May 1999

Volume 9

Number 5

"I don't think I myself can do anything. I think this is a fallacy to think that one person or even one

organization can change a whole society," Aung San Su Kyi in a 14 May 1999 interview stating that the dire economic and social conditions in her country were working in the favor of change but questioning outside expectations of herself and her party.

'The

Villagers" a painting by

Thaw Thu Say of Huay Kaloke refugee camp

Burma Issues, the monthly newsletter of Burma Issues, highlights current information related to the struggle for peace and justice in Burma. It is distributed internationally on a freesubscription basis to individuals and groups concerned about the state of affairs in Burma.
P.O. Box 1076 Silom Post Office Bangkok 10504,Thailand durham@mozart.inet. co.th

2. HUMAN RIGHTS: MEETING THE GRASSROOTS IN THEIR STRUGGLE 3. POLITCS: POLITICAL PARTIES IN BURMA 4. PEOPLE'S STORIES: ECONOMICS AND DEVELOPMENT IN M O N E TOWNSHIP 5. SOCIETY: ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM & SOCIAL CHANGE PART 1 6. NEWSBRIEFS: M A Y NEWS 7. THE LAST WORD: WHAT OTHERS HAVE TO SAY ABOUT BURMA

INFORMATION

FOR

ACTION

CAMPAIGNS

FOR

PEACE

GRASSROOTS

EDUCATION

AND

ORGANIZING

MEETING THE GRASSROOTS IN THEIR STRUGGLE

which all humans require for true dignity. These include the right to security in life, health care, education, proper housing, respect of culture and sufficient food. Human rights include justice within the economic and political arenas as well. Any economic system which does not provide opportunity for all members of the society to participate in it and benefit from it equally sets the stage for abuse of the rights of some members. In the same way, any political system which allows those with more economic or social power to exert their authority over others, limits human rights within the society. spell out their vision for the future. To fail to do this may result in our being an obstacle to this important and prophetic movement. C) The grassroots are not a passive people. They have been, and will continue to be, involved in very active forms of resistance against injustice. To think of them only as victims is to dismiss this resistance as unimportant and ineffective. Their forms of defiance against injustice may be so foreign to us that we can not recognize them, but to tail to look for them may mean that we actually involve ourselves in ways which strengthen injustice rather than build justice. For example, people who flee to the jungles, refusing to become refugees in Thailand or to live in strategic hamlets set up by the Burmese military are actively defying the dictates of the military. Such acts, while requiring great sacrifice, are evidence to the military that their control over the people is not complete nor sovereign. If we recognize this act of struggle and identify ways to support and strengthen it, we help the people build up their movement for justice. However, if we react in sympathy and support the people in ways which pacify them, we can turn them into nothing but victims and then their hope for justice will diminish. D) In order to build justice it is imperative that the root causes of injustice be identified and confronted. Too much time is often spent confronting symptoms rather than the roots of injustice, and this allows injustice to remain. Development programs, income generating programs, relief, education, or health care which does not help people identify and address the roots of their suffering will eventually be usurped by the systems of injustice. In human rights work, good intentions, kindness and sincerity do not guarantee the victory of justice. We must be extremely careful not to distract the grassroots from the root issues which they need to overcome if they are to truly usher in their vision of a just and peaceful society. E) Within the context of a dictatorship which is striving to limit the grassroots struggle for dignity, our involvement is extremely consequential. There is little choice - we are

rassroots human rights work has been a topic of discussion in the pages of this news bulletin for many years already. It keeps coming up because it is so crucial to the building of justice and peace in Burma it requires constant discussion and reflection. There is always room for improvement in this work and when we feel that we are truly expert in carrying out grassroots human rights work, we perhaps become the most ineffective at it. The following thoughts are gleaned from a reflection of Burma Issues' own human rights work during the past few years with the hope that it will help all of us look more critically at what yet remains undone in regards to the severe human rights abuse which remains a sad reality in Burma today.

Grassroots Communities
As often and casually as the term "grassroots communities" is used, there remains a variety of ideas as to exactly who actually is referred to by the term. For some, "grassroots" refers to anyone who is not directly working within government structures. Others might say that it includes those working for change in "non-government organizations" as well as those at the very bottom of society who are at a distinct disadvantage in participating in or getting services. A more sharply focussed definition is that "grassroots" refers only to those people in society who are on the periphery in terms of participation. They have little, and sometimes no, opportunity for education, jobs, a voice in decision making and social benefits. They are truly on the fringe of our society. If grassroots human rights work is to truly benefit the most oppressed, then the latter definition should be our focus and guide us as we evaluate and plan our work.

Human rights work goes far beyond simply documenting the abuses of these rights. It more importantly involves working with the grassroots to build a society in which there is sufficient food, security of life, health care, education, housing and respect of cultural differences. It also involves encour-

aging the grassroots to define the type of economic and political structures which they want to create to truly guarantee dignity and equal participation for all.

Some Important Understandings for Human Rights Work

A) Human rights is not an alien concept to the grassroots. They do not need to be educated in these matters. They know when their food crops are taken away, when they are raped, executed, tortured, forced to do labor or involuntarily relocated, that this is wrong. We must start by recognizing their own awareness of these realities so that we, ourselves, do not step on their dignity and thus abuse their rights even further. B) The grassroots are not a visionless people. They are aware of the evils of the present situation they are living in, and they have dreams for the way the future could and should be. We often fail to recognize this because they do not articulate it in ways we are accustomed to. Grassroots human rights work requires that we develop the ability to see with new eyes and hear with new ears the voices of the grassroots as they

Human Rights Work

Human rights work is often defined as the documentation of human rights abuses and campaigns of protest against these abuses. While this may, indeed, be a small part of human rights work, there are more significant elements of the work which need to be highlighted and prioritized. Simply documenting abuses and carrying out campaigns to protest them is reactive rather than proactive and gives little hope that a movement towards true justice can be built. Basically, human rights are those things

Continued on

page 7

May 1999

POLITICAL PARTIES IN B U R M A
The following overview of recent political developments comes from Burma Issues' Thai language newsletter "Sai Thai Bamah", which focuses on educating Thais about the current situation in Burma and Thai-Burmese relations. Ever since Burma gained independence from British colonial rule in 1948, there have only been three general elections: in 1951, 1956 and 1990. Each one has been confused and disorganized, with power struggles and suspicions of fraud. to be the successful drafting of a new constitution. It convened a national convention to complete this task, but to date there has been no indication that it will be finished. Some of the issues the Constitution Convention has considered are the prerequisites for national political leadership. These conditions have included being a continuous resident in the country for at least twenty years, and not having a foreign spouse. This effectively excludes Aung San Suu Kyi from leadership as she spent most of her youth in India and many years living with her British husband in England. to 'destroy the security and stability of the country', and called for Suu Kyi's deportation. This gathering was the government's effort to respond forcefully to NLD's calls for a meeting of parliament. Most members of the rally were members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association (USDA), a political organization created by the government in 1993 to support participation by civil servants and citizens in politics. In fact, it is a government tool for responding to political opposition parties. The Burmese government alternates between a conciliatory and harsh attitude towards the NLD. On August 8, 1997 Suu Kyi met with Secretary Khin Nyunt, though details of their meeting are not known. Last year it allowed party members to celebrate the eighth anniversary of the 1990 election, the first such commemoration permitted. However, the government has warned Suu Kyi that it will not tolerate calls for convening parliament. Newspapers printed that if the opposition didn't cease its illegal demands, it was on the path to destruction and that western-style democracy was not appropriate for the Burmese government. Convening parliament would be a threat to national security which the government would not tolerate, declared the newspapers. The NLD's activities toward forming a new government may affect all levels of the party. Approximately 26,000 NLD members and 18 MPs have resigned and 52 party offices have been closed since the government first started cracking down on the party last year to prevent parliament from meeting. The international community has begun applying pressure on the Burmese government, calling for it to give greater opportunities to the NLD. Last September 30, U Ohn Kyaw, Burma's foreign minister at the time, demanded in the UN General Assembly that the United Nations stop interfering in Burma's internal affairs. He also said that Burma was offended that certain countries were trying to use the UN as a political tool to force Burma, not only to accept democracy, but the style of democracy which those countries want to see. While Burma is on the path to creating democracy, it will never accept a style of democracy implanted by foreign countries, he stated. How the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi respond to the increased pressure from the military government, mass resignations and the continued refusal to honor the 1990 elections remains to be seen.

The 1990 Elections

Following the protests and General Ne Win's resignation from office in 1988, the central committee of the Burma Socialist Program Party, the nations only political party, appointed General Sein Lwin to be the next prime minister. He stayed in office for only 18 days. Civilian appointee Maung Maung took his place until, on September 18, 1998 the military installed General Saw Maung and the junta known as the State Law and Order Restoration Council ( SLORC) came to power. The new government promised it would hold general elections quickly, although not immediately, and they were eventually held in 1990. When the government announced that elect ions would take place, various political parties wanting to send candidates began to register. Two hundred and forty-two parties registered for the elections, though only a few were seen as credible and significant to the upcoming vote. These included the United Nationals' Democratic Party, styled after the BSPP; the National League for Democracy and Peace, under the leadership of U Nu; the National League for Democracy (NLD) led by U Tin Oo and Aung San Suu Kyi; the National Democratic Union; and the students' party, the Democratic Party for a N w Society. e As the sole party of the former government, and the one with military backing, the United Nationals' Democratic Party was expected to have a great advantage over all its rivals. But it turned out to be the NLD of Tin Oo and Aung San Suu Kyi which won the election, taking over 398 of the 428 parliamentary seats, or 85%. This should have given the NLD the right to form a new government, but the military refused to honor the results of the election, instead arresting most elected M s until no member of the NLD dared to P show their face. With U Tin Oo and Aung San Suu Kyi already arrested during the campaign, a further 18 members of the NLD's 22 member Central Committee were also locked up. When the military reasserted control of the country, it declared its most important duty

The current role of the NLD

What have the NLD's activities been since Aung San Suu Kyi was released from house arrest on July 10, 1996? Aung San Suu Kyi resumed her political activities by holding public discussions in front of her house every Saturday and Sunday afternoon. Most of the topics she chose to speak on, concerned the people's difficulties in earning enough money to meet basic needs. She pointed out that foreign investment wasn't helping ordinary Burmese people. Her speeches addressed the realities Burmese people were facing at the time. These speeches revealed Suu Kyi and the NLD's opposition to investment. Aside from the public speeches, the party began calling for negotiations with SLORC's leaders, but SLORC always refused these requests on the grounds that the NLD was an illegal party. In March 1997, the NLD called for the government to convene the parliament elected in 1990 and announced that it would begin drafting its own constitution. When the opposition party called the meeting, the government arrested 233 elected parliamentarians, but the party proceeded to hold the meeting anyway. In August 1998 the NLD attempted once again to call a party meeting, but the military government blocked party members from coming to Rangoon. Suu Kyi responded by attempting meet with members outside Rangoon. Sitting in protest in her car, after the government blocked her progress, she demanded to be able to leave the capital and that the government allow parliament to meet by August 21st When the time came, however, the government still refused to convene parliament.

The Governments Response

On September 27, 1998 in response to the NLD's activities the government organized a mass rally in Mandalay in which 20,000 people under military pressure came together calling for the 'preservation of peace.' Opposing the NLD's demands, the rally declared that the opposition group was trying

Pitisan

May 1999

ECONOMICS A N D DEVELOPMENT IN MONE TOWNSHIP

T his article was taken from a larger March 1999 report by one of Burma Issues village organizers. People who have run away from Burma to live in camps in Thailand are called refugees, but inside Burma there are people whose lives are much more difficult, people who are still struggling to survive on their land. Journalists and aid organizations have frequent contact with refugees along the border, but no one hears much about the people suffering inside, the people who are still facing danger and hardship every day from Burma's civil war. The people of Mone Township are some of those people. Mone township is a Karen National Union (KNU) administrative division situated on the border of Karen State and Pegu Division in the civil war zone. It is caught between the region claimed by the KNU and the area claimed by the Burmese. It is the nose on the face of the front line. This is where I come from. The total population of Mone Township is about thirty thousand people with Karen, Burman, Shan and Burmese Indian ethnic groups living there. About seventy percent of the population are Karen, with Burman being the second largest group. Only small numbers of the other ethnicities live in the area. Mone township is half highland and half lowland, with the plains being more thickly populated than the mountainous areas. All of Mone township, flat or hilly, has fertile land for agriculture. Only a few people make a living as small goods traders between the highlands and lowlands; everyone else are farmers. The main method of agricultural production in the mountains is slash-and-burn, although some villages have rice paddies in the valleys. In the plains all rice is grown in paddies. If there were no civil war the people would only have to face natural challenges or limitations to their survival: weather and wildlife. Now we have to deal with human enemies too. There is a lot of military activity and considerable human rights abuse in the free-fire zones of Mone township. The lowland areas are already under the control of the ruling State Peace and Development Council's (SPDC) forces, the KNU maintains a low profile presence in this area, managing to keep communications and some supply routes open. However, the KNU operates mostly in the mountains. The entire mountain region prices of the goods rise three or four times from what they are in the urban centers by the time they arrive in the rural villages. If inflation effects the city dwellers, we can see how much more price rises will effect rural People from this area say that their lives are villagers and mountain people. The higher like a drop of water on the khu leaf, never prices of commodities in rural and highland villages are due to transportation and security difficulties. There are many government soldiers stationed in the area who block the footpaths used to transport essential goods and food. Any time a villager goes shopping they are under risk of being killed. Traders occasionally visit the rural villages with their products when the roads are clear, so they bring large quantities of goods to cover their expenses and make a profit. They must hire porters to carry the goods and as they are risking their lives, the porters demand large sums for their service. The price of these commodities rise with the distance and the height of the mountains. Some places are reachable by cart, but for security reasons, persons are employed to carry the goods. Landless people from the lowlands risk their lives working as porters carrying goods to deep jungles and high mountains and surviving on daily wages. If they do not take these jobs how can their families survive? Villagers in the mountains grow produce such as durian fruit, cardamon seeds and betel nut which have markets inside Burma. However, goods imA highland Karen woman from Mone township ported into the area cost more than the income made on exports to lowland marsettling down and always in danger of being kets. Besides, the prices of imported essenshaken off. When we wake up in the morn- tial goods double every year. As prices for ing, we fold up our blankets, cook, eat and imported commodities rise, the prices of loput everything back in our carrying baskets cal products have to be raised as well. This so that we will be ready to run if the soldiers causes more hardship for the local inhabitcome. If we don't do this, we are in danger of ants. Although there are price rises in both losing our possessions. imported and exported goods the people are able to survive because the livestock and Economics & Trade food that they raise allows them to keep goVillagers in the highland areas earn money ing. The area is good for cultivation and locally and trade mostly at their village level. breeding livestock. However, because of the People can buy products locally for most of partial occupation of the area by government their basic needs so there isn't very much soldiers, only about 40% of the land can curtrading with the outside. However, they still rently be cultivated. Much cultivatable land need to import salt, fish paste, medicine and was destroyed during the early stages of the clothes from the lowlands. Therefore, the "four cuts" military operation but some of economy of the urban centers affects these this land was reclaimed after 1980 and is unpeople significantly. They have very limited der cultivation again. income, so a rise in the price of essential goods greatly affects their standard of liv- The Social Impact of Hardship People living in rural villages have always ing. been considered honest and they have lived We know that the prices of goods and food lives of good character since ancient times. have risen. However, it is alarming that the Stealing and cheating was rare in rural vilis a free fire zone. Some mountain villages are so close to Burma army positions that they can see each other's settlements and flashlights at night.

5 May 1999

lages. Everyone respected each other, whether at work, at home or in daily conversation. Now, those who do not have land or work face extreme hardships. When they have nothing to eat they will either cheat or steal. As a result of the scarcity and economic hardship there are now more people that do not have enough to eat than those who do. Rural villagers cannot leave their villages and go to the cities to look for jobs because there are many unemployed people there. The people in the cities are leaving Burma to find jobs in foreign countries to support their families. For the rural people it is not easy to go and find jobs in foreign countries, so they choose to remain in their villages and work, surviving day by day. The people who have enough are now afraid of the people who don't have enough. Those with enough. only have enough for their own families and are unable to share because if they do so their own families will face difficulties. If a family that has enough refuses to give anything when asked for help, they face the danger of being robbed or killed. This causes a lot of problems. Development Before 1970, there had been reasonable planning and progress in building villages, schools and developing agricultural land. At that time the villagers organized themselves, efficiently allocating lands for different purposes. There was as yet little KNU activity in the area. However, following 1970, the Karen revolutionary groups withdrew into this area from other locations. Much fighting took place in the area. Because the villages supported the revolution, the Burma army branded the villagers as sympathizers, and the area came under the "four cuts" military operation. As a result, many villages were destroyed, villagers were scattered throughout the area and it has been difficult to rebuild. Development activities have not been easy during this period of war, so the level of development in the area has deteriorated significantly. According to statements by the military government. 17 insurgent groups have already reached peace agreements and 'returned to

If there is a domestic settlement, the area could be an important economic area and reclamation of the wasted fields could be carried out. Currently, landmarks and property lines are being checked so that no serious ownership questions will emerge once the situation improves and the land can be worked again. The villages in the area are issuing their own directives on the preservation of the rivers, fish, animals and plants. These are to be observed by everybody, including local people, soldiers and administrative officers. The grassroots people issued these directives with a vision for the next generation. They can experience the forests, streams, plants, animals and all living things around them, and they want the next generation to experience these things as well. Therefore, they are starting to preserve and protect nature. This is their vision and understanding of developMap of Mone Township ment. We see differences the soldiers that they are currently stationed when we compare it with the government's development program. Development to the locally for use in other areas. grassroots people does not mean living in brick buildings, riding in cars, wide and long Although Mone Township is small, it has resources that would be economically ben- roads, and an ample supply of money. Deeficial to the government. Thirty percent of velopment for them means living life with nature, surrounded by trees and streams with the area is forested and the rest is fields and orchards. There are various kinds of miner- the liberty to earn a living. als that the military wishes to extract so that it can feed its soldiers and buy more arms, but it won't be easy to extract these minerals while there are still insurgents in the area. Even if the minerals were extracted, the army would receive limited benefit, as profits would need to be shared between the government, the mining company and the revolutionaries. The government wants to have a cease-fire in the area before it does any mineral extraction so that it can keep the profits for itself. However, the local people do not believe that a peace settlement arranged by the military will bring genuine peace. The people believe, however, that there will definitely be a political change. The grass roots people want to see unity and understanding between the country's government and the people's revolutionary groups. At this time they desire a government that will meet with the revolutionary groups and seek The military authorities claim that they are implementing development programs for ethnic nationalities who live in the rural forests and who are not yet developed. The grassroots people do not trust the government's program. Where there is war and conflict, how can development be carried out? The grassroots do not expect anything of the government's development program. What the people hope for is that the government will change its administrative structure and return power to civilians. They want the civil war to end soon. If the respective ethnic groups are as one community, then they will have control over their progress and development; their economic and social dealings as before. They have no need for others to come and plan things for them.

the legal fold.' The KNU, however, remains stubborn and continues with the rebellion. This is hindering the military government's program. The government wants to arrange a cease-fire in this area for several reasons. The military rulers want to show the international community they really cherish unity and peace, and have the ability to rule the country. They also want to reach a 'peace agreement' so that they can recall some of

solutions to the country's conflicts. The grassroots people want to be free from a life filled with fighting and killing.

May 1999 5

ETHNICITY, NATIONALISM A N D SOCIAL CHANGE:

PART 1

ctivists and academics can be unhappy article, it will use the example of ethnic mi- tions wax and wane over time almost as if bedfellows when it comes to social nority education to examine how social they are living organisms. change.' Though they share a deep interest change and nationalism create a dilemma for This cold, somewhat detached interpretation in a country, its history and social problems, the peace movement. Lastly, it will propose can even be taken further, confounding the differing perspectives can lead each to view an alternative standpoint from which to recgood intentions of those seeking to uphold the other as detached or naive, obsessed oncile the necessity of change with the printhe value of cultural diversity and minority with details while missing the all-important ciples of human rights. rights. If cultural adaptation is a strategy for big picture. To each, the other appears dealing with change in the political and ecobound by opinion and abstraction instead Social Change, Adaptation and nomic environment, then by opposing it do of dealing in concrete fact. This may explain Ethnic Nationalism people invite hardship? Are attempts to prewhydespite the existence of vivid schol- Political Systems of Highland Burma is an serve minority cultures simply bound to fail, arly work in the fields of Burmese ethnogra- inquiry into the dynamics of ethnicity as or perhaps worse, to succeed in ways which phy, linguistics, religion, history and poli- Kachin people understand and represent limit people's adaptation, hence compound ticssocial science barely enters into con- them. Leach's foremost preoccupation is to their suffering? Political, social and ecotemporary thought or action in the Burma distinguish between "social structure" as the nomic encroachments from all sides tell peace movement. Examining one writer's anthropologist's rigid conceptual tool and people to abandon their own ways and to famous work about Burma may contribute a the ever-changing sets of ideas people acaccept the transitions which will align them new perspective to the discussion on ethnic tually use to rationalize how power is diswith mainstream culture: from subsistence identity, language and Burmanization, indi- tributed in society. fanning to cating the type of resources cash-cropavailable for analysis and acping, from Contrary to popular thought, there is no archetype against which tion. the village society, as it is observed in the present, can be construed as to the city, In 1954 Edmond R. Leach either a preservation or a corruption of an original form from mipublished Political Systems of nority to Highland Burma: A Study of majority, Kachin Social Structure, the product of an One of Leach's fundamental ideas is that from the margin to the center. To the extent impressive career as both researcher and society is always in flux, therefore it must be that this message is oppressive, it is also British army officer in Upper Burma during approached from an historical perspective. pragmatic, telling people what they must do World War II. Leach's methods and theo- People known as Kachins may live in one to survive. ries, along with his candid, lucid writing, way at a particular time, but there is no absowould eventually make Political Systems a lute Kachin society which persists un- Of course, people resist this change vigorseminal text of social anthropology. Of changed through time. Despite anthropolo- ously, in myriad ways and for various reaLeach's arguments and their impact on an- gists' neatly arranged conceptions of social sons. Burma's history of ethnic conflict can thropology much has been written. The ques- structure, "Real societies" Leach writes, "ex- be framed as a struggle to define and control tion here, however, is what insight his analy- ist in time and space... the demographic, eco- the nature of social change, to distinguish sis of Kachin society in the 1940s offers the logical, economic and external political situ- majority from minority and assert the relacontemporary movement for social justice. ation does not build up into a fixed environ- tive status of each. Important events in BurWhile his writing may be highly specialized ment, but into a constantly changing envi- mese historycolonization, independence, and academic, in fact Leach deals with is- ronment." Contrary to popular thought, there growth of a national military culture, and the sues which are core to Burma's political is no archetype against which society, as it advent of a modern democracy movementstruggle today as well as human rights in is observed in the present, can be construed reveal new aspects of this resistance. Politigeneral: What is an ethnic group? What does as either a preservation or a corruption of an cal and military movements espousing ethethnicity mean to different peoples living in original form. That absolute, "true" society nic nationalism are one form of organized, close proximity? How and why do people is a figment of imagination, either the imagi- collective resistance. Flight, non-confron"change" from one ethnic group to another? nation of the anthropologist or of the sub- tational resistance and simple perseverance What role does language play in determin- ject, or of both. Society changes as people are examples of more individual or informal ing ethnicity and political status? Because make decisions about how to adapt to con- resistance strategies. Burma's crisis is at its heart an ethnic con- stantly changing circumstances, including flict in which the cultural diversity of mi- their relations with external societies. Inso- While none of these strategies has been nority and majority groups has been played far as one can apply terms of biology to so- particularly successful in negotiating a out over a history of hegemony, national- cial phenomenon, such change can be seen roadmap to social change shared by center ism, revolt and repression Leach's obser- as a natural, evolutionary process. and periphery alike, all have proved impresvations on ethnicity are important aids in sively resilient. Guerilla wars have dragged interpreting contemporary Burma. MoreOn the surface, applying this view to Burma's on for fifty years and refugees have subover, their implications extend far beyond the current struggle for social justice seems to sisted in stateless hiatus for decades DeKachin hills, applying to societies throughyield little productive insight. If culture, spite perennial forecasts of its imminent deout Burma and beyond. ethnicity and religion are always changing, mise, the power center has continually reand that perpetual flux is a normal character- asserted its authority; despite the istics of any social system, then what is the mainstream's claims to control social change, This article will first summarize two of Leach's most important concepts in light of ethnic hope for resistance? Change seems to be the periphery remains independent; despite nationalism, a major factor in Burma's social inevitable. History demonstrates that some minority claims to utter differentiation, the conflict. Then, in the second part of this cultures triumph and others fade; civiliza- influence of the center pervades

May 1999

Therefore, not only is society in constant flux, but equally enduring is the struggle to define and control this flux through resistance and adaptation. If change is inevitable, so too is dissent, and so is the consequent struggle to control the agents and outcomes of that change. In Burma this context of change and resistance is chiefly characterized by ethnic nationalism. Rival claims to the control of social change are phrased in terms of the differentiation, history and autonomy of competing ethnic "groups." The categorization of these groups is a major point of conflict. The vagaries of geographic, linguistic, cultural and historical criteria for defining ethnic categories are widely recognized both within and outside Burma. Defining ethnicity by any of these criteria has proved problematic not only for Leach, but for other investigators of ethnicity, not to mention for the people in question. Nevertheless, the idea of ethnic nationality is central to social conflict. Yet, just as culture constantly changes, so does ethnicity. Political Systems is an investigation of how the categories of ethnicity, specifically those of "Kachin" and "Shan," are in themselves tools in a struggle for adaptation and resistance. Generally, when political and economic conditions require greater participation in a regional hierarchy, Kachin social structures become more "Shan-like," and people may even identify themselves as Shan. Conversely, when the political and economic demands of feudalism threaten communities, their social structures oscillate back towards a more independent, ostensibly more "Kachin-like" system. Leach observed that these changes are possible in part because of a local autonomy which permits the adaptation and reinterpretation of Kachin culture to suit the historical context. One can infer that these changes are more possible, and more successful, without the overarching influence of organized ethnic nationalism promoting or prescribing the nature of Kachin culture. People adapt their identity as best they can to the political and economic forces which create change. This is how Leach explained the phenomenon of people known as Kachins "becoming" Shans and people known as Shans in their turn "becoming" Kachins. Ethnicity is often classified by unique, exclusive cultural or hereditary traits, but there are as many exceptions to these categories as there seem to be rules. These changes are marked by shifts in physical location and the economic relationships they connote, from lowlands to mountains, from rice paddies to swidden plots, and from economic autonomy to participation in a feudal

hierarchy. Therefore, ethnic identity is also the product of adaptation and resistance. This formative link between identity and resistance also marks the nexus where social change in the anthropological sense of the term and the struggle for social justice converge. The issues facing Burma's peace movement today: ethnic conflict, land rights, and competing nationalist ideologies all reflect the dynamics of adaptation, resistance and the drive to define ethnic identity. To effect social change which reflects the principles of human rights, the peace movement must consider how each of these factors influences the struggle for peace. Chris A. Cusano This article continues next month with the implications of Leach's ideas on language, ethnicity and 'Burmanization'.

MAY NEWSBRIEFS
ASEAN-EU Meeting
The ASEAN - European Union Join Cooperation Committee met on 24 May 1999, for the first time in almost two years. The three day meeting had been delayed several times over controversy about Burma attending. The EU, which has passed a visa ban on Burma's senior officials and enacted other forms of sanction due to human rights violations, had refused to allow Burma's presence at the meeting, while ASEAN had insisted on attendance by all of its memebers. The two groups came to a compromise by allowing Burma, Cambodia and Laos to attend, as non-signatories of the ASEAN-EU joint cooperation committee agreement, on the condition that the wouldn't speak during the meetings. The European representatives conversely agreed that they would refrain from discussing human rights and other "internal" matters. Participants also sat behind EU and ASEAN flags instead of their own national flags to avoid further controversy.
"Asean to Sign joint work agreement". The Nation, 26 May 99 "Uncertainty over Burma clouds meeting," Bangkok Post, 25 May 1999

Continued from page 2

either helping or hindering the grassroots movement for justice. This is obviously not something to be taken lightly, nor should we be so arrogant as to believe that our actions need not be evaluated critically. To hinder the grassroots in their struggle for dignity, even in the smallest way, is an abuse of their human rights, and thus a contradiction between our intentions and the results of our actions. This can happen if our work diverts people's attention away from the roots issues of their struggle, or if we fail to take seriously their own vision and strategy for struggle. Grassroots human rights work is not a task of starting something new, nor of educating the people. It is rather the work of recognizing the experiences and knowledge the people already have of human rights, seeking to understand the active struggle the people are already carrying out to build a new just and peaceful society, and finding ways to help strengthen and build this knowledge and struggle. Our task is not to create, but rather to support and add to what already exists. This is the true essence of grassroots human rights work.

Repatriation of Migrant Workers

The police and military in the border province of Tak, Thailand arrested and repatriated more than 6,000 Burmese illegal migrants from garment factories. Six factories were raided and the managers of the factories were charged with sheltering and employing illegal aliens. Before the workers were repatriated through the Myawaddy border checkpoint, each one was questioned and fingerprinted at the provincial immigration office. Imigration police deputy chief, Maj-Gen Chanvut, who led the raid, warned of further action against those who hired illegal migrants. Currently only 90,000 of an estimated 988,000 foreign workers in Thailand have registed work permits, and those are set to expire August 4, 1999. Following the raid the Tak industrial council has pushed the government to relax it's rules and allow companies to employ Burmese workers. According to council chairman Suchart Visuwan the garment industry accounts for a large proportion of the industry in the province and that closing these factories due to labor shortages would cause serious economic problems. According to local Burma Issues sources, the immigrants returned to Tak very soon after being repatriated.
"Thousands of illegal aliens sent back after factory raids," , Bangkok Post, 22 May 1999 "Tak Factories want to hire Burmese," Bangkok Post, 26 May 1999

Max Ediger

May 1999 7

The Last Word

What Others Have to Say About Burma
"Hi! My name is Corey. I am thirteen years old. I thought that your artwork was really good and it showed a lot of feeling and expression. You are very talented. After looking at your artwork I realized that there are a lot of problems that you have to cope with. I wouldn't understand fully but I do understand that you would have to be very brave to be able to handle all of the heartbreak and pain. One picture in particular was really touching. It was the one with the little boy and there wasn't enough food for him and probably many more, All that we can hope for is for things to get better and you will find a happier life style soon," Letter from an Australian student to young Karen artists from Thai refugee camps after having seen some of their work. You can access the Karen children 's artwork by internet at www.araratec.vic.edu.au/users/jot/culture/Burma

"When we talk of peace we cannot avoid talking about human rights, especially in a country like Burma where the people are troubled constantly be the lack of justice; by the lack of peace," Aung San Suu Kyi in a video taped speech presented at the Appeal for Peace Conference at The Hague.

"Tak has more than 100 factories and 70 percent of those plants are garment factories which exported products worth more than 6.7 billion baht last year. If all of those factories have to be closed down due to labour shortages, it will damage the provinces economy and deter investments in the border areas of Tak," Industrial council chairman Suchart Visuwan about the need of his province for Burmese laborers after 6,000 illegal immigrants were repatriated to Burma

"If one is to believe some of the allegations found in the Western media, the picture [of Burma] would be rather sombre indeed. We feel fairly strongly that these allegations were largely the result of misperceptions and misuderstandings of the situation and the mentality of the people. In Myanmar thinking, contribution of labor not only brings about immediate material benefit in the present life, but also merit for future life cycles." Lt-Gen Khin Nyunt on accusations of forced labor in Burma during the opening of the ASEAN labor ministers meeting held in Rangoon May 14-15

"What we want to take is not the confrontational line, but to build reconciliation between the military and the politicians," NLD member Hla Soe on why he signed the letter calling for talks between the opposition party and the military.

BURMA ISSUES PO BOX 1076 SILOM POST OFFICE BANGKOK 10504 THAILAND

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