yet a course about it.

Indonesia has been hosting a series of exchange programs for PNTL officers to visit and acquire in-house training with the Indonesian police force." There are two other main reasons why current training has taken such a long time to halt police abuses. The United States is funding specialized training courses for supervisors and investigators.N. For peacekeeping this approach may be appropriate. as with the U. But they just ticked a box. the Security Council authorized the deployment of up to forty police training advisors. but also on why it should be done. Canada and Japan have both provided small grants and provided equipment. There is a sense that the U."[126] While it is important to teach human rights. police personnel also hindered the effective development or long-term implementation of policies. but for institutional development it had negative consequences.K. One of the problems with this approach is that. Ray Murray. and Australia have . so you would expect four or five years of training. The second is that there are few penalties if the officers do not implement what they learn in training and few incentives to follow it. There is a wide range of bilateral international assistance to the PNTL. In establishing UNOTIL in May 2005. something that the minister also acknowledged. with different countries' domestic procedures being taught. told Human Rights Watch. under UMISET (see above). Assistance has also been given to the Professional Ethics Office. the U. Vice Minister of Interior Alcino Barris told Human Rights Watch that amongst the police force "there is still very little real understanding of what human rights are. for training to be meaningful. In other words.Quite crucially the six-month rotations for U. it is equally important to train officers about their responsibilities to act professionally. Current Initiatives Recognizing the urgent and ongoing need of the PNTL for further training and assistance. The UNOTIL Human Rights Unit has also been working in cooperation with the Ministry of Interior to provide human rights and use of force training to the national police. not least the development of the police service. so there is a problem in trying to coordinate all the training. Their key goal was to set up and handover to an East Timor police force. a large part of UNOTIL's mandate is in the area of continued support and development of the East Timorese police. including training programs as well as equipment and infrastructure support. the training is inconsistent in standards." and that combined with the tick-the-box approach of UNPOL meant that "their counterparts don't have a clue. primarily targeted at the specialist police units such as the Border Patrol Unit and the Rapid Intervention Unit. International funding also plays a critical role in East Timor in all areas. Recognizing this problem." F. The first is that current training has failed to address the overall institutional culture of policing methods. there must be consequences for failing to abide by it." This diplomat identified the further problem that "the government never refuses aid. was in crisis management with no coherent strategic development plan for the PNTL. most recently through a "training of trainers" course and the launching of a training manual on human rights for the police in mid-2005. with no coherent plan for establishing oversight mechanisms and enforcement of disciplinary measures against police officers. At various stages Malaysia and Portugal have also extended training to various units of the PNTL. "You should not only teach on what should be done.N. the international advisor to the Ministry of Interior. Amongst the international support. Human rights training and courses have already been provided by these advisers.N. A senior diplomat in East Timor commented: "The biggest criticism of UNPOL is that they've been here for four or five years.

-Australian plan is to integrate standard operating procedures into all aspects of the training. Monitoring The presence of human rights officers here. primarily Perkumpulan HAK or FOKUPERS. The senior U. monitoring and in terms of advance training. Human Rights Unit will be trying to visit districts at least once a week. Training for the police on the role of civil society. Local civil society needs to be activated. He commented "There is a problem of inconsistency in the standard of training. After the withdrawal there will be a big gap in monitoring. will also be crucial to ensure mutual respect and cooperation. and the valuable place it has as a counterbalance to government.N.N. With the U. There is a need also to avoid duplication of training and inappropriate training. Human Rights Unit or an East Timorese human rights NGO. Saif Ullah Malik.N. cannot stay forever. Police Advisor in East Timor. the U.N. for most victims of police brutality the first place they turn is normally either the U.K. concurred. team leader for the U. As the head of the JSMP told Human Rights Watch: I think that if the U. training currently underway with the PNTL.-Australian initiative. Part of the joint U. and our readiness to report on human rights violations to the international community. When UNPOL leaves (currently scheduled for May 2006).N. That problem is not yet resolved. The first phase will concentrate on training of trainers. Kevin Raue. concedes that "bad" training was a problem. Though. does constitute a deterrent to perpetrators.N. training of PNTL.N. as noted. saying: "We need support in terms of training. The U.K. for example my technical advisors in the districts are advising the same thing across the board." G. he added: "We have adopted an approach. the two biggest rights organizations in East Timor and the main Timorese bodies in the country monitoring police abuse.K. Special Representative of the Secretary-General Sukehiro Hasegawa A critical issue for the future will be to ensure independent monitoring of police behavior in East Timor. Noting the wide variety of bilateral and U./Australian initiative will fill the vacuum on advice and training created by UNPOL's departure. leaves and there are no more advisors the police will increase committing violations in the future." Indicating that lessons had been learned from the experience of shortcomings in U. there are formal internal and external oversight mechanisms of the police." . the urgency of strengthening civil society mechanisms to provide human rights monitoring and reporting has never been greater. A lack of monitoring will create a vacuum in which violations will be committed with impunity. They will think that their behavior is correct because there will be no one to give the recommendation that they have to be processed and brought to justice.embarked on a joint development program for the PNTL focusing on mainstreaming international policing standards across the board over the long-term. Human Rights Unit due to close with the end of UNOTIL's mandate (foreseen for May 2006)." He continued: "As an exit strategy we are incorporating local NGOs to monitor the human rights situation in each district. The U.N. consistency of guidance.

It was one of the few statements in the text that was correct. and justifiable reaction on the part of those non-communists who felt threatened by the party's violent bid for state power. and to highlight structural problems that allow human rights violations to emerge in the first place. The commander of the army.the supporters of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) -. 40 Years Later The Mass Killings in Indonesia By JOHN ROOSA and JOSEPH NEVINS "One of the worst mass murders of the twentieth century. The weakness of the judiciary. Suharto's martial law regime detained some 1. and accused them of being "directly or indirectly involved in the September 30th Movement. and others would be the most successful way to devise an action plan for ending human rights abuse in East Timor. acknowledged the massive scale of the killings only to dismiss the necessity for any detailed consideration of them. among them six army generals * into the greatest evil ever to befall Indonesia [2]. The killings were part of the "backfire" referred to in the title: Indonesia * 1965: The Coup that Backfired. The September 30th Movement was Suharto's Reichstag fire: a pretext for destroying the communist party and seizing state power. donors and the East Timor government need to work more closely together to monitor the broad range of human rights violations." The hundreds of thousands of people shot. for multiple purposes: to remedy individual abuses. and emerging corruption issues. That narrative rendered the September 30th Movement * a disorganized. just as culpable for the murder of the army generals as the handful of people who were truly guilty. crisis-filled atmosphere. for some unknown reason. A participatory. to a brief. inevitable." That was how a CIA publication described the killings that began forty years ago last month in Indonesia. began on October 1). bludgeoned. human rights violations by the PNTL are just one symptom of a much broader nationwide problem. [1] Hunter's CIA report accurately expressed the narrative told by the Indonesian army commanders as they organized the slaughter. communities of interest. the anti-PKI atrocities. and until this is analyzed and addressed then the possibility is that police abuse can only be minimized at best. or starved to death were labeled perpetrators. She concentrated on proving that the PKI was responsible for the September 30th Movement while consigning the major issue. small-scale affair that lasted about 48 hours and resulted in a grand total of 12 deaths. are just two areas that directly impact on police abuse and remedies for it. or would-be perpetrators of atrocities. As with the February 1933 fire in the German parliament that Hitler used to create a hysterical.for their own deaths. later revealed to be Helen Louise Hunter. justified his acquisition of emergency powers in late 1965 and early 1966 by insisting that the September 30th Movement was a devious conspiracy by the PKI to seize state power and murder all of its enemies. partnership approach including the wide range of actors in civil society such as the media. stabbed. the . The author of this 1968 report. Seen in this light. Major General Suharto. The PKI had supposedly attempted a coup d'état and a nationwide uprising called the September 30th Movement (which. The 300-page text was devoted to blaming the victims of the killings -.NGOs. The mass murder of hundreds of thousands of the party's supporters over subsequent months was thus a natural. to identify patterns and perpetrators.5 million people as political prisoners (for varying lengths of time). offhanded comment.

With so little public discussion and so little scholarly research about the 1965-66 mass killings. . Many people imagine that the killings were committed by frenzied mobs rampaging through villages and urban neighborhoods. As it was. it is irrelevant. and so on. he said. stockpiled guns imported from China. vicious. The question as to whether or not the PKI actually organized the September 30th Movement is important only because the Suharto regime made it important. supernatural monster. D. If they had. put on trial. Even if the PKI had nothing whatsoever to do with the movement. [3] Much more research is needed before one can arrive at definitive conclusions. is as reliable as an Inquisition text on witchcraft. It was. Given that the army used torture as standard operating procedure for interrogations. they made their case against the PKI largely on the basis of the transcripts of the interrogations of those movement participants who hadn't already been summarily executed. The army banned many newspapers and put the rest under army censorship. While some Indonesian Chinese were among the victims. as were two of the three other core Politburo leaders (Lukman and Njoto). Sudisman. President Sukarno. danced naked and slit the bodies of the army officers with a hundred razor blades. admitted in the military's kangaroo court in 1967 that the PKI as an institution knew nothing of the September 30th Movement but that certain leaders were involved in a personal capacity. the army generals would have blamed the party for it. the statements of the suspects cannot be trusted. they remain poorly understood. The party's three million members did not participate in it. The army whipped up an anti-communist propaganda campaign from the early days of October 1965: "the PKI" had castrated and tortured the seven army officers it had abducted in Jakarta. Otherwise. All the members of their organizations would not have been imprisoned or massacred. Hunter's CIA report. however. nothing more than "a ripple in the wide ocean. The violence targeted members of the PKI and the various organizations either allied to the party or sympathetic to it." His inability or unwillingness to muster anything more than rhetorical protests. But recent oral history research suggests that most of the killings were executions of detainees. If the movement's leaders had been treated as the leaders of previous revolts against the postcolonial government. compared the army's murderous violence against those labeled PKI to a case of someone "burning down the house to kill a rat. The PKI as a whole was clearly not responsible for the September 30th Movement. Sundanese. Balinese. dug thousands of ditches around the country to hold countless corpses. they would have been arrested. etc. before they could provide their accounts. primarily based on those transcripts. The party chairman. Aidit." He routinely protested the army's exaggerations of the September 30th Movement. it would not have been such a small-scale affair. the general secretary of the party. and sentenced. The one among them who survived the initial terror. however. whatever ethnicity they happened to be: Javanese. does seem to have played a key role. the target of the PKI's alleged coup attempt. they were by no means the majority. It was not a case of ethnic cleansing.September 30th Movement was exaggerated by Suharto's clique of officers until it assumed the proportions of a wild. drawn up hit lists. He was summarily and secretly executed in late 1965. It was precisely this work of the army's psychological warfare specialists that created the conditions in which the mass murder of "the PKI" seemed justified. Many people outside of Indonesia believe that the victims were primarily Indonesian Chinese.N.

S. a relative nobody in Indonesian politics. [7] Such moral and material support was much appreciated in the Indonesian army. uneducated. strategists called a final "showdown" with the PKI. and the top army brass in 1965 was rooted in Washington's longstanding wish to have privileged and enhanced access to Southeast Asia's resource wealth. Eisenhower's administration attempted to break up Indonesia and sabotage Sukarno's presidency by supporting secessionist revolts in 1958. [5] The U. embassy officials in October 1965. [4] U. [6] A diligent embassy official with a penchant for data collection did his part by handing the army a list of thousands of names of PKI members. The top army generals in Jakarta bided their time and waited for the opportune moment for what U. his government had a working relationship with the powerful PKI. in a 1965 speech in Asia.S. In March 1966.S. moved against the PKI and Sukarno with the full support of the U. appoint." [13] Several years later." [10] But obstacles to the realization of Washington's geopolitical-economic vision arose when the Sukarno government emerged upon independence in Indonesia." while characterizing the country as "one of Asia's most highly developed nations and endowed by chance with what is . was outmaneuvered by a taciturn. Moreover. The destruction of the PKI and Sukarno's ouster resulted in a dramatic shift in the regional power equation. government. and explicitly anti-imperialist. wrote that the embassy had "made clear" to the army that Washington was "generally sympathetic with and admiring" of its actions."[8] This collaboration between the U. the cosmopolitan visionary of the Non-Aligned Movement. Marshall Green.S. As an aide to the army's chief of staff informed U.S. 1965. and arrest cabinet ministers. the strategists in Washington reversed course and began backing the army officers of the central government. monitor. Sukarno's domestic and foreign policy was nationalist. even while maintaining Sukarno as figurehead president until March 1967. Nixon had argued in favor of bombing North Vietnam to protect Indonesia's "immense mineral potential. but stern. nonaligned. American ambassador to Indonesia at the time. Suharto.S. the U. corrupt army general from a Javanese village. which Washington feared would eventually win national elections. [12] That moment came on October 1. "This was just what was needed by way of assurances that we weren't going to be hit from all angles as we moved to straighten things out here. Navy League's publication gushed over Indonesia's new role in Southeast Asia as "that strategic area's unaggressive. walkie-talkies. and small arms to Suharto so that his troops could conduct the nationwide assault on civilians. The great orator who had led the nationalist struggle against the Dutch. Many in Washington saw Indonesia as the region's centerpiece.[11] When that criminal escapade of the Dulles brothers failed.S.ultimately doomed his rule. Richard Nixon characterized the country as "containing the region's richest hoard of natural resources" and "by far the greatest prize in the South-East Asian area. Suharto grabbed the authority to dismiss. officials went so far as to express concern in the days following the September 30th Movement that the army might not do enough to annihilate the PKI. embassy supplied radio equipment. leading Time magazine to hail Suharto's bloody takeover as "The West's best news for years in Asia." [9] Two years earlier. thuggish. The new strategy was to cultivate anti-communist officers who could gradually build up the army as a shadow government capable of replacing President Sukarno and eliminating the PKI at some future date.

swallow up much of the government's budget. embassy account has it. the Indonesian military invaded neighboring East Timor in 1975 after receiving a green light from President Gerald Ford and his secretary of state. The Suharto regime lived by foreign capital and died by foreign capital. The U. [16] Once Suharto decisively sidelined Sukarno in March 1966. the Suharto regime caused an astounding level of unnecessary suffering. The regime's ability over the following years to sustain economic growth via integration with Western capital provided whatever legitimacy it had. that the military "would not stand for precipitous moves against oil companies. and declared. Henry Kissinger." to quote from a lighted sign at the Jakarta airport. The country imports huge quantities of staple commodities that could be easily produced on a larger scale in Indonesia. entered the chamber. rice. . The result was an occupation that lasted for almost 24 years and left a death toll of tens of thousands of East Timorese. he suddenly arrived by helicopter. By now it is clear that the much ballyhooed economic growth of the Suharto years was severely detrimental to the national interest. He personally intervened in a meeting of cabinet ministers in December 1965 that was discussing the nationalization of the oil companies Caltex and Stanvac. Suharto's vision for the army was not in terms of defending the nation against foreign aggression but defending foreign capital against Indonesians.S. and soybeans. as the gleeful U. The forests from which military officers and Suharto cronies continue to make fortunes are being cut down and burned up at an alarming rate. resulting in tens of thousands of additional fatalities. Within Indonesia proper. and begging for Western aid." Faced with such a threat. Falling prices were meant to convince Indonesians that Suharto's rule was an improvement over Sukarno's. With health care spending at a minimum. Suharto's clique of army officers took power with a long-term economic strategy in mind. the floodgates of foreign aid opened up. shipped large quantities of rice and cloth for the explicit political purpose of shoring up his regime.S. [15] At the same time.probably the most strategically authoritative geographic location on earth. played a particularly important role in forcing Suharto from office. The main products of the villages now are migrant laborers.S. such as sugar. Once that pattern of growth ended with the capital flight of the 1997 Asian economic crisis. oil companies and rubber plantations. the TNI committed widespread atrocities during counterinsurgency campaigns in the resource-rich provinces of West Papua and Aceh. Soon after the meeting began. epidemic and preventable diseases are rampant. Middle class university students. At his command. Apart from the pillaging of Indonesia's resource base. the regime's legitimacy quickly vanished. They expected the legitimacy of their new regime would derive from economic growth and that growth would derive from bringing in Western investment. or "the heroes of foreign exchange. the cabinet indefinitely postponed the discussion. Payments on the foreign and domestic debt. the euphoria reflected just how lucrative the changing of the guard in Indonesia would prove to be for Western business interests. The country has little to show for all the natural resources sold on the world market. the fruits of economic growth. Suharto's army was jailing and killing union leaders at the facilities of U. There is little domestic industrial production. part of it being the odious debt from the Suharto years. exporting natural resources to Western markets." [14] Among other things.

Victims of the "New Order" and their families are able to organize. As such. and international recognition for which the nationalist struggle was fought now seem as remote as ever. as part of the global "war on terror.S. thus enabling the Bush administration's current efforts to further ties with Indonesia's military. and is the author of A Not-so-distant Horror: Mass Violence in East Timor (Cornell University Press. There is even an official effort to create a national truth commission to investigate past atrocities. Nevertheless. prosperity. no military or political leaders have been held responsible for the Suharto-era crimes (or those that have taken place since). the military still looms large over the country's political system. They may be reached at: jonevins@pop.edu Notes .S.) after experiencing the misery that Suharto's strategy of collaboration has wrought.S.With Suharto's forced resignation in 1998. weaponry." Suharto's U. but it might just rise again during the ongoing economic crisis that is endangering the lives of so many Indonesians. now-independent East Timor. Sukarno used to indict Dutch colonialism by saying that Indonesia was "a nation of coolies and a coolie among nations. forthcoming in 2006). History textbooks still focus on the September 30th Movement and make no mention of the massacres. It is thus not surprising that the government of the world's newest country feels compelled to play down demands for justice by its citizenry and emphasize an empty reconciliation process with Indonesia. In his "year of living dangerously" speech in August 1964 * a phrase remembered in the West as just the title of a 1982 movie with Mel Gibson and Sigourney Weaver * Sukarno spoke about the Indonesian ideal of national independence struggling to stay afloat in "an ocean of subversion and intervention from the imperialists and colonialists. Joseph Nevins is an assistant professor of geography at Vassar College. It is encouraging that many Indonesians are now recalling Sukarno's fight against Western imperialism (first the Netherlands and then the U. thus increasing the likelihood of future atrocities. military training and economic assistance to Jakarta over the preceding four decades. 2005). that description remains true. This impunity is a source of continuing worry for Indonesia's civil society and restless regions." [17] Suharto's removal from office has not led to radical changes in Indonesia's state and economy. John Roosa is an assistant professor of history at the University of British Columbia. and is the author of Pretext for Mass Murder: The September 30th Movement and Suharto's Coup d'État in Indonesia (University of Wisconsin Press.-assisted takeover of state power forty years ago last month drowned that ideal in blood. as well as poverty-stricken. Meanwhile in the United States. There are competitive national and local elections. Washington's role in Indonesia's killing fields of 1965-66 and subsequent brutality has been effectively buried. significant democratic space has opened in Indonesia.vassar." Thanks to the Suharto years. despite political support and billions of dollars in U. there has not been a thorough investigation of any of the countless massacres that took place in 1965-66. Similarly. The principles of economic self-sufficiency.

26. 3. McGehee's description of it was heavily censored by the agency when it vetted an account he first published in the April 11. the movement's troops abducted and killed six army generals and a lieutenant taken by mistake from the house of the seventh who avoided capture. 14 to the White House (from Jakarta). The Dark Side of Paradise. 283. "Asia After Viet Nam. 1995). The latter is available online: http://www. noted in his memoir that the agency compiled a separate report about the events of 1965. Telegram from the Embassy in Jakarta to Department of State. 283. Audrey R. 1965. Kathy Kadane.htm 2. Cited in Robinson. Telegram from the Embassy in Indonesia to Department of State.gwu. 11.org/kadane. November 4." (Fall 1970). p. Quoted in Geoffrey Robinson. vol. John Roosa. eds. "The Lessons of the September 30 Affair. In Jakarta." San Francisco Examiner. 1965. one that reflected its agents' honest opinions. Quoted in Peter Dale Scott.1. The Dark Side of Paradise: Political Violence in Bali (Ithaca: Cornell University Press. "American 'Low Posture' Policy Toward Indonesia in the Months Leading up to the 1965 'Coup'. 19641968. 354. October 14. 1965. a teenaged nephew of another general. p. Also consider the massacre investigated in Chris Hilton's very good documentary film Shadowplay (2002).): Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation for Spokesman Books. 241. Oral History Essays] (Jakarta: Elsam. two army colonels were abducted and killed." (Fall 1969). Esai-Esai Sejarah Lisan [The Year that Never Ended: Understanding the Experiences of the Victims of 1965. p. May 20. 1983). p. 1990. Ralph McGehee. 111. 1. 2004). This FRUS volume is available online at the National Security Archive website: http://www. Two articles in the agency's internal journal Studies in Intelligence have been declassified: John T. 10. 9.odci. Tahun yang Tak Pernah Berakhir: Memahami Pengalaman Korban 65. and a security guard were killed. Kahin. A former CIA agent who worked in Southeast Asia. 50 (October 1990). Deadly Deceits: My 25 Years in the CIA (New York: Sheridan Square. In Central Java. p. "Ex-agents say CIA Compiled Death Lists for Indonesians. October 14. 57-58.K.). 59. Richard Nixon." Foreign Affairs (October 1967). In the course of these abductions. for its own in-house readership. CIA Report no. p. 1995). 1975). Frederick Bunnell. 7. Foreign Relations of the United States. available online at http://www. Ayu Ratih. Ten Years' Military Terror in Indonesia (Nottingham (U. in United States Department of State. 4. Subversion as Foreign Policy: The Secret Eisenhower and Dulles Debacle in Indonesia (New York: The New Press." in Malcolm Caldwell (ed. Kahin and George McT. Richard Cabot Howland." Indonesia. a five year-old daughter of a general. 1981 edition of The Nation. "The 30 September Movement in Indonesia.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB52/#FRUS 5. p. Pizzicaro. and Hilmar Farid.pir. "Exporting Military-Economic Development: America and the Overthrow of Sukarno.html 8. 6. pp. .gov/csi/kent_csi/docs/v14i2a02p_0001.

12. Bunnell, "American 'Low Posture' Policy," pp. 34, 43, 53-54. 13. Time, July 15, 1966. Also see Noam Chomsky, Year 501: The Conquest Continues (Boston: South End Press, 1993), pp. 123-131. 14. Lawrence Griswold, "Garuda and the Emerald Archipelago: Strategic Indonesia Forges New Ties with the West," Sea Power (Navy League of the United States), vol. 16, no. 2 (1973), pp. 20, 25. 15. Telegram 1787 from Jakarta to State Department, December 16, 1965, cited in Brad Simpson, "Modernizing Indonesia: U.S.*Indonesian Relations, 1961-1967," (Ph.D. dissertation, Department of History, Northwestern University, 2003), p. 343. 16. Hilmar Farid, "Indonesia's Original Sin: Mass Killings and Capitalist Expansion 1965-66," Inter-Asia Cultural Studies, vol. 6, no. 1 (March 2005). 17. For information on U.S.-Indonesia military ties, see the website of the East Timor Indonesia Action Network at http://www.etan.org/

Oleh: Andre Vitchek:[1] Lain hari, terjadi lagi kehilangan nyawa yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu: 16 orang terbunuh dan 16 orang masih hilang pada saat banjir dan longsor di Tahuna, sebuah pulau kecil dekat Sulawesi . Dengan kecepatan yang mengerikan, Indonesia telah menggantikan Bangladesh dan India sebagai bangsa yang paling rentan bencana di dunia. Jika nama Indonesia muncul pada daftar judul utama di berita Yahoo, besar kemungkinan telah terjadi lagi suatu tragedi besar yang sesungguhnya tidak perlu terjadi di salah satu pulau dari kepulauan yang tersebar luas ini. Pesawat terbang hilang atau tergelincir di landasan pacu, kapal-kapal ferry tenggelam atau rontok di lautan bebas, kereta api bertabrakan atau tergelincir satu kali seminggu, penumpang yang tak berkarcis berjatuhan dari atap yang berkarat. Tumpukan sampah yang berbau busuk dan tidak memperoleh izin telah mengubur kelompok pemulung yang tak berdaya, tanah longsor telah menghanyutkan rumah-rumah kardus ke anakanak sungai, gempa bumi serta gelombang pasang telah menghancurkan kota-kota serta desa-desa pantai.Kebakaran hutan di Sumatra telah menyesakkan nafas penduduk di daerah yang luas di Asia Tenggara. Ruang lingkup bencana sebesar ini tidak pernah terjadi sebelumnya dan sungguh aneh jika kita menyepelekannya sekedar sebagai nasib jelek bangsa atau amarah Tuhan ataupun karena keganasan alam belaka. Sebagian besar faktor penyebab bencana ini harus dipersalahkan pada korupsi, inkompetensi atau sekedar ketidakacuhan dari kelompok elite yang sedang berkuasa dan para pejabat peemrintah. Adalah kemiskinan, minimnya proyek untuk kepentingan umum, dan kegemaran [para pejabat untuk ] mencuri yang membunuh ratusan ribu pria, wanita serta anak-anak Indonesia yang tidak berdaya.

Sejak kudeta militer dalam tahun 1965 yang disponsori Amerika Serikat yang menjatuhkan Sukarno, dan menaikkan rezim militer yang sangat anti komunis, korup, dan pro pasar dari diktator Suharto , Indonesia terhindar dari pengawasan yang sungguh-sungguh dari media dan pemerintahan negara-negara Barat. Setelah jatuhnya Suharto dalam tahun 1998, Indonesia dipuji oleh media massa sebagai suatu demokrasi yang sedang tumbuh dan semakin toleran. Sebagian dari bencana ini adalah buatan manusia; [dan] hampir semuanya malah bisa dicegah. Dalam penelusuran yang lebih cermat semakin jelas terlihat bahwa orangorang mati karena hampir tidak ada upaya pencegahan, kurangnya pendidikan (Indonesia merupakan negara yang ketiga paling rendah prosentase GDP anggaran pendidikannya sesudah Equatorial Guinea dan Ecuador) dan suatu sistem ekonomi pro pasar yang buas yang membiarkan sekelompok kecil orang kaya untuk memperkaya dirinya sendiri di atas penderitaan orang banyak yang hidup d engan biaya kurang dari dua dollar sehari. Kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik terhadap bagaimana berfungsinya masyarakat Indonesia bisa sangat mengerikan. Namun, menghindari pengungkapan hal ini tidak diragukan lagi akan menyebabkan jatuhnya korban nyawa yang berharga dari ratusan ribu manusia. [Kehidupan bernegara di] Indonesia dewasa ini didorong oleh semangat mencari untung dalam bentuknya yang paling ekstrim. Ia juga merupakan salah satu dari bangsa yang paling korup di muka bumi. Dan kelihatannya tidak ada keuntungan cepat yang dapat diperoleh dari mengambil langkah-langkah preventif [terhadap bencana alam ini]. Dimanapun dunia, bendungan dan dinding anti-tsunami dipandang sebagai pekerjaan umum dan justru perkataan –umum—yang telah hampir lenyap dari kamus mereka yang membuat keputusan di Indonesia . Keuntungan berjangka pendek bagi sekelompok khusus orang diberikan prioritas yang lebih tinggi dari kemanfaatan berjangka panjang bagi seluruh bangsa. Keruntuhan moral dari bangsa ini terbayang dalam skala nilai, yaitu: orang korup tapi kaya memperoleh penghormatan yang jauh lebih tinggi dibandingkan dengan mereka yang jujur tapi miskin. Tenggelamnya kapal-kapal ferry bukanlah "karena angin kencang dan ombak"; kapalkapal itu tenggelam karena penuh sesak oleh penumpang dan karena perawatan yang buruk. Semuanya bisa dijadikan uang, bahkan keselamatan ribuan penumpang. Perusahaan-perusaha an hanya ingat terhadap keuntungannya sendiri, sedangkan para pengawas dari pemerintah hanya memperhatikan uang suap belaka. Tenggelamnya kapal Senopati Nusantara dengan ratusan kurban dan disiarkan secara luas itu hanyalah salah satu dari ratusan kecelakaan laut yang terjadi setiap tahun di Indonesia . Walaupun tidak bisa diperoleh angka statistik yang pasti (dengan alasan yang dapat diduga, yaitu karena pemerintah Indonesia berusaha sekeras-kerasnya untuk mencegah dipublikasikannya statistik komparatif secara lengkap), beberapa rute pelayaran kehilangan lebih dari tiga kapal setiap tahun. Catatan keamanan dari industri penerbangan Indonesia merupakan salah satu yang paling buruk di dunia. Sejak tahun 1997, sekurang-kurangnya 666 orang telah meninggal dalam delapan kecelakaan pesawat di Indonesia . Latihan terhadap beberapa orang pilot sedemikian buruknya sehingga pesawat sering tergelincir di landasan pacu atau sama sekali tidak bisa menemukan landasan, atau [malah] mendarat di bagian

tengah landasan. Pemeliharaan pesawat adalah masalah lainnya: flaps sering tidak berfungsi sama sekali; roda tidak dapat dimasukkan setelah take-off, ban yang jarang diganti cenderung meletus pada saat mendarat. Sungguh merupakan suatu keajaiban bagaimana beberapa pesawat – khususnya pesawat tua Boeing 737 yang diterbangkan oleh hampir semua perusahaan penerbangan Indonesia – bisa lolos dari inspeksi. Setelah mewawancarai pejabat penerbangan sipil lokal (nama yang bersangkutan jelas tidak mau disebutkan) wartawan Anda mengetahui bahwa sistem navigasi dari beberapa bandar udara Indonesia berada dalam keadaan yang amburadul, terutama bandar udara Makasar di Sulawesi dan Medan di Sumatra. Rata-rata, telah terjadi satu kecelakaan kereta api setiap enam hari di Indonesia , umumnya disebabkan karena kurangnya penjagaan pada 8000 lintasan kereta api. Sebagai perbandingan, kereta api Malaysia tidak pernah mengalami kecelakaan fatal selama 13 tahun sampai tahun 2005 (satu kecelakaan terjadi tahun 2006, yang statistiknya bisa diperoleh). Walaupun kenyataan menunjukkan bahwa Indonesia secara relatif mempunyai jumlah mobil per kapita yang kecil, namun jalan-jalannya merupakan jaringan jalan yang "paling banyak digunakan" di dunia (hanya nomor dua setelah Hongkong yang justru bukan merupakan negara): 5.7 juta kend eraan-km per tahun dari jaringan jalan. (2003, The Economist World in Figures, 2007 Edition). Menurut The Financial Times, walaupun kepadatan yang luar biasa serta lalu lintas yang bagaikan merangkak ini, lebih dari 80 orang tewas setiap hari di jalan-jalan Indonesia, umumnya disebabkan oleh karena amat buruknya infrastruktur dan amat lemahnya penegakan hukum. Gempa bumi belaka tidaklah membunuh manusia. Faktor penyebab banyaknya jatuh korban adalah buruknya konstruksi rumah serta bangunan, bersamaan dengan kurangnya upaya preventif dan pendidikan preventif. Sudah menjadi pengetahuan umum bahwa Indonesia rentan terhadap bencana; bahwa ia berada di kawasan yang disebut sebagai 'lingkaran api' (ring of fire). Namun kaum miskin tidak bisa mengharapkan adanya proyek perumahan umum yang mampu menahan gempa (seperti yang diban gun di negara tetangga, Malaysia ). Hampir setiap keluarga harus mengurus nasibnya sendiri: mereka harus merancang dan mendirikan tempat tinggalnya sendiri. Gempa besar membunuh ratusan orang, kadang-kadang ribuan orang, dan menyebabkan ratusan ribu orang kehilangan rumah mereka. Sekurang-kurangnya 5.800 orang meninggal dan 36.000 luka-luka pada tanggal 27 Mei 2006 sewaktu gempa berkekuatan 6.2 skala Richter menghantam daerah Jawa Tengah dekat kota bersejarah Yogyakarta. Infrastruktur yang primitif, fasilitas media yang tidak memadai, dan korupsi yang terjadi pada saat pendistribusian bantuan merupakan faktor yang menyebabkan tingginya jumlah korban pada saat terjadinya goncangan. Pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah (illegal logging) dan penggundulan hutan merupakan alasan utama terjadinya tanah longsor. Semua orang tahu siapa yang bertanggung jawab terhadap terjadinya kebakaran hutan di Sumatera dan di tempattempat lain, tetapi para pejabat pemerintah enggan sekali melakukan penangkapan, oleh karena mereka yang bertanggung jawab terhadap penggundulan hutan tersebut biasanya

Indonesia sering menderita berbagai jenis bencana buatan manusia yang sungguh sukar untuk dimengerti dan diperbandingkan dengan apapun juga. . bahkan mungkin suatu buku yang khusus ditulis tentang hal itu. yang selanjutnya menghancurkan seluruh masyarakat itu sendiri. tapi daftar lengkap akan memenerlukan banyak sekali halaman surat kabar. beberapa puluh orang terbunuh kaena tanah longsor dan banjir bandang di bagian utara pulau Sumatra .kaya raya dan mempunyai koneksi dengan [pejabat] negara dimana bahkan keadilan bisa dijual. Pejabat-pejabat Indonesia < /SPAN> telah menerima peringatan dini dari Jepang namun tidak mau bertindak. telah menewaskan lebih dari 126. sebagian besar dari bantuan luar negeri yang amat banyak itu lenyap karena korupsi. yang terkenal sebagai tsunami. sehingga mereka secara harfiah terpaksa ikut serta menggali lubang kuburnya sendiri dengan menghancurkan lingkungan. Bencana itu terjadi karena tidak dipatuhinya prosedur secara wajar oleh suatu perusahaan eksplorasi gas (yang sebagian sahamnya dimiliki oleh salah seorang menteri kabinet). Namun hampir tidak ada yang dilakukan sama sekali. banyak anggota tentara Indonesia memeras sogokan dari lembaga-lembaga bantuan dan merusak perbekalan atau air minum yang berharga jika sogokan tidak dibayar. yang memaksa 400. inspeksi dan upaya untuk mencari nafkah alternatif bagi masyarakat yang sedemikian putus asanya. namun angka yang sebenarnya hampir pasti jauh lebih tinggi. dan merendam lebih dari 1. menghancurkan satu-satunya jalan raya dari Surabaya serta jalan kereta api utama. ratusan ribu orang masih tinggal di rumah-rumah darurat.000 oang terpaksa mengungsi dari rumah mereka. kemudian mengatakan bahwa tidak banyak yang dapat diperbuat karena daerah tersebut tidak dilengkapi dengan sirene atau pengeras suara. Jangankan membantu korban. sedangkan anak-anak dipisahkan secara paksa dari orang tuanya (karena kehilangan sertifikat kelahiran) dan 'diadopsi' oleh organisasi-organisa si keagamaan.000 orang menjadi pengungsi.000 orang di provinsi Aceh pada bulan Desember 2004. termasuk penegakan hukum. Lebih dari dua tahun setelah terjadinya tragedi yang menghancur-luluhkan Aceh ini. beberapa di antaranya menjadi korban perdagangan manusia (human traficking). "Banjir lumpur" baru-baru ini telah menenggelamkan demikian banyak desa di luar Surabaya . Masih banyak korban tsunami lainnya. yang menghantam pantai Jawa selatan pada tanggal 17 Juli 2006 yang masih menunggu bantuan yang berarti. yang dapat mengisi demikian banyak telapak tangan yang menunggunya dengan sukacita. Bukan saja reaksi dari pemerintah Indonesia dan militernya amat lamban. Banyak lagi kejadian seperti itu. "Kecelakaan" ini telah menyebabkan lebih dari 10. banyak korban dihambat pulang ke tanahnya sendiri. Menurut angkaangka resmi. Dalam suatu kasus menyolok tentang perampasan tanah oleh pemerintah. Demikian banyak bentuk penyelesaian terhadap masalah-masalah ini. Sampah telah menguburkan suatu desa pemulung miskin pada sebuah penimbunan sampah tanpa izin di luar kota Bandung .000 are tanah dengan lumpur panas. Bulan lalu. Gelombang raksasa. oleh karena pembabatan hutan secara tidak sah merupakan bisnis raksasa dan sangat menguntungkan. banjir dan tanah longsor yang disebabkan oleh hutan lebat telah menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang di provinsi Sulawesi Selatan. sebanyak 600 orang tewas. Pada bulan Juni 2006.

Masalah utama adalah tidak adanya kehendak politik (political will). salah seorang pendiri dari Mainstay Press (www. dan 'cetak biru' yang konkrit untuk menyelesaikannya? Hampir di semua negara. Saat ini ia . bahwa mungkin tidak ada negara besar lainnya di dunia yang mengalami demikian banyak korban manusia yang tidak semestinya terjadi karena bencana buatan manusia atau bencana yang sesungguhnya bisa dicegah.--------. tidak termasuk kecelakaan kenderaan bermotor di jalan raya dan konflik bersenjata yang terjadi di seluruh kepulauan Indonesia. juga lebih besar dari korban yang jatuh di Sri Langka atau di Peru selama perang saudara yang demikian lama. bahkan dari bencana dan dari penderitaan berjuta-juta rakyatnya sendiri. Jumlah itu lebih besar dari jumlah korban di Irak pada saat yang sama. angka-angka statistik yang benar. jurnalis. tetapi masih berada dalam posisi untuk melindungi sebagian dari warganya yang rentan.Masalahnya adalah: kapankah rakyat Indonesia akan berkata bahwa sudah cukup apa yang terjadi itu dan kapankah mereka akan menuntut pertanggungjawaban dan keadilan. kedua tragedi ini dipandang (atau ditampilkan) ha nya sebagai suatu nasib buruk lainnya belaka tanpa meminta pertanggungjawaban atau akuntabiltas siapa pun juga. Sungguh. Sebagian besar mereka tidak menyadarinya. Tetapi jika korban yang harus dibayar harus dihitung dengan hilangnya ratusan ribu nyawa.--------. dimana istanaistana mewah dari pejabat-pejabat yang korup telah memakan berhektar-hektar tanah. produser film. ia menjadi pembunuhan massal. oleh karena statistik komparatif atau tidak tersedia atau telah ditekan.oaklandinstitu te. dan menolak menerbitkannya di halaman-halamannya. Cukup banyak semen dan batu bata untuk membuat bendungan dan dinding untuk menghambat tsunami. Indonesia adalah miskin. Indonesia telah kehilangan sekitar 200 ribu orang rakyatnya dalam berbagai bencana.--------[1] Novelis. Suatu penglihatan sekilas di sekitar Jakarta berlusin-lusin shopping malls baru dibangun di beberapa tempat.mainstaypress. Upaya mengaitkan demikian banyak bencana dengan korupsi dan sistem sosial ekonomi telah ditolak sama sekali. -----------.org). dua bencana yang terjadi baru-baru ini – peristiwa tenggelam yang mengerikan dari kapan 'Satria Nusantara" dan 'hilang'-nya pesawat Boeing 737 Adam Air dengan 102 penumpang – sudah lebih dari cukup untuk memaksa menteri kabinet untuk mengundurkan diri.--------. Surat kabar Indonesia terkemuka J akarta Post. Keengganan untuk menyelesaikan masalah mempunyai akarnya pada korupsi. Di Indonesia. korupsi adalah pencurian dari publik. Dalam kalimat sederhana. baru-baru ini memberangus komentar ini.--------. Pers dan media massa Indonesia telah melaporkan secara detail masing-masing dan setiap bencana itu. org). Sejak Desember 2004. Badanbadan usaha serta pejabat-pejabat lokal telah mengemban gkan kemampuan khusus untuk mengeruk keuntungan dari apa pun juga. Senior Fellow pada Oakland Institute (www.--------. yang terancam akan dikuburkan oleh tanah longsor. untuk memperkuat bukit-bukit di sekitar kota-kota. banyak orang Indonesia yang hidup dalam keadaan berbahaya dan penuh risiko seperti mereka yang hidup di daerah yang tercabik-cabik oleh perang. Tetapi mereka gagal untuk menegaskan bahwa apa yang terjadi itu adalah suatu keadaan luar biasa dan tidak dapat ditoleransi.

Mr. The massacre happened all of a sudden following social tension which has been escalating in North Halmahera. Indonesian University. Women Raped in Halmahera. a convoy of trucks laden with people were roaming the streets. dan diterjemahkan oleh Dr. In a single night. In this region.MAIA. They came not only from three districts in North Halmahera (namely Tobelo. added that each of the villages was inhabited by around 200 to 300 family units. On 28 December 1999. he continued. Out of 50000 Tobelo population. Galela and Jailolo) but also from Kao and . "Muslim women were also raped in the streets. According to Thamrin. North Maluku Province were massacred in a single night." I was informed that some 80% of men living in three Muslim villages of Tobelo were massacred.The worst and the most heartbreaking human tragedy has occurred in North Maluku on 28 December 1999. They were thought to have come from groups of people who had celebrated Christmas in Tobelo on 25 December. Thamrin said that he did not know who provoked them to carry out the attack. while the women were raped in the streets. the number of the Muslim men killed would be around 800. 12 Februari 2007. net. Tuesday 4 January 2000 ========================== Three Villages Raided. Not less than 800 Muslim men in three villages in the district of Tobelo. Komnas HAM. only 5000 are Muslims. "For sure. Tomagola. dimuat dalam International Herald Tribune dan The Financial Times. The crowd came from some districts in North Halmahera and Ternate and the number reached about 10 to 20 thousands people. Prof Dr Salim Said . nearly 2000 Muslims from Tobelo were killed and four mosques burnt down. Muslims were indeed minority." he said. since the tension sparked up on 26 December 1999. Halmahera. Another Bosnia Tragedy in Indonesia# Republika*." he told. Saafroedin Bahar. MA . Therefore. said. According to the Vice President of Assembly of Muslim Scholars of Indonesia (Majelis Ulama Indonesia . who is a sociologist and was born in Galela. the indication that there would be attack on the Muslims in Tobelo was noticed on 25 December when there was a huge people gathering in Tobelo. 800 Muslims massacred JAKARTA. on 26 December 1999. Yesterday.tinggal dan bekerja di Asia Tenggara dan bisa dihubungi pada alamat email andre-wcn@usa. Thamrin Amal Tomagola of the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences. dikirimkan via e-mail oleh Duta Besar RI di Ceko. including Islamic Affair Offices (Kantor Urusan Agama-KUA) and all buildings associated with Islam.MUI) H Adjit bin Taher. they did the attack on the Muslim enclaves in the city of Tobelo after [Ramadan] break fast. Naskah aslinya berjudul " Indonesia : Natural Disasters or Mass Murder?". Halmahera.

" he said. the Christian mass put the people who were inside the mosques under their siege. And they [the Christians] then slain the men. Only around 3000 people remains in Galela district." he added. "Apart from that. the inhabitants left the houses and went outside. the real aids came from local NGOs. whereas some 5000 of the inhabitants have fled to Ternate. yet the dead victims have reached 2500. Muslim enclaves in Jaelolo district are currently under siege by Christians. the mass immediately got off the trucks and then poured petrol on Muslims' houses before set on fire." said Thamrin. the Muslims in North Halmahera were besieged. The social tension which has currently turned into inter-religious clashes in the upper part of the northern region of Halmahera island. They were driven out from Tobelo and Kao districts. Nonetheless. reacted quickly by sending additional troops from Malang. Thamrin said." he said. whereas Ambon conflict [which is relatively longer] . Thamrin mentioned that the conflict has been going on for about five months. At present. he said. About 400 [Muslim] youths have determined to defend Soa Siu City. Indonesian Army (Tentara National Indonesia-TNI). the convoy leader kept agitating speech using a loud speaker mounted on the truck. where Muslims are majority. The Muslims then took revenge by driving out Christian inhabitants in Ternate who then took refuge in North Sulawesi and in majority-majority areas of North Halmahera. The Indonesian Government and the National Commission for Human Rights (Komnas HAM): Too luggishÉ!!!!! Although the conflict in North Halmahera was extremely tragic. Furthermore. Thamrin sees the Government being too slow in giving response. "I have not seen any proper coordination and arrangement from the Government. To illustrate the enormous scale of the human right violation. The tension that built up in North Halmahera started when Christian community in Kao expelled Muslim inhabitants of Makian Malifut from their villages to Ternate Island. "In this situation. the death toll has reached 2500 people. Apart from victimising Muslims. the Christians also attacked the residents of Chinese origin.Pidiwang districts as well as Christians from Ternate who had sought refuge in Tobelo. "They then poured the mosques with petrol and burnt the people inside alive. Indeed. When the convoy was underway. Thamrin was also dismayed by Komnas HAM which was less responsive with this extraordinary human right violation in North Halmahera. no real help from Government has been given to deal with the social atastrophe in the region. when coming to the Muslim areas. Thamrin disclosed that since a sectarian conflict erupted in Makian Malifut district on 18 August 1999. is the follow-up of the conflicts in Makian Malifut district on 18 August. The mobs on the trucks did no action when passing through Christian villages. Solo and Madiun. But. Thamrin admitted. he added. with thousands of people dead. Both the Muslim and Chinese people who were under attack run toward Jami Mosque in Gamsuni Village and any mosque in Dufa-Dufa village seeking for refuge. he continued. Thamrin said. But. he said.

The instruction letter of Kodal numbered TR/1291/1999. While Suharto may be gone. "So. In the same article. the Chief Commander for restoring peace and public order. Bacan. aged 86. the hypocrisy of his rich-country supporters — especially Australia — lives on. never having faced justice for the millions of people he killed or the billions of dollars he stole during his three decades in power." he said." he said in Ambon this Monday. 29 December 1999." he stressed. "The Government must set up immediately a special team for and investigate this grotesque human rights violation. It has become a tragedy for humanity. it seemed necessary to crush the attackers. based on evaluation in the field. From the reports he continuously receives. the personnel already deployed were felt insufficient to stop the clashes and restore the peace and order. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd described Suharto as an “influential leader” who “oversaw a period of significant economic growth and modernization”. Sanana. . has vowed to leave his position if he cannot stop this prolonged bloodshed. but they did not even set up a special team [to investigate the following] conflicts on 26 November and end of December 1999. They came from Tidore. US President George Bush expressed “his condolences to the people of Indonesia on the loss of their former president”. TNI Brigade General Max Tamaela. "Komnas HAM just came over during the first conflict on 18 August 1999.[END] INDONESIA. according to the January 28 Washington Post. Ternate.caused merely 1200 people died. Galela and South Halmahera. "I am ready to run the risk [of being sacked from my position] as a Pangdam [in my effort] to stop this human tragedy. regardless who are they since the facts have told that non-violence and negotiation approaches are not welcomed by the two sides. Thamrin said that hostility is still there despite of the deployment of additional troops. The letter mentioned that the Indonesian Army Chief had granted permission to allow additional troops when. Pangdam XVI/Pattimura (=the Army Chief for Maluku Province). Through a spokesperson. looking at the nature of the present conflicts. Muslim mujahideen have now gathered around the corridor regions of North Halmahera to launch a counter attack. Meanwhile. Suharto — the Australian elite’s favourite mass murderer Justin Randell 1 February 2008 Genocidal mass murderer and former Indonesian dictator Suharto died in hospital in Jakarta on January 27. dated 28 December 1999 was implemented on the following Wednesday morning. Sultan Baabulah Airport in Ternate was closed temporarily since Monday to anticipate any situation caused by the series of sectarian conflicts that have occurred in North Maluku since last week.

which had undertaken a number of measures that attempted to protect Indonesia from the ravages of exploitation by Western corporations. the PKI had an estimated 3 million members and 20 million organised supporters.000 to 1 million communist sympathisers knocked off É I think it is safe to assume a reorientation has taken place. Suharto and his cronies became obscenely rich while any attempt by ordinary Indonesians to organise to defend their rights was brutally suppressed. because Suharto “devoted himself entirely to the development of social conditions in Indonesia”. thenprime minister Harold Holt expressed his joy at this turn of events. By the time Suharto took power. utilising the military and right-wing Islamic fundamentalist militias to carry out a campaign of mass slaughter against all leftists or suspected leftist sympathisers. democratic elections and freedom of speech were completely nonexistent. At a New York meeting of the Australian-American Association in July 1966. With the active assistance of the CIA and the US embassy. Some estimates put the figure as high as 2 million. making it the largest communist party outside of the Soviet Union and China. No-one knows the exact number killed. Australian and US government support for Suharto goes all the way back to his rise to power via a bloody military coup in 1965. jailed and tortured. it also recognised “his achievements É he brought Indonesia from a country that was subsistence to one with a developing economy É” Keating told the Australian on January 28 that focusing on Suharto’s crimes was “missing the point”. Under Suharto. Former prime minister Paul Keating. infamously declaring with satisfaction: “With 500. Suharto launched his coup.” Indonesia was opened for business. Even more concerning for Western governments was the rise of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) on the back of mass struggles by workers and peasants. while opponents were routinely killed. Mass murder Keen to secure the great wealth of the Indonesian archipelago for Western corporations. overthrew the nationalist government of president Sukarno. then a top-ranking general. but at least half a million people were butchered in the space of four months. The PKI was physically exterminated — completely wiped out.Rudd characterised Suharto’s record of genocide as merely “controversial”. . Attorney General Ian McClelland and Australian ambassador to Indonesia Bill Farmer attended Suharto’s funeral on January 28. Via corruption and nepotism. Suharto. McClelland told AAP that while the Australian government recognised “issues of controversy”.

who had signed the treaty. Suharto’s “US-trained economists É agreed to the corporate takeover of their country. sector by sector. Suharto’s crimes against humanity were carried out on behalf of Western interests. the capital of East Timor. then-prime minister John Howard praised Suharto’s time in power as bringing “stability” to the archipelago. A US/European consortium got the nickel. American. Japanese and French companies got the tropical forests of Sumatra. the Indonesian military killed or wounded more than 450 young mourners at the Santa Cruz cemetery in Dili. The giant Alcoa company got the biggest slice of Indonesia’s bauxite. Soon after the “aberration”. He was active in the solidarity campaign with Indonesia’s democracy movement struggling against Suharto as a member of Action in Solidarity with Indonesia and East Timor. and could not have occurred without the support of countries like Australia. secured the division East Timor’s gas and oil deposits between the two countries. because Australia could “more readily” negotiate a deal with the Suharto to give Australia access to the oil and gas in the Timor Sea than with an independent East Timor. led by pro-democracy students. [Justin Randell is a member of the Democratic Socialist Perspective.” According to Pilger. Nine months later. Up to 200. also backed by Western governments — especially Australia. In 1985. The outpouring of support for Suharto following his death is consistent with Australian foreign policy: democracy and human rights are only allowable when they don’t interfere with the profits of big business. called this “an aberration.Dividing the spoils London-based Australian journalist John Pilger summed up the benefits of the Suharto regime for corporate interests in a January 28 article in the British Guardian. not an act of state policy”. The Freeport company got a mountain of copper in West Papua. the greatest prize in south-east Asia’. signed by Australia and Indonesia in 1989. Richard Woolcott. recommended that Canberra back the invasion.000 people — around one third of the population — died in East Timor as a result Indonesian occupation. Then-foreign minister Gareth Evans. a Marxist tendency in the Socialist Alliance. Australia became the first country to formally recognise Indonesia’s illegal annexation of East Timor.” One of Suharto’s greatest crimes was the invasion and annexation of East Timor. “The deal was that Indonesia under Suharto would offer up what Richard Nixon had called ‘the richest hoard of natural resources. the joint Australian-Indonesian board overseeing implementation of the treaty awarded 11 contracts to Australian oil and gas companies. When a mass movement. Australian ambassador to Indonesia at the time of the invasion. The Timor Gap Treaty.] . forced Suharto from power in May 1998.

yang mengkoordinasi para dai. Sebelum saya menjadi Asintel. Di antara para penceramah.MA Sampurna. di Jalan Sindang.From: International News. tetapi ternyata massa sudah mulai bergerak maju. Instruksi beliau waktu itu ialah "cepat atasi". Kalau masalahnya kecil. Kebetulan. Sulit pula menghitungnya karena keadaan gelap. yang bersuara keras ialah Amir Biki. saya turun bersama Asisten Operasi Alif Pandoyo. yang bernada menghasut. Nasir. H. Amir Biki. Karena keadaan makin panas. Saya segera mengontak Panglima (ketika itu Try Soetrisno). sedangkan anak buah saya segera siaga di lapangan. Green Left Weekly issue #738 6 February 2008. Saya hampir bisa masuk. terjadi pembakaran sepeda motor milik ****nsa. Syarifin Maloko. sekitar pukul 19. Tony Ardie. Ternyata situasinya makin panas karena para penceramah mulai menghasut Akhirnya. Sebelum peristiwa itu pecah. Di depan Polres Jakarta Utara itulah terjadi "kontak" dengan massa. sering menemui saya. Salim Qadar. bertutur sebagai berikut. Akan tetapi. yang . dari sumber lain beliau juga mendapatkan informasi. dan M.tentang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Lagi pula sudah terjadi "kontak" sehingga saya tidak sempat menghitung. Pasukan dari Kodim hanya satu regu.A Sampurna --waktu itu berpangkat Letkol dan menjabat Asintel KodamJaya-. misalnya soal selebaran. Kemudian. kini berpangkat Brigadir Jenderal dan menjabat Wakil Gubernur Jawa Barat. saya kembali ke Kodim. Saya memang kenal baik dengan dia karena sering bertemu. Jauh sebelum pecahnya peristiwa itu. sudah berlangsung kegiatan dakwah di Masjid alA'raf. tetapi karena situasinya kurang menguntungkan. saya berada di depan Masjid alA'raf. Saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah mereka karena massa amat padat. Pukul 20.00. saya masih memonitor situasi. biasanya saya minta dia menyelesaikannya secara baikbaik.30. Tanjung Priok. lalu menghubungi saya. Tanjung Priok 1984 Oleh Rumah Kiri. minta pembebasan anggota jamaah yang ditahan di Kodim atau di Polres. yang waktu itu berada di rumah. dakwah yang "panas" itu juga sudah ada. Akan tetapi tiga puluh menit kemudian. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi HMA Sampurna Berikut ini adalah kesaksian H.M. kini ketua DPD Golkar Jawa Tengah. 15-02-2006 07:00 Dibuka : 990 Rubrik : Arsip. Mungkin seribu lebih. Pada tanggal 12 September itu. saya mencoba maju ke depan. yang diungkapkannya kepada majalah mingguan Tempo. massa sudah ke jalan menuju Polres. permintaannya yang terakhir tidak bisa diluluskan karena saya anggap sudah keterlaluan.

Tentara gantian mengejar massa. dan memproses mereka yang ditangkap. Tidak jelas siapa dari massa itu yang mengejar atau dikejar. Malam itu posisisaya di jalan yang menuju ke arah Kodim dan Polres. ada yang ke arah Sampur. tidak mengurusi jenazah. memeriksa. Yang sudah. Beberapa saat kemudian Panglima memberi tahu bahwa Pangab (waktu itu Jenderal LB Moerdani) sebentar lagi akan meninjau ke tempat kejadian. Keterangan resmi peristiwa Tanjung priok diterima publik diuraikan oleh Pangab sebagai berikut.berjumlah 10 orang. dikuburkan di satu lokasi di desa Ceger. Kalau sekarang ini ada korban yang minta agar kasus ini dijelaskan. Saya lantas melaporkan kejadiannya. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Resmi Pemerintah Orde Baru Versi resmi peristiwa Tanjung Priok dikeluarkan sekitar sepuluh jam setelah peristiwa ini terjadi. Massa itu ada yang di jalan dan ada yang di lapangan. 10 meter di belakang pasukan. tetapi saya tidak mengetahui persis berapa jumlah korban yang meninggal.B. Amir Biki memimpin mereka ke arah Kodim dan Polres. mereka membawa berbagai macam senjata tajam. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. ada pula yang ke arah Kodim dan Polres. ditahan di beberapa tempat. menahan. . karena sebagian tidak dikenali identitasnya. pasukan campur dengan massa. Mereka malah mengejar tentara. Keterangan resmi pemerintah Orde Baru dikemukakan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib L. Diseleksi siapa gembongnya untuk diajukan ke pengadilan. ada yang bergerak ke Ancol. tetapi mereka tidak mau. Ada yang menuju Priok. Urusan saya ialah memproses mereka yang terlibat dan ditahan. Di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak terpasang pamflet dan poster yang menghasut bersifat SARA. Jaraknya amat dekat. jumlahnya sekitar seratus. seorang petugas. Kampung Rambutan. saya mengantar Pangab dan Pangdam meninjau para korban yang dirawat di RSPAD Gatot Subroto. menutup tulisan-tulisan yang bersifat menghasut itu dengan warna hitam. pada hari jumat tanggal 7 September 1984. Salim Qadar memimpin mereka ke arah Priok. Saya mengendarai jip. masih bisa dilihatgerakan mereka ke berbagai arah. Soedjoko. Dalam kegelapan. saling mengejar. Pangdam V/Jaya Try Soetrisno.00 dini hari. ya sudah. sedangkan yang lain dibebaskan. Para korban diangkut dengan truk. beliau bersama panglima datang. Lalu saya menunggu di Polres. Sambil bertakbir. Bahkan. dan Kapolda Metro Jaya Drs. Karena imbauan petugas agar pamflet-pamflet dan poster-poster itu dihapus atau dicabut tidak dihiraukan. menurut saya tidak usahlah. Jakarta Timur. kecuali sejumlah rumah dan toko yang dilempari batu dan dibakar massa. di tempat kejadian sudah tidak ada masalah yang berat karena sudah "dibersihkan" dan sudah selesai. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Akan tetapi. Moerdani didampingi oleh Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. Namanya juga massa. Sekitar lima belas menit kemudian. Sampai pagi saya tidak tidur. Sekitar pukul 02. Pasukan berusaha memberitahu massa agar mereka berhenti.

Nasir (bukan M. dihadang dan kemudian dikeroyok oleh sekelompok orang. di sekitar Masjid Rawabadak banyak tertempel pengumuman tentang ceramah oleh mubalig-mubalig yang terkenal ekstrem.00 WIB aparat keamanan menerima telepon dari Amir Biki yang berisi ancaman pembunuhan dan perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Pukul 22. dan membubarkan massa. Setelah itu. Massa terus maju mendesak satuan keamanan sambil mengayun-ayunkan dan mengacung-acungkan celurit. tetapi sepeda motornya dibakar oleh para penghadang. 7 September. dan apotek.00 WIB. Sekitar pukul 23. Hari Kamis. namun dijawab dengan teriakan-teriakan yang membangkitkan emosi dan keberingasan massa.500 orang menuju Polres dan Kodim.00 WIB ancaman telepon diulang lagi. Menurut Pangab dalam versi ini.30 WIB. tidak pernah diketahui keberadaannya setelah peristiwa malam itu. Jumat. merusak beberapa rumah. barulah massa mundur. Pada hari Rabu. pukul 19. 9 orang meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. M. Natsir mantan Perdana Menteri dan ketua DDII). tetapi mereka membakar mobil. Tembakan diarahkan ke tanah dan kaki penyerang. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. bukan mubalig . Regu keamanan berusaha membubarkan massa dengan secara persuasif. regu keamanan mulai memberikan tembakan peringatan dan tidak dihiraukan. Lima belas orang petugas keamanan menghambat kerumunan atau gerakan massa tersebut. 12 September 1984. keras. Syarifin Maloko (tertangkap setelah semua sidang perkara Tanjung Priok selesai). Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. seorang petugas yang sedang menjalankan tugasnya di daerah Koja. Setelah datang pasukan keamanan lainnya. pasukan keamanan Laksusda (Pelaksana Khusus Daerah) Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. Dalam jarak yang sudah membahayakan. sehingga petugas keamanan dalam kondisi kritis dan terpaksa melakukan penembakanpenembakan untuk mencegah usaha perusuh merebut senjata dan serangan-serangan dengan celurit dan senjata tajam lainnya. pukul 00. menguasai keadaan. korban pun tidak dapat dihindari. Penjelasan Pangab/Pangkopkamtib sebagai berikut. Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Intern Aparat Pemerintahan Orde Baru Versi kedua ini diungkapkan oleh Pangab/Pangkopkamtib dalam penjelasan kepada lurah wilayah Jakarta Utara. Petugas keamanan berhasil menyelamatkan diri. Aparat keamanan pun menangkap empat orang pelakunya untuk keperluan pengusutan dan penuntutan sesuai ketentuan hukum yang berlaku. di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama tanpa izin dan bersifat menghasut. 10 September 1984.Pada hari senin. Sekitar tiga puluh menit kemudian gerombolan menyerang kembali petugas keamanan. Penceramahnya antara lain Amir Biki (tewas tertembak). sekitar 1. 13 September 1984.

ayam sayur. Salah seorang petugas Koramil setempat, yang merasa terhina karena peringatan-peringatannya pada panitia untuk tidak mengundang penceramah seperti itu –mubalig keras-- selalu diabaikan, menyiram salah satu pengumuman dengan air selokan. Senin, 10 September 1984, petugas yang menyiram pengumuman dengan air selokan itu lewat di depan sekelompok pemuda yang sedang berada di Pasar Koja. Mereka segera menghadangnya dan mencoba mengeroyok petugas tersebut. Pada saat itu ada dua warga yang mencoba menyelamatkan petugas itu. Setelah itu para pengeroyok mencoba melampiaskan kemarahan mereka dengan membakar sepeda motor dinas yang digunakan petugas itu. Selanjutnya, sesuai prosedur hukum yang berlaku, Polres Jakarta Utara terpaksa menahan dua orang penyelamat itu dan dua orang lagi yang diduga sebagai pelaku pengeroyokan untuk dimintai keterangan. Penahanan sementara diperlukan oleh aparat keamanan guna penelitian dan pengusutan lebih lanjut serta guna penuntutan sesuai dengan hukum yang berlaku. Rabu, 12 September 1984, sekitar pukul 19.30 WIB, di Masjid Rawabadak berlangsung ceramah agama oleh Amir Biki, Syarifin Maloko, S.H., dan M. Nasir. Para penceramah melontarkan ucapan-ucapan anti-Pancasila, anti asas tunggal, memecah persatuan dan kesatuan bangsa, serta mengganggu stabilitas nasional. Di akhir ceramahnya. Amir Biki yang dikenal masyarakat setempat sebagai tokoh agama dan tokoh masyarakat yang berpengaruh, mengajak pendengar agar ramai-ramai mendatangi polres Jakarta Utara untuk menuntut agar empat orang, yang sebenarnya hanya ditahan sementara guna dimintai keterangan, dibebaskan saat itu juga. Sekitar pukul 23.00 WIB peserta ceramah beramai-ramai mendatangi Polres Jakarta Utara, dipimpin Amir Biki yang membawa bendera hijau. Karena gerakan ini sudah tercium sebelumnya, pengamanan Polres Jakarta Utara diperkuat pasukan Laksusda Jaya. Sesampainya massa di depan Polres, terjadi perundingan antara Amir Biki dan Komandan Laksusda Jaya dan Danres (Kapolres) Jakarta Utara. Sementara itu, para pengikutAmir Biki mulai berteriak-teriak mencaci petugas keamanan. Mereka memaksa agar empat orang temannya dibebaskan saat itu juga. Akhirnya, karena massa terus mendesak maju dan karena sakit hati dicaci maki terus menerus, petugas keamanan sebagai biasanya manusia, hilang kesabarannya. Maka tanpa dapat dicegah, sebagian petugas keamanan membidikkan senjata mereka ke arah massa. Terjadilah hal-hal yang tidak diinginkan. Sekitar 40 orang tewas tertembak saat itu juga, termasuk Amir Biki, serta puluhan lainnya mengalami luka-luka. Selanjutnya, para peserta ceramah sambil meneriakkan "Allahu Akbar" mengamuk dan membakar toko-toko milik orang Tionghoa hingga jatuh korban orang-orang Tionghoa yang mencapai 100 orang lebih. Kamis,13 September 1984, pukul 00.00 WIB, aparat keamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi, menguasai keadaan, dan membubarkan massa. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah, Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data, Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press.

Kronologi Peristiwa Tanjung Priok Versi Abdul Qadir Djaelani
Abdul Qadir Djaelani adalah salah seorang ulama yang dituduh oleh aparat keamanan sebagai salah seorang dalang peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Karenanya, ia ditangkap dan dimasukkan ke dalam penjara. Sebagai seorang ulama dan tokoh masyarakat Tanjung Priok, sedikit banyak ia mengetahui kronologi peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Berikut adalah petikan kesaksian Abdul Qadir Djaelani terhadap peristiwa Tanjung Priok 12 September 1984, yang tertulis dalam eksepsi pembelaannya berjudul “Musuh-musuh Islam Melakukan Ofensif terhadap Umat Islam Indonesia”. Sabtu, 8 September 1984 Dua orang petugas Koramil (****nsa) tanpa membuka sepatu, memasuki Mushala asSa'adah di gang IV Koja, Tanjung Priok, Jakarta Utara. Mereka menyiram pengumuman yang tertempel di tembok mushala dengan air got (comberan). Pengumuman tadi hanya berupa undangan pengajian remaja Islam (masjid) di Jalan Sindang. Ahad, 9 September 1984 Peristiwa hari Sabtu (8 September 1984) di Mushala as-Sa'adah menjadi pembicaran masyarakat tanpa ada usaha dari pihak yang berwajib untuk menawarkan penyelesaan kepada jamaah kaum muslimin. Senin, 10 September 1984 Beberapa anggota jamaah Mushala as-Sa'adah berpapasan dengan salah seorang petugas Koramil yang mengotori mushala mereka. Terjadilah pertengkaran mulut yang akhirnya dilerai oleh dua orang dari jamaah Masjid Baitul Makmur yang kebetulan lewat. Usul mereka supaya semua pihak minta penengahan ketua RW, diterima. Sementara usaha penegahan sedang.berlangsung, orang-orang yang tidak bertanggung jawab dan tidak ada urusannya dengan permasalahan itu, membakar sepeda motor petugas Koramil itu. Kodim, yang diminta bantuan oleh Koramil, mengirim sejumlah tentara dan segera melakukan penangkapan. Ikut tertangkap 4 orang jamaah, di antaranya termasuk Ketua Mushala as-Sa'adah. Selasa, 11 September 1984 Amir Biki menghubungi pihak-pihak yang berwajib untuk meminta pembebasan empat orang jamaah yang ditahan oleh Kodim, yang diyakininya tidak bersalah. Peran Amir Biki ini tidak perlu mengherankan, karena sebagai salah seorang pimpinan Posko 66, dialah orang yang dipercaya semua pihak yang bersangkutan untuk menjadi penengah jika ada masalah antara penguasa (militer) dan masyarakat. Usaha Amir Biki untuk meminta keadilan ternyata sia-sia. Rabu, 12 September 1984 Dalam suasana tantangan yang demikian, acara pengajian remaja Islam di Jalan Sindang Raya, yang sudah direncanakan jauh sebelum ada peristiwa Mushala as-Sa'adah, terus berlangsung juga. Penceramahnya tidak termasuk Amir Biki, yang memang bukan

mubalig dan memang tidak pernah mau naik mimbar. Akan tetapi, dengan latar belakang rangkaian kejadian di hari-hari sebelumnya, jemaah pengajian mendesaknya untuk naik mimbar dan memberi petunjuk. Pada kesempatan pidato itu, Amir Biki berkata antara lain, "Mari kita buktikan solidaritas islamiyah. Kita meminta teman kita yang ditahan di Kodim. Mereka tidak bersalah. Kita protes pekerjaan oknum-oknum ABRI yang tidak bertanggung jawab itu. Kita berhak membela kebenaran meskipun kita menanggung risiko. Kalau mereka tidak dibebaskan maka kita harus memprotesnya." Selanjutnya, Amir Biki berkata, "Kita tidak boleh merusak apa pun! Kalau adayang merusak di tengah-tengah perjalanan, berarti itu bukan golongan kita (yang dimaksud bukan dan jamaah kita)." Pada waktu berangkat jamaah pengajian dibagi dua: sebagian menuju Polres dan sebagian menuju Kodim. Setelah sampai di depan Polres, kira-kia 200 meter jaraknya, di situ sudah dihadang oleh pasukan ABRI berpakaian perang dalam posisi pagar betis dengan senjata otomatis di tangan. Sesampainya jamaah pengajian ke tempat itu, terdengar militer itu berteriak, "Mundur-mundur!" Teriakan "mundur-mundur" itu disambut oleh jamaah dengan pekik, "Allahu Akbar! Allahu Akbar!" Saat itu militer mundur dua langkah, lalu memuntahkan senjata-senjata otomatis dengan sasaran para jamaah pengajian yang berada di hadapan mereka, selama kurang lebih tiga puluh menit. Jamaah pengajian lalu bergelimpangan sambil menjerit histeris; beratus-ratus umat Islam jatuh menjadi syuhada. Malahan ada anggota militer yang berteriak, "*******! Pelurunya habis. Anjing-anjing ini masih banyak!" Lebih sadis lagi, mereka yang belum mati ditendang-tendang dan kalau masih bergerak maka ditembak lagi sampai mati. Tidak lama kemudian datanglah dua buah mobil truk besar beroda sepuluh buah dalam kecepatan tinggi yang penuh dengan pasukan. Dari atas mobil truk besar itu dimuntahkan peluru-peluru dan senjata-senjata otomatis ke sasaran para jamaah yang sedang bertiarap dan bersembunyi di pinggir-pinggir jalan. Lebih mengerikan lagi, truk besar tadi berjalan di atas jamaah pengajian yang sedang tiarap di jalan raya, melindas mereka yang sudah tertembak atau yang belum tertembak, tetapi belum sempat menyingkir dari jalan raya yang dilalui oleh mobil truk tersebut. Jeritan dan bunyi tulang yang patah dan remuk digilas mobil truk besar terdengarjelas oleh para jamaah umat Islam yang tiarap di got-got/selokan-selokan di sisi jalan. Setelah itu, truk-truk besar itu berhenti dan turunlah militer-militer itu untuk mengambil mayat-mayat yang bergelimpangan itu dan melemparkannya ke dalam truk, bagaikan melempar karung goni saja. Dua buah mobil truk besar itu penuh oleh mayat-mayat atau orang-orang yang terkena tembakan yang tersusun bagaikan karung goni. Sesudah mobil truk besar yang penuh dengan mayat jamaah pengajian itu pergi, tidak lama kemudian datanglah mobil-mobil ambulans dan mobil pemadam kebakaran yang bertugas menyiram dan membersihkan darah-darah di jalan raya and di sisinya, sampai bersih. Sementara itu, rombongan jamaah pengajian yang menuju Kodim dipimpin langsung oleh Amir Biki. Kira-kirajarak 15 meter dari kantor Kodim, jamaah pengajian dihadang oleh militer untuk tidak meneruskan perjalanan, dan yang boleh meneruskan perjalanan hanya 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu, di antaranya Amir Biki. Begitu jaraknya kira-kira 7 meter dari kantor Kodim, 3 orang pimpinan jamaah pengajian itu diberondong dengan peluru yang keluar dari senjata otomatis militer yang

kira-kira pukul 10.menghadangnya. Banyak yang memuji langkah ini. sekitar 14 jam setelah kejadian. jamaah pengajian yang menunggu di belakang sambil duduk. termasuk di dalamnya saudara Yusron. kehidupan sehari-hari bisa dikatakan telah kembali normal. sewaktu saya diperiksa oleh Kepolisian Daerah Metropolitan Jakarta Raya. Puluhan orang jamaah pengajian jatuh tersungkur menjadi syahid. Tanggungjawab Siapa: Kumpulan Fakta dan Data. Yang lebih menarik. di saat ia dan mayat-mayat itu dilemparkan ke dalam truk militer yang beroda 10 itu. menyatakan bahwa pada tanggal 12 September 1984. Kapur tebal putih telah menutupi tulisan-tulisan yang bernada rasial dan anti pemerintah itu. Moerdani kepada pers Kamis siang. Sebenarnya peristiwa pembantaian jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok tidak boleh terjadi apabila PanglimaABRI/Panglima Kopkamtib Jenderal LB Moerdani benar-benar mau berusaha untuk mencegahnya. yang ditutup sejak Jumat malam. mayat-mayat itu langsung dibawa ke kamar mayat.B. Peristiwa kerusuhan itu sendiri diungkapkan dan dijelaskan langsung oleh Pangkopkamtib Jenderal L. Kepala Intel Kepolisian tersebut di mana ia menyatakan bahwa jamaah pengajian di Tanjung Priok menuntut pembebasan 4 orang rekannya yang ditahan. saya sempat berbincangbincang dengan Kolonel Polisi Ritonga. karena gerak cepat tersebut telah berhasil mengempiskan bermacam kabar angin dan menghindarkan timbulnya berbagai isu. . menjadi panik dan mereka berdiri mau melarikan diri. memang masih tampak tentara berjaga-jaga. Suasana Tanjung Priok sendiri sudah pulih. saudara Yusron berteriak-teriak minta tolong. Amir Biki sempat datang ke kantor Satgas Intel Jaya. Jenderal Benny sama sekali tidak menuduh suatu pihak atau kelompok mendalangi peristiwa ini. kira-kira 30-40 mayat berada di dalamnya. Senin malam pekan ini tampak terparkir dua panser di depan kampus PTDI (Perguruan Tinggi Dakwah Islam) di Jalan Tawes. tetapi disambut oleh tembakan peluru otomatis. apalagi pihak Kopkamtib yang selama ini sering sesumbar kepada media massa bahwa pihaknya mampu mendeteksi suatu kejadian sedini dan seawal mungkin. telah dihapus. Ketiga orang pimpinan jamaah itu jatuh tersungkur menggelepargelepar. Bahkan. Jakarta Utara.00 pagi. Sumber: Buku Tanjung Priok Berdarah. Ini karena pada tanggal 11 September 1984. corat-coret di beberapa jalan di daerah Tanjung Priok. Di beberapa daerah yang Rabu malam pekan lalu diamuk kerusuhan.Ed. Dalam keadaan bertumpuk-tumpuk dengan mayat-mayat itu di kamar mayat. di saat saya ditangkap tanggal 13 September 1984. Petugas rumah sakit datang dan mengangkat saudara Yusron untuk dipindahkan ke tempat lain. Melihat kejadian itu. menurut petugas-petugas satgas Intel Jaya.). Menurut ingatan saudara Yusron. disebabkan membakar motor petugas. yang lalu dibawa menuju Rumah Sakit Gatot Subroto (dahulu RSPAD). Ia juga tidak menghubungkannya dengan kegiatan subversif apa pun. Yogyakarta: Gema Insani Press. Sesampainya di rumah sakit. Namun. Huru-Hara di Tanjung Priok Sejak hari Minggu pagi lalu (pertengahan September 1984 .

"Tapi tidak ada tempat hiburan yang ikut dibakar. sekitar pukul 23. pada Rabu malam pekan lalu." kata Benny. "Tapi mereka sempat membakar mobil. Sekitar setengah jam kemudian. Pada Jumat sore. "Sudah 16 bulan saya menjabat ****nsa di sana. Menurut Benny Moerdani. dan melaburkan airnya . yang menjadi ****nsa (Bintara Pembina Desa) di Kelurahan Koja Selatan. Nasir. hingga jatuhnya korban tidak dapat dihindari lagi.00. Selain itu. " Kata Hermanu. sehingga regu pengamanan. 3 sepeda motor. "Sekitar pukul 00. mencelupkannya ke selokan di depan mushala." kata seorang jamaah. Tatkala ditanya tentang jumlah korban yang jatuh. satu regu pengamanan ABRI di Tanjung Priok yang terdiri atas 15 orang telah menghadapi serangan gerombolan massa yang berjumlah sekitar 1. Sementara itu. mereka terus menyerang dengan mengayunkan senjata celurit dan berusaha merebut senjata petugas keamanan. Esok siangnya." Baru setelah bantuan pasukan pengamanan lain datang. "Dia minta agar poster-poster itu dicopot. dan berdialog dengan beberapa remaja serta jamaah yang ada. menguasai keadaan. dan Kapolda Mayjen Soedjoko. Usaha regu pengamanan secara persuasif untuk menenangkan dan membubarkan massa tidak berhasil. Benny menoleh dan berbisik kepada Try Soetrisno. "Dalam ucapan-ucapan mereka secara sepihak melontarkan kritik yang tidak sehat kepada sebagian pejabat pemerintah maupun pemerintah sendiri. "Bahkan. dan membubarkan massa." ujarnya menambahkan. Dengan santun. masuk mushala. gerombolan massa mundur. Tembakan-tembakan peringatan ke udara tidak mereka acuhkan. Pamflet itu berisi anjuran agar para wanita memakai pakaian "Islam" termasuk jilbab (kerudung). Syarifin Maloko.500 orang. gerombolan massa kembali menyerang." begitu bunyi siaran pers yang dibacakan Jenderal Benny Moerdani. Setelah itu ia menyebut: 9 meninggal dan 53 luka-luka. asal mula peristiwa itu adalah suatu insiden kecil. dalam keadaan kritis dan terpaksa. 3 mobil sedan." kata siaran tersebut. 7 September. maupun akibat kerusuhan itu sendiri. melakukan penembakan untuk mencegah usaha mereka merebut senjata." ujar Jenderal Benny. sang sersan membuka sepatu.Menurut Pangab Moerdani. Massa bahkan terus mendesak maju dengan teriakan-teriakan yang menyatakan tidak mengenal kompromi. merusakkan beberapa rumah dan apotek. oknum-oknum yang mendalangi peristiwa itu: Amir Biki. pasukan pengamanan Laksusda Jaya berhasil mengendalikan situasi. yang dalam konferensi pers di Mabes ABRI itu didampingi oleh Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno. "Mereka itu campuran antara yang terkena tindakan tegas aparat keamanan. dan M. ia mengambil sehelai koran. Menteri Penerangan Harmoko. Tatkala mengetahui poster itu masih ada. serta siapa saja yang tidak berkenan bagi mereka.00 WIB. Sertu Hermanu kembali datang ke mushala yang terletak di Gang IV Jalan Raya Pelabuhan itu. menemukan beberapa poster di Mushala asSa'adah. Permintaan itu ditolak. Sertu (Sersan Satu) Hermanu. Menurut pelacakan Tempo. dan 3 rumah (termasuk sebuah apotek) terbakar. 3 truk. adalah "Penduduk Tanjung Priok yang secara berkala mengadakan ceramah di Rawabadak". "Tembakan terpaksa diarahkan ke tanah dan kekaki para penyerang. 3 skuter. serta membunuh beberapa pemiliknya.

Pengajian yang diadakan di persimpangan jalan (yang ditutup untuk lalu lintas). Ia mengenakan celana cokelat dan kemeja batik hitam. Pidato mengecam berbagai hal. menurut beberapa sumber. Nasir. Melihat kemacetan itu beberapa anggota Polisi Militer datang. Esoknya. pergi ke Skogar untuk mengurus. Mula-mula beredar cerita. Rabu 12 September. Amir Biki pada sekitar pukul 22. Nur (22 tahun). Melihat itu penghuni gang tadi mulai berdatangan. Jadi. sebuah panggung didirikan di Jalan Sindang. yang muncul sebagai pembicara pertama malam itu adalah Amir Biki. persis di perempatan lorong 102. Ia juga membawa sebilah badik. dari gusuran tanah sampai keluarga berencana dan RUU keormasan. tiba-tiba ada yang berteriak "motornya". Massa yang marah lalu membakar motor tersebut. Mereka menuntut agar Hermanu meminta maaf. Kemudian. yang rupanya dimintai bantuannya untuk melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. Jalan pun macet. acara yang akan diselenggarakan adalah pengajian remaja. ia merencanakan sesuatu. Untunglah bantuan dari Kodim 0502 Jakarta Utara segera tiba dan berhasil membubarkan massa. Achmad Sahi. Massa pun bergerak akan menghajar Hermanu. Ia juga menjelek-jelekkan pemerintah. ada sersan masuk masjid tanpa melepas sepatu. M. Syarifudin Rambe. . Dalam undangan yang disebarkan oleh Remaja Islam Sindang. tetapi bisa dicegah oleh Sahi dan beberapa kawannya. Massa pun makin mengumpul. Desas-desus pun menjalar cepat. Hermanu mengaku beragama Islam. menyampaikan tuntutan yang sama melalui telepon kepada markas aparatur keamanan. Tiba-tiba suasana memanas setelah muncul isu "Sersan Hermanu orang kristen". Tampaknya. seorang tokoh Tanjung Priok yang disegani. berkembang menjadi tentara mengguyur masjid dengan air comberan. Achmad Sahi. Yayan Hendrayana.00. Maka. yang ditunjukannya kepada massa.00. antara lain Syarifin Maloko. Selasa siangnya. seperti diungkapkan Jenderal Moerdani. dan Sofwan pun diangkut petugas. yang diisi ceramah beberapa ustadz. serta beberapa temannya bertemu dengan Hermanu. Amir Biki. yang sedang menyeret sepeda motor itu. Puluhan loud speaker diikat di tiang listrik di sepanjang Jalan Sindang yang lebarnya sekitar 7 meter. dan M. Senin pagi 10 September. Ternyata.yang hitam itu ke tiga poster yang menempel di dinding luar mushala itu. yang mula-mula ditolaknya. Tapi ia mengucapkan kala Allah (Alloh) dengan bunyi "Alah". Entah siapa yang memulai. ketua pengurus Mushala as-Sa'adah. Di atapnya ditutup dengan tenda terpal warna garis-garis hijau putih. dan "ceramah saya ini mungkin yang pertama dan terakhir"." cerita beberapa saksi mata. ia pasti bukan Islam. kepada Tempo Hermanu mengatakan bahwa agamanya Islam). karena beberapa kali ia menegaskan agar massa "menunggu instruksinya". massa pun menyeret sepeda motor Honda GL 100 warna merah milik Sertu Hermanu ke tengah Jalan Raya Pelabuhan. Puncak pidatonya adalah tatkala ia menuntut "kepada penguasa" agar melepaskan keempat pemuda yang ditahan. "Waktu ditanya agamanya. Rupanya. biasa diadakan di kawasan tersebut Acara malam itu dimulai sekitar pukul 20. Ia mengancam akan menggerakkan massa jika mereka tidak dibebaskan sebelum pukul 23. ditangkap.00 malam itu. yang tak keruan ujung pangkalnya (belakangan.

dan pelumas. Namun. Dalam waktu singkat. menurut saksi ini. ia menghambur ke luar kamar --dan bertemu pembantu wanita. "Pembicaraannya ngawur dan jelas bertentangan dengan ajaran Islam. korban yang meninggal tercatat 28 orang. Amir Biki pun menggerakkan massa. Saat itulah perusakan dan pembakaran mulai terjadi. Antara lain: Abdul Qadir Djaelani. Tatkala mereka terus bergerak." kata seorang yang malam itu berbaris di dekat Amir Biki. "Tapi Pak Amir rupanya sudah emosi. petugas keamanan melepaskan tembakan peringatan. sekitar dua meter. pasukan keamanan bisa menguasai keadaan. Menurut suatu sumber dari luka-luka mereka yang tewas diketahui. Datangnya bantuan pasukan membuat mereka mundur." kata sebuah sumber. Pemerintah telah menyatakan berduka cita kepada keluarga korban yang jatuh. pembantu yang baru bekerja empat hari di Toko Tanjung Jaya di Jalan Jampea. dan Mawardi Noor. terutama dilakukan oleh sekelompok lain yang melewati Jalan Jampea. dan keempat tahanan tidak dibebaskan. di reruntuhan Tanjung Jaya di temukan delapan mayat keluarga Tan Kio Liem serta seorang pembantunya. Tatkala pukul 23.Amir mengancam "akan melakukan pembunuhan dan perusakan-perusakan apabila keempat tahanan tersebut tidak dibebaskan". setelah diberitahu pemiliknya Cina Islam. Massa tercerai-berai oleh tembakan. dan luput dari tembakan. Ia malah memegang bendera dan meneriakkan 'maju dan serbu'. Tuntutan melalui telepon itu diulangi lagi pada pukul 23. Jumlah korban. kabarnya tak kurang "keras" suaranya. Beberapa pembicara lain setelah Amir Biki. Sementara itu. "Saya lihat asap masuk kamar dan terdengar suara ribut-ribut. Toko Tanjung Jaya. setengah perjalanan. Pasukan ini mencegah dan berusaha membubarkan massa.00. yang memang tidak dijaga. Jarak antara petugas dan penyerbu. Malah ada pembicara yang menghasut massa dan isi hasutannya sangat rasialistis. Sekitar tengah malam itu Riswanto (20 tahun). Tetapi api yang membakar Tanjung Jaya ikut meludaskan Apotek Tanjung. terbangun. kabarnya bertambah. Bersama tiga rekan pria sesama pembantu. mereka memang terkena tembak dalam jarak dekat. memang menjadi sasaran amukan massa. mereka dihadang sepasukan tentara. menempuh jarak sekitar 1. Moerdani sendiri kabarnya ikut memeriksa situasi setempat setelah lewat tengah malam. yang pada hari Kamis tercatat sembilan orang meninggal." kata pemuda asal Purwokerto. bahan bakar. melewati Jalan Anggrek. Esoknya. Pangab Jenderal LB. di depan kantor Polres di Jalan Yos Sudarso. massa urung membakar Apotek Tanjung di sebelahnya. Tony Ardie. bisa jadi mereka sendiri akan tewas lebih dulu. Sebelumnya. yang menjual onderdil. "Jadi bila petugas tak menembak. sejumlah perusuh dan tokoh yang diduga terlibat ditahan. masing-masing membawa bendera hijau.00 tiba. memimpin satu kelompok yang menuju markas Kodim di Jalan Yos Sudarso. Amir sendiri berjalan di depan. Sebuah sumber kepolisian menyebutkan." kata seorang pejabat. Ia membagi mereka dalam dua kelompok. .5 km. sampai Sabtu pekan lalu.

According to AFP [The Straits Times. Just shoot them or knife them. If you encounter the GPK. West Java. 300 marines and about 100 men from the mobile brigade based in East Java were sent to Sigli. Earlier in August. The number of troops in the area has been doubled." ['GPK' or 'security disruptors' is the term used officially for the Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM. PPP. based in Bogor. son-in-law of President Suharto. 16 August 1990]. It is commanded by Colonel Prabowo. 1990 After trying for more than a year to put down widespread rebellion and protest in Aceh. A Call for Action from TAPOL. didramatisasikan. masyarakat tidak perlu khawatir akan ada golongan yang harus menerima citra akibat Peristiwa Tanjung Priok. Sarwono Kusumaatmadja. Menurut Try. DPP Golkar. known in English as the Aceh-Sumatra National Liberation Front. the Indonesian armed forces. seperti terlihat konsep tertentu yang hendak dipaksakan. to 12. memuji sikap Pangab Jenderal Moerdani yang sangat menolong mendudukkan perkara ini sesuai apa adanya berkat keterangannya yang tidak dibuat-buat dan tidak. Pramono said many people had already been killed and that killings are occurring almost every day. East Aceh and Pidie. who saw service last year in East Timor and gained a reputation for extreme brutality. Sumber: Majalah Tempo." katanya. . "Kita harus tetap menyucikan agama.000. Sekjen DPP Golkar. machetes or whatever. an airborne battalion of 600 men was parachuted into the districts of North Aceh. This battalion.] In the same interview. the capital of Pidie. acting on the orders of regional military commander Major-General Djoko Pramono. you should kill them. is part of the notorious red-beret unit known as Kopassus. have embarked on a campaign of systematic murder.. In an interview with Tempo [17 November. kata Sarwono. The military commander has called on the local population to take part in a mass murder campaign. on the north-western tip of Sumatra. Di belakang peristiwa ini. dan PDI mengeluarkan pernyataan yang menyesalkannya seraya memuji tindakan aparatur keamanan yang tegas. Pemerintah tampaknya tidak akan menuding suatu golongan mendalangi peristiwa ini.. just kill them. 1990]. meski bertentangan dengan Pancasila. Regular territorial troops have been withdrawn from the villages and replaced by four commando units. I have told people to arm themselves with sharp weapons.. Itu terlihat dari pernyataan Pangdam V/Jaya Mayjen Try Soetrisno dalam Sarasehan DPP KNPI pekan lalu.Terjadinya Peristiwa Tanjung Priok ini disesalkan semua pihak. Pramono said: "I have told the people here: if you meet GPK members. Dec 17. 22 September 1984 Pembunuhan yang terjadi di Aceh Mass Murder in Aceh. No need to investigate.

"Some soldiers admit to killing unarmed people and leaving their corpses in public places as a 'counter-terrorist' measure. some villagers have been set upon. You often have a fifty-fifty chance of ever coming back. it listed many large detention centres each of which are being used by the army to hold up to a thousand people at any one time. In a press release issued on 10 December. Mutilated corpses litter the roadsides and ditches. according to the Front. In some cases. recently returned from Aceh. Most of the victims are local civilians. Reuter quoted an Indonesian human rights lawyer. or engage in a shoot-to-kill campaign to exterminate the 'GPK' and strike fear into the entire population." The Aceh National Liberation Front believes that more than five thousand people have been put to death since the beginning of the year. though several members of the security forces and some of the rebels have also been killed. according to a western human rights observer. The bodies of people not known locally have been found in plantations and by rivers. Villagers troubled by a foul smell found an open pit with 200 bodies in it. villagers working on a river bank found eight bodies tied together.' said a non." According to The Economist [15 December 1990]. Pramono has clearly chosen the second option.... taken to nearby military centres and forced to pledge loyalty to the government. on their way home. A mass grave was discovered in Akue Mira. weighted down and drowned. No-one has reported any attempts to identify the bodies or carry out autopsies to determine the cause of death. as many . Many have been found with hands and feet tied together and a bullet wound in the head. Our source reports that many villagers suspected of sympathising with GAM have been rounded up. residents said.. On 23 November. killed. three months before a deadline set by Pramono to end the conflict. Death toll It is not possible to quantify the number already slain this year. The Reuter report [23 November] said that "hundreds of unidentified corpses have been found and hundreds of people have disappeared. a senior army doctor puts the toll at more than a thousand. 'They are taken out of their houses at night. as saying that residents reported finding mass graves and a steady flow of decomposed corpses.government party politician.. either to arrest many thousands of people and deal with them in the courts of law which could take years. often on the smallest suspicion. a Reuter correspondent who visited the area wrote: "A trickle of deaths over the past year became a torrent in late September." A TAPOL contact in Jakarta was told by a senior intelligence officer that the security forces in Aceh face two options. Acehnese are being rounded up in their hundreds and taken to detention centres. There is strong evidence that bodies are deliberately left without burial for greater psychological impact.On 8 November 1990. bodies have been buried with a foot or arm exposed. their bodies grotesquely mutilated and left on the roadside.

and urges the Indonesian Legal Aid Institute (LBH) and Asia Watch to make public without delay the findings of on-the-spot investigations already carried out by them. The Front earlier compiled a dossier of reports naming hundreds of people who had been arrested or who had disappeared. Reudeuep Lhok Sukon.placing the feet under the legs of a chair on which a soldier sits until the bones are broken. Need for action The campaign of extermination now under way in Aceh is the latest in a string of crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Suharto regime. launched in 1975.as a hundred people may be taken out from each of the camps and killed in a night. out of a population of about 700.000 people. This information should be submitted to the February 1991 session of the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva. Rantjong.squeezing a man's testicles with pliers. Medan and Takengon.mutilating various parts of the body. . It calls on governments and people everywhere to exert pressure on the Suharto government to put a stop to the slaughter. . Sigli. army death squads killed at least 4. . before the campaign of mass slaughter began. . Dozens. It calls on human rights organisations in Indonesia (LPHAM and Infight) and abroad (Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists) to send observers to Aceh.000. perhaps more than a hundred.nailing down the hands as if for crucifixion. in February 1989. In 1983-84. July or August this year. has left an estimated 200. Tualang Tjut. most of which were written in June.raping women and mutilating their breasts. Lampung. The reports. .hanging the victim upside down. Army troops shot at least a hundred Muslims in Tanjung Priok in September 1984 who were protesting against the arrest of mosque officials. Keudah (Bandar Aceh). In 1965-66. Tjot Girek. Peureulak. Langsa.immersing the victim in boiling water. it was responsible for the massacre of an estimated one million communist suspects or sypathisers. Lhok Seumawe.using cigarettes or hot irons to inflict burns.placing the victim in filthy water for hours or days. . These centres are located in Lammeulo. Bindjai. . villagers were killed in Way Jepara. Its war in East Timor. South Sumatra.000 people dead. also give details of torture methods which include: . a campaign which Suharto described in his autobiography as 'shock therapy' against alleged criminals. . TAPOL most vigorously condemns this latest murder campaign against the people of Aceh. Western governments should send officials to Aceh to assess the scale of the massacre.electric shock. . .

by the end of the decade had become bogged down in the face of stubborn Chinese resistance. Because Japan could not continue its China war without these resources. 1942-45 [JPEG] A Japanese soldier watching oil tanks near Jakarta set afire by the retreating Dutch. From Tokyo's perspective. it followed the United States in freezing Japanese assets and imposing an embargo on oil and other exports. to secure its rich natural resources. The Indies government. which had begun in July 1937. Since this cannot be done in Indonesia. But in summer 1941. German occupation of the Netherlands in May 1940 led to Japan's demand that the Netherlands Indies government supply it with fixed quantities of vital natural resources. Negotiations continued through mid-1941. Britain. Those responsible for the killings must be brought to justice. Further demands were made for some form of economic and financial integration of the Indies with Japan. an International Tribunal on Crimes against Humanity should be convened to hold the Suharto regime responsible for its campaign of death and mass intimidation in Aceh. London 17 December. 1990 Ini tentang Kejahatan Jepang terhadap Indonesia! Indonesia WORLD WAR II AND THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE. China. but Indonesia supplied a critical 25 percent. realizing its extremely weak position. TAPOL calls on solidarity organisations throughout the world to exert pressure on their own governments along these lines and make their own approaches to the NGOs mentioned above. especially oil. Japan's invasion of North China. 1942-50 The Japanese Occupation. the militarydominated government in Tokyo gave assent to an "advance south" policy. . the increasingly critical attitude of the "ABCD powers" (America. To feed Japan's war machine. French Indochina was already effectively under Japanese control. large amounts of petroleum.The European Parliament should adopt an emergency resolution calling for an end to the slaughter. and the Dutch) toward Japan's invasion of China reflected their desire to throttle its legitimate aspirations in Asia. Library of Congress The Japanese occupied the archipelago in order. March 1942 Courtesy Prints and Photographs Division. A nonaggression pact with the Soviet Union in April 1941 freed Japan to wage war against the United States and the European colonial powers. and other raw materials had to be imported from foreign sources. like their Portuguese and Dutch predecessors. Most oil--about 55 percent--came from the United States. played for time. scrap iron.

of political activities carried out by nationalists and Muslims. The occupation was not gentle. was the forced mobilization of some 4 million--although some estimates are as high as 10 million--romusha (manual laborers). The Battle of the Java Sea resulted in the Japanese defeat of a combined British. Committees were organized to standardize Bahasa Indonesia and make it a truly national language.The Japanese experienced spectacular early victories in the Southeast Asian war. the light of Asia. as Batavia gave up its empire without a fight. Food and other vital necessities were confiscated by the occupiers. Japanese commanders promoted the independence movement as a means of frustrating an Allied reoccupation. At the end of the war. 1942. there were profound cultural implications from the Japanese invasion of Java. in the words of a 1942 slogan. The Japanese military police were especially feared." Tokyo's Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. In Sumatra and the east. In addition. for a time. most of whom were put to work on economic development and defense construction projects in Java. this approach was appealing and harmonized remarkably well with local legends that a two-century-long non-Javanese rule would be followed by era of peace and prosperity. The Sixteenth Army was tolerant. The Japanese occupation was a watershed in Indonesian history. The Japanese divided the Indies into three jurisdictions: Java and Madura were placed under the control of the Sixteenth Army. In the closing months of the war. Revolutionary (or traditional) . the overriding concern of the occupiers was maintenance of law and order and extraction of needed resources. Although their motives were largely acquisitive. Java's economic value with respect to the war effort lay in its huge labor force and relatively developed infrastructure. business. encompassing both Northeast and Southeast Asia. "The leader of Asia. Given Indonesian resentment of Dutch rule. the Japanese justified their occupation in terms of Japan's role as. Britain's fortress in the east. the protector of Asia. despite British numerical superiority and the strength of its seaward defenses. causing widespread misery and starvation by the end of the war. joined with Malaya under the Twenty-fifth Army. was to be a nonexploitative economic and cultural community of Asians. It shattered the myth of Dutch superiority. Singapore. About 270. with Japan as the focal point. Modern Indonesian literature. 1941. and the eastern archipelago was placed under naval command. where they joined other Asians in performing wartime construction projects. Dutch. however. This tolerance grew as the momentum of Japanese expansion was halted in mid-1942 and the Allies began counteroffensives.000 romusha were sent to the Outer Islands and Japaneseheld territories in Southeast Asia. Australian. and cultural life. received further impetus under Japanese auspices. and United States fleet. within limits. The worst abuse. In administration.000 were repatriated to Java. only 52. the Dutch language was discarded in favor of Malay and Japanese. Japanese troops often acted harshly against local populations. On March 9. fell on February 15. Sumatra. the Netherlands Indies government surrendered without offering resistance on land. The relatively tolerant policies of the Sixteenth Army on Java also confirmed the island's leading role in Indonesian national life after 1945: Java was far more developed politically and militarily than the other islands. which got its start with language unification efforts in 1928 and underwent considerable development before the war. There was little resistance as Japanese forces fanned out through the islands to occupy former centers of Dutch power.

as they did in their Korean colony. however. . they did not attempt. and the military. European officials. the Army of God. The most significant legacy of the occupation. Sukarno and Hatta agreed in 1942 to cooperate with the Japanese. to coercively promote Japanese culture on a large scale. it had 37. and he became increasingly valuable to them as the need to mobilize the population for the war effort grew between 1943 and 1945. Many members of the elite responded positively to an inculcation of samurai values. Muslim leaders opposed the practice of bowing toward the emperor (a divine ruler in Japanese official mythology) in Tokyo as a form of idolatry and refused to declare Japan's war against the Allies a "holy war" because both sides were nonbelievers. whom the Dutch had largely ignored. at least in camps for male military prisoners. Like the Dutch. For example. or Barisan Hizbullah. administration. paramilitary units recruited by the Japanese in mid-1943. the personnel vacuum on the lower levels was filled with Indonesians. as this seemed to be the best opportunity to secure independence. and others. the occupiers began organizing Indonesians into military and paramilitary units whose numbers were added by the Japanese to romusha statistics. totaling around 170. which embittered Dutch-Japanese relations even in the early 1990s). such as the priyayi on Java and the Acehnese uleebalang. Peta was a military force designed to assist the Japanese forces by forestalling the initial Allied invasion. semangat in Indonesian). military personnel.000. were essentially like themselves but had been corrupted by three centuries of Western colonialism. Soon after the Dutch surrender. and the Defenders of the Fatherland (Peta) in 1943. was tarnished by his role in recruiting romusha. The occupiers were particularly impressed by Sukarno's mass following. designed to create a united front of orthodox and modernist believers. who were brought to Jakarta for training and indoctrination. were interned (the harsh conditions of their confinement caused a high death rate. was the opportunities it gave for Javanese and other Indonesians to participate in politics. By the end of the war. the occupiers believed that Indonesians. after the Japanese surrender collaborators in some areas were killed in a wave of local resentment.000 men in Java and 20. the Japanese allowed a huge rally in Batavia (renamed Jakarta) to celebrate by tearing down a statue of Jan Pieterszoon Coen. What was needed was a dose of Japanese-style seishin (spirit. was attached to Masyumi. In October 1943. and art. the Japanese organized the Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Masyumi). Japanese attempts to coopt Muslims met with limited success. to administer the countryside. and hated symbols of Dutch imperial control were swept away. Although the occupiers propagated the message of Japanese leadership of Asia. however. as were a large number of kyai (religious leaders). a Muslim armed force. His reputation.000 in Sumatra (where it was commonly known by the Japanese name Giyugun). These included the heiho (auxiliaries). however. films. Because of the harshly exploitative Japanese policies in the closing years of the war. the Japanese relied on local indigenous elites. however. the seventeenthcentury governor general. As the fortunes of war turned. businessmen. Nahdatul Ulama was given a prominent role in Masyumi. While Japanese military officers occupied the highest posts. In December 1944. According to historian Anthony Reid.Indonesian themes were employed in drama. as fellow Asians.

. and shortly afterwards. They were accompanied by civilian women and their children. The women knew what was going to happen to them. In addition to the Australian nurses. the nurses expected to be treated in a civilised manner by the Japanese when they reached shore. Their expectations were short lived. it was decided that they should surrender to the Japanese. sixty-five Australian Army nurses. including twenty-two Australian nurses. on rafts. All of the survivors were tired. The twenty-two Australian nurses were then ordered by the Japanese to form a line and walk into the sea. Some were wiping blood from their bayonets. When the number of survivors at the bonfire reached about one hundred. She was the only nurse who had survived the massacre. Upon discovering that she was only wounded. Twelve Australian nurses were either killed in the attack on the ship or drowned in the sea. As the Vyner Brooke was passing between Sumatra and Borneo. When the water had reached the nurses' waists. she risked a glance at the beach and saw that the Japanese soldiers had gone. After some time had passed. about fifty in number. were evacuated from the besieged city on the small coastal steamer Vyner Brooke. and they made and erected a red cross to indicate to the Japanese that they were non-combatants. The twenty-two Australian nurses stayed to look after the injured. the rest herded the male survivors. Wearing their Red Cross armbands. Some were suffering from exposure to the sun after many hours immersed in the sea. A patrol of about fifteen Japanese soldiers arrived from the coastal township of Muntok. including Sister Vivian Bullwinkel. the ship was crammed with over two hundred civilian evacuees and English military personnel. A party of male survivors went off to find Japanese. While some guarded the Australian nurses. down the beach and around a headland. and hungry. Sister Bullwinkel was hit in the back by a bullet and knocked off her feet. but none panicked or pleaded for mercy. Sister Vivian Bullwinkel was in this group of nurses. The nurses heard gunfire from this direction. the Japanese opened fire on them. The unlucky survivors. The lucky survivors were rounded up at gunpoint by the Japanese and herded into a building that was filthy and overcrowded. and having protected status as non-combatants by convention of civilised nations.Data as of November 1992 THE BANKA ISLAND MASSACRE (1942) Sister Vivian Bullwinkel's Story On 12 February 1942. The Japanese were unsympathetic to their plight and only offered the survivors a bucket of water and a bucket of rice. and some had been wounded in the attacks on the ship and the lifeboats. landed in lifeboats on the northern coast of Bangka Island and lit a bonfire to guide other survivors to them. Japanese aircraft bombed and strafed the overloaded ship and it sank quickly. with the fall of Singapore to the Japanese imminent. the Japanese soldiers returned alone. or by drifting with the tide. The remaining fifty-three nurses reached Bangka Island in lifeboats. She looked around for the other twenty-one nurses and saw none. The survivors in lifeboats were strafed by Japanese aircraft but some reached Bangka Island off the coast of Sumatra. she pretended to be dead. thirsty.

Private Kingsley had been bayoneted by the Japanese and left for dead. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. pada rakit. Shortly afterwards. Private Kingsley died from the bayonet wound. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. Naas yang selamat. sisanya herded laki-laki . Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. dan telah beberapa luka dalam serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. she was joined by an English soldier who had survived the massacre behind the headland. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. She survived harsh imprisonment to give evidence of the massacre at a war crimes trial in Tokyo in 1947. They were given food by the local village women.When she reached the beach. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. Sister Bullwinkel concealed her wound from the Japanese and treated it herself. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. haus. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. dan lapar. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. and they decided to walk to Muntok and give themselves up. Realising that the lives of all survivors of the Vyner Brooke would be at risk if the Japanese discovered what she had seen. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang. they realised that their position was hopeless. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. but after two weeks. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka.

dan segera setelah itu. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. Dua belas Australia perawat yang baik tewas dalam serangan di kapal atau tenggelam di laut. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. Semua dari para korban yang lelah. yang diungsikan dari terkepung di kota kecil pantai kapal api Vyner Brooke. dengan jatuhnya Singapura ke Jepang dekat. dilindungi dan memiliki status sebagai kombatan dengan non-konvensi dari civilised bangsa. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. dan telah beberapa luka dalam . Beberapa yang menderita terekspos sampai matahari terbenam setelah banyak jam di laut. Para korban di lifeboats yang strafed oleh pesawat terbang Jepang tetapi beberapa mencapai Pulau Bangka di lepas pantai Sumatera. Jepang bombed pesawat terbang dan kapal strafed yang berlebih dan sank dengan cepat. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Selain itu perawat ke Australia. dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu.korban. Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. atau oleh Gerakan dengan air pasang. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. Pakaian mereka Palang Merah armbands. Seperti yang telah lulus Vyner Brooke antara Sumatera dan Kalimantan. Yang beruntung korban yang tercakup di ujung laras senapan oleh Jepang dan herded ke dalam bangunan yang kotor dan terlalu sesak. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. enam puluh lima perawat Angkatan Darat Australia. THE PULAU MASSACRE Banka (1942) Adik Vivian Bullwinkel Cerita Pada tanggal 12 Februari 1942. ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. perawat yang diharapkan untuk diperlakukan dalam cara civilised oleh Jepang ketika mereka mencapai pantai. termasuk Sister Bullwinkel Vivian. namun setelah dua minggu. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. Harapan mereka telah berlangsung lama. haus. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. kapal telah crammed dengan lebih dari dua ratus sipil di daerah bencana dan personil militer Inggris. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. pada rakit. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. Ketika ia mencapai pantai. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat. Sisa lima puluh tiga perawat mencapai lifeboats di Pulau Bangka. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. dan lapar. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. Sesaat setelah itu. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini.

Ketika air telah mencapai perawat 'pinggang. Sebuah patroli dari sekitar lima belas tentara Jepang tiba dari pantai negeri dari Muntok. dia pura-pura menjadi mati. Jepang api dibuka pada mereka. Mewujudkan kehidupan yang selamat dari semua Vyner Brooke akan beresiko jika Jepang menemukan apa yang dia lihat. Saudara Bullwinkel menerima pukulan di bagian belakang dengan peluru dan terlanda lama dia kaki.rakyat kaga sejahtera sejahtera. Gunfire perawat yang mendengar dari arah ini. 2008 Tonight I received an email from Batara Hutagalung. dan mereka yang dibuat dan palang merah yang didirikan untuk menunjukkan kepada Jepang bahwa mereka nonkombatan... ia bergabung dengan tentara Inggris yang bertahan di belakang tanjung besar-besaran. Sementara beberapa perawat yang dijaga ketat dari Australia.. Dia adalah satu-satunya perawat yang telah bertahan besar-besaran. sisanya herded laki-laki korban. Setelah menemukan bahwa dia hanya luka. Perempuan yang tahu apa yang akan terjadi kepada mereka. telah diputuskan bahwa mereka harus menyerah kepada Jepang.mirip jaman penjajahan sekarang tapi dengan muka yang modern hehehe Rawagede Massacre: An Unpublished Story Thursday. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia untuk tinggal setelah terluka melihat. tentara Jepang kembali sendiri. Swasta Kingsley meninggal dari luka sangkur. August 14.serangan di kapal dan lifeboats. Sesaat setelah itu. mereka menyadari bahwa posisi mereka adalah harapan. Ketika jumlah korban di bonafiditas mencapai sekitar seratus. a leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts – a group of people that strive for The Netherlands' apology for what . dan mereka memutuskan untuk berjalan kaki ke Muntok dan memberikan diri. di lifeboats mendarat di pantai utara Pulau Bangka dan kesusasteraan bonafiditas yang lain untuk membimbing korban untuk mereka. dan segera setelah itu. Naas yang selamat. Sister Bullwinkel dia bersembunyi luka dari Jepang dan dirawat itu sendiri. Mereka diiringi oleh sipil perempuan dan anak-anak mereka. sekitar lima puluh jumlahnya. Kedua puluh dua perawat Australia yang kemudian disusun oleh Jepang untuk membentuk baris dan jalan ke laut. namun setelah dua minggu. Dia bertahan keras penjara untuk memberikan bukti yang besar-besaran di persidangan kejahatan perang di Tokyo tahun 1947. bawah pantai dan di sekitar tanjung. Sebuah pihak laki-laki korban pergi off untuk menemukan Jepang. Mereka diberi makan oleh perempuan desa setempat.. dia risked dalam sekejap di pantai dan melihat bahwa tentara Jepang telah pergi. Beberapa orang dari mereka wiping darah bayonets. Aku belajar untuk yang lain sekitar dua puluh satu perawat dan melihat tidak ada.. Kingsley swasta telah bayoneted oleh Jepang dan kiri untuk mati. termasuk dua puluh dua perawat Australia.tapi apa sesungguhnya kita memang sudah merdeka ya. tetapi tidak panik atau untuk mengaku rahmat. sekarang kita sudah merdeka. Jepang telah unsympathetic untuk mereka berjanji dan hanya ditawarkan para korban ember air dan ember beras.. Setelah beberapa waktu telah berlalu. Adik Vivian Bullwinkel di grup ini dari perawat. Ketika ia mencapai pantai.

the wanted soldier actually had left the village for Jakarta the day before. Pissed off by the response. Kali Rawagede. . after more than 300 hundreds troops of Netherlands army surrounded Rawagede. “I quickly told my husband and my father to stay in the house because I knew it was safer there. “The troops started to bombard us.” The tragedy took place on December 9. Since it's been almost a year. at four o’clock in the morning. Lukas Kustario – an Indonesian soldier who had previously attacked some Netherlands facilities. They asked the people: “Where is Lukas Kustario?! Where are the soldiers?!” None of the men said anything. The troops ordered all residents to get out their houses. Please tell me what you think okay :) ########## Up until now. I would like to just share the story here. 1947. Batara's email reminded me of my story about Rawagede Massacre that didn't get published. back when I was still an intern reporter at The Jakarta Post. The email said that the committee was planning to stage a demonstration in front of Dutch Embassy this Friday.” said the 74-year-old woman. However. They separated male citizens from the crowds and made them stood in line. recollecting a horrible day she had 60 years ago.” an 84-year-old soldier Saih said. A bullet hit my back but I lay still. a village between Karawang-Bekasi. with some tracker dogs they brought. but my husband – he was so frightened he ran away and got shot. They opened fire and soon everyone was in panic. They were in attempt to capture Mr. “As they shot. They also chased other male residents who were hiding in a nearby river.they did to Indonesia years ago.” He remembered how the troops continued shooting at all dead bodies to make sure none is alive before they left the scene. Imih still could not forget the day when. He recently had damaged a train containing weaponry with another train. Kustario. according to a report the troops received. gather up in a yard. she saw troops all over her village. located about 60 kilometers to the east of Jakarta. had entered Rawagede to join the soldiers force in the city. “There were hundreds of them. I quickly dropped myself to the ground. Saih managed to survive by playing dead.

cannot shout “Independence!” and carry weapon any more. “Hundreds of man died that day. “They should say sorry and pay compensation to the victim’s family to help them prosper. “It’s hard to identify all the victims. All men who were lucky to be alive escaped the village for their lives because the troops were believed to come back anytime. and throw flowers at their graves. leader of Committee of Dutch Honorary Debts said. “I saw so many victims. They make moment of silence.” said Imih. It is ironic that the massacre happened just one day after Indonesia and Netherlands started the “USS Renville” peace talk.” Batara Hutagalung.” she said. We only managed to identify 181 out of 431 victims. We should reach reconciliation with dignity. “It took us two days to bury all 431 dead bodies. making there were only women and children in this village.” .” he said. Every year the people of Rawagede hold a ceremony at the monument to commemorate the tragedy. who have lain down between Karawang-Bekasi. A monument was built in 1996 in the village to “honor the heroes”. “The Netherlands surrendered to Japan in 1942 while Indonesia declared its independence in 1945 so it was not also war crime as there was no war at all. Saih stood up and walked home. They pray for the heroes. The “Rawagede People Struggle Monument” complex also has a cemetery for the victims. Moreover.” said Batara. dedicated to the victims: “Karawang-Bekasi”.When he thought it was safe to make a move. But not all victims were relocated and buried here. “It was a crime against humanity. a famous poem from a namely poet Chairil Anwar. They read the story on how Netherlands troops had tore down the entire life of the village. They sing national anthem. While Netherlands considered what happened in Rawagede “a correctional action” – as they claimed the area as their territory at the time – a group of people is currently putting effort on getting Netherlands apology for what they did. Some elderly people are crying as they hear the poem. We.” said head of Rawagede Foundation Sukarman. who manages the monument complex.

68. farmers. Imih said she just wished to have her house repaired.” said Talam.” As for Saih. A frenzy of anticommunist violence stained rivers with blood and littered the countryside with the bodies of teachers. and others. humid jungle. Suharto. tat-tat .Talking about compensation. suppressing dissent with force and supported by an American government at the height of the Cold War. he only wished his family a better life. many of whom were executed or sent to remote prisons. . intellectuals. .” Mass Killings Under Suharto Recalled Februari 1. we would not tell them anyway. It was the worst mass slaughter in Southeast Asia’s modern history after the Khmer Rouge killing fields in Cambodia.“They gunned them down and dumped their bodies in a mass grave dug by other prisoners. 2008 pada 7:11 am (soeharto) Published on Monday.” “Of course even if we did. a woman who lived near a bay used as an execution ground.0128 04It was 1968. “I have no hatred in my heart against them. over and over again. 2008 by The Boston Globe by Anthony Deutsch BLITAR.” The CIA provided lists of thousands of leftists. now the world’s most populous Muslim nation. “That’s all. Estimates for the number killed during his bloody rise to power .from 1965 to 1968 range from a government figure of 78. and mow them down with round after round of automatic weapons fire.000 to 1 million cited by US historians Barbara Harff and Ted Robert Gurr. January 28. I remember the sound of the guns clearly: tat-tat. who was later jailed for 10 years after being named a leftist sympathizer.” “They were just looking for Mr. The big-hearted old man said he had forgiven Netherlands. seized control of the military in 1965 and ruled the country for 32 years.Hiding out in the dense. who died yesterday at a Jakarta hospital. Indonesia . we really had no idea where he was. Markus Talam watched Indonesian soldiers herd manacled prisoners from trucks. who have published books on Indonesia’s history. Lukas but unfortunately. including trade union members. “People called it the beach of stinking corpses because of the smell.” recalled Surien. 70. “They used to dump the bodies here. and the killings were part of a final offensive by forces under General Suharto to wipe out the communist party and secure his position as leader of Indonesia. line them up. and schoolteachers. . tat-tat.

000 died due to killings. Dragging on a clove-cigarette with trembling hands.000 political prisoners were held.100 miles east of the capital. where about 12. he described how he was detained by police but escaped. Moreover. In fact.” said Talam.” . 1. no one has ever been tried for the bloodletting. and the military has blocked efforts by relatives to unearth mass graves.” said Brad Adams. the head of Human Rights Watch Asia. Those believed responsible still wield influence in politics and the courts. whose simple two-room home overlooks a valley dotted with overgrown mass graves. About 15. Details of the communist purge are banned from school books. in part because some of Suharto’s former generals remain in power. which lies 310 miles east of Jakarta. a prominent monument and museum honors the crushing of the communist threat. said he was tortured and beaten repeatedly during interrogations while detained on remote Buru island. a former communist city council member in Blitar.000 others died during a 29year separatist rebellion in Aceh Province. a former member of a left-wing union for park rangers. said Putmuinah.Another 183. according to an East Timorese commission sanctioned by the UN. according to a local human rights group.” she said. “They robbed me of the opportunity to raise my seven children. “One of the enduring legacies of Suharto’s regime has been the culture of impunity. He stumbled across dead bodies in shallow graves and slept in dank caves with hundreds of others. “I was spared torture because I knew the commander who arrested me. and illness during Indonesia’s 1975-1999 occupation of East Timor. survivors of the atrocities recounted a life on the run. I saw great cruelties and am lucky I am not dead. Near Blitar. hunger.” Putmuinah hid in a cave south of Blitar before being picked up and detained for 10 years. “Suharto ordered the elimination of communists and leftwing sympathizers.” she added.” she said. where people are more concerned with day-to-day survival. eating what the jungle had to offer for 50 days. and seeing beheadings of other captives. Similar abuses left more than 100. Talam. his government and his regime. There is no official record of the shootings Talam said he witnessed by the Indonesian Army near Blitar. a former communist stronghold. In recent interviews around the city of Blitar. and the Communist Party is still banned in Indonesia today. 80. the dark era remains largely unknown to many Indonesians. Though Suharto was swept from power in a 1998 prodemocracy uprising in this nation of 235 million people. Jakarta. until being picked up. being beaten.000 dead in West Papua. “I am disappointed. “They beheaded many of us because we were members of the union for women. public interest in reviving a turbulent past is muted in the largely poor country. “Why has no one been put on trial?” he asked. living in caves. disappearances. “The ones who should be held accountable for those crimes are Suharto.

Menado. Mereka kemudian disuruh menjarah apa saja yang ditemukan. Memang ada beberapa kasus yang telah dibawa ke Pengadilan namun ternyata yang disidangkan hanya oknum-oknum yang dikorbankan tanpa mengungkap siapa yang menjadi otak atau dalang yang sesungguhnya. Supermarket Hero dan supermarket Tops. Ambon. Singapore. Demikian juga sejumlah shopping mall dan pertokoan antara lain Glodok Plaza. Marsinah. 40 mall dengan 1. Munir.2. menyerbu berbagai mall. dijarah dan dibakar selama berlangsung aksi anarkis tersebut. Padahal tindakan menyelamatkan diri adalah hak paling hakiki dari setiap machluk yang diciptakan Tuhan. Talangsari. 8 bus dan kendaraan umum lainnya. Diperkirakan lebih dari seribu orang yang tewas akibat dibakar hidup-hidup tersebut. 2. Tigabelas pasar. Kalimantan Barat. Demikian juga ribuan kendaraan bermotor baik roda dua maupun roda empat hangus dan menjadi bangkai karena dibakar gerombolan anarkis. Kalimantan Barat. Malaysia.PERISTIWA 13-15 MEI 1998. Sementara itu ratusan rakyat kecil yang terdiri dari anak-anak.Namun apa yang terjadi? Pintu pertokoan tersebut kemudian dikunci dari luar dan dibakar oleh para provokator. 45 bengkel. Semanggi. Poso. Yang paling tragis adalah terjadinya perkosaan massal terhadap puluhan kalau tidak ratusan perempuan Tionghoa yang dilakukan secara brutal.479 ruko. remaja dan ibu-ibu rumah tangga yang berhasil diprovokasi.5 triliun atau $US 238 juta.Akibat aksi kekerasan ini ribuan warga Tionghoa yang merasa trauma dan ketakutan dengan berbagai jalan berusaha menyelamatkan diri dengan meninggalkan seluruh harta bendanya untuk mengungsi ke berbagai tempat yang dianggapnya aman antara lain ke Bali. 9 SPBU. Hongkong. dsb. Yogya Department store.604 toko.119 mobil. Malari. Setiono Tanpa terasa tahun ini kita memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang ke delapan kalinya. .nya tragedi ini masih diselimuti awan misterius. antara lain Yogya Department Store di Klender dan Super Mall Karawaci. 387 kantor. 1.026 rumah tinggal habis dirusak. 13 Mei 2006 dan ICA Net di San Francisco. Tindakan anarkis dan kekerasan kali ini merupakan puncak dari berbagai kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi di Indonesia sejak zaman penjajahan Belanda sampai di masa Republik. [1][1] Yang sangat disesalkan adalah sikap pihak keamanan yaitu Kapolda Metro Jaya Mayjen Hamami Nata dan Pangdam Jaya Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsuddin yang tidak berbuat suatu apapun untuk mencegah dan mengatasi aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. 821 sepeda motor dan 1. Australia. Namun sampai saat ini seperti kasus.kasus lainnya seperti Peristiwa G30S. 14 Mei 2006) Oleh : Benny G. Jumlah seluruh kerugian diperkirakan paling sedikit Rp. Penyelamatan diri inilah yang dihembus.hembuskan oleh sebagian orang sebagai "eksodus" dan tindakan anasional. Supermall Karawaci dan City hotel berikut pusat pertokoan Glodok. Udin. Trisakti. Demikian juga Jenderal Wiranto sebagai Panglima ABRI hanya bersikap wait and see. Tanjung Priok. PUNCAK KEKERASAN ANTI TIONGHOA DI INDONESIA (Disampaikan dalam Seminar Memperingati Tragedi Mei 1998 yang diselenggarakan ICAA di Los Angeles.Ribuan toko dan rumah tinggal milik orang-orang Tionghoa habis dijarah dan dibakar. Eropa bahkan ke Amerika Serikat.

Hubungan Tionghoa dengan pribumi di masa sebelum kemerdekaan Sebelum kedatangan orang-orang kulit putih ke Nusantara. Pada masa itulah terjadi gelombang kedatangan orang Tionghoa secara besar-besaran ke tanah Jawa yang pada umumnya berasal dari provinsi Hokkian di bagian tenggara . dan Beijing. Pada 6 Maret 2003. hasil kerja TGPF ini yang berupa rekomendasi dan telah diserahkan kepada Jaksa Agung dan Menteri Dalam Negeri tidak pernah ditindak lanjuti dan hilang begitu saja bagaikan debu ditiup angin.J. Kanada. Untuk meredamnya Presiden B.pendatang dari Tiongkok hidup damai dengan penduduk setempat. Orang Tionghoa hidup dengan berdagang.1629) menguasai Jayakarta atau Sunda Kelapa yang lalu dirubah namanya menjadi Batavia. Mereka hidup membaur dengan saling membawa budaya masing-masing. antara lain di Amerika Serikat.Peristiwa ini sangat memprihatinkan dan memalukan serta merusak citra seluruh bangsa Indonesia di dunia Internasional. Namun seperti kasuskasus sebelumnya. SH dari Komnas HAM. sehingga lahirlah keturunan campuran yang biasa disebut peranakan atau babah. Coen segera menjalankan politik monopoli di segala bidang perdagangan dan melakukan blokade atas pelabuhan Banten. Hongkong. bertani dan menjadi tukang. Komnas HAM telah membentuk tim Ad Hoc Penyelidikan Perisitiwa Kerusuhan Mei 1998 di bawah pimpinan Salahuddin Wahid. Setelah Belanda (VOC ) dibawah pimpinan Jan Pieterszoon Coen (1587. Eropa. juga dari Komnas HAM yang telah menyelesaikan tugasnya dengan menyerahkan seluruh hasil penyelidikannya yaitu berupa rekomendasi dan Berita Acara (BAP) yang bersifat pro justicia kepada pihak penyidik yaitu Kejaksaan Agung. Dengan adanya kemajuan teknologi di bidang komunikasi. Namum hingga saat ini tidak ada kabar beritanya apakah hasil penyelidikan tersebut akan ditindak lanjuti sesuai dengan Undang-Undang Nomor 26 Tahun 2000 Tentang Pengadilan HAM atau mungkin akan dipetieskan saja. Mereka tidak membawa istri dari Tiongkok karena memang ada larangan dari Kaisar membawa perempuan keluar dari daratan Tiongkok. tukang dan pedagang eceran demi memajukan koloni dan perdagangannya. Australia. Pelaut Belanda tidak segan-segan merompaki jung-jung Tionghoa secara terang-terangan dan menahan awak kapalnya untuk kemudian dipaksa bekerja di Batavia. Apa sebenarnya yang menyebabkan timbulnya berbagai aksi kekerasan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia? Untuk menjawabnya baiklah kita buka lembaran sejarah kita. Terjadi protes-protes dan demonstrasi di muka Kedutaan atau Perwakilan Republik Indonesia di berbagai negara. Rekomendasi Komnas HAM mengajukan nama Jenderal Wiranto dan Mayjen Sjafrie Sjamsyudin yang layak dicurigai untuk dimintai pertanggung-jawabannya. seluruh kejadian dengan kasat mata dapat disaksikan secara langsung oleh jutaan pemirsa TV di seluruh dunia. Sebaliknya Coen berusaha mendatangkan sebanyak mungkin tenaga dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dijadikan kuli. Sejak itu jung-jung dari Tiongkok dilarang merapat ke pelabuhan Banten. Taipei.[2][2] Mereka menikah dengan perempuan pribumi setempat atau membeli budak untuk dijadikan gundik. disamping berbahayanya pelayaran di masa itu. ia segera membangun koloninya tersebut dengan bantuan orang-orang Tionghoa dibawah pimpinan Souw Beng Kong yang dibujuk dan diberi janji-janji untuk pindah dari Banten. Habibie membentuk Tim Gabungan Pencari Fakta (TGPF) di bawah pimpinan Marzuki Darusman. pendatang.

253 245.Tiongkok. Batavia 1935.[7][7] Selanjutnya berdasarkan hasil sensus pada 1930 seperti dinyatakan dalam Volkstelling 1930. Dari tiga atau empat buah menjadi lebih dari dua puluh buah dalam setahun. Jumlah orang Tionghoa naik dengan pesat.941 64. baik laki-laki maupun perempuan meningkat dengan pesat. Belum lagi para imigran gelap yang diturunkan di kepulauan Seribu. terutama dari provinsi Fujian/Hokkian dan Guangdong/Kwangtung.389 Kongfu 97.484 orang Tionghoa dan 235. deel VII.905 75.[6][6] Menurut laporan Kolonial Verslag 1895. India (Keling). Jumlah kedatangan jung-jung dari Tiongkok meningkat pesat. Jepang dan terutama orang-orang Tionghoa dari bagian selatan Tiongkok membanjiri Hindia Belanda yang menjadi tanah harapan mereka.945 orang Tionghoa.448 orang di antaranya laki-laki. Di pulau Jawa saja terdapat 248. hal. baik ke daerah pedalaman maupun di sepanjang pesisir utara. dari 3.[3][3] Namun migrasi perempuan Tiongkok ke Asia Tenggara baru dimulai pertengahan abad ke-19 dan permulaan abad ke-20.88.468 [8][8] Orang-orang Tionghoa ini hidup menyebar ke seluruh pulau Jawa. padahal seluruh penduduk pulau Jawa diperkirakan hanya 5 juta orang.[5][5] Akibat dibukanya kembali perdagangan Tiongkok dengan Asia Tenggara oleh Kaisar dari Dinasti Ch'ing dan berhasilnya pasukan Ch'ing mengamankan Selat Taiwan serta dimulainya liberalisasi di bidang ekonomi oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dengan diizinkannya pihak swasta membuka perkebunan dan pertambangan. di Teluk Jakarta atau di berbagai tempat di pesisir utara Pulau Jawa. jumlah penduduk di Jawa meningkat dengan pesat.728 Hakka 124.101 orang pada 1682 menjadi 10. telah mendorong mengalirnya para imigran dengan deras dari daratan Tiongkok. Migrasi perempuan Tiongkok dimungkinkan bertalian dengan adanya fasilitas penggunaan kapal api dan murahnya tarif angkutan.000 orang. 290. data orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda adalah sebagai berikut: Laki-laki Perempuan Hokkian 309. Tujuan utama mereka hanya mencari kehidupan baru dengan memasuki semua bidang perdagangan dan hidup damai dengan .574 orang pada 1739.390 Lain-lain 123. Chineezen an andere Vreemde Oosterlingen in Nederlandsch Indie terbitan Departement van Economische zaken.423 24. Sejak itu migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa.831 Teo Chew 63.[4] [4] Pada permulaan abad ke-19 jumlah penduduk Tionghoa di Batavia saja hampir 100. pada akhir 1893 di seluruh Hindia Belanda ada 443. Dengan terjunnya pihak swasta di sektor perkebunan dan pertambangan dan semakin stabilnya keamanan. Demikian juga dengan imigran-imigran dari negara lain seperti dari Arab.740 38.222 orang di antaranya laki-laki.

[9][9] setelah mereka menjadi sulit dibedakan lagi dari penduduk asli yang beragama Islam. Namun pada masa-masa kemudian. Disamping itu mereka pun diberi hak untuk membuka rumah judi. Begitu mereka diizinkan untuk bermukim di wilayah kekuasaan kerajaan Mataram. Sunan Amangkurat II. mulai timbul rasa kurang senang orang-orang Jawa kepada orang Tionghoa dan menjadi benih sentimen-sentimen dan aksi.000 ronde realen. Banyak dari mereka yang memeluk agama Islam sebagai akibat peristiwa Pembantaian 1740 dan juga untuk menghindari pajak kepala yang khusus dikenakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. pakaian maupun agama. Sejak itu istilah "peranakan" hanya digunakan bagi orang Tionghoa yang lahir di Jawa. Timbulnya istilah "Cina kunciran" yang berkonotasi penghinaan. Karena perbuatan segelintir orang Tionghoa yang telah melakukan kolusi dengan para Sultan dan Pangeran Jawa dan penguasa Belanda inilah. di mana tidak terdapat sebuah pos bea cukai (gerbang tol) yang penjaganya pasti seorang Tionghoa. bahwa sejak 1683 jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terdapat di daerah tersebut tumbuh dengan pesat.aksi kekerasan di kemudian hari. Gubernur Jenderal Johan Van Hoorn (1653-1711) dalam masa jabatannya. Tetapi jabatan mayor atau kapiten dalam masyarakat muslim Tionghoa di Batavia dihapuskan pada 1827. Mereka masuk menjadi Islam dan menolak memakan daging **** dan memungut seluruh ada-istiadat penduduk asli. Hal ini berlawanan dengan golongan . khusus merujuk kepada orang-orang Tionghoa pendatang baru. pelabuhan. Karena jumlah orang Tionghoa yang memeluk Islam semakin banyak. pelacuran dan kelak tempat menghisap candu oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda.. maka VOC memisahkan mereka dari masyarakat Tionghoa yang bukan muslim dan menyerahkan pengurusan dan pengawasan mereka kepada seorang kapiten Tionghoa yang diangkat dari kalangan mereka sendiri. kecuali sisa di bagian belakang kepala yang dibiarkan tumbuh panjang dan dikepang (tauchang).uang real yang bulat-bulat-dari pajak-pajak seperti itu. yang memerintah dari 1677-1703 menikmati penghasilan kira-kira 50. teluk ataupun anak sungai yang masih dapat dipergunakan untuk pelayaran. makanan.penduduk setempat. orang-orang Jawa yang baik hati telah menjadi lebih pandai dan rajin. Mereka datang ke Indonesia dengan tetap mempergunakan gaya rambut seperti pada zaman dinasti Ming.1704-1709. mengungkapkan dalam uraian dan gambaran tentang wilayah Timur Laut pantai utara pulau Jawa (1700-1703). mereka langsung membuktikan diri mereka sebagai orang-orang yang dapat bekerja keras. Di sepanjang pesisir utara. sebagai akibat kontak-kontak yang sering mereka lakukan dengan para pendatang baru itu. Hal ini dikarenakan gaya rambut tersebut memang wajib digunakan di seluruh daratan Tiongkok. para imigran Tionghoa yang datang dari Tiongkok telah menggunakan gaya rambut pada zaman dinasti Ch'ing. ketika dinasti Ch'ing telah berhasil menegakkan pengendalian sepenuhnya terhadap orang-orang Han.[10][10] Banyak dari para imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Indonesia pada abad ke –17 terutama orang-orang Hokkian sebagai pelarian. yaitu dengan mencukur bersih rambut di kepala. menghindari serbuan bangsa Manchu. tidak terdapat sebuah sungai. Mereka membaurkan diri baik dalam soal bahasa. Orang-orang Tionghoa tetap bermukim di perantauan sampai beberapa keturunan tanpa pernah kembali ke negeri asalnya. Bahkan di dalam pandangannnya.

peranakan yang telah berasimilasi sampai tingkat tertentu ke dalam masyarakat Jawa asli. Kemudian pejoratif sebutan Cina (berasal dari bahasa Belanda Ch'ina untuk Tiongkok) tersebut berlanjut dan berkembang terhadap seluruh etnis Tionghoa sehingga timbulnya gerakan kebangkitan dan berdirinya Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan pada 1900 dan Chung Hua Ming Kuo atau Republik Tiongkok pada 1911. Kata Chung Hua dalam dialek Hokkian adalah Tiong Hoa.[11][11] Pada saat berlangsungnya Perang Jawa (Perang Diponegoro) 1825-1830, gaya rambut orang Tionghoa ini kembali menjadi suatu masalah ketika Pangeran Diponegoro memerintahkan semua orang Tionghoa yang ingin bergabung menjadi muslim, harus disunat dan memotong kuncir mereka. [12][12] Pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa. Kebudayaan Tionghoa kemudian membaur dan beradaptasi dengan kebudayaan setempat baik bahasa,kesenian, tarian, pengobatan, cara berpakaian, kuliner dan sebagainya. Terdapat cukup banyak bukti yang dapat kita jumpai dalam kehidupan sehari-hari, seperti kesenian gambang kromong, cokek, topeng Betawi, Lenong atau di bidang kuliner seperti tahu, kecap, taoge, bakmi, bakso, bihun dan di bidang pakaian seperti kebaya encim, baju koko, oto, angkin dan sebagainya. Malahan naga, binatang legenda Tiongkok juga beradaptasimenjadi naga Jawa, bedanya naga Jawa memakai mahkota. Demikian juga mesjid-mesjid dan surau-surau di Indonesia pasti digantungi bedug seperti yang terdapat di klenteng-klenteng di Tiongkok. Bedanya bedug di Indonesia dipukul dengan tongkat seperti memukul tambur, sedangkan bedug dan genta di Tiongkok dipukul dengan mendorong sebatang kayu balok yang digantung di muka bedug tersebut. Bedug hanya dijumpai di mesjid-mesjid di Indonesia. Di negara-negara Arab dan Timur Tengah lainnya tak akan kita jumpai bedug-bedug yang digantung di samping mesjid.[13][13] Arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Jawa sangat dipengaruhi kebudayaan Tiongkok yang bergaya pagoda dan beratap susun, berbeda dengan arsitektur mesjid-mesjid di Timur Tengah yang beratap dome (bulat) Contohnya mesjid semacam ini sampai saat ini dapat kita jumpai di sepanjang pesisir utara Pulau Jawa (pantura). Pendatang-pendatang Tionghoa juga mengajarkan cara menanam padi di sawah yang dibajak dan diairi yang hasilnya lebih maksimal dibandingkan menanam padi di huma yang dipelajari penduduk pribumi dari orang-orang India. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan penduduk setempat cara berkebun tebu dan cara membuat gula. Mereka juga mengembangkan budi daya tanaman kacang tanah, kacang hijau, kacang kedelai, semangka dan nila atau tarum untuk dijadikan bahan pewarna. Sejak 1611 mereka mengembangkan penyulingan arak yang dibuat dari beras yang difermentasi, tetes tebu dan nira. Dari kacang hijau dan kedelai mereka menghasilkan taoge, tauco dan kecap. Mereka juga mengajarkan pembuatan bata dan genting sebagai pengganti batu dan rumbia untuk membangun rumah. Demikian juga mereka mengajarkan menjahit baju dan menyamak kulit untuk keperluan busana. Di bidang pengobatan, pengaruh kebudayaan Tionghoa sangat kental. Seperti kita ketahui, jamu yang sangat terkenal, yang menjadi pusaka peninggalan dari kraton-kraton Jawa sangat mirip dengan obatobatan Tionghoa. Jamu merupakan ramuan yang menggunakan bahan-bahan dari dedaunan, rempah-rempah dan akar-akaran. Cara penyajiannya dengan merebus daun-

daunan obat atau menumbuk dan menggilingnya, identik dengan obat-obatan Tionghoa yang telah berusia ribuan tahun. Pengobatan dengan jamu-jamuan ini hanya berasal dari Jawa dan Madura, tidak berasal dari kepulauan lain di Nusantara. Belum lagi permainan pencak silat, permainan judi dan kebiasaan membakar petasan atau mercon pada masa bulan Ramadhan dan menyambut Idul Fitri atau pada upacaraupacara perkawinan atau khitanan dan sebagainya, yang dilakukan umat Islam di pedesaan di pulau Jawa, jelas merupakan tradisi yang dipengaruhi tradisi Tionghoa yang membawa kebiasaan ini dari daratan Tiongkok, tempat asal petasan tersebut. Masih banyak lagi contoh-contoh pengaruh budaya Tionghoa dalam kehidupan kita sehari-hari yang tentunya tidak dapat kita tuliskan satu-persatu di makalah ini. Demikianlah sekilas keadaan masyarakat Tionghoa di masa sebelum kedatangan orangorang kulit putih dan di masa penjajahan Belanda baik di bawah VOC maupun di bawah pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda. Pembantaian 1740, aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa VOC Ketika orang-orang Belanda di bawah pimpinan Cornelis de Houtman pada 23 Juni 1596 berhasil mendarat di pelabuhan Banten, ternyata orang Portugis telah lama mempunyai kantor dagang di sana. Ketika tiba di Nusantara orang-orang Belanda dan kemudian Inggris menjumpai pemukiman-pemukiman Tionghoa di kebanyakan Bandar di Asia Tenggara seperti di Hoi An, Patani, Banten, Phnom Penh, dan Manila. Pada 1642 di Hoi An terdapat 45.000 orang Tionghoa dan pada 1600 di Banten ada 3.000 orang Tionghoa.[14][14] Terbukti dalam sejarah bahwa kedatangan Belanda ini mengubah peta poltik di seluruh Nusantara. Salah satu "jasa" Belanda adalah berusaha menyatukan seluruh wilayah Nusantara ke dalam genggamannya, yang pada ujungnya melahirkan gerakan kebangkitan nasional di kemudian hari. Dengan kedatangan Belanda, hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa yang begitu harmonis dengan penduduk setempat, berangsur-angsur mulai menjadi renggang. Belanda memandang hubungan harmonis antara etnis Tionghoa dan penduduk setempat sebagai "duri" dan suatu bahaya bagi niat mereka menguasai Nusantara. Belanda kemudian mulai menjalankan politik devide et impera atau pecah belah dan mengeluarkan berbagai kebijakan dan peraturan yang bertujuan memisahkan orangorang Tionghoa dari penduduk setempat. Antara lain dengan "mengekslusifkan" tempat tinggal mereka melalui "wijkenstelsel dan "passenstelsel". Demikian juga cara berpakaian orang-orang Tionghoa diatur oleh pihak penguasa kolonial. Ketika itu orang Tionghoa dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa (Barat) atau memakai pakaian Jawa atau pribumi lainnya. Bagi yang melanggar diancam hukuman denda atau kurungan penjara. Kebijaksanaan memisahkan kelompok-kelompok ini menguatkan sikap acuh tak acuh di antara kelompok-kelompok, dan bagi Belanda lebih mudah untuk mengendalikan orang Tionghoa dari pakaiannya, tempat pemukimannya dan tandatanda yang mudah dikenali yang ada pada mereka. Sampai akhir abad ke-19 orang Tionghoa di Hindia Belanda dilarang memakai pakaian model Eropa, yaitu jas dan celana pantalon. Pasal 128 Regeeringreglement 1854 memerintahkan para gubernur jenderal mengatur sekolah untuk anak-anak negeri, namun tidak termasuk anak-anak Tionghoa, sehingga

mereka tidak dapat diterima baik di Europeesche School maupun Inlandsche School. Jadi bagi anak- anak Tionghoa tidak disediakan sekolah sama sekali. Sebaliknya segelintir orang-orang Tionghoa dijadikan alat pemerintah Hindia-Belanda untuk memeras rakyat dengan menjadikan mereka pachter pajak, pachter judi, pachter madat dan pachter gadai. Semua ini semakin menguatkan kesan buruk, kebencian dan sentimen anti Tionghoa sebagian orang Jawa terhadap orang Tionghoa. Pada 1854, pemerintah Hindia-Belanda melakukan politik segregasi dengan membagibagi penduduk menjadi tiga kelompok. Yang pertama kelompok orang Eropa termasuk ke dalamnya orang-orang Indo Eropa. Yang kedua kedua kelompok Vreemde Ooosterlingen atau Orang Timur Asing yang terdiri dari orang Tionghoa, Arab dan orang Asia lainnya. Yang ketiga kelompok inlander atau pribumi. Peraturan ini dimuat dalam Staatsblad No. 2, Jo.1 Pasal 131. Jo.61 Wet op de staats inrichting van NederlandschIndie atau Indische Staats regeling (IS) tahun 1855. Ketiga kelompok ini tunduk kepada sejumlah buku undang-undang yang berbeda dan diadili di pengadilan yang berbeda-beda pula. Tetapi khusus untuk masalah perdagangan, sejak awal VOC, bagi orang Tionghoa diberlakukan Hukum Dagang Belanda, sepanjang hukum itu masih dapat diterapkan. Selain dari masalah perdagangan terutama dalam masalah kriminal, status orang Tionghoa disamakan dengan golongan inlander dan perkaranya diadili di landraad atau politieroll. Dengan diberlakukannya undang-undang ini lengkap sudah politik pecah belah dan adu domba pemerintah Hindia-Belanda terhadap penduduk Nusantara terutama di Pulau Jawa. Aksi kekerasan pertama terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa di Nusantara adalah Peristiwa Pembunuhan Orang-orang Tionghoa (Chinezenmoord) 1740. Dalam aksi kekerasan yang berlangsung selama dua minggu tersebut, hampir 10.000 orang Tionghoa tewas, dibunuh secara kejam oleh tentara Belanda dengan dibantu orang-orang Eropa lainnya, para kelasi kapal, para gelandangan, orang-orang Sepoy (India), para tukang dan budak. Pembunuhan yang terjadi di masa pemerintahan Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier ini bertujuan mengeliminasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang jumlahnya dianggap telah membahayakan posisi orang-orang Belanda. Demikian juga orang-orang Tionghoa ini dianggap telah mendominasi perdagangan dan perkebunan serta pabrik gula yang banyak berdiri di seputar Batavia. Pada 1740 terdapat 2.500 rumah orang Tionghoa di dalam tembok kota Batavia, sedangkan seluruh jumlah orang Tionghoa termasuk yang berada di luar tembok kota diperkirakan berjumlah tidak kurang dari 15.000 orang. Jumlah tersebut merupakan 17% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk di daerah tersebut. Ada kemungkinan jumlah orang Tionghoa sebenarnya jauh lebih besar, karena berdasarkan sensus yang diadakan pada 1778, sebesar 26% dari jumlah penduduk yang berada di luar tembok kota adalah orang-orang Tionghoa. Sedangkan pada masa pemerintahan Inggris (1811-1816) jumlah orang Tionghoa merupakan 24% dari seluruh jumlah penduduk yang berdiam di dalam dan di luar tembok kota. Namun suatu hal yang jelas sangat berbeda dengan apa yang terjadi dengan Peristiwa Mei 1998 adalah tindakan pihak VOC yang dengan segera mengambil tindakan dengan memecat dan kemudian menangkap Gubernur Jenderal Adriaan Valckenier di Capetown, Afrika Selatan dalam perjalanannya pulang ke Belanda. Ia kemudian dibawa

Mungkin karena kebanyakan perantau Tionghoa pada masa itu adalah pedagang.[16][16] Setelah peristiwa pembunuhan di Batavia sekelompok orang Tionghoa yang sakit hati dan dendam di bawah pimpinan Que Panjang atau Sie Panjang (Oei Panko) menuju Jawa Tengah dan bersekutu dengan sejumlah Pangeran Jawa untuk melakukan perlawanan terhadap VOC. habis dibantai. namun warga Tiongkok maupun Taiwan menolak tuduhan tersebut. Aksi kekerasan tersebut terjadi karena warga setempat menuduh warga asal Tiongkok dan Taiwan menyuap anggota parlemen untuk mempengaruhi hasil pemilihan perdana menteri. Pembantaian di Ngawi tersebut ternyata bukan satu-satunya kejadian pada masa permulaan Perang Jawa. Pemerintah RRT segera mengirim pesawat charter China Southern Airline dari Guangzhou untuk mengangkut 300 warganya kembali ke Tiongkok. pembunuhan terhadap orang Tionghoa perantauan terjadi kembali. Tanpa memperdulikan jerit dan tangisan perempuan dan anak-anak yang sangat memilukan. pembantaian orang-orang Tionghoa terjadi berulang-ulang. sebuah pasukan berkuda di bawah pimpinan Raden Ayu Yudakusuma.pedagang yang berasal dari provinsi Hokkian. Di seluruh Jawa Tengah dan di sepanjang Bengawan Solo. puteri Sultan Hamengku Buwono I menyerbu Ngawi sebuah kota kecil di perbatasan Jawa Tengah . ibukota Kepulauan Salomon. penguasa Spanyol di Manila membantai ribuan orang "sangley". Akhirnya ia meninggal dunia pada 1751 dan pemeriksaan terhadap dirinya dihentikan. Massacre yang dipimpin VOC di Batavia terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa ini. Akibat kerusuhan tersebut sekitar 150 keluarga Tionghoa kehilangan rumah dan tempat usahanya karena dijarah dan dirusak/dibakar massa. padahal Taiwanlah yang mendapat pengakuan diplomatic dari kepulauan Salomon. aksi kekerasan meletup di Honiara.[15][15] Baru-baru ini kita dikejutkan dengan berita bahwa pada 17 April 2006.kembali ke Batavia dan dimasukkan ke penjara Robijn di benteng Batavia. Apa yang menyebabkan pembantaian orang-orang Jawa Tengah terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa? Padahal mereka sebelumnya hidup damai dan rukun serta saling membantu dengan penduduk Jawa tempat mereka tinggal? Pemimpin pasukan yang melakukan . orang-orang Spanyol menyebut orang Tionghoa dengan sebutan sangley bukan "Cina". Tubuh-tubuh yang telah terpotong-potong dibiarkan bergelimpangan di muka pintu. di jalanan dan di rumah-rumah yang penuh lumuran darah. Namun ternyata pada 1762. seluruh anggota masyarakat Tionghoa yang terdapat di Ngawi.orang Spanyol menyebut orang –orang Tionghoa sangley. Pemeriksaan Valckenier berlangsung berbelit-belit dan berkepanjangan sampai hampir sepuluh tahun lamanya. Perlu diketahui sampai pertengahan abad ke-19. Sebaliknya pemerintah Taiwan tidak berbuat apa-apa untuk membantu warga Tionghoa setempat yang menjadi korban aksi kekerasan tersebut. untuk gampangnya orang. merupakan lembaran hitam yang mencoreng muka pemerintah Belanda dan merupakan kejadian pertama dalam sejarah orang Tionghoa di perantauan. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa semasa Perang Jawa Pada 23 September 1825 yang merupakan masa awal Perang Jawa. Sekali ini. yang diduga berasal dari dari kata "sengli" yang dalam bahasa Hokkian berarti dagang. sehari setelah anggota parlemen memilih Snyder Rini sebagai perdana menteri.Jawa Timur yang terletak di tepi Bengawan Solo.

Raden Ayu Yudakusuma. Karena para sultan selalu kekurangan uang. Peranan orang-orang Tionghoa muslim yang semakin besar di sejumlah kesultanan Islam yang ikut dibentuknya.senjata api dan mesiu. Demikian juga tanah-tanah milik kesultanan banyak yang mereka sewakan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dengan rajin akan mengolah sebaik-baiknya. jembatan. maka mereka lalu meminjamnya dari para rentenir Tionghoa yang dengan senang hati akan selalu membantunya. memasuki segala bidang kehidupan di Jawa. Orangorang Tionghoa ini berlomba-lomba melakukan penawaran untuk mendapatkan konsesi pemungutan pajak. Pada 1636 ketika Pangeran Pekik dari Surabaya menaklukkan Giri. Demikian juga senjata. Ketika terjadi pemberontakan Pangeran Trunajaya dari Madura. sebelumnya mempunyai hubungan yang baik dengan orang-orang Tionghoa Jawa Timur yang sering meminjaminya uang. ternyata mengalami banyak perkembangan. Akibatnya para Bandar ini mencari jalan untuk memungut pajak yang sebesar-besarnya dengan cara yang lebih kejam kepada penduduk. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga dijadikan bandar-bandar pemungut pajak di jalan-jalan utama. terutama dalam menyediakan kebutuhan mereka akan uang perak. Terutama dalam pekerjaan memungut pajak untuk menjalankan roda pemerintahan dan memenuhi kebutuhan pribadinya. menimbulkan dampak semakin tergantungnya para raja dan pejabat lainnya kepada mereka. candu dan lain-lainnya. istri Bupati Wieasari yang sering sakitsakitan. pangkalan di sungai-sungai.pembantaian di Ngawi. ikut berjuang bersama-sama pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro. senjata. pasar dan lain-lainnya. pelabuhan. kaliber 18 pon. Malahan karena semakin ketatnya persaingan di antara mereka. Orang-orang Tionghoa di Gresik yang telah berabad-abad bermukim di sana membangun pusat persenjataan dan memproduksi meriam kuningan berukuran besar dan panjang. terutama para pedagang Tionghoa . Oleh karena semakin banyak yang ingin terjun di bidang yang dianggap basah ini. banyak laporan yang dibuat orang-orang Jawa bahwa raja pendeta dari Giri mendapat bantuan dari 200 orang Tionghoa penembak cepat yang dipimpin oleh seorang anak angkatnya. Hubungan orang-orang Tionghoa dengan penduduk setempat di Jawa yang telah berjalan selama ratusan tahun. yang kemudian berkembang menjadi kerajaan Mataram. Tionghoa muslim bernama Endrasena. ia dibantu oleh seorang komandan bangsa Tionghoa yang ahli senjata api. Pada masa itu para sultan. pangeran dan pejabat kesultanan banyak yang mengambil perempuan peranakan Tionghoa yang cantik-cantik dan berkulit putih bersih untuk dijadikan selirnya. kadangkadang mereka harus membayar sampai dua atau tiga kali lebih besar dari yang seharusnya mereka bayar. sudah tentu semakin mahal pula yang harus dibayarkan kepada para sultan tersebut. Demikian juga banyak orang-orang peranakan Tionghoa. Malahan banyak orang Tionghoa yang ikut bertempur bahu-membahu melawan Belanda. Orang-orang Tionghoa juga telah memberikan sumbangan yang besar dalam pengembangan ketrampilan dan teknologi militer.Migrasi orang-orang Tionghoa yang mengalir dengan deras setelah Belanda membuka pintu demi kepentingan ekonomi kolonial yang sedang dibangunnya.

para bandar pemungut pajak tersebut. Pangeran Diponegoro juga bersikap sama dengan melarang para komandannya melakukan hubungan yang akrab dengan orang-orang Tionghoa.orang Tionghoa terhadap orang Jawa. Hal ini tentu saja banyak menimbulkan ekses negatif yang berpotensi besar timbulnya konflik di antara penduduk Jawa dengan orang-orang Tionghoa. Sikap takut dan curiga orang. Dari sinilah mulai tumbuh "rasa benci" orang-orang Jawa. maka sang Pangeran mengeluarkan instruksi agar mereka masuk Islam terlebih dahulu dengan disunat dan memotong kuncirnya. juga menjadi sumber penghasilan yang besar. bahkan banyak petugas gerbang tersebut yang dibunuh.menyesuaikan diri dengan masyarakat setempat dan mendekatkan diri dengan kultur Jawa. Dengan masuk Islam mereka terbebas dari pajak-pajak yang dirasa sangat memberatkannya. Menjelang Perang Jawa terjadilah penjarahan dan pembakaran gerbanggerbang tol tempat pemungutan pajak di berbagai tempat. yang dilakukan para bandit setempat. Banyaknya orang Tionghoa yang masuk Islam selain karena alasan praktis. karena ia berpendapat bahwa hubungan dengan gadis-gadis Tionghoa hanya akan membawa sial dan malapetaka. di luar Surakarta pada 15 Oktober 1826. Pada awal Perang Jawa. melakukan hal yang sama di daerah-daerah yang telah dikuasainya.sendiri yang kadang-kadang harus membayar sampai tiga kali lebih banyak dari yang harus dibayar orang Jawa. Baik dari para sultan Jawa maupun dari pemerintah Belanda maupun Inggris. sebenarnya lebih banyak disebabkan pertimbangan ekonomi. Sikap Diponegoro ini disebabkan oleh pengalamannya sendiri ketika menghadapi kekalahan pertempuran di Gowok. Rumah-rumah judi yang pengelolaannya dilakukan oleh orang-orang Tionghoa. Malahan mereka juga menunjuk segelintir orang Tionghoa menjadi pachter candu dengan mengijinkan mereka membuka berbagai tempat pengisapan candu yang impornya dimonopoli mereka. untuk menjaga keselamatan mereka yang mengakibatkan makin meningkatnya sentimen politik terhadap orang Tionghoa.orang Tionghoa ini dibalas dengan sikap yang sama oleh orang-orang Jawa. tetapi juga bagi kantung para pejabat setempat. Padahal mereka hanya menjadi alat dari kekuasaan yang ada. Demikian juga dengan rumah pelacuran (bordil) yang menyediakan perempuan-perempuan segar dan cantik untuk para pangeran dan pejabat kompeni Belanda. sehingga kedudukan mereka baru dapat diganti setelah ada persetujuan dari pihak kompeni. Sebagai akibatnya para penjaga gerbang tol itu mengorganisasi diri dengan membentuk pasukan pengawal yang terdiri dari orang-orang Jawa.terutama orang-orang Jawa Tengah di pedalaman kepada orang-orang Tionghoa yang dianggapnya sebagai pemeras dan pembawa sial dan kesengsaraan. Demikian juga pemerintah Hindia-Belanda maupun Inggris yang melihat begitu efektifnya orang-orang Tionghoa dalam membantu para sultan Jawa dalam memungut pajak. Pembantaian terhadap orang Tionghoa pada awal Perang Jawa telah menimbulkan kekecewaan dan prasangka yang mendalam pada diri orang. Sesuai dengan apa yang ditulisnya sendiri di . yaitu untuk menghindari "pajak konde" dan pajak kepala yang dikenakan pemerintah Belanda kepada orang-orang Tionghoa. bukan saja bagi pemerintah. Ia juga melarang mereka mengambil gadis-gadis peranakan Tionghoa menjadi gundiknya. Sementara itu para Bandar pajak ini mendapatkan perlindungan hukum dari para Sultan atau pemerintah Hindia-Belanda. orang Tionghoa banyak yang ingin bergabung dengan pasukan Pangeran Diponegoro.

di daerah Lasem karena melanggar perintahnya dengan menggauli seorang perempuan Tionghoa di Lasem. ia telah terjebak dan "dihancurkan" oleh kecantikan seorang gadis Tionghoa yang tertangkap di daerah Panjang dan kemudian dijadikan tukang pijitnya. telah menimbulkan anggapan Pangeran Diponegoro bahwa kalahnya dia dalam pertempuran dengan Belanda disebabkan orang-orang Tionghoa yang membawa sial dan malapetaka.pedagang Islam yang dipelopori para pedagang Arab dengan pedagang Tionghoa yang menjadi saingan utamanya. pemerintah kolonial Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dan berusaha membenturkan kepentingan pedagang. Pandangannya yang keliru dan bersifat rasis inilah yang seolaholah menjadi "mitos" bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa hanya membawa sial. masyarakat Tionghoa di Kudus yang masih percaya akan kebiasaan yang berbau tahayul lalu mengadakan upacara gotong Toapekong untuk menghentikan wabah tersebut. Korban meninggal dunia ada 16 orang yang terdiri dari orang-orang Tionghoa dan para perusuh. Pada malam itu semua rumah dan toko milik orang Tionghoa di kota Kudus habis dijarah dan dibakar oleh ribuan massa Sarekat Islam yang datang dari Mayong. Prosesi ini di selenggarakan sebagai upaya menangkal wabah penyakit influenza yang menyerang kota Kudus dan telah meminta korban jiwa Karena wabah penyakit ini dikuatirkan akan meminta lebih banyak korban. Terjadilah sejumlah bentrokan kecil antara kedua kelompok pedagang tersebut yang mencapai puncaknya pada Kamis malam 31 Oktober 1918 di kota Kudus yang terkenal dengan Peristiwa Peroesoehan di Koedoes. dengan maksud memojokkan etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. Jepara. Korban yang luka-luka mencapai ratusan orang yaitu kaum perusuh yang diserang polisi. Ada 40 rumah/toko yang habis dijarah dan dibakar dan sebuah klenteng dirusak. Ada 3 mayat orang Tionghoa yang bertumpuk di kamar mandi.[18][18] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa pemerintahan Hindia-Belanda Berdirinya Sarekat Dagang Islam (SDI) yang diprakarsai Tirto Adhi Soerjo pada awalnya sebenarnya bukan bertujuan untuk melawan pedagang Tionghoa yang dianggap pesaing utama para pedagang Islam. Untuk mengalihkan konflik. yang sampai sekarang masih dihembus-hembuskan oleh kalangan tertentu.dalam Babad Dipanegara. Dalam perkembangannya SI menjadi organisasi yang paling militan pada masa itu dalam berjuang melawan penjajah Belanda. Ada mayat gadis yang masuk kedalam bak mandi namun karena rumahnya terbakar matang terebus. Pati. Demikian juga ia menyalahkan kekalahan iparnya Sasradilaga. Namun ada . ada mayat yang sudah menjadi arang dan tertimbun puingpuing rumah yang habis terbakar. Persaingan antara pedagang batik dan rokok kretek Arab dengan pedagang-pedagang Tionghoa sengaja dihembus-hembuskan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dengan para penasehatnya dari Biro Umum Bumiputera. Selain itu sejumlah pabrik rokok dan batik habis dijarah dan dirusak. Perisitiwa kerusuhan ini diawali dengan perkelahian antara sejumlah pemuda Tionghoa yang sedang melakukan prosesi arak-arakan gotong Toapekong dengan sejumlah pemuda SI.[17][17] Kenyataan bahwa komandan-komandan pasukannya banyak yang menggauli gadisgadis Tionghoa sebagai hiburan dan penggunaan candu secara bebas di antara prajuritnya.[19][19] SDI kemudian berubah menjadi Sarekat Islam (SI) dan berkembang dengan pesat sehingga anggotanya mencapai setengah juta orang. Demak dan daerah sekitarnya. dalam pertempuran di pesisir utara.

pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam usahanya menegakkan "law and order" masih mau menyeret para pelaku dan dalangnya ke pengadilan. Kerugian paling banyak dialami orang. Masa sebelum Perang Dunia II biasa disebut zaman "normal" karena pemerintah HindiaBelanda dianggap berhasil menegakkan hukum dan menjaga kemanan sehingga penduduk merasa aman dari berbagai tindakan kejahatan (kriminal). Namun pada keesokan malamnya terjadilah kerusuhan tersebut. Maka terjadilah berbagai aksi perampokan dan penjarahan toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang Tionghoa yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. hukum. Peristiwa kerusuhan Kudus membuktikan keberhasilan pemerintah kolonial Belanda dalam mengadu domba etnis Tionghoa dengan golongan pribumi. Di Jawa Barat kota. Perbuatan ini telah mendorong rakyat yang hidup serba kekurangan untuk meniru tindakan para anggota militer Belanda tersebut. Dari 130 pabrik gula yang berada di pulau Jawa pada 1940. namun hanya 69 orang saja yang diajukan ke pengadilan. Pada 25 Pebruari 1919 dibacakan vonis hakim yang menjatuhkan hukuman terberat 15 tahun dan teringan 9 bulan. karena kalah bersaing dengan para pengusaha Tionghoa.sekelompok haji yang menjadi pengusaha pabrik rokok kretek yang selama ini merasa dirugikan. Ternyata kebijaksanaan ini keliru. Peristiwa kerusuhan di Kudus yang merupakan puncak dari berbagai kerusuhan kecil yang dimulai di Surabaya dan Solo pada 1912. Untuk mengantisipasi serangan pasukan Jepang. Yang paling disesalkan masyarakat Tionghoa Kudus. Hal ini juga dilakukan pengusaha-pengusaha Tionghoa di Batavia. Tentara Belanda yang mengundurkan diri dari kota. beberapa orang dinyatakan bebas karena terbukti tidak bersalah. karena ketika pasukan Jepang mendarat di Jawa dan Sumatera. Namun terlepas dari semuanya. Ternyata para pemuda Tionghoa tersebut terpancing dan terjadi perkelahian yang kemudian berhasil dilerai. baik politik. Ketika berlangsung prosesi. Mereka menggunakan kesempatan ini menghasut para pengurus dan anggota SI setempat dengan melakukan sejumlah provokasi. hanya 32 yang selamat dari perusakan. dan kebudayaan. Sindanglaya.kota kecil seperti Cibadak. Evakuasi mencapai puncaknya ketika pemerintah Hindia-Belanda memerintahkan agar para pengusaha Tionghoa menyingkir dari kotakota besar. Pembauran dan integrasi orang-orang Tionghoa dengan orang-orang Jawa yang selama ratusan tahun berjalan dengan harmonis berhasil dirusak Belanda dengan menjalankan politik segregasi di segala bidang. perusahaan-perusahaan Belanda telah memindahkan persediaan barangnya ke kota-kota kecil di pedalaman. adalah awal dari rangkaian kerusuhan rasial anti Tionghoa yang berlangsung selama abad ke-20. kelompok tersebut lalu mengganggu dan mengejek para peserta upacara itu. Namun situasi ini berubah sepenuhnya pada saat tentara Jepang mendarat di Jawa. Ratusan perusuh yang ditangkap. beberapa bulan sebelumnya.kota besar mendobrak dan menjarah toko-toko P&D yang ditinggalkan pemiliknya untuk mengungsi. . pihak keamanan Belanda tidak segera menghentikan kerusuhan itu dan setelah jatuh banyak korban baru meminta bantuan polisi dari Semarang.orang Tionghoa di Jawa Barat dan Jawa Tengah. suasana menjadi chaos dan terjadi penggedoran dan penjarahan terhadap semua pabrik dan gudang milik Belanda dan Tionghoa oleh orang-orang Indonesia. dan Bogor telah menjadi pilihan para pengusaha Tionghoa. Ratusan pabrik milik orang Tionghoa dihancurkan pasukan Belanda yang sedang mengundurkan diri. ekonomi.

Hatta sebagai Wakil Ketua.pasukan Belanda bergerak dari Jakarta dan Bandung untuk menduduki Jawa Barat dan dari Surabaya untuk menduduki Madura dan ujung timur Jawa.000 gulden. H.J. Mereka ini termasuk para founding fathers yang merancang konsitusi atau UUD 1945 sebagai persiapan dalam menghadapi proklamasi kemerdekaan.[20][20] Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Perang Kemerdekaan Pada 1 Maret 1945. Daerah Pintu Kecil. Pasukan. diperkirakan jumlah kerugian mencapai dua juta gulden. mengalami nasib yang sama dengan kedua orang tersebut. Moh. pusat perdagangan pengusaha Tionghoa dan grosir tekstil menderita kerugian terbesar. Setelah melalui berbagai perundingan yang menghasilkan berbagai perjanjian yang merugikan Republik antara lain Perjanjian Linggajati dan Perjanjian Renville. Saiko Syikikan (Panglima Tertinggi Tentara Jepang ke-16 untuk Jawa dan Sematera) Letjen Kumakichi Harada mengumumkan pembentukan Dokoritu Zunbi Tyoosa Kai atau Badan Penyelidik Usaha. Yap Tjwan Bing dipilih menjadi anggota mewakili etnis Tionghoa. Tentara Kerajaan Belanda kemudian berusaha kembali ke Indonesia dengan mendompleng tentara sekutu dan mendirikan pemerintahan NICA (Netherlandsch Indies Civil Administration) dibawah pimpinan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Dr. 7080% pengusaha Tionghoa menjadi korban penjarahan. Tan Hoan Kie. Soekarno diangkat menjadi Presiden pertama RI dan Drs. Demikian juga daerah sekitar Semarang diamankan. tambang-tambang dan kilang minyak serta tambang batu bara di sekitar Palembang dan Padang diduduki. pemilik toko De Zon. Hatta sebagai wakil Presiden. . dan Tan Eng Hoa. Di dalam sidang PPKI pada 18 Agustus 1945. van Mook.Soekarno sebagai ketua dan Drs. Di Sumatera. department store terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Sukabumi. beras dijarah habis dari gudang-gudang penggilingan beras. Tjung See Gan seorang importir dan grosir tekstil terbesar yang memindahkan stok barangnya ke Cibadak menderita kerugian 370.000 gulden. Moh.Kemudian pada 7 Agustus 1945 di Jakarta diumumkan terbentuknya Dokuritu Zunbi Inkai atau Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (PPKI) yang dipimpin Ir. sembilan dari sepuluh toko dijarah habis. Di daerah pedalaman. Oei Tjong Hauw. Demikian juga di daerah Jembatan Lima. Belanda melancarkan agresi militer atau "aksi polisionil" yang pertama. KRT Radjiman Wedioningrat.usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia (BPUPKI) yang susunan anggotanya diumumkan pada 29 April 1945 dibawah pimpinan Dr. Drs. UUD 1945 disahkan dan Ir. Di daerah Krawang. pada 20 Juli 1947 tengah malam. pengusaha tekstil terkemuka lainnya menderita kerugian 280. Demikian juga dengan Hioe Nyan Yoeng. Oei Tiang Tjoei. Kerugian yang diderita para pengusaha Tionghoa diperkirakan berjumlah 100 juta gulden. Daerah Tanjung Priok juga mengalami nasib yang sama. Dimulailah periode revolusi bersenjata melawan Belanda dalam mempertahankan Republik dan mengusir penjajah Belanda untuk selamalamanya dari bumi Indonesia. perkebunan-perkebunan di sekitar Medan. Ternyata terdapat empat orang Tionghoa yang diangkat menjadi menjadi anggota yaitu: Liem Koen Hian. DI Jakarta pasukan Belanda menduduki kantor-kantor Republik Indonesia dan menangkap anggota-anggota delegasi yang sedang berunding dengan Belanda.Aksi penjarahan tersebut hanya berlangsung beberapa hari karena berhasil diredam pasukan Jepang yang bertindak tegas terhadap para penjarah tersebut dan hukuman mati dijatuhkan kepada mereka yang terlibat dalam kerusuhan bersenjata.

Terjadi pembunuhan besar.Pasukan Republik dalam keadaan bingung dan panik akibat aksi polisionil Belanda yang tiba-tiba segera bergerak mundur ke pedalaman dan melakukan taktik bumi hangus serta menghancurkan segala apa yang dapat dihancurkan. Lim Tjiaw Hie yang telah berusia 71 tahun. pabrik. perampokan dan penjarahan yang dilakukan para gangster dan kriminal yang bekerja sama dengan oknum. di desa Panggang (Cilongok). Menurut laporan. Jawa Tengah. penjarahan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. Namun dalam keadaan kacau dan tidak terkendali terjadi ekses terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa.Pada hari itu seluruh orang Tionghoa menyatakan ikut berkabung dengan menutup semua toko dan perusahaan miliknya dan sepanjang hari hanya berdiam di rumah.000 orang pengungsi di Jakarta yang datang dari daerah tersebut.188).[23][23] Di Bagan Siapi-api lain lagi. Di berbagai tempat di Jawa Barat. Gajah Mada No. The New York Times edisi 6 Juni 1946 melaporkan 600 orang Tionghoa yang dituduh bekerja sama dengan Belanda dibunuh dan desanya dibakar. Di kota yang terletak di pantai timur Sumatera yang penduduknya hampir seluruhnya nelayan Tionghoa. Menurut laporan yang diterima Palang Merah Jang Seng Ie Jakarta. Di daerah Mauk malah laki-laki Tionghoa diminta membuka celananya untuk kemudian disunat secara paksa. Diperkirakan ada 25. 653 orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh di daerah Tangerang dan sekitarnya.[22][22] Dalam keadaan stress. orang-orang Tionghoa mengamati dan mencatat dengan cermat seluruh kejadian yang menakutkan. Lim Tjoen Nio seorang gadis berusia 20 tahun dan Lim Tiang Tjeng seorang anak berusia 3 tahun dibakar hidup-hidup. sejak tanggal 1 sampai 5 Juni terjadi 28 kasus pembakaran di sekitar Tangerang dimana orang-orang Tionghoa dibakar hidup-hidup. termasuk perempuan dan anak-anak yang dibakar hidup-hidup. Masyarakat Tionghoa lalu mengumumkan 11 Juni 1946 sebagai hari Duka Cita. pada September 1946 diserang . Serpong dan Krawang. 1. Antara lain kawasan Mauk. Demikian juga perempuan Tionghoa banyak yang diperkosa secara brutal. Di Medan terjadi gelombang pembunuhan. bengkel.268 rumah dibakar habis dan 236 lainnya dirusak. malahan dengan oknum TKR. toko.besaran terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah sebelah barat sungai Tangerang (Cisedane).Ratusan orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibantai dengan kejam. perusahaan. Pembunuhan massal tersebut belum berhenti sampai pada 8 Juni. mayatnya ditumpuk dan hartanya dijarah lalu rumahnya dibakar.[21][21] Pada 3 Juni 1946. Malahan di beberapa tempat terjadi pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang tak berdosa dengan tuduhan menjadi agen atau mata-mata NICA. Sebagian ada yang ditampung di gedung perkumpulan Sin Ming Hui. dan Jawa Timur terjadi perampokan. dan berbagai harta benda milik orang Tionghoa. termasuk 136 perempuan dan 36 anak-anak. di Molenvliet West (Jl. Peristiwa keji tersebut menimbulkan kegeraman di kalangan banyak orang. Dengan cepat aksi pembunuhan di Tangerang menyebar ke berbagai tempat.oknum organsasi pemuda. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Jawa Barat terjadi pada 3 Juni 1946 jauh sebelum aksi polisionil yang pertama.

Bangsa. pembakaran. 23. 11. Ledokombo. Tanjong Rejo dan Wuluhan. dan Rambogudono. 31. Sukabumi dan Cibadak. di Palembang 250 orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa dibunuh dan kerugian yang diderita diperkirakan 20 juta gulden. Karanganyar. 39. Kutobeda dan Buring. 12. Kalisat. 15.[24][24] Selanjutnya untuk memberi gambaran yang lebih jelas mengenai para korban selama terjadi penjarahan. Tetapi banyak juga yang berhasil melarikan diri dan menurut Departemen Sosial Inggris. mereka berusaha mengisolasi kota Bagan Siapi-api sehingga sekitar 14. Pembakaran. 10. Rajagaluh. Singosari. Bobotsari. Kuningan. 18.penjarahan. 26. 9. Rawatamtu. Salatiga. terutama sejak para tahanan penjara Kalisosok. Keselir Kulon. Petung. 34. Tanggul. Manglis dan Panti. 17.000 orang menjadi pengungsi di Malaka. Menghadapi perlawanan tersebut. yaitu Memorandum. Lumajang. Mjang. Majalengka. 14. Prapatan. Kaliwining. 28. Dalam Memorandum tersebut dengan jelas dan rinci dilaporkan jumlah korban sebagai akibat penjarahan. 200 orang Tionghoa meninggal dunia. Kencong. para nelayan sering diganggu para perompak yang mendapat bantuan anggota Angkatan Laut Republik. dan Puger. Gugut. 22. 3. pembunuhan dan perkosaan terhadap penduduk Tionghoa di daerah-daerah dan kota sebagai berikut: 1. Cilacap. Krawang dan Cikampek. Jalaksana. Gombong. 7. Mengaran dan Jatiroto. Kemuning. Simpalan. Jember. Tempuran. Di Bangko 20 orang Tionghoa dibunuh. Sukowono. Bangsalsarie. Malang. 21. Gajasan. Tegal. Jatitujuh. 16. di Mentaga 40 orang. Pekalongan. 24. 1947. di Djembra 75 orang. Jamblang dan Arjawinangun. 38. 13. Maja.orang-orang Indonesia. dibantu 450 orang tentara menyerbu pemukiman Tionghoa di Bagan Siapi-api. namun mereka yang selamat melakukan perlawanan dengan menggunakan senjata seadanya. Pada 18 September 1946. tidak kurang dari 2. 30. Jangawah.000 penduduk Tionghoa menghadapi bahaya kelaparan. dan Sekar. Ceracas dan Cilimus. Nogosari. pihak penyerbu terpaksa mengundurkan diri ke pedalaman sambil melakukan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa yang ditemuinya. Curamalang. 4. 6. 35. Menghadapi serangan yang tiba-tiba. Surabaya dilepaskan dan dipersenjatai serta direkrut ke dalam sejumlah satuan pasukan. 40. 32. Talaga dan sekitarnya. Purwokerto. Di Telok Poelau 34 orang. Picoro. 19. Sumberjambe. Ambulu. 37. Ciawigebang dan daerah sekitarnya. Polisi juga dengan cepat mengambil bagian dalam serangan tersebut. perampokan. On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July. Rambipuji. Karena serangan tersebut gagal. Dembulsari. Selanjutnya pada Januari 1947. Wangon. sekitar 4. Cikijing. Beberapa daerah di mana . Jatiwangi. 27. Indramayu. Sebelum penyerangan tersebut. Mereka ini dipersilahkan melakukan apa saja asal membantu pengosongan kota guna mendukung politik bumi hangus yang dipilih pihak Republik. Purbalingga. Gumukmas.000 orang anggota pasukan Angkatan Laut Republik. Outlining Acts And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesian Bands. 2. dan Mumbusari. 33. 25.pemerkosaan dan pembunuhan terus berlangsung di berbagai daerah di Jawa dan Sumatera hingga akhir 1949. Kejadian yang hebat terjadi di kawasan Jawa Timur. Kadipaten. 21. Lawang. Sukateja. Wirolegi dan Aryoso. 8. 29. 36. 5. perkosaan dan pembunuhan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses aksi polisionil pada Juli 1947 bisa dilihat laporan yang dikeluarkan Chung Hua Tsung Hui Batavia pada 15 September 1947 untuk Liga Bangsa. 20.

Tindakan penjarahan dan pembakaran ini bukan saja usaha Belanda untuk mengadu domba pribumi Indonesia dengan orang Tionghoa.penganiayaan. Keesokan harinya orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diminta berkumpul di dalam lubang tersebut untuk kemudian ditembaki.mayoritas Tionghoa jadi korban aksi penjarahan dan pembunuhan ini antara lain adalah daerah Kertosono. Kediri. Orang Tionghoa yang mengungsi biasa membawa semua anggota keluarga berikut harta bendanya. toko dan rumah milik orang Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa yang menjadi sasaran penjarahan dan pembakaran. Kebanyakan pembunuhan dilakukan dengan cara menggiring semua orang Tionghoa keluar kota dengan mengatakan bahwa kota harus dikosongkan. Baru ketika menghadapi kedatangan pasukan Belanda. Tulungagung. sebelum tiba di sasaran mereka akan menghentikan gerakannya dan beristirahat terlebih dahulu. Hal ini sebagai ekses taktik bumi hangus yang dijalankan oleh TRI yang dipelopori Divisi Siliwangi. Justeru bangunan-bangunan pabrik. namun dalam pelaksanaannya terjadi banyak ekses dan penyelewengan yang dilakukan oknum-oknum TRI yang diikuti laskar-laskar liar yang sukar dikendalikan. walaupun penangkapan terhadap orangorang yang dicurigai sebagai mata-mata berlangsung dari waktu ke waktu. Dengan segera Belanda menyiarkan seluruh kejadian yang menimpa orang Tionghoa dengan tujuan memojokkan Republik yang dianggap barbar dan belum layak untuk merdeka. Kalau kita perhatikan dengan seksama. Blitar. Begitu sampai di luar kota.bangunan vital saja yang harus dihancurkan. Memang revolusi memerlukan pengorbanan. . tetapi lebih dari itu merupakan suatu grand strategi Belanda untuk menghancurkan reputasi Republik Indonesia di mata Internasional. orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di daerah Republik tidak mengalami gangguan. Sungguh sangat disayangkan para pemimpin Republik kurang waspada dan secara naïf memakan umpan yang disodorkan Belanda sehingga terjadi tindakan yang sangat merugikan reputasi Indonesia di mata dunia dan menyebabkan etnis Tionghoa harus menanggung semua penderitaannya. Madiun. Laki-laki dewasa dibagi dalam kelompok-kelompok lalu digiring ke hutanhutan dan pegunungan. tetapi apa yang diderita etnis Tionghoa bukanlah pengorbanan tetapi kekonyolan yang sia-sia. Nganjuk. Seharusnya hanya bangunan. Mayat-mayat yang berserakan kemudian ditimbun dengan tanah.[25][25] Demikianlah rangkaian penjarahan. apabila akan memasuki suatu daerah atau kota. bahkan menyiksa dan membunuhnya. Caruban. Wlingi dan Malang. penjarahan dan pembakaran dilakukan oleh pasukan Indonesia. Malahan di Sukabumi pasukan Belanda melakukan pemberitahuan terlebih dahulu dengan menyebarkan pamflet. Semua yang diperoleh lalu dikumpulkan dan dibagi di antara para pembunuh.perkosaan dan pembunuhan yang dialami orang-orang Tionghoa sebagai ekses revolusi kemerdekaan tahun 1946-1949. rombongan dipisahkan antara laki-laki dengan perempuan dan anak-anak. memberikan kesempatan kepada laskar-laskar dan gerombolan-gerombolan liar untuk menjarah dan membakar toko-toko dan rumah-rumah orang-orang Tionghoa. Sebenarnya sebelum kedatangan pasukan Belanda. tampak dengan jelas bahwa Belanda melakukan politik adu domba dengan mengorbankan orang-orang Tionghoa. Harta mereka yang kebanyakan emas dan permata yang dijahit diujung baju diambili. Karena dalam setiap gerakan pasukan Belanda. Mereka lalu diminta membuat lubang yang kemudian ditumpuki kayu.pembakaran.

Sehingga sebenarnya kekuasaan tidak berada di tangan Presiden Soekarno. Antara lain Pancasila dimasukkan kembali ke dalam Mukadimah UUDS tersebut.1959) dan Demokrasi Terpimpin (1959-1965). Republik Indonesia Serikat (RIS) sebagai hasil Konferensi Meja Bundar (KMB) yang berlangsung 23 Agustus-2 Nopember di Den Haag dibubarkan dan dideklarasikan berdirinya Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI) dengan Undang-Undang Dasar Sementara (UUDS) yang selesai disusun pada 24 Juli. Kekacauan lain adalah pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA yang dimulai pada 15 Pebruari 1958 dengan diprokamirkannya Pemerintah Revolusioner Republik Indonesia (PRRI) oleh Kolonel Ahmad Husein. pasal ini juga telah dirubah menjadi presiden dan wakil presiden adalah orang Indonesia sejak kelahirannya dan tidak pernah menerima kewarganegaraan lain atas kehendaknya sendiri. Kartosuwiryo akhirnya berhasil tertangkap dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan di Jawa Barat dan pada sidang Mahkamah Angkatan Darat Keadaan Perang untuk Jawa dan Madura (Mahadper) pada 16 Agustus 1962 dijatuhi hukuman mati. dihidupkan kembali dalam Pasal 38 UUDS. dalam UUDS dicantumkan dengan mengambil oper seluruh Universal Declaration of Human Rights PBB yang telah disahkan oleh Sidang Umum PBB pada 10 Desember 1948. Pasal 33 UUD-1945 yang dihapus oleh UUD-RIS. nyaris tidak terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang berarti. saat memperingati hari ulang tahun Proklamasi Kemerdekaan. Ternyata UUDS ini berhasil mengakomodasi seluruh jiwa Proklamasi 17 Agustus 1945 yang sangat esensial. Soumoukil yang berhasi ditangkap dan kemudian dijatuhi hukuman mati oleh Sidang Mahkamah Militer Luar Biasa (Mahmilub). Sebelumnya pada 2 Maret 1957 Saleh Sahade membacakan piagam Perjuangan Semesta Alam (PERMESTA). Suatu hal yang sangat penting adalah dihapusnya Pasal 6 ayat 1 UUD-45 (pasal yang sangat rasialis) yang menyatakan presiden Indonesia adalah orang Indonesia asli. Demikian juga dengan Dr. Selama berlakunya UUDS-1950 sampai dikeluarkannya Dekrit 5 Juli 1959 untuk kembali ke UUD-1945 oleh Presiden Soekarno. Kahar Muzakkar di Sulawesi Selatan dan Daud Beureu'eh di Aceh. Bentuk negara adalah negara kesatuan menggantikan negara federal UUD-RIS. Salah seorang anggotanya adalah Siauw Giok Tjhan. Pemberontakan tersebut hanya bertahan beberapa bulan. UUDS ini berlaku sampai dilaksanakannnya pemilihan umum yang akan menyusun UUD baru. Pada 17 Pebruari 1958 PERMESTA menggabungkan diri dengan PRRI. . Soumoukil. Pada pertengahan 1958 praktis pemberontakan tersebut berhasil dipatahkan walaupun seluruh kekuatan para pemberontak baru berhasil dihancurkan pada 1961.Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Demokrasi Parlementer (1950. Hak-hak asasi manusia yang dalam UUD-1945 tidak dinyatakan secara jelas. Juga dinyatakan dalam UUDS bahwa sistim pemerintahan (kabinet) adalah parlementer yang tidak bertanggung jawab kepada presiden melainkan kepada parlemen. Syukur dalam amandemen UUD-1945 ke-3 yang dilakukan MPR pada 21 Nopember 2001. Disamping itu juga terjadi pemberontakan Republik Maluku Selatan (RMS) di bawah pimpinan Dr. Ketentuan ini tidak disinggung sedikit pun dalam UUDS. Yang terjadi adalah aksi-aksi kekacauan yang dilakukan gerombolan DI/TII Kartosuwiryo di Jawa Barat–Jawa Tengah. Sementara Kahar Muzakkar tertembak mati dalam sebuah operasi militer di hutan Sulawesi Selatan. Pada 17 Agustus 1950. UUDS 1950 disusun oleh Panitia Bersama yang terdiri dari 14 orang dan dibentuk oleh Badan Pekerja KNIP (Komite Nasional Indonesia Pusat) dan Pimpinan DPR-RIS.

Para . Peraturan tersebut dikeluarkan pada Mei 1959. Ketika kembali dari lawatannya ke luar negeri dan mengetahui adanya peraturan tersebut. kegiatan Kuomintang dilarang di seluruh Indonesia. yaitu di luar ibukota daerah swatantra tingkat I dan tingkat II yang berlaku sejak 1 Januari 1960. Sudah tentu hal ini sangat merugikan para pedagang Islam yang baru bermunculan. Apa yang sesungguhnya menjadi alasan sehingga Presiden Soekarno akhirnya menandatangani peraturan tersebut tetap menjadi tanda tanya dan kontroversi. Demikian juga seluruh perusahaan milik orang-orang Kuomintang diambil alih militer. sehingga dalam kabinet yang dibentuk setelah 5 Juli 1959 ia tidak diikut-sertakan.10 atau yang lebih terkenal dengan sebutan PP-10. Keahlian dan pengalaman yang dimiliki orang-orang Tionghoa yang telah beberapa generasi lamanya akan merusak dan melumpuhkan jaringan distribusi di daerah pedalaman. Ada yang berpendapat bahwa Presiden Soekarno mendapat tekanan dari militer dan partai-partai Islam. Ketika peraturan ini diterbitkan. Tanpa terduga sebelumnya. Para penguasa militer di daerahdaerah dengan seenaknya mengusir bukan saja orang-orang Tionghoa asing tetapi juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdasarkan UU Kewarganegaraan tahun 1946 telah menjadi warga negara Indonesia. Ia juga memperingatkan kalau sampai orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut diusir dari tempat kediaman dan usahanya di daerah pedalaman. Presiden Soekarno pada November 1959 dengan tiba-tiba menandatangani Peraturan Pemerintah N0. Siauw Giok Tjhan segera menentangnya di DPR. seorang tokoh NU yang pernah aktif di KENSI. akan menimbulkan kemunduran ekonomi Indonesia. pada Agustus 1958. berisi larangan bagi orang asing untuk tinggal dan berdagang di daerah pedalaman. Sudah tentu peraturan yang rasialis ini sangat mengejutkan dan menggoncangkan sendisendi kehidupan orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. melainkan harus merupakan sebuah undang-undang yang disahkan DPR. Seluruh pimpinannya ditangkap atau melarikan diri ke luar negeri. Presiden Soekarno sangat marah kepada Rachmat Moeljomiseno. Siauw Giok Tjhan menyatakan bahwa orang-orang Tionghoa mempunyai usaha yang legal di daerah. Rupanya peraturan ini sengaja dikeluarkan pada saat Presiden Soekarno sedang berada di luar negeri.Peraturan ini berisi larangan bagi orang-orang asing (terutama ditujukan kepada orang-orang Tionghoa) untuk berdagang eceran di daerah-daerah pedalaman. Sebenarnya PP-10 ini merupakan kelanjutan dari Peraturan Menteri Perdagangan Kabinet Djuanda yang dijabat Rachmat Moeljomiseno.daerah pedalaman yang otomatis mendapatkan perlindungan hukum internasional yang harus dipatuhi pemerintah Indonesia. Pada umumnya perdagangan eceran di daerah pedalaman didominasi para pedagang Tionghoa yang telah mempunyai pengalaman dan jaringan beberapa generasi. Presiden Soekarno secara de fakto baru benar-benar memegang kekuasaan sejak 5 Juli 1959 dengan membentuk kabinet gotong royong dan menerapkan doktrin Demokrasi Terpimpin.Karena keterlibatan Taiwan dalam pemberontakan PRRI/PERMESTA. karena pada masa itu Undang-Undang Kewarganegaraan Tahun 1958 belum dilaksanakan. Semua sekolah Kuomintang di seluruh Indonesia ditutup dan gedungnya dijadikan sekolah negeri. Ia menyatakan bahwa peraturan semacam ini tidak bisa dikeluarkan oleh seorang menteri. sehingga terjadi kesimpang siuran dalam menentukan yang mana asing dan mana WNI.

pemerintah RRT menyampaikan protes-protesnya dan menyatakan kesediaannya menampung korban PP-10 dengan mengirimkan beberapa kapalnya dan mengangkut mereka untuk ditempatkan di berbagai tempat di Tiongkok. Serawak. seorang perempuan Tionghoa mati tertembak karena ia bersama keluarganya mencoba bertahan dan tidak mau meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Hal ini terjadi karena Pengadilan menjatuhkan vonis bebas kepada putera Dr. Berbagai insiden menyedihkan terjadi. lalu terjadi terjadi perkelahian di halaman pengadilan antara pemuda-pemuda tersebut dengan sekelompok pemuda pribumi. Berbagai cerita yang penuh penderitaan di daratan Tiongkok menyebabkan menurunnya minat orang-orang Tionghoa untuk kembali ke Tiongkok. Terjadi perkelahian di Pengadilan Negeri Cirebon antara pemuda-pemuda Tionghoa dengan pemuda-pemuda pribumi. Satu-satunya aksi kekerasan anarkis yang terjadi dimasa Demokrasi Terpimpin adalah peristiwa rasialis 10 Mei 1963 di Jawa Barat. Melalui Duta Besar Huang Chen dan Radio Peking. Rupanya vonis hakim yang membebaskan tertuduh tidak memuaskan keluarga korban dan teman-temannya. . Murad menabrak seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang kemudian meninggal dunia. Pada saat itu timbul keguncangan dan demam repatriasi di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa. gelombang tersebut surut sama sekali. Amerika. Pada awalnya bukan hanya mereka yang menjadi korban PP-10.000 orang Tionghoa yang meninggalkan Indonesia untuk bermukim kembali di Tiongkok. Macau dan negara lainnya.pedagang Islam yang pada umumnya berkiblat ke NU dan Masjumi merasa sulit bersaing dengan pedagang Tionghoa. sehingga pada akhir 1960-an. Sebuah mobil di muka toko Medan. Dengan dikeluarkannya peraturan tersebut mereka merasa diuntungkan. Ada juga orang-orang Tionghoa yang memilih pindah ke Singapore. Dalam kecelakaan tersebut putera Dr. Peristiwa ini meminta korban harta benda orang Tionghoa yang cukup besar. sehingga oleh pihak militer mereka dipaksa meninggalkan tempat kediamannya. Merasa tidak betah. Tetapi kondisi dan sistim masyarakat di tempat baru serta kebiasaan di tempat lama di Indonesia.RRT.bondong berangkat ke tanah harapan. Orang Tionghoa dianggap semuanya berstatus dwikewarganegaraan atau asing. tetapi banyak juga pemuda dan pelajar Tionghoa yang menyambut dengan gembira dan dengan penuh semangat berbekal keranjang-keranjang rotan dan peti-peti besar berisi berbagai macam keperluan. Tindakan paling buruk dilakukan pihak militer di Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kolonel Kosasih. Murad (seorang aktivis PSI) yang menjadi tertuduh dalam kecelakaan lalu lintas di jalan raya Gronggong. seperti di Cimahi pada Juli 1960. ditambah lagi dengan kendala bahasa ternyata menimbulkan banyak kesengsaraan. Brasil dan negara-negara lainnya untuk mencari kehidupan baru di sana. akhirnya mereka berusaha ke luar dari daratan Tiongkok untuk dapat bermukim di Hongkong. di pinggiran Cirebon. Pada masa itu lebih dari 136. Bukan hanya para pedagang tetapi yang tidak berdagang pun diusir. Peristiwa ini diawali di Cirebon pada akhir Maret 1963. Pelaksanaan PP-10 ini menimbulkan ketegangan hubungan diplomatik RI. berbondong. Pada saat pulang dari pengadilan para pemuda pribumi mulai melakukan perusakan terhadap toko-toko milik Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan batu. Eropa.

Peristiwa di Tegal telah menimbulkan kerugian materiil sebesar 650 juta. PKI dan kelompok kiri lainnya dengan segera mengeluarkan pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini adalah peristiwa rasialis kontra revolusioner yang didalangi oleh sisa-sisa Masjumi dan PSI. 1 pick-up dan 2 sepeda motor. dimulailah aksi perusakan toko-toko. anggota Dewan Pimpinan Pusat PNI. Padahal salah seorang anaknya menderita lumpuh akibat terkena penyakit polio. anggota Dewan Kurator ITB dan anggota Panitia Ujian Fakultas Farmasi Universitas Padjadjaran. karena istrinya menjadi trauma dan kuatir apabila kejadian serupa terulang kembali. Di Cianjur 137 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. 16 rumah tinggal hancur dilempari massa anarkis. Disamping itu 114 rumah dan 2 gedung bioskop dirusak. Sudah tentu para pemimpin . 12 sedan. Selanjutnya 40 toko bersama isinya habis dijarah dan dibakar. Yang terparah disamping Bandung adalah Cianjur dan Sukabumi. 1 pabrik tenun. Kendaraan lainnya yang menjadi korban. hanya saja pada 5-6 Mei sempat menjalar ke Tegal. 35 becak dan 167 sepeda hangus dibakar. anggota DPR-RI fraksi PNI. Demikian juga Baperki mempunyai pandangan yang sama. 1 pabrik aci atau tapioka dan I pabrik teh). Tetapi anehnya baru pada 10 Mei 1963. Bogor. 2 pabrik aci dibakar yaitu di kampung Cijambu. Kerusakan lainnya 4 pabrik di bakar (1 pabrik kertas. 63 mobil habis dibakar dan puluhan kendaraan lainnya dirusak. 20 oplet. 4 mobil tangki minyak. Ironis sekali salah seorang yang menjadi korban adalah Drs. terdiri dari 52 truk.[26][26] Dari Bandung aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa menjalar ke kota-kota sekelilingnya antara lain Garut. mantan anggota PPKI yang turut mengesahkan UUD 1945. aksi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa tersebut menjalar ke Bandung. 3 bus. [27][27] Peristiwa ini menimbulkan banyak reaksi. Di luar kota Ciamis selain sebuah pabrik soun di Cisaga. Di Sukabumi 98 kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar. Cianjur. Di samping itu 2 becak dibakar para pengemudinya. ratusan rumah tinggal. Yap Tjwan Bing. Namun kejadian tersebut dapat segera diatasi dan tidak berlanjut. Sebuah pabrik teh dibakar. 57 oplet. rumahnya yang terletak di jalan Cipaganti 32 akan menjadi sasaran. Sebaliknya LPKB di bawah pimpinan Sindhunata mengeluarkan selebaran berisi pernyataan bahwa peristiwa ini disebabkan oleh prilaku orang Tionghoa yang ekslusif dan suka pamer kemewahan. 7 bus. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di Bandung. 4 jeep. dan Sukabumi. 30 sedan. Kerusuhan dimulai dari daerah Tegallega. rumah tinggal dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa menjadi korban perusakan para pemuda anarkis. Ratusan toko.di jalan Pasuketan dibakar massa menyebabkan terjadi kepanikan di kalangan masyarakat Tionghoa Cirebon. Kemudian dipelopori mahasiswa ITB dan mahasiswa Universitas Padjadjaran. Malahan kabarnya terdapat korban jiwa dalam aksi kerusuhan itu.Jumlah toko yang dirusak 316 sedangkan barang-barang isi toko tersebut habis dibakar. Kerusuhan tersebut diawali dengan perkelahian di kampus ITB antara seorang mahasiswa Tionghoa dengan seorang mahasiswa pribumi karena terjadi senggolan sepeda motor. Sebuah mobil baru milik Yap Tjwan Bing habis dibakar massa pemuda. Tasikmalaya. demikian juga bungalownya di Lembang di rusak. Kejadian inilah yang menyebabkan Yap Tjwan Bing dan keluarganya meninggalkan Indonesia untuk menetap di Belanda dan kemudian pindah ke Amerika Serikat. terdiri dari 28 truk. sedangkan Peristiwa 10 Mei di Bandung telah mengakibatkan kerugian pada 500 buah toko. 4 pick-up dan 11 sepeda motor.Kerugian lainnya 120 ton aci habis dibakar. Banjar dan di kampung Panumbangan.

Pada masa itu Perang Vietnam sebagai manifestasi perang dingin antara kubu negara-negara kapitalis Barat dibawah pimpinan Amerika Serikat dan Inggris dengan kubu negara. IPPI. Perhimi. maupun kepada orang-orang Tionghoa di Indonesia. kekuatan para mahasiswa dan pemuda merupakan kekuatan yang ampuh dan masih dibutuhkan dalam menyelesaikan tahap akhir rencananya. Pemerintah Amerika dan terutama peemrintah Inggris merencanakan dan mensponsori kampanye dan aski-aksi antiTionghoa yang seolah-olah mendapatkan "dukungan" dari kegiatan Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua. harus dicari "kambing hitam". CGMI. Terjadi tarik-menarik kedua kekuatan tersebut hampir di seluruh belahan dunia. banyak juga yang .Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh mempunyai loyalitas ganda dan selalu berusaha mentrasfer uangnya ke luar negeri. Pemilihan etnis Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kambing hitam dengan pertimbangan bahwa mereka adalah golongan yang secara politis sangat lemah. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa kampanye dan kerusuhan-kerusuhan anti Tionghoa yang terjadi setelah G30S.Baperki memprotes para pimpinan LPKB yang dianggap secara provokatif mengipasi kemarahan massa. Aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di masa Orde Baru Selaras dengan aksi penumpasan G30S/PKI maka dimulailah kampanye anti "Cina" (Sinophobia) baik yang ditujukan kepada pemerintah RRT yang secara aktif melalui Radio Peking dan kantor berita Hsinhua menyerang rezim militer Soeharto-Nasution. merebut kursi presiden dari Soekarno. tanpa perlindungan dan mudah dipermainkan. ternyata masalah kesulitan ekonomi. terutama masalah inflasi tidak dapat diperbaiki dengan segera. Dalam kalkulasi Soeharto. Tidak ada satu pun negara di permukaan bumi yang terhindar dari pengaruh perang dingin. pihak militer juga melakukan penangkapan terhadap orang-orang Tionghoa dengan tuduhan yang sama. Setelah PKI dibubarkan dan Presiden Soekarno dikurangi kekuasaannya dengan membentuk kabinet baru. PPI.agen CIA dan MI-6 mendapatkan dukungan dari LPKB dan perwira-perwira AD dan pimpinan partai politik yang anti Tionghoa dengan memojokkan Baperki serta mengkondisikan terjadinya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. pemuda dan pelajar yang tergabung dalam KAPPI/KAMI/Laskar Ampera ARH. baik WNI mau pun WNA yang dituduh menjadi pengacau dan parasit ekonomi.negara sosialis Eropa Timur dan Asia dibawah pimpinan Uni Soviet dan RRT sedang mencapai puncaknya. kalau dituduh berindikasi PKI langsung "diciduk" (ditangkap) pihak militer. Kampanyei anti Tionghoa ini disponsori oleh kekuatan asing terutama Inggris dan Amerika Serikat. Namun bagi yang tidak mempunyai uang. Sebenarnya tujuan utamanya adalah untuk memeras uangnya. Pemuda Rakyat. Namun untuk menampung aspirasi dan menjaga mobilitas para mahasiswa. Baperki. kader dan anggota PKI dan ormas-ormasnya yang dituduh terlibat G30S. Puluhan ribu orang Tionghoa di seluruh Indonesia baik yang menjadi pengurus atau anggota PKI. Orang-orang Tionghoa dituduh menjadi kolone kelima. Dalam melakukan operasi-operasi penangkapan dan pengejaran terhadap pimpinan. Chiao Chung maupun hanya simpatisan saja atau bukan. Di dalam negeri sendiri agen. tukang timbun dan sama sekali tidak pernah peduli dengan kepentingan rakyat. ditimbulkan oleh faktor-faktor eksternal dan internal. Maka hal yang paling mudah adalah dengan menimpakan segala kesalahan ini kepada orang-orang Tionghopa. Chung Hua Tsung Hui.

Pada 8 Mei 1966.000 pengungsi Tionghoa WNA menuju kota Medan dan sekitarnya. malahan ada yang ikut dibuang ke pulau Buru bahkan ribuan orang Tionghoa ikut dibunuh.tembok penuh coret-coret anti Tionghoa antara lain "Orang-orang Cina pulang " dan "Sekali Cina Tetap Cina". Diperkirakan sebanyak 2. Menurut nota protes Kedubes RRT. . perusakan dan pembakaran rumah-rumah. toko-toko.Demikian juga seluruh sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa dan gedung.gedung perkumpulan yayasan-yayasan Tionghoa diduduki pihak militer. Malahan KAPPI Sumatera Utara kemudian mengeluarkan pernyataan agar mengusir seluruh orang Tionghoa dari Indonesia atau KAPPI sendiri yang akan bertindak. Aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa terjadi antara lain di Makassar pada 10 Nopember 1965.orang Tionghoa diseret turun dari becak. kemudian ditikam dengan pisau dan sangkur.000 toko dan rumah milik Tionghoa mengalami kerusakan dan hampir seribu keluarga bangkrut. merusak dan membakar berbagai toko.ditahan sampai bertahun-tahun lamanya. Mereka menjarah toko-toko dan kios-kios milik orang-orang Tionghoa dan melukai atau membunuh siapa saja yang berani melawan. Di tengah aksi tersebut pihak keamanan melepaskan tembakan ke arah massa demonstran. Di jalan-jalan raya orang. dan memusatkan seluruh perhatian dan kegiatannya hanya di bidang bisnis. Hal ini menimbulkan kemarahan massa yang mengira pihak konsulat lah yang melakukan penembakan tersebut. Kampanye dan berbagai aksi anti Tionghoa. Pada Agustus 1966 KAPPI dan KAMI Sumatera Utara menuntut agar sebelum akhir tahun semua warga negara RRT diusir dari Sumatera Utara. Konsulat RRT dihujani batu.[30] [30] Seluruh sekolah-sekolah dan universitas-universitas Baperki ditutup dan disita. tetapi aksi-aksi anarkis kemudian berlanjut ke pertokoan dan pemukiman orang Tionghoa. Pangdam Aceh. Disamping itu setelah Peristiwa G30S intensitas kerusuhan anti Tionghoa makin menjadi-jadi.000 orang menjadi korban. ditambah tindakan represif penguasa militer inilah yang menimbulkan kekuatiran dan trauma berkepanjangan dan menjadi salah satu sebab mengapa orang-orang Tionghoa selama tiga puluh dua tahun mati-matian berusaha menghindari wilayah politik. Brigjen Ishak Djuarsa mengumumkan agar seluruh orang Tionghoa WNA meninggalkan Aceh sebelum 17 Agustus 1966. mobil dan sepeda motor. Mereka tinggal di gudang-gudang tembakau. Pada awalnya terjadi demonstrasi yang dilakukan mahasiswa dan pemuda anggota HMI dan Ansor yang ditujukan ke konsulat RRT. [31][31] Dalam perkembangannya ternyata banyak di antaranya telah berubah menjadi ruko dan gedung perkantoran. jendela-jendelanya hancur dan 3 orang stafnya mengalami luka-luka. klenteng dan bekas sekolah-sekolah Tionghoa. rumah dan mobil milik orang-orang Tionghoa. Akibatnya lebih dari 15. Massa demonstran dipimpin gerombolan Pemuda Pancasila kemudian mengamuk ke seluruh kota Medan. Di kota Medan sendiri tembok. sekolahsekolah dan mobil-mobil milik orang Tionghoa terjadi di mana-mana. Penjarahan. Kerusuhan berikutnya terjadi di Medan pada 10 Desember 1965. lebih dari 2. Massa demonstran mengamuk dan kemudian menjarah.

Namun pada Januari 1968. Pengemudinya diminta keluar dan dipukuli. Pada 17 Oktober 1968. maka dengan menggunakan rantai sepeda dan pisau komando. para anggota RPKAD tersebut dengan ngawur menyerang setiap orang Tionghoa yang mereka temui. di Surabaya terjadi kerusuhan anti Tionghoa sebagai ekses dari suatu demonstrasi KAPPI untuk memprotes digantungnya dua orang KKO di Singapura. Para mahasiswa harus memelopori menolak membeli atau menjual barang kepada orang Tionghoa dan secara aktif mengawasi toko-toko milik Tionghoa agar orang enggan belanja ke sana. Beberapa hari kemudian. Dalam perkelahian itu. kopral tersebut bersama temannya seorang anggota garnisun dipukuli sekelompok pemuda Tionghoa yang membela temannya sesama pedagang. selaras dengan kebijaksanaan pemerintah dalam menghadapi masalah Tionghoa dan bekunya hubungan diplomatik dengan RRT. agar membatalkan hukuman gantung tersebut. Semua mobil yang dikendarai orang Tionghoa dihentikan. Pangdam Sumatera Utara Brigjen Sobiran Mochtar menyatakan bahwa demonstrasi. Karena tidak dapat menemukan pemuda-pemuda yang terlibat dalam aksi pemukulan kepada teman mereka. Jakarta. Seluruh perabot rumah tangga dilemparkan ke tengah jalan. Mobil. Di kawasan Pandaan yang merupakan lintasan jalan Surabaya-Malang. menuju kota-kota pesisir Kalimantan Barat seperti Singkawang dan Pontianak. kemudian dibakar. Setelah terjadi peristiwa aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. . kedua orang KKO tersebut menjalani hukum gantung di penjara Changi.Singapura pada masa konfrontasi dengan Malaysia. meninggalkan rumah dan harta bendanya di daerah pedalaman yang telah ratusan tahun turun-temurun dihuninya. Pemerintah Singapura dibawah pimpinan Perdana Menteri Lee Kuan Yew tidak menghiraukan permintaan Presiden Soeharto yang mengirim Brigjen Tjokropranolo untuk melakukan pendekatan. terjadi suatu insiden di Glodok. pada 25 Januari. Seorang kopral RPKAD yang berusaha "memeras" seorang pedagang Tionghoa terlibat perkelahian dengan beberapa orang pemuda Tionghoa. karena tertangkap basah ketika melakukan aksi sabotase di Orchard Road . dua peleton anggota RPKAD menyerbu Glodok untuk melakukan pembalasan. Sungguh luar biasa. kemudian mobilnya dicemplungkan ke sungai. Ratusan orang Tionghoa menjadi korban pembunuhan dan puluhan ribu lainnya terpaksa mengungsi. Orang-orang Tionghoa yang berdiam di pedalaman Kalimantan Barat atas hasil rekayasa pasukan RPKAD. diburu dan dibunuhi orang Dayak.demonstrasi anti Tionghoa tidak cukup untuk mematahkan dominasi orang Tionghoa dalam perekonomian setempat. Kegiatan anti Tionghoa relatif menurun. massa melakukan sweeping. Selanjutnya pada akhir Oktober dan Nopember 1967 dalam rangka penumpasan Pasukan Gerakan Rakyat Serawak (PGRS) dan Pasukan Rakyat Kalimantan Utara (PARAKU). Demikian juga toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang Tionghoa diserbu dan isinya dijarah. terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa di Kalimantan Barat. Empat puluh orang Tionghoa menderita luka-luka dan beberapa toko dirusak ketika terjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa tersebut. Pada 21 Oktober 1968. demonstrasi untuk memprotes hukum gantung dua orang KKO berubah menjadi aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa. sepeda motor dan becak dihentikan kemudian dibalikkan dan dibakar.Dalam suatu rapat umum mahasiswa pada 15 Oktober 1966.

masyarakat Tionghoa yang telah merasa tenang dengan meredanya aksi-aksi anti Tionghoa. Ali Sadikin pada Agustus 1974 mereka mendirikan Badan Pembinaan Kesatuan Bangsa (BPKB) yang kemudian pada 18 Oktober 1977 berubah menjadi Badan Komunikasi Penghayatan Kesatuan Bangsa (Bakom-PKB). Demonstrasi anti Jepang pada saat kedatangan Perdana Menteri Kakuei Tanaka berhasil diprovokasi sehingga berubah menjadi aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan kendaraan milik orang Tionghoa di daerah Glodok dan mencapai puncaknya dengan aksi penjarahan dan pembakaran pertokoan proyek Senen. Korban akibat perusakan tersebut diperkirakan 98 mobil. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan terhadap toko-toko dan rumah-rumah milik orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut dipicu oleh sebuah kecelakaan lalu lintas kecil dimana sebuah VW yang sedang lewat di jalan Astana Anyar. Asia Afrika. Melihat kejadian tersebut beberapa orang menjadi marah dan mengeroyok ketiga pemuda tersebut. Kebetulan hari itu sedang disiapkan demonstrasi para tukang becak untuk menentang diberlakukannya daerah bebas becak di kota Bandung. 176 sepeda motor/scooter. tiba-tiba dikejutkan dengan terjadinya huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Bandung.Aksi perusakan berjalan sehari penuh dan jam malam terpaksa diberlakukan. Tiga orang pemuda Tionghoa turun dari VW tersebut dan terjadi perkelahian yang mengakibatkan Asep terluka ringan dan dibawa ke rumah sakit. Sebagai akibat aksi tersebut lebih dari 1. Massa tukang becak kemudian diprovokasi dan dialihkan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. di muka bioskop Siliwangi disenggol gerobak yang dikendarai Asep bin Tosim. Yani. Setelah Peristiwa Malari '74 yang meminta korban cukup banyak etnis Tionghoa yang tidak berdosa. 9 pabrik dan 71 rumah tinggal beserta isinya dirusak dan dijarah. beberapa orang mantan pimpinan LPKB merasa kuatir melihat perkembangan situasi di mana gap antara yang kaya dan miskin di Indonesia semakin dalam dan menjurus ke arah rasialisme. Kerusuhan kembali terjadi pada waktu meletusnya Peristiwa Malari atau Lima Belas Januari 1974. Sudirman. Demikian juga ratusan kendaraan bermotor habis dibakar atau dirusak. Sindhunata dengan dibantu oleh Junus Jahya dan Kwik Kian Gie mendapatkan pengakuan resmi dari Menteri Dalam Negeri yang menjadi pelindungnya pada 31 Desember 1977. A.500 toko dan rumah milik etnis Tionghoa. Badan yang Ketua Umumnya K. Aksi penjarahan dan perusakan yang dimulai pukul 4 sore baru berakhir pukul 1 dini hari. Walaupun telah terbentuk Bakom-PKB.Kemudian beredar isu bahwa Asep ditusuk dan meninggal dunia. . Namun ketiganya berhasil menyelamatkan diri. sentimen rasialisme dan benih-benih anti Tionghoa ternyata masih saja hidup di dalam hati sebagian rakyat Indonesia yang mudah diprovokasi menjadi aksi-aksi anarkis. hanya mobilnya hancur dirusak massa. Demikian juga 444 toko. terutama di pusat kota antara lain di Jalan Braga. Kopo dan lainnya habis dijarah dan dirusak para perusuh. Dengan dukungan Gubernur DKI Jaya. 4 bemo dan 660 sepeda dirusak atau dibakar.namun karena kebijaksanaan pemerintah Orde Baru terutama di bidang ekonomi yang diterapkan terhadap etnis Tionghoa dan KKN yang semakin subur berkembang. Pada Minggu 5 Agustus 1973.

Aksi anarkis yang berlangsung beberapa hari lamanya.[32][32] Beberapa tahun menjelang terjadinya krisis moneter yang menimpa Indonesia.toko milik orang Tionghoa juga menjalar ke beberapa kota di Jawa Timur antara lain Ngawi. Peristiwa penjarahan. Mereka menyerang semua toko dan bangunan milik orang Tionghoa dengan cara melemparinya dengan bongkahan batu yang telah dipersiapkannya terlebih dahulu. Malahan aksi-aksi perusakan toko. Hanya segelintir penguasa bersama kroninya. Selama tiga puluh dua tahun pemerintahan rezim Orde Baru.2 milyar dan PT Standard Battery sebesar 600 juta. muncul rasa ketidakpuasan di kalangan masyarakat luas terhadap kebijaksanaan ekonomi pemerintah yang dianggap hanya menguntungkan keluarga Presiden Soeharto dengan kroninya segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa.Hal ini terbukti dengan terjadinya peristiwa huru-hara anti Tionghoa di Solo. Seluruh hasil pembangunan ternyata hanya fatamorgana yang dihasilkan melalui utang dan penjarahan kekayaan alam negara. Situasi ini dengan mudah digunakan oleh para provokator untuk melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis anti Tionghoa. Di kota-kota ini para perusuh melempari semua rumah dan toko Tionghoa. dimulai dari daerah Coyudan kemudian menjalar ke daerah-daerah lainnya dan ditunggangi para "gali" (gang anak liar) yang menjarah toko-toko tersebut. Semarang yang kemudian menjalar ke Kudus dan beberapa kota kecil lainnya. Aksi penjarahan. Malahan di beberapa tempat kelenteng-kelenteng dan vihara-vihara Buddha turut dijadikan sasaran perusakan. Aksi. Ratusan pelajar dengan mengendarai sepeda motor bercampur-baur dengan menggunakan seragam sekolah secara terbalik sehingga identitasnya tidak bisa dikenali lagi. Kerugian terbesar diderita PT Arta Electronics yang konon berjumlah 1. Ambarawa. Salatiga. Salatiga. antara lain 15 pabrik besar kecil dirusak atau dibakar. Aksi-aksi tersebut antara lain terjadi di Purwakarta (31 Oktober – 2 Nopember 1995).aksi tersebut kemudian berkembang bukan hanya ditujukan kepada etnis Tionghoa tetapi juga kepada gerejagereja Kristen dan Katolik. Dengan cepat kerusuhan menjalar ke Boyolali. Candi dan Semarang. Kerugian dari aksi kerusuhan ini puluhan milyar. Pemicu aksi tersebut tidak masuk akal. sekelompok konglomerat hitam yang menikmati kue pembangunan. dipicu hanya oleh sebuah perkelahian antara 3 siswa Sekolah Guru Olahraga (SGO) dengan seorang pemuda Tionghoa. perusakan dan pembakaran yang paling parah terjadi di Semarang mulai tanggal 25 Nopember 1980. Banyubiru. negara telah dibuat bangkrut dengan meninggalkan utang yang luar biasa besarnya. antara lain insiden seorang pemuda Tionghoa yang tidak waras disuruh menyobek kitab suci Al-Qur'an (Pekalongan) atau seorang perempuan Tionghoa yang merasa terganggu dan marah-marah kepada sekelompok pemuda pemukul bedug untuk membangunkan umat Islam melakukan saur (Rengasdengklok). Boyolali. bahkan seorang santri yang mengalami penganiayaan oleh anggota kepolisian (Tasikmalaya) menyebabkan terjadinya aksi-aksi anarkis tersebut. perusakan dan pembakaran toko-toko dan kendaraan milik Tionghoa di Solo yang berlangsung pada 22-23 Nopember 1980. Madiun dan Jombang. Krisis moneter yang berkembang menjadi krisis ekonomi membuktikan bahwa konsep pembangunan yang digembar-gemborkan rezim Orde Baru ternyata membawa kesengsaraan tidak terhingga kepada seluruh rakyat Indonesia. Pekalongan (24 Nopember . Beberapa pemuda Tionghoa yang dijumpai diludahi dan dipukuli massa.

Kebijaksanaan politik segregasi penjajah Belanda. Hal ini dilakukan mulai dari pemegang puncak kekuasaan bersama keluarganya sampai ke tingkat paling bawah. Tanah Abang (28 Januari 1997). Pada 27 Juli 1996. Ratusan toko milik orang Tionghoa hancur. Berbagai kemudahan.kantor DPP PDI di jalan Diponegoro diserbu gerombolan yang mengaku pendukung PDI Kongres Medan dibawah pimpinan Buttu Hutapea cs. lurah dan Rt/Rw. toko dan kendaraan bermotor sepanjang jalan Salemba dan Kramat Raya habis dirusak atau dibakar massa yang mengamuk. malahan Pasar Besar Solo yang sangat terkenal dan menjadi salah satu icon kota Solo habis dibakar massa yang menjadi brutal dan sulit dikendalikan. mengakibatkan bangsa Indonesia terkotak-kotak. sehingga gaji pegawai negeri tidak pernah dicukupi dan mereka diberi kesempatan untuk melakukan korupsi asal memberikan upeti kepada atasannya. Ingat apa yang dilakukan oleh Van Mook dan KMB yang menghasilkan negara federal ciptaan mereka yang ingin memecah-belah bangsa Indonesia yang baru saja memproklamirkan kemerdekaannya. Abdurrachman Wahid menjadi Presiden. Sudah tentu kembali etnis Tionghoa yang menjadi korban. Perbankan dsb.15 Mei 1998. terutama dari koalisi Poros Tengah pimpinan Amien Rais dengan alasan gender.nya diberikan kepada segelintir konglomerat Tionghoa. Rengasdengklok (27 Januari-31 Januari 1997) dan Banjarmasin (23 Mei 1997). malahan sampai detik terakhir kekuasaannya mereka diberikan kesempatan untuk merampok negara dengan mengucurkan ratusan trilyun dana BLBI. Situbondo ( 10 Oktober 1996). HPH. Setelah terjadinya krisis moneter berbagai kerusuhan dan aksi-aksi rasialis anti Tionghoa masih terjadi antara lain di Makassar (15 September 1997) dan setelah lengsernya Presiden Soeharto di Kebumen (7 September 1998).1995). Aksi tersebut telah menyebabkan terjadinya kerusuhan yang mengakibatkan puluhan bangunan perkantoran. Tasikmalaya (26 Desember 1996).H.J. Puncak aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa seperti telah disampaikan di halaman pertama makalah ini adalah Peristiwa 13. Sanggau Ledo (30 Desember 1995-2 Januari 1996). Para pengikut PDIP/ Megawati yang merasa dizalimi mengamuk dan melakukan aksi-aksi anarkis di Bali dan Solo. Sistim upeti yang menjadi tradisi raja-raja Jawa diterapkan. Habibie mengalami berbagai rekayasa. . Megawati sebagai calon presiden dari partai pemenang Pemilu mengalami hambatan dari partai-partai Islam. Pemilihan presiden baru untuk menggantikan Presiden B. maka dapat ditarik kesimpulan bahwa masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional yang diwarisi oleh penjajah Belanda. Kebiasaan dan kebijaksanaan raja-raja Jawa yang diteruskan oleh pemerintah HindiaBelanda untuk memelihara segelintir orang Tionghoa yang dijadikan kroninya untuk memeras rakyat ternyata ditiru dan diterapkan oleh rezim Orde Baru yang juga memelihara segelintir oknum Tionghoa untuk dijadikan kaki-tangannya dalam menumpuk kekayaan. agama dan sebagainya. Masalah Tionghoa adalah bagian dari masalah nasional Setelah dengan jujur mempelajari sejarah . Satu-satunya aksi anarkis yang meminta korban tokot-toko milik Tionghoa di era reformasi adalah pada saat Sidang Umum MPR hasil Pemilu 1999 (September 1999) memilih K.

1. Jakarta.301 orang. Angka-angka ini diperoleh dari Regeering Almanak voor NederlandschIndie. Pada 1921 jumlahnya kurang lebih 43. Pribumi 472.268. [4][4] G.Yayasan Cipta Loka Caraka. legislatif maupun yudikatif dengan seluruh aparat dan birokrasinya dari pusat sampai ke tingkat Rt/Rw.000 orang setahun. 1815. [5][5] Menurut Scott Merilles. menjunjung tinggi hukum dan hak azasi manusia serta bersih dari segala bentuk KKN dan diskriminasi. Pertanyaannya sekarang adalah bagaimana kita harus bersikap? Apakah kita akan menerima saja keadaan yang penuh ketidak-pastian bagi hari depan anak cucu kita atau kita menginginkan perubahan? Jawabannya ada di dalam lubuk hati masing-masing.Hal.Rangkaian aksi-aksi kekerasan anti Tionghoa yang dimulai dari zaman VOC/HindiaBelanda sampai mencapai puncaknya dengan terjadinya tragedi 13-15 Mei 1998 adalah warisan sejarah yang harus diselesaikan bukan saja oleh etnis Tionghoa. etnis. Hal. Golongan Etnis Tionghoa di Indonesia. BATAVIA in Nineteenth Century Photographs.169.678 orang.Jumlah rata-rata sejak 1900 sampai .Pribumi 1.nya mempunyai hak dan kewajiban yang sama. Hal. Singapore 2000.426 orang. 1997.000 orang dan pada 1928. egaliter. The Conquest Of Java. Baik yang berada di eksekutif. Archipelago Press.253 orang. kira-kira 41. gender.000 orang. Mei 14.510 orang dan lainnya 3. dalam Mely G.Tionghoa 82. PT Gramedia. Batavia Landdrukkerij 1868 dan 1900. Untuk itu baik UUD maupun seluruh Undang-undang. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya berjumlah 1.043 orang terdiri dari Eropa 12.242-244. Sedangkan pada Desember 1895. [3][3] Adolf Heuken SJ.429 orang. Peraturan Pemerintah. [2][2] Major William Thorn.2002.15. Untuk menjadi bangsa yang modern dan berperadaban tinggi kita harus membangun negara kita menjadi negara yang demokratis. Seluruh warga negara tanpa memandang asal-usul ras. [6][6] Sejak 1920 sampai 1930 jumlah imigran Tionghoa yang datang ke Hindia Belanda rata-rata lebih dari 40. Hal.nya harus bersih dari unsur-unsur diskriminasi. Tionghoa 50.William Skinner."Tempat-tempat bersejarah di Jakarta". reprinted 1993 by Periplus Edition (HK) Ltd. agama. termasuk seluruh kekuatan politik yang ada di Indonesia.Tan (ed).583 orang dan lain-lain 881 orang. tetapi juga oleh seluruh komponen bangsa. kepercayaan.018 orang terdiri dari Eropa 6. "The Chinese of Java in Colloquium on Overseas Chinese". ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------[1][1] Damar Harsono "May Riots Still Burns Into Victim's Minds" dalam The Jakarta Post. fisik dsb. penduduk Batavia dan sekitarnya pada Desember 1866 berjumlah 530. Kita tidak bisa berilusi bahwa etnis Tionghoa bisa berjuang dan menyelesaikan masalah Tionghoa sendirian tanpa menceburkan diri ke dalam mainstream bangsa dan bersamasama komponen bangsa lainnya ikut menciptakan masyarakat baru Indonesia seperti yang kita cita-citakan. Peraturan Daerah dsb. Jakarta 1979. 173-174.

Semarang 1979. Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan Batavia. Hal.K. pada 7 Desember 1975 pasukan Indonesia berusaha meduduki Dili dengan melakukan penembakan di di jalan-jalan raya secara mem**** buta kepada siapa saja yang ditemuinya sambil melakukan penjarahan toko. Tanjung Sari.000 orang. Archipelago Press.1991.000 orang dan 1938 berjumlah 20. Holmes. PT.34 [10][10] Onghokham. Semarang.Singapore. "The Encyclopedia of the Chinese Overseas". ini adalah informasi tertulis dari Ny.000 orang. 1933 berjumlah 9. Menurut catatran kaki. 1979. Hal.H.Hal." Lihat Amen Budiman. oleh karena bukan mustahil ikhwal ini pun merupakan pengaruh dari arsitektur Tiongkok. 2000 orang anak perempuan berusia di bawah 12 tahun dan 6. Second Edition.Rush. . [11][11] Benny G.000 orang.000 orang.Hal.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun. [12][12] Amen Budiman "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia" Tanjung Sari. Hal.32-35.Hal. 2003.Hal. The Buddhist Revival in China. [13][13] Menurut Amen Budiman.Cornell University Press.Yang datang pada 1938 terdiri antara lain 3. "Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia". Ia meninggal pada 1827 dan pada tahun berikutnya penguasa Belanda di Batavia telah mengakhiri bentukan masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Jakarta dengan menyatukannya dalam golongan masyarakat Tionghoa.toko milik orang Tionghoa dan penduduk sipil lainnya.249. Kerajaan Bisnis Pertama di Asia Tenggara".000 orang anak laki-laki berusia di bawah 12 tahun." Konglomerat Oei Tiong Ham. [7][7] Pada 1875 di Jawa terdapat 8. 1998. 1940. Sedangkan pada 1932 berjumlah 12.000 orang berusia di atas 12 tahun.kapiten Tionghoa peranakan Islam terakhir di Batavia bernama Muhammad Japar.573 orang Timur Asing lainnya bukan Tionghoa.Lihat Amen Budiman. 1936 berjumlah 19.Hal. [9][9] Menurut Dr. De Haan.Jakarta.1979. Hal.1910". 55-58. 1860. 1981. Jakarta.Michele Blusse. terutama sekali di daerah pesisir utara tanah Jawa.H. 1934 berjumlah 12. Batavia. Lihat : Victor Purcell. 1937 berjumlah 31. Kuala Lumpur.10.Lebih lanjut periksa: Welch. "Riwajat 40 Taon T. 40.51.000 orang.14.383 orang Arab dan 14. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia". 1990.465. Landmark Books.Tanjung Sari. 1935 berjumlah 15. [14][14] Lynn Pan.Pustaka Utama Grafiti. [8][8] Nio Joe Lan. Masyarakat Islam Tionghoa di Indonesia. Semarang.ELKASA. 84-85. [15][15] Ketika pemerintah Indonesia menginvasi Timor Portugis."Kapitalisme Cina di Hindia-Belanda" dalam Yoshihara Kunio."Opium to Java.1930 lebih dari 28. Oxford University Press. catatan kaki hal. di mana kita bisa menjumpai adanya begug-bedug yang tergantung di serambi klenteng.Batavia". Revenue Farming and Chinese Enterprise in Colonial Indonesia.Setiono "Tionghoa Dalam Pusaran Politik ".000 orang.000 orang. "Sangat menarik juga untuk dicatat ikhwal penggantungan bedug-bedug besar di serambi mesjid-mesjid di tanah Jawa. 8.Lihat James R. 1968.

Australia. "Sang Pemula". Pembunuhan tersebut berlanjut sampai satu minggu lamanya.Pasukan Indonesia yang menjarah dan membunuh orang-orang Tionghoa tersebut berdalih bahwa mereka adalah pelarian G30S/PKI dari Indonesia yang menyelamatkan diri dan mengkonsolidasikan diri di daerah jajahan Portugis itu. Kuala Lumpur. .pemerkosaan dan pengusiran warga Tionghoa di kawasan Bandung Selatan. diperkirakan 2. Kuala Lumpur. 24 April 2006. [20][20] Twang Peck Yang. Hal. Lihat Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Oxford University Press. Hal."The Chinese Business Elite in Indonesia and the Transition to Independence 1940-1950".Hal.1825 ".6. 171-177. Pustaka Azet. 1981.000 orang penduduk Dili tewas akibat pembunuhan yang dilakukan pasukan Indonesia tersebut. Edisi 9 Juni 1946. Outlining Acts Of Violence And Inhumanity Perpetrated By Indonesia Bands On Innocent Chinese Before And After The Dutch Police Action Was Enforced On July 21..9. yaitu persarikatan saudagarsaudagar yang mempunyai badan hukum yang diakui dan dilindungi undang-undang negeri. 15 September 1947.Hal.474. Batavia. [16][16] Harian "Suara Pembaruan". MEMORANDUM. Allen & Unwin Pty. karena dipersatukan sehingga menjadi teguh. [23][23] Lihat iklan seruan hari duka cita dalam Star Weekly No. "A Nation in Waiting.1947. Star Weekly No 24 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 16 Juni 1946.Tangerang.Setiono Op cit. Second Edition. 1985. [21][21] Victor Purcell. [19][19] Pengantar pendirian SDI yang disampaikan Tirto Adhi Soerjo menyatakan antara lain. Hal.25 April 2006.Hal.jadi tidak kekal dan mudah bubar. Menurut laporan seorang pastor Katolok. "Orang Jawa dan Masyarakat Cina 1755. [18][18] Benny G.204.120-121.9 [17][17] Dr. Hal. 700 orang di antaranya orang Tionghoa.70-72. Star Weekly No 25 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 23 Juni 1946 dan Star Weekly No 26 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 30 Juni 1946. Indonesia in the 1990s". [24][24] Chung Hua Tsung Hui (Federation Of Chinese Associations) in Batavia.anggotanya adalah para saudagar supaya ilmu sarwat bisa dilakukan dengan sepertinya dan supaya lidi yang mudah dipatahkan itu tidak mudah dipatahkan.23 Tahon k1.7 dan Harian "Kompas". untuk mendapatkan perubahan kedudukan kaum pedagang kita bangsa Islam di Hindia wajib satu badan yang anggota. Antara saudagar Islam satu dengan yang lain tentu sudah ada yang membikin kerukunan dalam suatu hal. Hal. Untuk melihat detil pembantaian ini bisa dilihat Star Weekly No 23 Tahon ke 1 Edisi 9 Juni 1946.Ltd. tetapi kerukunan ini terbikin di bawah tangan. Oxford University Press. Jakarta 1986. Lidi digabungkan jadi satu menjadi teguh karena tali pengikat. 1998.1994. Lihat : Adam Schwarz. Jakarta. Mauk dan sekitarnya yang konon mencapai ribuan korban jiwa ini terjadi sepanjang Mei hingga Juli 1946. [22][22] Aksi penjagalan. "The Chinese in Southeast Asia". Hasta Mitra. Peter Carey.Hal.

sekitar 9.[25][25] Kisah ini dikumpulkan berdasarkan hasil wawancara dengan sejumlah anak korban yang salah satu di antaranya dengan ilmu silat yang dikuasainya berhasil melompat dan melarikan diri ke hutan. Site Sponsors . [27][27] Harian "Warta Bhakti".Otobiografi seorang Pejuang Kemerdekaan". Sumber Dokumen Stanley."Meretas Jalan Kemerdekaan."Lima Jaman.Andi Jauhari.Sebaliknya kantor berita Hsinhua menyatakan beratus-ratus orang Tionghoa yang mati selama 6 bulan setelah G30S.124-125.Rahmad Nasution dan Unggul Tri Ratomo. [26][26] Yap Tjwan Bing.324-325. PT Gramedia.782 orang dan jumlah guru 6.1994 Hal. Lihat . 2001. Namun menurut Charles Coppel jumlah orang Tionghoa yang terbunuh hampir tidak mungkin melebihi dua ribu orang. Hasil Wawancara Dengan Sejumlah Keluarga dan Korban Pembunuhan Anti Tionghoa di Malang. Pustaka Sinar Harapan. "Menguak Tabir Perjuangan Suripto".Aksara Karunia.22.400 trilyun ataus setara dengan $ US 140 milyar. Jakarta 1988.478 orang.Robert Shaplen menyebut angka kira-kira 20. Yayasan Teratai. Blitar dan Nganjuk pada Desember 1986 dan Agustus 1987. [32][32] Dalam suatu pengumuman yang dikeluarkan Menko Bidang Perekonomian pemerintahan Megawati Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti dinyatakan bahwa seluruh utang dalam negeri dan luar negeri pemerintah berjumlah lebih dari Rp 1. 26 Mei 1963.000 orang mati. Proses penggalian dan pencarian jenasah para korban pembunuhan massal yang terjadi sepanjang 1946-akhir 1949 ini dilakukan oleh berbagai cabang Chung Hua Tsung Hui di sejumlah kota pada 1951. Jakarta. Charles Coppel. Di beberapa daerah dengan mudah bisa ditemukan kuburan massal para korban.Perwujudan Integrasi Wajar".ratus ribu orang Tionghoa telah dibunuh. "Tionghoa Indonesia Dalam Krisis". Hal. Kecamatan Bagor.Hal. [29][29] Budi Setiawanto.79. Salah satunya adalah sebuah kuburan masaal yang berlokasi di pinggir hutan di Desa Donomulyo.5 Km sebelah barat Nganjuk. Jakarta.250 orang korban. [28][28] Siauw Giok Tjhan. 1981. Di kuburan massal ini dikuburkan 1. [31][31] Seluruh sekolah Tionghoa di Indonesia yang ditutup berjumlah 629 buah dengan jumlah murid 272. [30][30] Menurut majalah Life dan Far Eastern Economic Review beratus. Jakarta-Amsterdam. Jakarta.Hal.

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