The socio-economic viability of tankas for marginalized village populations

Jasdeep Garcha GRAVIS

The socio-economic viability of tankas for marginalized village populations

Jasdeep Garcha

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Although this section may seem short, the help that the following have given me in the two short months I have been at GRAVIS cannot be stressed enough. It may go without mention but GRAVIS has given me a unique opportunity in completing this community-based research project. I have used skill sets throughout this internship that I did not even know I possessed. I am truly thankful to the organization, the staff, the other interns, and everyone else that I have interacted with here. Moreover I would like to thank the GRAVIS field employees, particularly at Baap, Kalron, and Pabupura. We may not have been able to interact in much dialogue, but their knowledge of the areas was instrumental in completing this project. Even more instrumental was each and every participant. The villagers of the Thar are what this paper is about and without them there would be nothing to study in the first place. As far as individuals go, I would like to first thank C. Bannerji Ji. His knack for various languages and his prophetic advice are valued more than he knows. Prakash Tyagi Jis guidance and feedback made many things that often times frustrate interns remarkably easy. I thank him for making this internship as clear as possible and for allowing my own thoughts to form the basis for this study. I would also like to thank Alma Blount and the Hart Leadership Program. Almas guidance put things strangely at ease both before I arrived in Jodhpur and during my stay. And getting a little grant money is always nice. Jasdeep Garcha Research Intern at GRAVIS Summer of Leadership Fellow from Duke University, United States of America

ABSTRACT GRAVIS has spent twenty-five years in the Thar Desert seeking to build the capacity of communities to secure their futures in a sustainable manner. In particular, GRAVIS' work in restoring traditional rainwater harvesting to a population that had increasingly relied on government water resources has been very influential. As of 2007, the construction of 3,047 tankas has been subsidized by the beneficiary program, benefiting 11,425 families. Although the introduction of tankas is an option to secure water responsibility to marginalized villagers, the economic viability in the long term is not known. This paper seeks to address the economic viability of the tanka installation for marginalized villagers in the long term; specifically when, if ever, the benefits from tanka use outweigh the costs in maintaining and constructing the structure. It will also provide a succinct report documenting the economic benefits of tanka use where numbers cannot be directly assigned.

ii

Contents

Acknowledgements
i

Abstract ii Chapter 1 : Introduction 1 Chapter 2 : Methodology 5 Chapter 3 : Findings 9 Chapter 4 : Analysis 30 Chapter 5 : Recommendations 33 Appendices A E 37

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION In the semi-arid region of Rajasthan known as the Thar Desert, there is a large need to resuscitate rainwater harvesting techniques. In more distant times, tankas were built by the local people in an attempt to endure the harsh climate of the region. Their ingenuity in developing harvesting techniques allowed villagers to survive against all odds. Tankas were prepared from local materials and often used after other water supplies were diminished1. In an attempt to provide the people of the Thar with a secure water source in modern times, piped water was introduced and subsequently increased village well-being; but as a result, local populations have neglected traditional rainwater harvesting techniques. It is not uncommon for piped water supplies and other technological endeavors to fail, leaving these same populations with little choice but to obtain water from far off places. The neglect of the past has put many villagers in a precarious position, and often no water security of their own. Recently, NGOs have been instrumental in raising awareness of the dying wisdom of rainwater harvesting. In particular, Gramin Vikas Vigyan Samiti (GRAVIS) of Jodhpur, India has done much in building the capacity of the villagers and the land. GRAVIS work in revitalizing rainwater harvesting, particularly with respect to the tanka, has been two-fold: Firstly, they seek to return water security to the people by subsidizing tanka construction, and secondly they hope to increase its impact by improving the technical capability of the structure. The advancements in the tankas design coupled with inflation has increased the price of the structure to somewhere between 18000 and 21000 rupees. The price is quite substantial to a villager of the Thar Desert. My original research question was: when, if ever, do the benefits from tanka use outweigh the costs in maintaining and constructing the structure? Defining the gains from tanka use is not an easy task because of the varying needs of a family. I classified the benefits first by researching literature to find out specific ways that others have observed tanka impact; but to truly understand the situation, I felt it valuable to gain the perspective of villagers through my own field research. This paper is split into various parts to organize my thoughts: Chapter 1 introduces the Thar Desert and GRAVIS; Chapter 2 describes the methodology used in obtaining information from the field; Chapter 3 presents quantitative and qualitative findings of the literature and field research; Chapter 4 summarizes my conclusions on the aforementioned findings; and Chapter 5
1

Anil Agarwal and Sunita Narain (1997) in Dying Wisdom: Rise, fall and potential of Indias traditional water harvesting systems: 106-107.

offers some recommendations to GRAVIS in terms of what should be done in the future concerning rainwater harvesting. A summary of all uncommon terms can be found in Appendix D. A list of all referenced literature can be found in Appendix E. About the Thar Desert and GRAVIS The Thar Desert is one of the most barren landscapes on earth. It receives less than 200 millimeters of rainfall a year and often experiences prolonged periods of drought. The average rainfall amount is not reliable as it is incredibly sporadic. In fact, in the last one-hundred years there have been 43 years of drought2. In addition to the sparse amount of actual rainfall, the monsoon usually takes place in a very short amount of time. The need to capture as much rain as possible is a must for the population and due to poor runoff on sandy plains much is absorbed into the soil3. Despite these limitations, it is the most populated desert in the world: the home of 22.5 million people. Due to the growing education of the villagers and recent medical advancements, that number is only growing. GRAVIS is committed to the Gandhian philosophy of Sarvodya: all rising, but the last person first. Self-reliance is a key instrument for building the capacity of all people in the desert in a sustainable manner. Through many programs, GRAVIS hopes to promote the Gandhian notion of Gram Swaraj or the idea of community ownership and control of the village environment, institutions, and relations. With this in mind, GRAVIS uses a holistic approach in addressing village problems and promoting community development, often combing modern techniques with traditional wisdom. The input of the people is central to every policy that is implemented hence this research was based on the input of those that are being affected. When GRAVIS began its work in 1983, the organizations reach was not large but now their presence is in almost the entire Jodhpur district. One of the organizations prime goals is to re-vitalize the traditional rainwater harvesting culture that was so rich in the past. Through this program and many others, GRAVIS hopes to but the responsibility of water back into the villagers

P. Narain and R. S. Singh (2002) Drought scenario in arid Western Rajasthan. In Drought Management in Indian Arid Zone Central Arid Zone Res. Instt.: 16-29. GRAVIS (2003). In Harvesting the rains in the Thar GRAVIS: 14-15.

hands. Rainwater harvesting structures are not new, but re-establishing a peoples trust in them is a difficult task that may take many years still. The purpose of this study As an intern from Duke University's Summer of Leadership, I was given the opportunity to come to India and work with a community-based organization. The fellowship seeks to build future leaders by increasing their social awareness and allowing them to complete a collaborative research project of substance. Above all else, the work is intended to be beneficial to the host organization. From my perspective, this has been a foray into social works and a look at the lives of the extremely disadvantaged. Granted, I did not know much about the environment of the Thar and its people before this internship, but I leave with lasting peace of mind and hopefully recommendations that will produce positive change. In collaboratively designing this study, GRAVIS is interested in the replication of their beneficiary program and also the perception of the people the program has affected. There is evidence to suggest tanka use is a sustainable practice for villagers, but the topic has not been explored thoroughly enough to provide concrete evidence for or against this claim. GRAVIS has spent twenty-five years in the Thar Desert seeking to build the capacity of communities to secure their futures in a sustainable manner. In particular, GRAVIS' work in restoring traditional rainwater harvesting to a population that had increasingly relied on government water resources has been very influential. As of 2007, the construction of 3,047 tankas has been subsidized by the beneficiary program, benefiting 11,425 families. The intent of this paper is to first address the economic viability of the tanka installation for marginalized villagers in the long term; specifically when, if ever, the benefits from tanka use outweigh the costs in maintaining and constructing the structure. It will also provide a succinct report documenting the economic benefits of tanka use where numbers cannot be directly assigned.

What is a tanka?

From Harvesting the Rains in Thar: Tanka is a rainwater harvesting technique. It is meant for drinking water purposes of a family or a small group of families. It is a system where rainwater from a rooftop, a court yard or a natural or artificially prepared catchment is directed to an underground tank. Through originally found in desert towns, the system has since gained immense popularity in rural areas. A rural tanka comprises a 3-4 meter diameter and 4-5 meter deep underground tank that is constructed in stone masonry and the internal wall is lined with cement mortar to minimize seepage of stored water. The utilizable capacity of the tank is GRAVIS tanka 25 to 50 kiloliters or cubic meters. The surrounding 15 to 25 meter diameter circular catchment is given a 1-2% slope and its surface [and] is compacted and paved with locally available murrum or stone pieces to promote runoff. In gravel lands no such pavement is needed. The catchment size is [large enough so that] a rainfall of 50-75 mm is sufficient to meet a familys usual requirements for 4 8 months. To minimize silt load of water, a trap is provided at the inlet to the tank. But even then some cleaning and desiltation of the tank and repair of the catchment are a routine requirement. After the stored rainwater is exhausted, the tanka serves the purpose of a storage facility for water brought from outside. What is a marginalized village population? Although in many cases such a narrow population of study may be difficult to pinpoint, for this study it was actually very straightforward. The sample group consisted of beneficiaries of GRAVIS tanka program which are selected by Village Development Committees (VDCs). Beneficiaries, by definition, must be selected based on economic need and are often socially disadvantaged as a result. Therefore, a family that is a part of the marginalized village population is: a beneficiary that is selected by a VDC to receive a tanka from GRAVIS. CHAPTER 2: METHODOLOGY

I arrived in Jodhpur two months ago as an intern from Duke University, USA. Upon arriving, I had an idea of what I wanted to pursue at GRAVIS, but to what extent and how I did not know. The first few weeks were a whirlwind of reading material, talking to mentors, and drafting proposals. It was a very hectic and exciting time. At moments during this internship I did not think I would be able to complete the research study in time but ultimately it all worked out. I feel the short time I spent here was used wisely but obviously there were limitations on the depth of the material I could uncover because of it. I initially chose the tanka study because rainwater harvesting was presented to me as an important issue both for GRAVIS policies and the villagers in the Thar. Perhaps studying to be an engineer at university had pre-determined my direction towards numbers because I decided a largely quantitative assessment would be an interesting path to take. Whatever the case, GRAVIS has done extensive work in the desert to revitalize the rainwater harvesting culture that seemed to dwindle after access to piped water increased. They have focused on these issues in an attempt to return water responsibility to the people. From this study, I hoped to assess the viability of the tanka in both a quantitative and qualitative fashion: are the structures economically viable for marginalized village populations? And if so, how long would a villager have to possess one for such an investment to pay for itself? These are questions that I think are valuable, both now and in the future, if GRAVIS hopes to expand the breadth of their tanka program and explore possible new directions. To obtain the information I needed, I approached the topic in a number of ways. The main part of the study focused on the cost analysis of a tanka investment, and much of this research was done using literature and internet sources. The second part of the study focused on compiling certain qualitative aspects of tanka use that may directly or indirectly benefit villagers; to accomplish this I primarily did field research. During the field research, I used the aid of a translator. I did not feel proficient enough in Hindi to conduct the study alone and the population in the Thar generally speaks Marwari. A GRAVIS field employee accompanied my translator and me to every interview because they were familiar with the village areas. Some information that I needed for the cost analysis was either not clear or not present in the literature; so to fill in these holes I used a survey to probe for closedended data, specifically in terms of income and savings resulting from tanka use.

Finally, I followed up the field research with three interviews with the Director of GRAVIS, an employee of GRAVIS, and the Director of Wells for India (India office). These interviews were used to gain an idea of what GRAVIS hopes to accomplish by revitalizing tanka use and also to gather ideas about what the future holds for such an endeavor. Choosing sampled areas The research question was centered on the impact of a tanka on a family as well as the economic consequences of its use. The question required the structure to be isolated from other water resources. Irrigated villages would not be suitable because of the abundance of water resource options; therefore, un-irrigated villages were targeted both because of their limited water Walking to an interview resources and the amount of tankas GRAVIS has installed in those areas. Two general locations were chosen, both of which had a GRAVIS field center. Table 1 shows the aforementioned information with the villages sampled and the number of participants in each respective village:

Table 1: Villages sampled with number of respondents in parenthesis Field Centers Villages Sampled Baap Maiko Kee Daanee (4) Udhasingh Masuriyaa (1) Bhobhajee Kee Daanee (5) Kalron Khaaraa (4) Rayada (4)

The particular villages were not chosen in a structured way: whatever villages the field staff at the center were visiting that day was the village chosen to sample. The time period of this study was not long enough to pre-determine every village and moreover the surroundings of each center are generally in the same state: un-irrigated. Choosing beneficiaries

I aimed to conduct four to five interviews in each village. The availability of a translator was a prime factor in determining the time frame for field work and as a result of time constraints I was not able to meet the interview requirement in Udhasingh Masuriyaa. Five villages were sampled: three around Baap and two around Kalron. Much of the sampling was accomplished at the discretion of GRAVIS field workers. A random sample of beneficiary families was desired, but field workers ultimately decided the participant population. Only beneficiaries from each village were interviewed because a tankas impact is primarily felt by the family that owns the structure. Moreover, I desired a fifty-fifty split between upper and lower caste to distinguish the feelings of both groups. This was the only criteria which I sought to follow actively; as said before, the rest of the criterion were mostly at the discretion of the field staff. Upon completing the study, it was apparent that three categories, not two, were necessary to classify the social hierarchy of the desert population: upper, middle, and lower. Table 2 displays the different castes sampled and Table 3 shows the number of upper, middle, and lower caste populations:

Table 2: Caste breakdown Caste Rajput Meghvaal Vishnoee Bheel Other (not officially reported) Number 7 6 3 1 1

Table 3: Classification breakdown Classification Upper Middle (OBCs) Lower (SCs, STs) Number 7 4 7 Percentage 38.89% 22.22% 38.89%

As the above table shows, a relatively even split of castes were sampled. Data collection

There were two data collection methods used: interviews and surveys. I usually administered the interview first by following the general questions and topics presented in Appendix A, straying from them if the situation of the family was unusual or interesting in other ways. The survey in Appendix B was given afterwards to gather specific information that may have not been discussed in the interview. The survey was often filled out by the field staff that came with my translator and me to the interviews. Most respondents were not literate in Hindi and could not fill the survey themselves. Although I instructed the field staff to ask the questions on the survey to the families, I am not entirely sure they did because some of it was completed based on questions answered during the interview; for this reason, the responses to the survey questions may be biased somewhat. Constraints Despite being of Indian ethnicity, I am not completely familiar with the cultural heritage of Rajasthan and in particular the Thar Desert. I could not connect with my participant population as well as I would have liked. Obviously not being able to speak Marwari and conducting interviews in English through a translator lost some valuable information in translation. I feel that being an outsider to the Thar Desert region compromised my ability to gain some in-depth and more personal information. Logistics were also a large problem for a few weeks of my stay, mainly obtaining a translator. Because the timeframe of the study was short, it was difficult to find a translator that was both proficient in English and Marwari as well as available for the dates I needed. In the end, I condensed the amount of interviews to accommodate the logistical issues. There was enough information that it did not turn out to be much of a problem.

CHAPTER 3: FINDINGS

In this chapter, I have split the data in to two portions: The first part is the quantitative findings of the tanka study. In anticipation of later findings, I present many background topics. It is a purely theoretical assessment, and the information is pieced together from multiple sources as well as my own field research. The second part is information which I obtained from interviews. It is split further in to subsections to address various common themes that came up in discussions with beneficiaries. I. QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS Background The background section will explain the choices that were made in completing the cost analysis. Rainfall estimates In this analysis, I based all results on the rainfall and activities of the areas where interviews were conducted; specifically, the areas surrounding Baap and Kalron GRAVIS field centers. The average rainfall of that area is 110 millimeters. Table 4 shows the percentage of average rainfall that is present during a normal rainfall, a moderate drought, and a severe drought as defined by meteorological standards: Table 4: Meteorological rainfall4
Normal rainfall Moderate drought Severe drought +19% -20% -60% -19% -59% -100%

For the Baap and Kalron regions, the rainfall totals would be the following for each respective category:

www.rainwaterharvesting.org/crisis/drought.htm

Table 5: Extrapolated rainfall for Baap and Kalron regions

Normal Moderate Severe 130.9 mm 88 mm 44 mm 89.1 mm 45.1 mm 0 mm

Therefore, it can be expected that under normal conditions Baap and Kalron will receive 89.1 millimeters to 130.9 millimeters; in moderate drought: 45.1 millimeters to 88 millimeters; and in severe drought: 0 millimeters to 44 millimeters. Supply of harvested rains It is difficult to construct the cost analysis without first gauging the length of time that the rainwater in a tanka can last after various rainfalls. This is estimated using a number of things which are highlighted here. Tanka silt-catcher and inlet Drinking Water Harvesting Its Significance and Scope in Desert Environment by N. S. Vangani proposes Equation 1 as a means to estimate consumption. In his paper, Vangani argues that the maximum yield possible from rain water catchment system is directly proportional to the catchment area, its runoff coefficient (i.e. the ratio of harvestable rainfall to total rainfall) and rainfall probability. Y = (fi*Ri)/365 (1)

where fi is the catchment efficiency in percentage, and Ri is the rainfall probability in millimeters. This yields the mean daily catchment harvest in liters/m2/day. In this analysis however, I am interested in the amount of water that a tanka may harvest in a certain rainfall; more explicitly, how many liters a rainfall can supply to a tanka. Therefore, I use Equation 2:

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Y = fi*Ri*C

(2)

where fi is the catchment efficiency in percentage, Ri is the rainfall probability in millimeters, and C is the total catchment area in square meters. By modifying the equation, my intentions are that liters/m2/day become liters, which is the case. Equation 2 is utilized in Table 3 to assess the percentage of tanka capacity filled by normal rainfall, moderate drought, and severe drought using the higher estimations in Table 5 (e.g. 130.9 mm, 88 mm, and 44 mm, respectively). In addition, I assume a constant catchment efficiency, fi, of 60% with a catchment area, C, of 330 square meters the standard size of a GRAVIS constructed tanka. Table 6: Percentage of tanka capacity filled by various rainfalls
Type of rainfall Normal rainfall Moderate drought Severe drought Equation Y = .6*(130.9mm)*(330 sq. m.) Y = .6*(88mm)*(330 sq. m.) Y = .6*(44mm)*(330 sq. m.) Filled (L) 21780 17424 8712 Percentage of capacity 100.00% 80.00% 40.00%

I found numerous sources that estimate the amount of time tanka water lasts for a family but they differ to some extent. The standard range is four to eight months. This seemed like a very large range of values to deal with; so, in the surveys administered to villagers I asked how long their tanka water lasts after a good rainfall. The results are below:

Table 7: Survey response

Tanka water supply after good rains Options One to four months Households choosing option 8 Total households 18 Percentage 44.00%

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Four to seven months More than seven months

7 3

18 18

39.00% 17.00%

The answers varied, like the literature, to some extent. The reason for this may be many but simply put: the water needs for different families are different. Still, I needed a number to proceed with the analysis and the information from the surveys was the most accurate available for Baap and Kalron; therefore, I averaged the low ends of the options one, four, and seven months and the high ends of the options four, seven, and twelve months to create a range of months that a water supply would last after good rains. The results are in Table 8, scaled to 80% and 40% for moderate and severe drought, respectively (based on Table 6): Table 8: Averaged survey results
Type of rainfall Normal rainfall Moderate drought Severe drought Range of months water supply lasts 3.17 to 6.50 2.50 to 5.20 1.27 to 2.60

The following reasoning arose from this information: for 3.17 months to 6.50 months of a normal rainfall year beneficiaries do not have to purchase water, and so on for the other rainfall situations. Initial investment and debt repayment Since in this cost analysis I assume a villager uses a loan to begin construction (as opposed to using their own money) on the tanka, a realistic interest rate and source must be used. The State Bank of India Loan for Minor Irrigation Schemes is the best option that I found for this type of project. Table 9 shows the important information: Table 9: SBI loan information
State Bank of India -- Minor Irrigation Schemes Loan Amount Up to 50,000 rupees 8.5% upto 3 years Interest 9% after 3 years

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A standard GRAVIS constructed tanka is built with 18000 to 21000 rupees, so this loan should be sufficient. To assess the ability to repay the loan, I estimated the amount of money a family would save using all monthly ranges present in Table 8. The survey findings from field research also concluded that a family saves, on average, 972.22 rupees a month on water after a tanka is installed. The savings for an individual month is repeated below in Table 10: Table 10: Monthly savings and standard deviation
Average monthly savings (rupees/month) Standard deviation 972.22 140.50

Because the standard deviation of the monthly savings is relatively high, the estimation may not be extremely precise. For all intents and purposes, this is regarded as a familys yearly loan repayment potential in the cost analysis. Some beneficiary families expressed that they did in fact pay some money on the upkeep of their tanka. This was not found to be a very common occurrence as many families contributed their own labor and found local materials; this cost analysis will assume that the tanka is a selfmaintained structure. Additionally, the tanka does have a lifetime and can depreciate over time. The problem is that there are differing opinions on this as well and my research study cannot confirm either: 10 or 30 years5. This analysis will use the latter time frame.

Cost Analysis Base

GRAVIS (2003) in Harvesting the Rains in the Thar and N. S. Vangani (2006) in Drinking Water Harvesting Its Significance and Scope in Desert Environment, respectively.

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The only direct benefits that can be attributed to tanka use are the money that is saved from not having to fetch or pay for tanker water. This saving was found across all families. Many families also used the saved time to pursue government labor or other sources of revenue, but there was not enough correlation among respondents to factor this into the base cost analysis. Furthermore, this analysis assumes that each family initially possesses the approximately 11666.64 rupees 972.22 rupees over 12 months that are needed to purchase water for an entire year; the months that a family does not need to buy water are considered as profit. Table 11 shows the anticipated savings a family would enjoy from tanka use under the various rainfall circumstances: Table 11: Savings in various rainfalls
Total savings (rupees/year) 6319.43 3079.02 5055.54 2463.22 2527.77 1231.61 Range polarity (high/low) High Low High Low High Low Months water in tanka should last 6.50 3.17 5.20 2.53 2.60 1.27

Normal rainfall Moderate drought Severe drought

The savings are considered the familys yearly potential to pay back the initial loan. I use both ends of the ranges (3.167 and 6.5 months for normal rainfall) to display the amount of years a tanka would take to pay for itself. The following graph displays the results of the cost analysis. It displays the debt in rupees versus the number of years.

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Tanka Cost Analysis - Debt vs. Years

10000 5000 0 -5000 1 -10000 -15000 Debt (rupees) -20000 -25000 -30000 Years
Figure 1: Cost analysis

Normal - High 3 5 7 9 Normal - Low 11 13 15 Moderate - High Moderate - Low Severe - High Severe - Low

For all cases the tanka eventually pays for itself except in the case of a very severe drought. In a very severe drought the family only receives 1.27 months of water supply from the tanka a year, not enough to even pay back the interest on the loan. For individual graphs for each case and a breakdown of the yearly debt estimates for this analysis refer to Appendix C. Additional labor I found that many of the families did do wage labor as a result of the time they have saved in not having to fetch water (as I said before there was not enough correlation to include in the initial analysis). Most often the labor was provided by the government. The National Rural Guaranteed Employment Act gives every household at least 100 days of labor at 73 rupees a day6. This would allow families in all repayment paths to earn an additional 7300 rupees a year as a result of tanka use (except in severe drought, where less than 80.6 days or 2.6 months are saved). This added income reduces the length of repayment time by a significant amount:
6

http://www.commonlii.org/in/legis/num_act/nrega2005375/

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Table 12: Reduction in time to repayment

Repayment time reduced (%) 56.67

This also assumes that all earnings are put towards the debt. There are other things that are discussed in the qualitative portion of the findings that may reduce the time to debt repayment to a larger extent but are difficult to assign a number. Catchment analysis Presently, the catchment area of a tanka is made of murrum at 60% efficiency. If cement tiles are used, the catchment efficiency can rise to up to 90%7. This would change the tankas ability to fill to capacity during normal, moderate, and severe years as represented in Table 6 to be much more favorable: Table 13: Percentage of tanka capacity filled by various rainfalls
Type of rainfall Normal rainfall Moderate drought Severe drought Equation Y = .9*(130.9mm)*(330 sq. m.) Y = .9*(88mm)*(330 sq. m.) Y = .9*(44mm)*(330 sq. m.) Filled (L) 21780 21780 13068 Percentage of Capacity 100.00% 100.00% 60.00%

The downside to this is the cost of such an improvement at 45 rupees per square meter. Conversely, the size of the catchment area would not need to be so big. N. S. Vanganis paper does a good analysis of the benefits of such a project, so I will not delve further into the subject. II. QUALITATIVE FINDINGS This section will address the information that was found during interviews with beneficiaries in various village communities. Much of what was found during interviews has some
7

N. S. Vangani (2006) in Drinking Water Harvesting Its Significance and Scope in Desert Environment: 11

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correlation but the sample size may have been too small to suggest direct causation. There was enough variability amongst responses that a certain idea often did not appear in every interview. Because of this lack of certainty, many things that otherwise would have an effect on the tanka cost analysis could not be accurately factored in. There were not very many patterns along caste or village lines. The only area where distinctions were valuable was in the latter part of the study concerning neighborhood and caste relations. Furthermore, all areas in which interviews were conducted seemed to be in the midst of a prolonged drought period stretching back, according to one mans estimate, at least seven years. In addition to presenting the information found in the field, it is valuable to place the information in the context of what GRAVIS anticipates the advantages and disadvantages of tanka use are. From various GRAVIS literature sources as well as interviews with professionals, I was able to compile a list of tanka pros and cons. Table 14 summarizes the findings, but no single source listed all criteria independently.

Table 14: Pros and cons of tanka use from GRAVIS sources
Positives Increased school attendance thus increased literacy in both genders Secure water source for drinking, bathing, and other household purposes Families are free from stress of water scarcity Men can go for wage labor Much money is saved from purchasing water A measure of social respect Saves lower caste from humiliation by upper caste Increases development of livestock Improved taste, cleanliness, and quality of water thus less water-borne diseases Improves healthcare and subsequent savings Can be used for storage after rain is depleted Less drudgery for elders Less drudgery for women Improves self-reliance Improves living standard More reproductive success Negatives Uses up agricultural land

Moreover, the findings from my field research are summarized in Table 15. The succeeding subsections expand on the listed topics.

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Table 15: Pros and cons of tanka use from field research
Positives Increased school attendance Secure drinking water source Can focus on other things because water is not scarce (changing priorities) Time for other activities such as wage labor Money for other needs or investments Improved dhani relations Lower caste empowerment Less drudgery for family members, particularly men and sometimes women Negatives There may be a cost for maintenance or repair Land is sacrificed (though many regarded a tanka as the best use of the land anyway)

There is a difference in the perceived advantages and the ones gleaned from this study, but they are not major. The largest discrepancy is in the inability to find any substantial correlation between tanka use and healthcare. There are multiple reasons for this: first the question was not directly posed to a family, and also that the prolonged drought may have neutralized this advantage due to a lack of surplus tanka water for sanitation. Moreover, GRAVIS lists improved self-reliance and improved living standard as advantages, but I found it redundant to list them because they are a result of other pros. Finally, the complete statistical breakdown of the survey responses can be found in Appendix A. Biggest Problem During every interview, I asked participants to highlight their biggest problem. Most often they suggested food grain and fodder affected them the most. Usually, food grown on their own land is sufficient for their needs but because of the prolonged drought many families have to go to the market to buy food for their family and fodder for their livestock. All participants agreed that rain was the only solution to the problem.

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Other

participants

highlighted

medical

services, both human and animal, as their biggest problem. To obtain sufficient health care they must hire vehicles to travel to the nearest large town Phalodi, near Baap and Kalron. Transportation is an expensive necessity for their community. The economy and a source of income seemed A family with livestock to be the next largest concern. Villagers cannot find work in their own villages so they often have to leave to find wage labor. They cited government labor as the most likely option but said it is not stable. Education According to the survey, one-hundred percent of the participants reported an increased attendance of children of both genders at school. The question was not directly posed during interviews but some chose to comment on it while answering other questions. One participant noted the tanka's positive effects on education by saying he previously could not even think about sending his children to school but now he can send them without hesitation. In researching this topic in literature and in discussions with staff, I found that many people have observed increased education as a major impact of a tanka. With increased time, children can obtain a primary education. As recorded by the Census of India in 2001, only 76.46% of men and 44.34% of women can read in Rajasthan. The literacy rate of those in the rural areas, particularly the Thar Desert, is bleaker it is estimated in GRAVIS annual reports that the literacy rate for women in the desert is around 8%. Consequently, any indication of increased educational opportunities for children, more so for girls, can be instrumental in building the capacity of villagers.

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Maintenance Most participants maintain the

structure of the tanka on their own. As a result, no money is spent on cleaning the catchment area, repairs, or any other upkeep. One person reported the time he spends maintaining the tanka could be used for other things, particularly wage-labor, but the time put into cleaning the tanka will save him the same amount of money that he would have made if he chose to go for work. Other participants spend as much as 200 to 300 rupees a year on tanka maintenance. One participant said his catchment was broken by animals, which ultimately cost money to repair. There were not enough instances in which money was spent on its maintenance to suggest it is a common practice. More often than not, only the labor of the beneficiary is needed. As far as the land that the tanka is built on is concerned, no one interviewed believed it could be used in a better way. They all agreed that it was put to best use. Some participants noted its capability to be used for agriculture or for an extension of their house. Others laughed when asked and said that there is so much barren land because of the drought anyway that such a small portion of land would be meaningless to their family. Water use All families used the tanka's water for drinking purposes. Furthermore, most families used the water for their livestock's source of water. There were few participants who reported using the water for sanitation; but, this may have been a result of the prolonged drought period in the region where interviews were conducted, resulting in a lack of water surplus. One man commented that because of the rainwater harvest his Inspecting a tanka

20

family is able to bathe regularly instead of waiting seven to ten days between bathes. So there is some link to improved sanitation practices but not enough to suggest causation. Water Quality There is much research being done by GRAVIS concerning water quality and the tankas effect on such matters. Recent technical advancements such as the silt catcher and filtered inlet structures can be attributed with providing significantly cleaner water. In fact, all participants polled responded that the silt catcher provided cleaner water to their families. GRAVIS believes that presently there is a lot to address in terms of this subject. Recent samples have shown that there is significant biological contamination in tanka water, but the sample size is not large enough to make a generalized conclusion. In the coming years, water quality will be a large focus of GRAVIS work. With improved water quality come many benefits, namely the reduction of water-borne diseases. Water sources in the Thar vary in quality and communal resources such as naadis or ponds tend to be the worst. Because water quality is indeed a benefit of tanka use, less money is spent on healthcare and thus a large amount of money can be saved on transportation and medical services. Despite others observing improved healthcare in the field which corroborated my own reading of various documents on the tankas water quality, no participants in my field research actually mentioned improved healthcare as a direct benefit. In a closely related matter, they often cited the sweet water provided from the tanka as opposed to hard water from tubewells or communal resources as a significant advantage. Time saved Table 16: Survey response
Time spent on obtaining water before tanka was built Households Options Total households Percentage choosing option Less than two hours 6 18 33.00% Two to four hours 6 18 33.00% More than four hours 6 18 33.00%

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Time saved is most often cited in tanka literature as an advantage of its use. This fact was generally confirmed in most interviews. Participants spoke of an increased amount of time to do other activities such as government labor, other sources of revenue, or increased community involvement (specific things mentioned: wild flower plantation, repairing house, routine labor, leather business, and collection of twigs for revenue). The tanka's water reserve allowed families to start their daily activities and wage labor without having to wait for tankers of water to arrive. Male members of the household previously hesitated when deciding whether to pursue outside work because their family's water situation was not stable; this hesitation is now gone. Additionally, two participants noted that the saved time means they can send their children to school. It seemed that throughout the interviews families that possessed the tanka now experience a different order of priorities. Before, water was the most sought after item and consequently consumed most of their time; now, family members can focus on other important activities that are less pressing than their water needs but nonetheless valuable. Interviews were mostly with the male family members, so benefits of time for women were rarely discussed. Money saved Table 17 indicates the average amount of money a family earns monthly: Table 17: Monthly earnings Average earnings (rupees/month) 2094.44

Table 18 indicates the average amount saved by a family on water monthly: Table 18: Monthly savings Average savings (rupees/month) 972.22

22

There was no consensus on what the savings are usually spent on. Each family uses the money in different ways. The only salient response was that the recent drought had forced the families to spend the savings on food and fodder that they could not grow themselves without rainwater. As a result, most families have not gained any real economic boost from tanka use, but they also have not lost anything financially because of it. Any additional savings are spent on repaying debt and repairing houses. One for all and all for one: the tanka as an entire communitys tool There was one very interesting scheme that a participant explained in Rayada. It is a village mainly comprised of ex-army officers and also seemed heavily influenced by GRAVIS policies. The man I interviewed was actually a tanka construction supervisor for GRAVIS. When asked about savings, he mentioned that it has indeed improved his family's quality of life but the community as a whole intended to use their tanka savings collectively. In all, about thirty tankas have been made in the area. The community is to reach a consensus on what they would like to invest in after obtaining realistic savings from tanka use when the area is not in a drought period -- and then use the money in consultation with GRAVIS. Already a majority of the families have agreed to the arrangement.

Income-generating work

23

Perception The perception of rainwater harvesting techniques was a difficult thing to gauge. I indirectly addressed this topic by asking some of the participants, but not all, whether they would repair their tanka if a tubewell was built nearby. Some displayed a lack of forward thinking when asked this question, saying that the tubewell would be sufficient for their needs and repairing a tanka would not be beneficial. A majority however were concerned that the tubewell would run out of water eventually or that electricity would not be available for access, so repairing the structure is a must to possess sweet water for drinking. A broken tanka One familys tanka had broken and could only be utilized to half-capacity. It had been in that state for about a year and the family did not repair or report the damage out of lethargy. I was confused at their lack of concern over the matter but later found out that a tubewell had been drilled very close by; as a result, they did not need the tanka water to go on with their business. They were satisfied with the tubewell water. I asked the family whether they had thought about the tubewell running out of water and they responded that they had not thought about that because it supplies water now. Overall, they still benefit from the tanka because of its storage capacity; however, it is not able to harvest rainwater as effectively as others.

One familys improvisation Another family had an improvisation to the tubewell situation. They would insist that the government supply a pipe to store the sweet water in their tanka. However, they said that if the tanka was also damaged, they would like to repair it in anticipation of the bad days. Future investments Most participants lacked a sense of the future. They were too busy deciding how to survive the day to worry about the next. Some, when asked what they would invest in if they someday had 24

significant savings from tanka use, said they would use the money for pukka houses and their children's futures. Frequently, I received no response from families regarding future investments. Neighborhood relations The most interesting interview responses concerned the relationships between neighbors and other castes after tanka use. Table 19 shows the response to the survey question about social status: Table 19: Survey question on social status Has the tanka raised your family's social status? Options Yes No Households choosing option 18 0 Total households 18 18 Percentage 100.00% 0.00%

Although all families responded that their social status had risen because of the tanka, the question did not account for those families that may have responded 'no change'. In retrospect, this question should have included three choices: Risen, No Change, and Worsened. I am inclined to think that families that did not see a change in social status would more likely choose 'yes' than 'no' if only those two options were present. Supplementing the survey response, the interview portion of the study uncovered additional information. No families, like the survey suggests, thought neighborhood relations had deteriorated after the tanka was installed. For those that believed that relations had improved, they listed the ability to give water as a major reason. The other big reason, though somewhat similar to the aforementioned, is that their family can help people whereas before they were only able to be helped; this generates a good deal of respect. Other responses cited that the need to organize to lobby GRAVIS and the government for help had reduced the differences between castes; and that before there was tightness and competition over one water source, now the bitterness is gone. Some families thought that the neighborhood relations had stayed the same before and after

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the tanka was installed. These families generally thought the atmosphere was good before and afterwards, leaving little room for improvement. Caste relations Before delving into this topic it is important to understand that though a family may be of the upper caste, they nonetheless can be economically disadvantaged. The VDC selects beneficiaries based solely on economic need, regardless of caste. It is also not uncommon to observe socially and economically marginalized upper caste families and this perspective is important while assessing the below information. The upper caste participants in this study were usually not discriminated against socially before the tanka was installed at their home. These families mostly saw no change in the caste system, even clarifying the customs that still exist such as lower castes never putting their utensils into an upper caste's water source without help, and that the lower caste do not assume equality -sitting on the ground whenever in the same vicinity. The upper caste families agreed that the lower caste know their limitations because of all of the help that they had given the lower caste in the past. Moreover, some families did say that they were now able to help the lower caste in more means than they were previously able because of the tanka. Of the seven upper caste families interviewed, only two commented that the caste system had weakened, one for reasons highlighted in the previous section -- the need to organize to lobby GRAVIS and the government lessened the difference between different castes and the other did not expand on why. Interestingly, lower caste families were of the opinion that the caste system had in fact weakened because of both their tankas and the times. Only one of the seven lower caste families said that there was no change at all because relations were good before and afterwards. The main reason for their feelings, some stated previously, was that they are now seen with respect due to their ability to supply others with water. Before, one family argued, it was a mix of good and bad. However now, they are wellequipped so people look at them from a different angle and others respect them. Another family relayed that they were previously given a backseat; now, they can enjoy some respect and the upper caste tries to behave normally with them. Still another family went as far as to say that the higher caste do not mind the lower caste sitting on the same level, and that all castes address each

26

other respectfully ultimately, the latter family said, the tanka has given their family a push towards equality. During one interview, a participant summed up the situation in a way the others had not: the tanka gives the lower and upper castes a reason to be together a fellowship. When someone comes to get water, they sit and chat with each other. The middle castes' responses were fitting: a split. Of the four participant families, two said there was a positive change and two said there was no change. The reasons for positive change were similar to those given by the lower castes. Those that responded with no change were in a village comprised of only middle and lower castes, giving them the higher caste status. Gender I did not find a lot of information affirming or disproving the benefits of a tanka for women. In addition to the tanka being built in the womans name, many literature sources argue that the tanka reduces the physical drudgery of women and allows them time to take care of the household. The saved time eventually leads women to pursue more empowering enterprises: SHGs, community involvement, or income generation. The following case study was found from previous research.

Women carrying water pots

Hira Gakuls tanka8

HEDCON (2005) in Badi Seed Watershed Development Project in Thar Desert: 35-36.

27

Hira Gakul is living with her husband and their eight children, five girls and three boys, in Bariseed. She is benefited by a tanka that has been repaired in 2003 close to her house. The tanka belongs to Mula Ram, her neighbor, but it now provides safe water to four families situated around the tanka. These families are quite big, meaning eight to ten persons each family. In 2003, within the project, all these families helped doing the renovation work. In exchange for their work, they were provided nutritious grains and oil. The capacity of the tanka has increased and has become enough to provide water for six months a year, if there is a good rainfall. But in the last two years, the rainfall has been below average, so the tanka was not filled to its full amount. But still, the water was enough to provide water for at least two months. Before the building of the tank, Hira had to walk at least 2-3 kilometers to the nearby naadi to get water for drinking and the domestic purpose. It took her around an hour to get a bucket of water, but she had to go there 5 to 6 times a day. So, she actually spent half a day just for getting water. In drought years, she had to walk even longer distances, as this nearby naadi was not able to provide water all year long. This naadi has been desilted within the project and is now a perennial source of water even in years of rainfall below average. When being asked what she is doing with the time she saved now, she gets a big satisfied smile on her face telling, I am just sitting around. But after a few more questions, it turns out that it had consequences as well. Before the interventions, her daughters took care of the household, as she wasnt able to do this herself. Now, she sends all the children to school to get the basic education. At the moment, all her younger children attend school regularly. And only her oldest daughter, around 12 years old, stays home to learn about the domestic duties and to help her mother. The survey concerning gender had interesting results, shown in Table 20: Table 20: Survey response Family members responsible for obtaining water (check all) Options Male (Adult) Female (Adult) Male (Child) Households choosing option 17 4 0 Total households 18 18 18 Percentage 94.00% 22.00% 0.00%

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Female (Child)

18

0.00%

These responses suggest that in the households sampled adult males were the ones most affected by the availability of water. The physical drudgery that is often attributed to the female population may more accurately apply to the male population. The survey question may have been interpreted as asking about family members that obtain water from long distances, which is commonly a job associated with males in a household. A camel cart is the most common mode of transportation in these cases.

CHAPTER 4: ANALYSIS Economic viability

29

Disregarding the extremely severe drought in the cost analysis, the tanka will pay for itself with direct savings in anywhere from four to twelve years. Because rainfall in the Thar is very sporadic and often there are numerous rainfalls that can be characterized as normal, moderate, or severe within a time-frame, I expect that a family will not follow any one particular debt repayment path and experience a mixture of all of them. To analyze this situation it is valuable to have an idea of the earning power of a family, particularly of the marginalized populations. I found that in Baap and in Kalron, beneficiary families generally earn an average of about 2094.44 rupees a month. Table 21 shows this in comparison to their monthly tanka savings:

Table 21: Earnings versus savings

Average monthly earnings (rupees/month): Average monthly savings (rupees/month): Monthly savings as a percent of monthly earnings (%): 2094.44 972.22 46.42

This means that families that have a tanka save as much as 46.42% of their total earning power by harvesting rainwater. If one takes into consideration the many qualitative advantages that arise from tanka use, the percentage may be even higher; however, I found it difficult to assign a number to increased literacy and the lessening of caste barriers. Like I said before, it is difficult to predict the rainfall patterns in the Thar. A tanka could be built during a normal, moderate, or severe year. Regardless, a family would need to spend almost a years income on such a structure if they do not take out a loan:

Table 22: Tanka price as a percent of yearly income

Tanka price (rupees) 18000 Yearly earnings (rupees) 25133.28 Percentage (%) 71.62

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Therefore, the only realistic option available to marginalized village populations is to take out a loan like that offered by SBI. All savings from the structure would need to be put towards repayment for some time, which may be very difficult to do. Overall the information presented in this paper suggests that, in pure economic terms, it is plausible that a family of the marginalized village populations can construct a tanka independently through a loan. Qualitative analysis All the items listed in Table 15 had reasonable correlation amongst the participant population, enough that they can be attributed to tanka use. It was difficult to find negative reactions to the tanka because all villagers felt that it had helped their families a great deal. Moreover, one must consider the help a tanka gives these villagers in improving their standard of living from a relative standpoint: little things are great leaps for beneficiaries as they are often disregarded and given the backseat in social situations. However there are concerns. The tanka is no doubt a large boon from a qualitative standpoint but some villagers are still apathetic about rainwater harvesting techniques. Although the sentiment was small in this study, I believe that there are a large number of people that would not repair a tanka or would be less diligent about tanka maintenance in the presence of a tube well or piped water source. GRAVIS has worked very hard to grow the trust of the people in their own rainwater harvesting techniques but there may yet be much work to do. Moreover there is a general lack of forward thinking among the desert population. This is understandable because survival is the first thing on everyones mind but planning is a key to success in the future. If this mindset persists, it seems that economically marginalized villagers in particular will continually be stuck in a cycle of distress. Is it a viable investment for marginalized village families? Although it is economically plausible for beneficiary families to potentially invest in their own structures through government loans or through their own money, it is an incredibly delicate situation. The structure will pay for itself eventually assuming the family uses all direct savings received from it to repay the loan amount. Otherwise, the debt may linger longer than anticipated.

31

There are many reasons to suggest that a family will not be able to pay back the loan in the implied time-frame, either because of other obligations or because of the inability to think of the future. India, and in particular the Thar Desert region, has many obligatory social customs that indeed are financial burdens on every family. Their timing and frequency often cannot be determined, so the savings that arise from tanka use may have to be used for things other than loan repayment. Moreover, the lack of forward thinking that was observed throughout many interviews and mentioned in the qualitative analysis is unquestionably a concern when considering a timeline of repayment up to twelve years. Therefore with respect to quantitative and qualitative interpretations, the tanka is not a viable long-term investment for marginalized village populations. These families are just not equipped to handle such a financial burden alone with their present way of thinking and position in the socio-economic hierarchy. If one considers GRAVIS tanka program there is little drawback to the installation. GRAVIS supplies all locally unavailable material and skilled labor that is needed for construction. Therefore a family incurs no initial capital lost and the tanka immediately reaps positive gain. All economic and social impact can be regarded as a step forward with no significant danger of it ever hurting families unless it falls into a state of disrepair on an unbelievably valuable plot of land. Bottom line is: it is indeed possible to invest individually in a tanka structure but at the same time there is a large risk of the tanka becoming more of a burden than a help if the investor does not plan future monetary activity accordingly.

CHAPTER 5: RECCOMENDATIONS In arid zones such as the Thar Desert in India it is essential to promote rainwater harvesting for survival in the future. Most experts agree that although future innovations may increase the availability of water, those systems may not be sustainable and are indeed out of the control of the villagers; therefore, rainwater harvesting is the key if populations seek to survive in the harsh climate of the region.

32

Indeed rainwater harvesting should be replicated in many regions that see very little rainfall. The potential of these structures, especially if technically sound, is enormous in capturing safe and clean drinking water. GRAVIS beneficiary program seeks to promote sustainability and benefit marginalized populations by encouraging rainwater harvesting through subsidies. In an interview with a professional concerned with social work of the Thar Desert, I discussed the issues presented in this paper and what should be done to remedy the negatives. The participant noted that everything should and must start in the village governance structures, and I tend to agree. Furthermore, addressing some of these issues may pave the way for marginalized villagers to invest in their own rainwater harvesting tankas. If GRAVIS truly hopes to promote the self-reliance of villagers in the Thar Desert, a step must be taken to reduce their dependency on subsidies and increase their responsibility in revitalizing culture that is sustainable and worthwhile to their future well-being. To accomplish the goals of villager self-reliance, GRAVIS must do two things: first address the apparent disregard of the advantages rainwater harvesting can provide in terms of sustainability and water security to the villagers and then build the capacity of the same populations to plan for the future. Start in the village governance structure Addressing the problems laid out in the former paragraphs is difficult. GRAVIS attributes their ability to produce sustainable change through building the capacity of both the people and the land. In this way, ideas as well as structures are provided to those living in the desert. Ideas are generally spread by Village Development Committees (VDCs), and capacity building usually takes place there as well. VDCs are comprised of representatives from all parts of a village and include all social classes, voted on annually by villagers at the Gram Sabha. Although I have had no direct experience with these committees, I feel this model is addressing change in a way that is comfortable for the villagers themselves. Change and learning is more effectively brought about from the inside rather than the outside and that contributes heavily to the ability of villagers to exchange thoughts. As much as any one would like to change the minds of others to think more progressively or in the right way, it is impossible to produce positive change without first working through the people. The villagers are experts in their own problems, and addressing those problems in their

33

context is more beneficial than harping for change from the outside. Village governance structures such as the VDC are pivotal in this regard and every idea GRAVIS wishes to promote should start there. Villagers seem to know the value of a rainwater harvesting structure but some do not value its abilities to provide security in water and financially -- this point must be continually addressed with all villagers, and in particular beneficiaries. The appreciation of rainwater harvesting as both an economic and social tool has to be reinforced with concrete numbers and outside examples. Context must be established to prove various points such as the oftentimes unreliable nature of modern water solutions as well as the unfavorable outcome of lethargic tanka maintenance. Other points must be made in the same way, such as the issue of the future. Most are concerned about their present survival and do not think of the future, and as a result the same problems occur over and over again in a cycle of distress. The capacity of the villagers to think of future problems and situations is a must in developing responsible and sustainable practices. Perhaps if this is addressed, more villagers will be able to use rainwater harvesting techniques more effectively in improving their wellbeing and eventually families may be able to use loans or their own money to invest in tankas. The continuing presence of an NGO But presenting the ideas is not enough. An organization must be an active presence in a community to be most effective. The simplest terms for this idea are: continued change requires continued presence. GRAVIS is in constant contact with village committees to exchange leadership ideas and collaborate on community projects. In this way, there is a continued presence of the NGO in the lives of those that are being affected. This study has concluded that for any rainwater harvesting initiative, the benefactor organization must be a continued presence in building the capacity of the beneficiary. GRAVIS has no doubt done well in many respects, but their influence is sometimes unbalanced. For instance, Rayada village is the home of a GRAVIS tanka construction supervisor. The village had decided that it would be important to use tanka savings communally rather than individually, and also that tankas are valuable for their future well-being regardless of the presence of a tubewell. In contrast to the minority of families that preferred tubewell water in lieu of repairing rainwater harvesting structures, the mindset in Rayada is progressive. The heavy

34

influence of GRAVIS in Rayada may have been important in building the capacity of the people to think in the aforementioned way. Therefore it is important for GRAVIS to improve their capacity building program. There should be more contact with beneficiaries to influence progressive thinking, and the VDC should play a prime role in this regard. Decrease dependence on subsidies I have no doubt that GRAVIS tanka subsidy is necessary for marginalized populations. This report evidences the fact that if villagers pursued the investment alone they would have to sacrifice other necessities. However in the same light, many villagers are increasingly reliant on outside support and previous studies have noted this trend9. The last thing that is desired by this kind of social work is a dependency by the villagers on outsiders to provide change. I think, then, that building the thought processes of marginalized villagers to handle large investments is pivotal in increasing self-reliance. Perhaps decreasing the amount that GRAVIS contributes to tanka construction or studying local materials that may be easier to obtain for structures is the key to unlocking the ability of villagers to take matters into their own hands. A good goal would be to decrease the subsidy gradually while requiring more investment by the beneficiary through a GRAVIS supervised loan program. This would increase the responsibility of the beneficiaries but not so much that it is unbearable to participate in the program. In my opinion the goal of any NGO is to not have to exist, and stepping towards the direction of self-induced change is important to realize such a goal. Future research This study was completed in an admittedly short time: two months. Although I feel that I answered the original research question fully, the topic was not simple. If I had more time there would be a couple of things in particular that I would like to research, listed below. In literature, there is little mention of the ability of a tanka to affect caste or neighborhood relations. This research has uncovered somewhat interesting topics that if fully explored may
9

Kantor, Hayden (2006) in Sitting on One Carpet: 53.

35

develop a concrete basis for tanka causation with regard to the destruction of caste barriers. The topic of caste is both sensitive and complicated but nonetheless it is a valuable indication of social progress in the rigid hierarchy of the desert (relatively in relation to more urban areas). I would have also liked to explore the topic of the tanka as a community player rather than an individual player. This is not referencing community tankas, but rather individual family tankas and their affect on the community as a whole. Although I only encountered the situation in one interview, the notion of a communal investment with tanka savings really intrigued me. It seemed like the families in that particular dhani were more concerned with an overall wellbeing than just their own. I believe the tanka has a great potential to be used in a collective way as a water source and as a mode of future investments. If the viability of such an arrangement is possible, then the potential associated with tanka use as well as the benefits that arise from its use could expand significantly. Other than that, technical aspects of the structure are definitely something that must be further researched, especially improved catchment efficiency. Already improved design has contributed to a number of things, namely the confidence of the population in the structures success and the actual amount of rain that can be harvested. Along these lines, water quality is a large issue as well.

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Appendix A Interview Topics Interview with Beneficiaries 1. What are the biggest challenges facing your family right now? Tell me a little bit about why it is a problem. 2. Have things gotten better or worse in the past few years financially? Is there a reason? 3. What problems did you think a tanka would address for the family? Explain how it has met your expectations Tell me where it has fallen short of solving your problems How did you obtain water before? Tell me a little about how frequently and the process of obtaining it. 4. Do you use the tanka during drought? How much does it cost to fill? 5. Did you ever consider investing your own money in one? Or only obtaining one through the VDC? If you did not consider investing your own money in one or building your own, why? 6. Have the daily activities of family members changed since the tanka was installed? What new activities are family members able to do? 7. What new challenges exist because of the tanka? Do you have to maintain it? Approximately how many hours and how much money in a month do you spend doing this? Could the land for the tanka have been used for something else? If so, what? 8. Do you use the tanka water for anything other than drinking? 9. Has your relationship with your neighbors changed since receiving the tanka? 10. How have caste relations (between upper and lower) been affected by the tanka installation? 11. What do you do with the saved time? Any income-generating activities? 12. How much money have you saved from tanka use? Have you considered building another tanka or invest in any other things with the saved income? If so, what?

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Interview with Professionals

Perceived tanka benefits Tanka benefits witnessed Selection process Villager apathy toward rainwater harvesting techniques Technical aspects of tanka construction Tanka evolution History of use in desert

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Appendix B Survey Form and Survey Statistics Village Name: Caste (Lower/Upper): Monthly Earning (including tanka savings): Money saved because tanka use (monthly): Cost of obtaining water before tanka (trip):

1. Who obtained water (before tanka) check all that apply: Male Female Male Children Female Children 3. Girls in School (after tanka): More Same Less 5. Months water supply lasts (normal rainfall or average): 1 4 months 5 7 months more than 7 months 7. Time each way to water source (before tanka): 0 2 hours 2 4 hours more than 4 hours 9. Monthly Savings (after tanka): More Same Less 11. The improved silt catcher has produced: Cleaner water No Change Dirtier Water 13. Has the outlet been: Useful 1. In what ways:

2. Boys in School (after tanka): More Same Less

4. Years ago that the tanka was received: less than 2 years ago more than 2 years ago 6. Months water supply lasts (drought rainfall if applicable): 1 4 months 5 7 months more than 7 months 8. Water Source Distance (before tanka): 0 4 kilometer 4 7 kilometer more than 7 kilometers 10. Do you think the tanka has raised your social status in your community? Yes, it has improved It is the same No, it has not improved 12. The improved catchment area has gathered: Water more quickly No change Water slower

39

______________ Not Useful

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

94.40% 100.00% 100.00% 44.44% 44.44% 77.78% 33.33% 27.78% 94.44% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%

22.20% 0.00% 0.00% 55.56% 38.89% 22.22% 33.33% 22.22% 55.56% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 0.00%

0.00% 0.00% 0.00% 16.67% 0.00% 33.33% 50.00%

0.00%

0.00% 0.00%

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Appendix C Cost Analysis Breakdown

Tanka Analysis - Debt vs. Years

5000

0 1 -5000 2 3 4

Years 1 2 3 4
Normal - High

Debt (rupees) -18000.00 -10687.70 -4739.60 1579.83

-10000 Debt (rupees) -15000

-20000 Ye a rs

Normal rainfall - 6.5 months Initial investment 18000.00 (rupees) Savings 6319.43 (rupees/year)

Tanka Analysis - Debt vs. Years

5000

0 1 -5000 Normal - Low -10000 Debt (rupees) -15000 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Years 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Debt (rupees) -18000.00 -16189.30 -14224.60 -12148.70 -9885.94 -7419.55 -4731.17 -1800.85 1278.17

-20000 Ye a rs

Normal rainfall - 3.17 months Initial investment 18000.00 (rupees) Savings (rupees/year) 3079.02

41

Tanka Analysis - Debt vs. Years

10000 5000 0 1 -5000 Debt (rupees) -10000 -15000 -20000 Ye a rs 2 3 4 5 6 Moderate - High

Years 1 2 3 4 5 6

Debt (rupees) -18000.00 -14044.70 -9753.27 -5120.52 -70.83 4984.72

Moderate drought - 5.2 months Initial investment 18000.00 (rupees) Savings (rupees/year) 5055.54

Tanka Analysis - Debt vs. Years

5000

0 1 -5000

-10000 Debt (rupees) -15000

-20000

Years Debt (rupees) 1 -18000.00 2 -16857.40 3 -15617.70 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 4 -14338.40 5 -12943.90 Moderate - Low 6 -11424.00 7 -9767.24 8 -7961.38 9Debt vs. Years -5993.00 Tanka Analysis Years Debt (rupees) 10 -3847.46 5000 1 Ye a rs -18000.00 11 -1508.83 Years Debt (rupees) 2 -16787.40 12 954.39 0 1 -18000.00 3 -15471.70 3 4 9 10 11 12 2 1 2 -18193.70 5 6 7 8 4 -14108.80 Tanka Analysis - Debt vs. Years -5000 3 -18403.90 5 -12623.40 4 -18717.80 6 -11004.20 0 2 -19059.90 6 3 4 5 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 -100005 1 7 -9239.30 Moderate drought 2.53 months Debt (rupees) -5000 6 Initial investment -19432.90 8 -7315.57 18000.00 (rupees) -150007 -19839.40 9 -5218.70 Savings (rupees/year) -2933.11 2463.22 -100008 -20282.40 10 -200009 -20765.40 11 -441.814 -15000 Ye a rs 10 -21291.90 12 2085.96 Debt (rupees) -20000 11 -21865.70 12 -22491.10 -25000 13 -23172.90 Severe drought --1.27months Severe drought 2.6 months 42 14 -23916.00 Initial investment 18000.00 -30000 15 -24726.00 (rupees) Ye a rs 1231.61 2527.77 Savings (rupees/year)

Severe - High

Severe - Low

Appendix D Glossary and Abbreviations Glossary Dhani Hamlet; cluster of households within a village Gram Sabha General village meeting Gram Swaraj Gandhian concept of village self-rule Murrum - Stone fragments used for catchment area of a tanka Naadi Pond used for harvesting rainwater Sarvodaya Gandhian concept of all rising but the last first Tanka Underground storage tank for rainwater harvesting Tubewell Groundwater water source Abbreviations NGO Non-governmental Organization OBC Other Backward Caste SBI State Bank of India SC Scheduled Caste SHG Self-Help Group ST Scheduled Tribe VDC Village Development Committee

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Appendix E Works Cited GRAVIS: Annual Report 2003-2004. India: GRAVIS, 2004. GRAVIS: Annual Report 2005-2006. India: Bhalotia Printers, 2006. GRAVIS: Annual Report 2006-2007. India: GRAVIS, 2007. Harvesting the Rains in Thar. India: GRAVIS, 2003. Types of Drought in India. Centre for Science and Environment. Accessed 5 July 2008. <http://www.rainwaterharvesting.org/Crisis/Drought.htm> Agarwal, Anil and Narain, Sunita. Dying Wisdom: Rise, fall and potential of Indias traditional water harvesting systems. India: Centre for Science and Environment, 1997. Jhunjhunwala, Bharat. Traditional Agricultural and Water Technologies of the Thar. India: GRAVIS, 2003. Kantor, Hayden. Sitting on One Carpet. India: GRAVIS, 2006. Kantor, Hayden. The Story of GRAVIS. India: GRAVIS, 2008. Narain, P. and Singh, R. S. Drought Management in Indian Arid Zone. India: Central Arid Zone Res. Instt, 2002. Vangani, N. S. Drinking Water Harvesting Its Significance and Scope in Desert Environment. 2006.

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