August 2012
Summary: When Uzbekistan announced its withdrawal from the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization, no one was surprised. The country was dissatisfied with the organization due to conflicting values and principles, and it also wanted to free itself from historical Russian domination. The withdrawal opens the question of how heavy a blow the Uzbek withdrawal is to Moscows strategic leadership in Central Asia. The answer is mixed.
Uzbekistan is probably one of the key states that define the strategic contours of the Central Asian region, as well as the one that has most consistently changed its geopolitical stance. Despite the apparent zigzags in its foreign policy, one can only note the continuity of the principles underlying Uzbekistans vision, and Tashkents attempts to promote an alternative strategic future for the region. As part of this alternative future, for the second time in its history, Uzbekistan announced its withdrawal from the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Tashkent left the previous CIS Treaty on Collective Security in 1999, in protest against the inefficiency of post-Soviet security structures; this inefficiency was confirmed by incursions of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan into the southern part of the Ferghana Valley during the summer of 1999, and again in 2000. Tashkent was officially reinstated in 2006, but in practice it never implemented any of the organizations mandates and participated as little as possible in joint activities. Therefore, this latest departure did not come as a surprise to anyone. Several factors explain Uzbekistans dissatisfaction with the CSTO. Some is due to conflicting values and principles. Since independence, the
primary goal of Uzbek foreign policy has been to be as autonomous from outside pressures and obtain as much recognition as possible. The Uzbek government shares with its Central Asian counterparts a pragmatic and sometimes cynical view of international relations, where power has more relevance than legal obligations. It therefore signs many documents but never considers them to be binding. Uzbekistan applied this practice to its membership in the CSTO and in the Eurasian Economic Community. Uzbekistans second goal is to free itself from historical Russian domination, which official discourse always denounces as colonization. However, this freedom from Russia does not equate with the absence of ties with Moscow. Tashkent considers Russia an illegitimate actor in terms of its regional hegemony, but their neighboring giant remains an important bilateral partner, especially in the hydrocarbons sector and sales of military materiel. On other issues, such as the question of regional unity in Central Asia, Uzbekistans position is more ambiguous. During the first half of the 1990s, President Islam Karimov referred to the need for regional unity by reviving the historical name Turkestan and promoted an identity based
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on Turkic and Muslim values, which he dubbed Turanism. He competed with Kazakh president Nursultan Nazarbayev who, in contrast, put forward the concept of Eurasia, which situates Central Asia at the crossroads between Europe and Asia. A Eurasian identity would be distinctly less Turkic and Muslim, more open to Russian heritage and more oriented toward the Asia-Pacific region. But both of these narratives served as ideological frameworks for foreign policy strategies Uzbekistan sought to maximally distance itself from Russian influence, whereas Kazakhstan preferred to become one of the pillars of the post-Soviet regional integration mechanism. The narratives also factored into the personal agendas of the two presidents. Unable to gain recognition as the regions leader, Uzbekistan implemented a policy of accentuated control over its borders, reluctant relations with its neighbors, especially with Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, and isolationist strategies in terms of regional economic exchanges. The Uzbek position on the question of regional unity is therefore paradoxical. Tashkent affirms its desire to play a larger coordinating role between the Central Asian states on key issues like security and water management, but often ends up playing an empty chair policy because its positions are at odds with most of its neighbors. Uzbek discontent toward the CSTO is also well-timed. First, Tashkent had no interest in accepting the Russian proposal that any new third country military deployments in the region require the unanimous support of all member-states. This proposal would reduce Moscows room for maneuver in opening an Russian Federal Security Service-led center in the Osh region to monitor both drug trafficking and Islamist movements, an option that Tashkent has roundly criticized. But it would also harm Uzbekistans interests and possible negotiations with the United States in the coming years. Second, Moscow was pressing to finalize the establishment of a Collective Rapid Reaction Force, which Tashkent has always been reluctant to endorse, and was not at all in interested deploying to the region, especially in South Kyrgyzstan. The departure has allowed the Uzbek authorities to put an end to both issues. This opens the question of how heavy a blow the Uzbek withdrawal is to Moscows strategic leadership in Central Asia. The answer is mixed. It is heavy because Tashkents official departure confirms that since the collapse of the
not hide its desire to reinforce the coherence and powers of the CSTO through enhancing collective air defense, Collective Rapid Reaction Forces, and cyber-security. In some ways, the Uzbek defection promotes Kazakhstans role in the organization and its willingness to build a more cohesive organization with fewer members. The Uzbek withdrawal is also defined in terms of assessing short-, medium-, and long-term changes in the regional landscape. Tashkent is preparing for the NATO withdrawal from Afghanistan at all levels. For the short term, the Uzbek authorities are essentially trying to convince the United States to leave them the lethal equipment that was used there in order to strengthen their military capability. The subject is sensitive and it is not clear that Tashkent will succeed. Uzbekistans narrative that the country is a bulwark against regional Islamic insurgency is now being undermined by Arab Spring syndrome, and no Western country wants to end up accused of having supplied weapons to the Uzbek regime that could then repress its own civilians during popular protests. For the medium term, the Uzbek authorities are preparing for the return to power of the Taliban, who may require them to negotiate a kind of nonaggression pact. This possible agreement would undermine Tajikistans traditional position and would also put Tashkent at odds with Kazakhstan. However, it would be in the interests of the Uzbek minority in Afghanistan, which could then dissociate from the Tajik-led renewed Northern Alliance, and would guarantee that Tashkent maintain its economic involvement in Afghanistan (electricity exports, railway investments, etc.) regardless of who rules in Kabul. For the long term, the Uzbek authorities are betting on their vision of Uzbekistan as a key power of Greater Central Asia bolstered by its demographic power, cultural influence, multi-vectored strategic orientation, support from the United States, distance from Russian influence, and proximity to China and Pakistan. Although this vision is based on legitimate arguments, it leaves aside numerous domestic challenges that the Uzbek society will face in the years to come. Uzbekistan is a power with clay feet: the efficient governance that garnered praise in the 1990s has disappeared. There are growing tensions between regional elites, especially among the marginalized Ferghani elites, which may portend political tensions during succession periods. Civilians have lost control over the immense economic empire of the law enforcement agen-
cies. Macro-economic indicators are positive, but standards of everyday life have declined drastically. And massive labor migration signals both brain drain and brain washof the workforce. Uzbek authorities must first and foremost concern themselves with domestic and governance-related issues before the nation can legitimately obtain regional power and recognition, and influence the architecture of regional security in the coming years.
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