Review, Vol. 40, No. 1, Gender and Migration Revisited (Spring, 2006), pp. 64-81 Published by: The Center for Migration Studies of New York, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27645579 . Accessed: 17/02/2012 07:33
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article provides a review of the contributions that the discipline of to gender and migration research. In geographic geography ismaking of migration, gender differences are examined most centrally in analyses relation to specific spatialities of power. In particular, feminist geographers have developed insight into the gender dimensions of the social construc tion of scale, the politics of interlinkages between place and identity, and the socio-spatial production of borders. Supplementing recent reviews of the gender and migration literature in geography, this article examines the potential for continued cross-fertilization between feminist geography and migration research in other disciplines. The advances made by feminist to migration studies are illustrated through analysis of the geographers and debates tied to the subfield's central recent conceptual findings This
interventions.
INTRODUCTION
Recent decades have witnessed a multidisciplinary insistence on the centrality of space to the social theoretic agenda (Gupta and Ferguson, 1992; Mahler and Pessar, 2001; Gidwani and Sivaramakrishnan, 2003). As the discipline which concerns itself most centrally with understanding spatial relationships, geography has been crucial to the debates animating this renaissance (Harvey, 1989; Soja, 1989; Lefebvre, 1991;Watts,
geography's specific
1993; Massey,
of
1994). Yet
place,
contributions
scale, and migration are often leftonly partially specified inwork outside of the discipline. Here, I argue that engagement with the feminist geography literature, and with the growing body of feminist geographic migration research in particular, can help further specify both some key tenets of recent
conceptualization
space,
*I would
as the Social
support research has been funded by the Foundation. group that was provided by the Mellon My Scholars National and the Fulbright New Century Science Foundation (BCS: 0422976) and that support is greatly appreciated. Program (2004-2005), ? 2006 by theCenter for Migration Studies ofNew York. All rights reserved. 10.111 l/j.l747-7379.2006.00003.x DOI:
reviwers for valuable feedback, as well like to thank Patricia Pessar and the anonymous Science Research Council International Migration Program's establishment and on Gender of theWorking and the funding for the working and Migration, Group
64
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
65
gender
and
migration.
foundation of geographic migration research. At the center of this work is attention to the roles that gender and other social differences play in shaping unequal geographies ofmobility, belonging, exclusion, and displacement. Feminist migration studies pivot around understanding the social and spatial dimensions
of mobility nation, associated sexuality, with ? now axiomatically and disability ? gender, citizenship, ?^Kofman race, class, et al, caste, religion, (for reviews, to
approaches
to the structures,
scales,
subjects,
and
spatial
logics
at the
2000; Willis
as interconnected
and other disciplines (Chant, 1992; Kofman and England, 1997; Boyle and 1999;Willis and Yeoh, 2000; Halfacree, 1999; Kofman et ai, 2000; Momsen, of supplementing these reviews, the emphasis here is on Silvey, 2004). By way the specific ways that feminist geography aims to augment interdisciplinary
conversations on
cultural landscapes ofwhich mobility is understood to be a constitutive part. Extensive reviews exist of the gender and migration literature in geography
social refractions are examined most centrally in relation to specific spatialities of power (Leitner, 1997; Staeheli, 1999; Lawson, 2002). Geographic research
on
gender
and
migration.
In
geographic
analyses
of
migration,
gender
and migration
asks
how
relations
of
gender,
as
these
intersect
with
economic
(Gilbert, 1998). Analysis of such examples, detailed further later in this paper,
also
security
that
as a social
mobility can enrich critical theorizations of power (Nagar et ai, 2002; African-American women can Mitchell, Marston, and Katz, 2003). That is, if
use their
points
to some ways
in which
attention
to the
gender
politics
of space
and
spatial
rootedness
in a community
to their
advantage,
this
suggests
to the 2This is a geographic parallel sociological insight about ethnic enclave economies not only to limit the opportunities of their members, but also to provide distinct operating benefits, such as discounts and free services, to people living within the enclaves. Feminists have to out that the costs and benefits of social network furthered these observations point are internally differentiated by gender (Menjivar, 2000). membership
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potential for continued cross-fertilization between feminist and migration research in other disciplines is evident in the debates geography which is examined circulating around these conceptual interventions, each of in detail in the following sections. borders. The
Feminist geographic migration researchmakes several primary conceptual contributions.3 Specifically, feminist geographers have developed insight into the gender dimensions of the social construction of scale, the politics of of interlinkages between place and identity, and the socio-spatial production
on amap and the corresponding distance on the tionship between the distance new territories imperial expansion for mapmakers involved in charting and dividing The drive for territorial control and and Heffernan, 1995). (Bell, Butlin, accumulation lay behind the quest for cartographic accuracy, and geographers of the colonial era played their roles as explorers and recorders, entrenched in the production of geographies of dependence. The migrants involved in the "fieldwork" required for themaking of earlymaps were almost exclusivelymale, and the epistemological and methodological orientations of geographic fieldwork and exploration were intertwinedwith that era's particular forms of patriarchy and colonial domination (Blunt and Rose, 1994; Sparke, 1996; Phillips, 1997). Colonial mapmakers relied, largely implicitly, on several additional
aspects of scale. First, geographic scale mattered, as it "refers to the spatial extent ground" (Marston, 2000:220). Scale, as a measure, mattered most for the
geographers
focused
on
cartographic
scale,
or
"the
rela
of a phenomenon or a study" (Marston, 2000:220). The growth of themetro on managing the expanding spaces of intrusion politan economies depended
governance aspect meaning geographic " essential to colonial rule. Second, the [ojperationalscale, which corresponds to the level at which relevant processes operate" (p. 220, my emphasis), includes and extraction, of the of scale was
3This review focuses on gender as a central analytic construct and in so doing delimits itself to the research within the discipline that reflects this theoretical and substantive set of foci. There is also a rich, extensive tradition that continues that examines Tyner, 2003). similar themes without a central emphasis to evolve geography rapidly within population seeGober and on a gender (for review,
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
67
colonial
Ravenstein's
at the time,
In themidst of the high colonial period, Ravenstein (1976) wrote his seminal geographic work, "The Laws ofMigration." The assumptions that he much research on gender and migration made about scale remain influential in several other general laws, he posited that females migrate more today.Among are less likely tomove frequently thanmales within their country of birth, but
further afield. In this framework, the national scale features as an
is reduced to biological
the
important
thereby
naturalizing,
rather
than
questioning,
gender
constructions
that women
numerous
thanmen.4 The
tries beyond reflected was
Europe,
In thathis laws
spaces the Eurocentric that
to colonial power (Blaut, 1993). Moreover, geographic imaginary fundamental are more mobile overall than females reflectshis gendered his view thatmales ? cartographically, geographically, assumptions about which scales ofmobility forms of mobility that made up the majority of women's mobility did not count in his definition ofmigration. The point here is not that Ravenstein's definitions were exclusive. Rather, his definitions were selectivelyexclusive of the types of mobility in which women most participated. Underlying this a were in approach gendered productions of hierarchy of scales which "larger,"
"higher" arenas, scales, and such as the national scales, such and as international, were coded body, as masculine "smaller" the household and the were largely operationally, and in terms of resolution ? most matter. In particular, the daily
in most those scale matched about pre-feminist assumptions a concern a corrective, of on As research early primary migration. as well as women to make and women's has been research activities,
or timelessness. A built into law-like statements is permanence 4The temporal assumption laws would reveal that they were specific descriptions of a point historicization of Ravenstein's in time and also reflective of his particular sociogeographic positioning.
68
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to feminist interven they occur, empirically visible. Prior was perceived as a unified unit and scale of decision tions, the household costs and benefits of migration making, and the differences in theways that women and men within households were not of analytical accrue to might importance (Willis and Yeoh, 2000). Unpacking the household, and analyzing the hierarchies and power relations within it,has been at the heart of feminist contributions tomigration studies (Lawson, 1998). Geographers have explored the construction of the scale of the household as it hinges on the spatialized interplay between patriarchal structures and the agency of gendered subjects (Chant, 1998;Marston and Smith, 2001; Mattingly, 2001). Thus, whereas osten as sibly gender-neutral theorizations of the household viewed it themigration the scales at which decision making unit, feminist geographers have asked how gender and age hierarchies within households shape migration patterns (Chant, 1992). Feminist geographers have emphasized the gender-specific material
consequences of particular constructions of scale. The household, for instance,
takes on its place-specific meanings through the social practices defining tensions around the boundaries separating public and private, domesticity, meanings of kinship relations, norms of sexuality, and the relationships between various work and caring spaces (Bondi and Rose, 2003; Mitchell, Marston, and Katz, 2003). "There is," asNeil Smith (1992:73) writes, "nothing ontologically
given about the traditional division between home and locality, urban and regional, national and global scales." The gendered and political distinctions between the household and, for instance, the local labormarket are inseparable from the social practices forging the meanings of these scales. Thus, the a gendered selectivity and motivations ofmigrants into particular segments of labormarket depend on spatial entailments which reflectand contribute to the lower value ascribed to feminized work (Pratt, 2004).
Over time, the meanings of scale are contested and reformulated, a point
wage labor (Chant, 1992). The liberal feminist hope driving this research rested on the idea that women's migration into the "public" sphere would
translate into women's liberation, power, and freedom (Freeman, 2004).
that is particularly salient to research on gender and migration in the contem porary context of globalization (Staeheli, 1999). Liberal feminists, beginning in the 1970s, tended to argue thatwomen's generalized subordination "within the household" could be challenged through women's greater involvement in
Challenging and extending these early views, antiracist feminist geographers have underscored the colonial, national, and racial-ethnic politics of domestic spaces and the household scale (Aitken, 2000; Mattingly, 2001). They have demonstrated that households are not only sites of gender subordination, but
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
69
structed differently for and by different groups ofwomen, and it is produced in conjunction with historically specific racial and national migration patterns 2002; Pratt, 2004). Feminist geographers (Ehrenreich and Hochschild, have also recently begun to contribute to understanding the "global" and the
"transnational," as elaborated further below.
can be spaces within which women of color in particular may find some refuge or on the or in from the exploitation, harassment, indignity they face job 1986). Thus the "household" scale is con "public" (Martin and Mohanty,
individuals' and groups' identities, and the implications of these differences and their definitions in particular places (Nagel, 2002). Further, rather than seeing identities as fixed definable characteristics ofmigrants, geographers have increasingly emphasized the co-constructed nature of identities and places and the ongoing nature of this process (McDowell, 1999; Bondi et al., 2002). which
relation tomobility. In recent decades, by contrast, feminists have emphasized the differences within and between groups, theways these differences inflect
Feminist geographers have focused particular attention on the ways in power is manifest in and through the identities of migrant and (1999, 2000) has immigrant "communities." For instance, Claire Dwyer examined the meanings of belonging to a "Muslim community" among women. Dwyer's work shows second-generation British Muslim South Asian
that gender relations, and women as iconic bearers of culture, are intrinsic to
over time. The younger forging and refashioning community identities women positions itselfon the relativemargins of their generation of immigrant position of their parents as social "others" in theUK both reflects and contrib utes to producing the changing meanings of theUK as a "multicultural" place. The younger generation presents itselfas distinct from the religious and ethnic community gender norms of their parents, and in so doing theymultiply the identifications associated with the place. Rebecca Elmhirst (2000) also argues that gender formations are critical forunderstanding migrants' ethnic identities. Specifically, she details theways that themigration
Indonesia's transmigration program have promoted parents' "Muslim community." Their social repositioning in contrast to the
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differentiated possibilities ofmigration and ethnicity. on identity, Recently, enriching and complementing research geographers with feminist sympathies have examined the transposition of particular dis courses into gendered forms of biopolitics and internalized governmentality. focus on specific groups of Gidwani and Sivaramakrishnan (2003:193)
circular
notions of "Javanese" femininity. She distinguishes between the complexities of gendered identity among transmigrants themselves and the Indonesian state's woman. In both of these studies,migrant homogeneous notion of the Javanese identities are viewed as produced within place-based contexts of power groups' relations and "community" politics that shape and are shaped by the gender
are political sensibilities that strategically expressed in their places of origin as a 'body politics.'" These scholars base their approach to "body politics" on the theoreticalwork of feministswho argue that bodies are not "natural objects, prior to culture" (p. 193). For migration scholars, feminist theories of corpo
realization as dangerous raise questions about bodies how and why and for women's to enter, are coded time-spaces particular and men's how women's bodies
migrants
"who
through
their
travels
and
travails,
often
acquire
be more
(Listerborn, 2002), enter into the city (Wilson, 1991; Bondi and Rose, 2003), or migrate into a frontier zone of economic development (Wright, 2004). The social costs ofmobility as transgression tend then to be subjectified
in women's bodies more than men's, sometimes via ailments such as agora
phobia (Davidson, 2002) and eating disorders (Bordo, 1993). Geographic of research thus highlights the ways in which the gendered meanings embodiment are linked to specific social orders of emplacement (Cresswell, and Seager, 2001; Mountz, 1996, 1999; Domosh 2004). Put another way, structures of gender, race, and class play into determining whose bodies the
belong where, how different social groups subjectively experience various environments (e.g., who feels safe in "public" places, powerful in alleyways, at home in red-light districts, afraid in the suburbs, or "in place" in the central city), and what sorts of exclusionary and disciplinary techniques are applied to specific bodies (e.g., regulations against "loitering" that label
homeless
ally around the question ofwho has the power to define a place as accessible to
whom, how various social groups
peoples'
bodies
"out
of
place").
These
arguments as
revolve
most
gener
them and others, and how the regulation of space reflects and reinforces the
privileges and interests of some groups over others.
experience
places
inclusive
or exclusive
of
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
71
made bymigration. dynamics. Rather, place itself is a process thatmakes and is research that centers on questions of gendered places and Migration identities views the migrant as produced through a range of intersecting forces and processes, and emphasizes the human agency migrants have in the production of places and identities. Feminist geography aims to take seriously as lenses which, albeit migrants' own interpretations of place and self partial
and
contracts from Their analyses many nations both entering and leaving the country. the recursive relationships between gender identities, racialized investigate hierarchies, (trans)national processes, and the shifting meanings of home as these are retrenched through changing migration patterns. As geographers, their emphasis is on clarifying theways that place matters inmigration. Place, for these scholars, isnot taken to be a backdrop on which to explore othermigration
focuses on theways inwhich migrants are policed through gendered places. For instance, Brenda Yeoh, Shirlena Huang, and Katie Willis Yeoh and Willis, (Huang and Yeoh, 1996; Yeoh and Huang, 1998,1999,2000; 1999) explore questions of transnational migrant identity as they play out in tension with national imaginarles. They point out that Singaporean national identityhas been reshaped in response to the high numbers ofmigrants on work Geography
into particular distillations of place and self (Tyner, 2004). Further, through understanding migrants' socially differenti ated identity and subjectivity formation processes as central to the pressures work supplements economic formulations of push/pull shaping migration, this
For instance, rather than taking wage differentials between regions, factors. or
interpretively
complex,
can
reveal
important
aspects
of
the ways
that
differences in regional labor markets, as the question driving their research, Hanson and Pratt (1995) examine how the gender "typing" of particular occupations iswrapped up in the spatial expectations and behaviors ascribed to gender (and class and ethnicity). In a now classic study ofWorcester,
Massachusetts,
preferred applicants, and potential employees also inhabit and access spatially and socially circumscribed networks. Together, these sociospatial limitations contribute to reinforcing the exclusion ofwomen and people of color from the higher-wage jobs with better working conditions. By interviewing both are able to get at the employers and employees, they gender identities and
labor markets as produced, importantly, by spatial differences in employers' and potential employees' social networks. They find that employer searches are spatially circumscribed to fit their expectations of the location of their
they
explore
the
gender-
and
race-specific
segmentation
of
gendered productions of place underlying spatial divisions of labor and by extension the gendered mobility patterns tied to labor market restructuring.
72
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OF BORDERS AND
conventional migration scholarship in geography implicitly conceptualizes borders as empirical delineations across which tomeasure and define migration them (Hyndman, 2000). Feminist geographers, by contrast, make borders selves the focus of investigation and examine the socially specific processes tied to their development (Nagar, 1998, 2002; Bailey et al, 2002; Yeoh, Charney, and Kiong, 2003). The edges and entry points of the nation, the region, or the body are seen to refract geohistorically specific social cleavages and power relations (Cresswell, 1996; Nagel, 2002). In thiswork, borders, like scales, are understood to be shaped fundamentally by gender and difference (Marston, 2000; Hyndman,
2001; Boyle, 2002). Geographers investigate theways inwhich the boundaries of particular are devel places and the sociospatial networks of capital and human mobility in tandem with specific gendered social agendas. For instance, Jennifer oped (2000) puts forth a framework that she terms "the geopolitics of Hyndman inwhich she juxtaposes the hypermobility of capital flows with the mobility" relative immobility of people. Specifically, she is interested in examining the flows of humanitarian aid across international borders with the general spatial entrapment of displaced people in refugee camps (Hyndman, 2000:30). There is, she points out, a variable porosity of borders, and the unequal geographies of are intertwinedwith spatial control reflected and created through these borders
social hierarchies of gender, race, nation, and class. Hyndman's work shows how
themultiply differentiated capacities of social groups to choose mobility, direct flows of capital, or control space are reinforced through the political hierarchies and boundaries separating aid providers and clients in the "refugee industry."
Rather than
in which the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees difference among groups of displaced people" (2000:63) (UNHCR) "manages and the implicit and explicit gender geographies ofUNHCR policy. She puts the ways
forth a transnational feminist framework that she argues can move past such
examining
women
refugees
per
se, Hyndman's
project
traces
(Devasahayam et al, 2004). Feminist geographers aim to contribute to understanding the ways in which gender and difference are spatially interpolated in distinct geohistorical differentiated mobility
dualized gendered notions of space and subjectivity, and explores the emanci patory potential of building alliances across social differences and across borders. Her approach thus parallels that of other geographic scholarship in that it highlights the complex spatial politics of gendered and otherwise
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
73
examines the constitution and fixing of particular borders (1997, 1998, specific historical moments. For instance, Melissa Wright 1999, 2004) examines the changing political geographies of gender in the town of Ciudad Ju?rez. Specifically, she examines the spatial maquiladora at
practices and
contexts. Research
devalued. She traces the high rates of rape and murder ofwomen in the border zones between various historically containing spaces. She demonstrates the
that migration to the factories and "into transnational circuits of capital
processes
through
which
low-income
women
are
erased
and
ways
investment... [is tied to the production of thesewomen's] bodies as low quality - as the personification of waste" (Wright, as cited in Pratt and Yeoh, 2003:160). The devaluation of migrant women factoryworkers, and the low wages that are rationalized through their devaluation, function in support of global capital accumulation. Her analysis illustrates powerfully the high cost paid bywomen
context of women migrants' border crossings.
to a re Applying feminist geography's insights migration studies entails of borders and their relationship tomobility processes (^Hyndman, reading of borders as processes 2001). Furthering feminist conceptualizations to examine how migration structured by gender and difference, it is possible is governed through a multiplicity of border crossings and fortifications. Further, it is possible to recognize that borders not only play a role in organ are themselves shaped izing migration, but through political action and that are also organized by gender and difference. Future mobility processes feminist migration research can further explore the implications of these critiques for understanding how the power relations tied to borders and the knowledge that is produced about borders play into the social differentiation ofmobility.
STUDIES
of central concern, it ishere that the discipline has most to offer. In particular, to the gendered social construction of spatiality geography's explicit attention can enrich interdisciplinary approaches to the study of gender and migration. Scholars from other disciplines may build on the work reviewed here to ask critical questions about the gender politics of their own discipline's spatial to logics and implicit geographic theorizations. My goal here has not been isuniquely suited to examine these issues, but rather to suggest that geography
geographers
74
International
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an overview of some key contributions from within to the growing body of gender and migration literature. geography provide
As this interdisciplinary literature continues to expand, there
feminist
are several
geographic points that deserve further attention. First, feminist and critical the point that scales are not empirically geographers have underscored identifiable categories through which to understand push and pull factors (for a review, seeBrown and Lawson, 1985). Rather, scale is a framing device. Feminist geographic migration research is specifically interested in analyzing
the power-laden, socially constructed, and genderand difference-inflected nature
which migration processes play out, gender and migration research examines the construction of scale itself as the focus of inquiry.A primary goal of this work is to disentangle thepolitics of gender, race, and class to uncover how these structures shape both the knowledge that is produced about scale (e.g.,whose nation and whose national boundaries; forwhom is something of "global" importance and who gets to decide; what is viewed as worthy of the label
"macro-scale") as well as the
of spatial scales (Hyndman andWalton-Roberts, 2000; Marston, 2000; Tyner, et al., 2002). Rather than 2000; Nagar understanding the international, national, regional, or household scales as the spatial categories within and across
does wield power over international trade agreements; the WHO does determine the scope of necessary health interventions formuch of theworld). Critical analysis of dominant scale discourses allows investigation of the assumptions and power relations that are embedded in standard geopolitical views of scale, a project that "is important precisely because such assumptions the WTO
define research
dynamics
and
meanings
of scale
in
practice
(e.g.,
questions,
shape
government
policies, framed
and
generate
common
2000:246).
as a
The
rightsof
issue," economic are also a
"global
a result domestic
low-income
countries.
consider migrants' rightsprimarily "local" rather than "global," abuse tends to be construed as the responsibility of the individual migrant, her family, or her nation of origin. When migrants' issues are presented as global issues, the which
global
often located in the "private" spaces of homes, and subsequently viewed as beyond the scope of national or international jurisdiction. In discourses that
Migrant
to confront the migration issues that involve sending and receiving communities. On the other hand, "going global" does not necessarily or solely
an issue
stage may
be
opened
up
as an arena,
a scale,
and&
political
space,
through
promote
ship on sex work and "trafficking" finds that the internationalization of the
in the way
early
advocates
may
hope.
Indeed,
recent
scholar
Geographies
of Gender
and Migration
75
movement has a antitrafficking brought with it re-entrenchment of hierarchies and exclusions based on race, class, and nation (Kempadoo, 2005). Second, in addition to scale, geographers have contributed to theorizing the gender politics of place as these are intertwined with identity.Across the core concerns of disciplines, the geographic place, space, and mobility have
taken a more central substantive and
tion to thework of geographers can enrich these debates. In particular, there is potential for further interdisciplinary discussion of the geographic understand ing of place as process (Massey, 1994), rather than site or location, and the rela tional production of identities in conjunction with places (Keith and Pile, Marxian political 1993). In addition, the strong traditionwithin geography of economic analysis of spatial fixities (for a review, see Sheppard, 2004) lends itself well to understanding the spatial politics of gendered place and identity production inmigration studies. Most fundamentally, feminist geographers
ask
analytical
role
in recent
decades.
Atten
migration
researchers
to see not
only
gender
identities
as
social
construc
inwhich places
class, and other
and is today themain destination for low-income women (and men) seeking to supplement their families' incomes (Mills, 1999). The meanings ascribed to Phat Phong as a place then influence who migrates there, forwhat purposes, and with what consequences for their bodies, their identities, their national military or economic goals, and their position within the global economy. Third, feminist analyses of borders and boundaries can help to under
Phong is produced in the context of centuries of Orientalist fantasies about was a rest stop for Asian women's sexuality (Manderson and Jolly, 1997); it mostly American troops headed to battle in Vietnam (Ryan and Robinson, 1998); male,
through and locating in those places. The sexwork dis trict in Bangkok (Phat Phong), for example, takes on its allure and its stigma, a its meaning as site of livelihood generation, and its international fame in the context of historically layered gendered, raced, and classed migrations. Phat social relationsmoving
stand the relationships between migration, the operation of power, and the construction of social order.Attention to feminist geographic theory can move questions about borders beyond essentialist formulations of lines drawn on
draw on thework of feminist geographers to push forward the analysis of these complexities of gender formation by examining theways they are tied tomigra
tion. In
particular,
this
suggests
the
importance
of
continuing
and
expanding
76
International
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and understanding how these shape national, militarized, and imagined borders integral to defining migrants' embodied experiences. can and is Having argued for the specific contributions that geography to the study of that these making gender and migration, it isworth repeating observations are by no means the exclusive domain of the discipline. Further, the examples selected to illustrate debates within geography are not aimed at out in this defining the discipline. Rather, the themes and examples drawn towards the invigoration of interdisciplinary dialogue. Through persistent engagement with debates about the social construction of scale, the relationships between place and identity, and the politics of borders
and boundaries, feminist
and accurate scholarship, and hopefully also in some small way tomore equi table lived geographies ofmobility.
migration
studies
may
contribute
to more
complete
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