There is no ideal form of government and no one would claim Western liberal
democracy to be an ideal solution either; but it is the best among the many other
forms of government with which man has experimented in the course of the history.
With its checks and balances, it largely prevents the misuse of power by individuals
and groups of people. 1 The prevailing literature on civil military relations and the
and maintenance of democracy. Democratic theory does not admit the possibility that
any group possesses greater legitimacy than the will of the people, democratically
determined through free and inclusive elections and tempered by the interplay of
civilian control over military, a system that places ultimate responsibility for a
encouraging democratization, the United States and other western powers use
civilian control of the military as the most important measure of progress toward
civilian officials, and that the means of executing or supporting these policies will
*∗Research Fellow, Department of Political Science, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar (Punjab).
1
also be under the control of politically responsible civilian officials. 3 It is the
institutions (or devices) to protect us from that which we fear, but that being
accomplished; we then fear the created institution itself because of its capacity for
violence 4 .
on the experiences of these developed western societies. However many third world
states have failed to sustain democratic civil-military elite relationship for long
periods. Even in the developed societies, when we talk of civilian control of military,
it does not necessarily mean a situation where the military elites are not a player in
the political arena and have no influence in decision making process. To the
contrary, modern military organizations are well organized, politically and socially
conscious entitles capable and willing to be the significant players in the politics,
like all other major groups. The extent of civilian control lies in the methods and
means employed by the armed forces to prompt their views, and the degree to which
military elites are willing to accept and implement the final decisions of civilian
politics suggest as we are not examining a single phenomenon. This insight has led
to numerous efforts to classify the summary variables which are determinant to the
societal control rather than professionalism. Eric. A Nordlinger 8 believes that the
autonomy to military in the sphere of its corporate interests is most important
these variables are endogenous variables which tend to associate intervention with
processes and perceptions that take place within the armed forces and to argue that
variables that focus on forces and process outside the military which are responsible
for the nature of civil-military relations. Military interventions are seen as the
consequence of societal and structural processes in which the armed forces play only
a minor role. Some of the important such variables are economic variables,
Economic variables
Economic perspective towards civil and military elite relations got new
momentum in the Post World War II political science in the hands of many, but most
importantly, Seymour Martin Lipset. He believes, “The more well to do a nation, the
greater the chances that it will sustain democracy.” 9 In his analysis, industrialization
structure with a large middle class which being moderate by nature induces
tolerance. Since politics in these societies is not zero-sum game, the elites are not
3
afraid of losing privileges even if they are voted out of office for a few years. This in
turn leads to the formation of a stable democratic competitive system and civilian
element of his hypothesis is that richer countries are more willing to promote
there is a very strong correlation between gross national product (GNP) per capita
and the vitality of electoral democracy. The magic number seems to lie somewhere in
the range of $4,500 to $5,500. Statistical analysis suggests that above $5,500 we
would expect a country to be democratic, below $4,500 we would expect it not to be.
In between is a gray zone where individual countries go either way. Of course, there
are some democratic "overachievers"—countries that are poorer, but still democratic,
are richer, but still autocratic, such as Tunisia. Overall, however, the relationship
holds because higher income levels are generally associated with higher literacy
levels, a larger middle class, and more economic "give" to grease the wheels of
democracy. 12 Hasan Askari Rijvi argues that, persistent economic crisis, deteriorating
economic conditions, administration, wide spread violence and insecurity contribute
to the erosion of civilian political institutions and processes. When large sections of
the politically active populance questions the moral right of civilian government to
rule and the government faces the problem of political efficacy, it is vulnerable to
mobilization and participation by new social forces. However, some times, new
political institutions do not emerge to cope with new demands resulting into political
instability. 14 Hence, this approach is not complete in itself and practical examples
have proved that states with higher economic development can face praetorianism
Ideological Variables
The role of ideology, which is often based on religious doctrines, can act as an
state. Irrespective of all the scientific and technical developments and so called
common man’s life. We still have absolute faith in each and every word written in
our religious epics. That is the reason, why the religion has always been instrumental
5
in determination of the pattern of civil-military relationship in any state.
establishment of democracy with civilian dominance in the states like India, the US
or the UK. Historically there has been a strong correlation between western
Christianity and democracy. By the early 1970, most of the protestant states in the
world had already become democratic. 15 Whereas extreme opposite can be said about
Islam and up to some extent about Catholicism. One interesting similarity among
most of the Muslim states in the world is that inspite of a wide variety and
heterogeneity in terms of language, food, dress etc. they are either ruled by military
men or by strong men supported by the military. Military is the great reality in the
Muslim states and civilian government have existed either with the support of the
is the exceptional case and has sustained democratic civil-military relations for a
relations. Fukuyama writes, “It is true that Islam constitutes a systematic and
coherent ideology, just like liberalism and communism, with its own code of
morality and doctrine of political and social justice……and Islam has indeed
defeated liberal democracy in many parts of the Islamic world, pausing a grave
threat to liberal practices even in the states where it has not achieved political power
directly. 17 Likewise, pointing to the fact that Muslim nations have been absent from
the third wave of democratization, Lipset notes similarities of Islam and Marxism
and states that political freedom is a concept unknown to the religion, making the
growth of democracy in the Islamic countries in the near future highly unlikely. 18 In
a book entitled ''From Jinnah to Zia,'' which was highly critical of the Islamisation
policies of President Muhammad Zia ul-Haq in Pakistan, Justice Munir wrote: ''If
or religious - you reduce the field of knowledge to what the ideology teaches you
because the ideology has to run through a groove, or a defined channel and does not
Islam rejects any distinction between civilian and military spheres and
combines the role of the political, religious and military leader in same person. By
invoking the percepts of Islam the ruler can justify his actions and declare
unsanctified any acts that may threaten his supremacy. Islam is characterized by a
with democratic concepts and ideals. 20 However, the few Muslim states that have
attempted to copy the west have not produced stable modern democracies but rather
torn countries that are unsure of their cultural identities. Although Catholicism is
also seen as similar to Islam in many ways but sometimes it has waked even in
favour of civilian supremacy. As it was in the case of Latin America, where Catholic
Church known for its fundamentalism led the struggle for democracy against
authoritarian regimes and also laid the foundation of civilian led governments in
those states.
7
Cultural Variables
The relationship between democracy and cultural factors has been in political
population entails better chances for democracy and democratic practices. The
culture of a state and its society which really matters. Political culture comprises “a
abut the political system of its country, and the role of self in that system. 22
political culture by evaluating their structure of government and respect for the rule
of law. He found that in societies, where this respect was low or minimal, there was
citizen support for liberal democratic values represents the most important
explanatory factor behind a military intervention. The higher the respect for the rule
of law, the lower the likelihood of a military coup. 23 Finer argues that national
criteria: 24
• Does there exist a wide public approval of the procedure for transferring
• Does there exist a wide public recognition as to who or what constitutes the
sovereign authority, and a corresponding belief that no other person or centre of
• Is the public proportionally large and well mobilized into private associates? Do
we find cohesive churches, industrial associations, and political parties (that are
The higher a nation ranks on the first two criteria, the more likely it is that a military
coup would be seen as illegitimate. The higher a nation ranks on the third criteria-
that is presence of civil society-the more society can mobilize itself in defense of the
relations. In a liberal political culture, government exists for the welfare of people
and military is always subordinated to the will of the people and so to the civilian
some scholars believe that democratic civil-military relations are responsible for
liberal political culture and not the vice versa, still most believe in effectiveness of
this approach.
International Considerations
9
unpopular regimes, help suppress popular revolutions, or bring down “undesirable
countries have experienced foreign intervention in domestic politics since World War
II. It is questionable whether dynastic rule would have survived in Jordon, Saudi
Arabia and Morocco without Western support and equally doubtful that
consent. 26
These developed states, while giving different kinds of donation to poor states take
care that administration in that country works according to their will. Generally
developed states are in favour of democratic civil and military elite relationship but
in some cases they favour military regimes taking care of their own national interest
does not want any economic crisis there as extremist forces are likely to play major
role in such a crisis situation. Military regime is also ready to provide logistic
support which is very important for the US due to Pakistan’s geographical situation
surrounding Afghanistan.
Many political thinkers believe that foreign military assistance increases the
the cold War era, the two superpowers propped up many military regimes if the latter
were prepared to identify with the former’s strategic interests. With the end of
superpower rivalry and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, military and
and economic dependence especially the expanding role of the financial institutions
penetration. 27
now continuously shifting from negative to positive. External forces are being more
regimes in these states. Harold Lasswell suggested that high level of external threat
creates a “Garrison state” where the willingness and ability of the military to
high. 28 However, modern thinkers on the civil-military relations think quite opposite
to it. General belief among them is that external threat diverts military’s whole
attention to border and it is only the internal threats which prompt military to
intervene in politics. Stanislav Andreski has argued that an increasing external threat
should improve civilian control of military. “the devil finds work for idle hands’: the
soldiers who have no wars to fight or prepare for will be tempted to interfere in
politics.” 29
There are many other determinants of the nature and type of civil-military
relations, like colonial legacy approach which suggests that the states with British or
11
American colonial heritage are more likely to maintain democratic civil-military
relations. However, this summary variable also, like all other variables cannot be
relied upon in all the circumstances and states. There is more than one reason for
Douglas Bland suggested that there were four problems of democratic civil-
military relations. The first is the problem of praetorianism, or military coups. The
leadership. The third problem according to Bland is of protecting the military from
the civilian politicians who want to use it for their partisan interests and fourth
problem is of the lack of ability and experience in the ministers who have the
responsibility to manage military. Bland also gives the ways to control the armed
forces. He believes that, this can be achieved through, “sharing of responsibility for
control between civilian leaders and military officers”. Specifically, civil authorities
are responsible and accountable for some aspects of control and military officers are
Roy Macridis and Steven Burg 31 offer the following circumstances under which
of an enemy attack.
Conflict over the distribution of goods: The army as a corporate entity is entitled
to privileges, rewards and special attention. When it is deprived of these, it quickly
Counter revolution: The military intervenes to protect the existing social and
Military Heroics: In times of War or its aftermath, the adoration heaped upon a
victorious military hero increases the temptation for him or his associates to
All the summary variables given above provide various methods by which
civil-military reforms can be initiated in newly dependent states where military elites
standards by which to evaluate civilian control. In brief, the rule of law, civil liberty
or stable methods for peaceful succession in power, workable practices for electing
officials and a government and governing process that are legitimate in the eyes of
both key elites and the general public are the main indicators of civil-military
reforms and signs of civilian control over decision making process in a country. The
relations is the negative role of the ruling elites in a state. Civil-military reforms
cannot be affected if elites in power do not want it to happen for. Central European
elites were more open to reforming their civil-military relations in democratic shape
than were the elites in the former Soviet Union. In the states like Pakistan and
Myanmar we do not generally see ruling elites making strong attempt towards
13
References
1 Walter Holzhausen, Vision Creates Hope ( Dhaka: University Press
Limited,1986),p.1
2 John Samuel Fitch, The Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America
(Baltimore, Maryland: John Hopkins University Press,1998),p.36
3 William Leyds Jesse, The New Military Professionalism: Changing Conception of
Military Profession in the Post War Period(Riverside, CA: University of California
Press,1973), p.8
4 Edward R Taylor, Command in the 21st Century: A Introduction to Civil Military
Relations (A thesis Submitted To Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, California) June
1998
5 Constantine P. Danopoulos, ‘Civilian Supremacy in Changing Societies:
Comparative Perspectives’, Danopoulos Ed; Civilian Rule in the Developing World:
Democracy on March (Boulder: West view Press, 1992), p. 3.
6 Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State (London: Harvard University
Press, 7th edition, 1981)
7 Morris Janowitz, The Professional Soldier, a Social and Political Portrait
( Glencoe: Free Press,1960)
8 Eric A. Nordlinger, Soldiers in Politics: Military Coups and Governments (NJ:
Prentice Hall Inc., Englewood Cliffs, 1971)
9 Seymour Martin Lipset, ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic
Development and Political Legitimacy, American Political Science Review, Vol. 53, (1959),
p. 75.
10 Ibid
11 Ibid, Cited in N.Fiorino, R.Ricciuti, Determinants of Direct Democracy,
ICEK Working Paper No. 23/2007.
12 Eva Bellin, Bringing Iraq Back: Doubts about Democracy, Harvard Magazine, July-
August 2003
13 Hasan Askari Rizvi, Military, State and Society in Pakistan (UK:
Macmillan, 2000), p. 53.
14
15 K.L.Kamal, Pakistan: The Garrison State (New Delhi: Intellectual
Publishing House, 1982), p. 9.
16 Ibid, p. 7
17 Francis Fukuyama, The End of History and the Lost Man (New York: The Free
Press, 1992), pp. 45-46.
18 Seymour Martin Lipset, ‘The Social Requisites of Democracy Revisited’,
American Sociological Review, Vol. 59, 1994, p. 6.
19 Cited in Michael T Koffman, Pakistan has a Conflict between Science and Islam,
New York Times 13 September 2008
20 Esposito and Voll, The Study of Political Islam (U.K.: Oxford University
Press, 1996)
21 Seymour M. Lipset, n. 56, p. 79.
22 Larry Diamond, Introduction: Political Culture and Democracy in Larry Diamond Ed,
Political Culture and Democracy in Developing Countries (Boulder: Lyme Rienner,
1994), pp. 7-8.
23 Samuel.E.Finer, The Man On Horseback: The Role of Military In Politics
(Harmondosworth:Penguin,1978)p.54
24 Ibid,p78
25 J. S. Fitch, The Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America(Baltimore: The
John Hopkins University Press,1998 ) pp120-140
26
27 Hasan Askari Rijvi , n.13, p.79
28 Harlod D. Lasswell, ‘The Garrison State’, The American Journal of
Sociology, Vol. 46. (1941), p. 461.
29 Andreski, Stanislav, Military Organization and Society( Berkely, CA: University of
California Press,1968)p.202
30 Douglas Bland, “A Unified Theory of Civil Military Relations”, Armed
Forces and Society, Vol. 26, No. 1, (Fall, 1999), pp. 7-26, as cited in David J. Betz, n. 19,
p.74
31 Roy Macridis and Steven berg , Introduction to Comparative Politics ( New
York : Harper Collins, 1991) p.34