ROCKS, SPRINGS AND THE ANCESTORS.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE ORIGIN PLACES OF AYLLUS AND INKA ROYAL PANACAS I.S. Farrington1 and Carmen Rosa Farfn Delgado2

Abstract This paper explores the inka landscape of Cusco and its heartland. In particular, it focusses on the nature of paqarina (origin place), as a natural or man-modified place embellished with the tombs of the ancestors. These are generally rocky with many machayes (burial caves) for the depositon of the ancestors and often contain other types of tomb as well. These places are invariably associated with springs or other sources of water. Inka paqarinas are generally located downstream from the more traditional type, close to flowing water, and are characterised by a large rock and cave in which a mummy may have been placed. Those of the royal panacas in the vicinity of Cusco were especially marked with carvings and are similar to that of Puma Orqo, or the mythical Tambo Toqo, the paqarina of the inka dynasty itself.

PIEDRAS, PUKIOS Y ANCESTROS. PERSPECTIVAS ARQUEOLGICAS SOBRE LAS PAQARINAS DE LOS AYLLUS Y PANACAS REALES DEL CUSCO I.S. Farrington1 and Carmen Rosa Farfn Delgado2 Resumen Este ponencia analisa el paisaje inka del Cusco y su espacio de dominio. Est enfocado en el concepto de paqarina como un ambiente natural y/o modificado por la mano humana y que contiene las tumbas de los ancestros. Estos lugares corresponden a concavidades rocosas denominadas machayes y otras clases de depositos funerarios. Geogrficamente estos lugares estn asociados con fuentes de agua o pukios. Las paqarinas inkas se ubican aguas abajo de las paqarinas antiguas, emplazandose al lado de un canal o ro. Es decir, una paqarina tiene como elementos una roca grande con caverna en que es posible el depsito de la momia de un inka. Las paqarinas de las panacas reales estan labradas, en forma similar a la de Puma Orqo, correspondiendo al Tambo Toqo, que es la paqarina mtica de la dinasta inka.

1 2

Australian National University, Canberra, ACT, Australia Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad, Cusco, Per

1. School of Archaeology and Anthropology, Australian National University, CANBERRA, ACT 0200, Australia. Ian.farrington@anu.edu.au 2. Instituto Nacional de Cultura-Cusco, San Bernardo s/n, CUSCO, Peru carmenfafand@hotmail.com NOT TO BE QUOTED WITHOUT PERMISSION

ROCKS, SPRINGS AND ANCESTORS. ARCHAEOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES ON THE ORIGIN PLACES OF AYLLUS AND INKA ROYAL PANACAS I.S. Farrington and Carmen Rosa Farfn Delgado Introduction This paper is an attempt to examine the archaeological and natural landscape components that constitute the typical paqarina or origin place of a local group in the inka world and to extend that discussion to a study of the probable origin places of the royal panacas of Cusco. Natural places, such as mountains, springs, pools and lakes, caves, trees, rocks and rocky outcrops often assume cultural meaning and are an inherent part of the cultural landscape of any social group (van Dommelen 1999). Therefore, for archaeologists, such places can be of profound and fundamental importance for the understanding of past societies (Bradley 1998), yet they may or may not have associated archaeological evidence. For example, natural places may have been modified or enhanced by human construction and/or votive offerings and sacrifices may have been made on or near them to indicate such levels of veneration. Natural places in the Andean landscape may have sacred and/or special meaning because of their association with mythological or legendary beings or events, including ayllu origin locations, places associated with a particular ancestor and his activities, places of mythical battle, and as zones of human transformation, including burial locations, and/or ecological transition. Such mythical associations may be the product of the perceived shape, form or size of the feature, such as a mountain, hill or rock, as well as its prominence, its colour, the way it reflects the light at certain times, the presence or absence of caves, holes, large rocks, springs and pools, the occurrence of astronomical events, such as risings or settings of the sun which may occur behind it or be seen from it. Other associations are related to what can be seen from a particular location, and its liminal nature between contrasting ecozones such as between sierra and selva or between sierra and sea. For caves, lakes and other watery features, it may be their size, depth and darkness or even their natural sounds which attracted attention, [or these places might be associated with some event, legendary or otherwise which is thought to have happened there]. Places may assume importance because they are different from their immediate surroundings and therefore stand out. These places are often associated with gods and spirits and can be regarded as their dwelling places, or they are thought to be locations to be feared, or as places which predict the future, including the health of a person or the wellbeing of a community. In the archaeological study of the sacred or cultural landscape, it is necessary to observe a site from various locations and also to look at what other sites or natural features can be seen from it, how a site complex or a single feature is oriented, and, in particular, it is important to note where and how water emerges from the earth, how it enters and passes through a site complex and where it goes to beyond. This paper will begin by discussing the concept of paqarina in the Andes and to distinguish it from other revered places, such as apus and wakas. It will examine both the ethnohistorical sources and the archaeological record to demonstrate the spatial relationships between the site components of a variety of paqarinas in the Cusco region in order to establish a pattern or signature of an origin place for local groups in which their ancestors are buried and from which water emerges, and a pattern that can be evaluated in the field. It will discuss the inka origin place of Tambo Toqo, i.e. the archaeological site of Puma Orqo, and examine site complexes in the Cusco valley with certain attributes that may or may not be associated with the royal panacas of Hanan Cusco. This work is therefore an attempt to explore how the inka landscape can be viewed and also how the inkas themselves may have looked at it. It will examine what is known of the elements and features of that landscape both in an historical sense and in the archaeological signatures which have emphasised origin places as paramount.

The Origin of the World and the Origin of People Two cycles of creation were current in the southern Andes before the Spanish Conquest. The first focussed upon the creation of the world on the Island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca; and the second upon the emergence of the various local peoples in their origin places. The inkas believed that the world, including the sun, the moon and the stars, had been created by their supreme deity, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq, at a dramatic event on the Island of the Sun in the southern part of Lake Titicaca basin. The whole event was observed by a mythical feline known as the qoa, the companion of the Creator. According to Betanzos (1996: cap. I, II [1551]), after this Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq created men and women in clay and stone at Tiwanaku and gave them names and language. He also instructed his assistants, called viraqochas, as to the name of each group of people and from which spring, river, mountain or cave in their region they were to emerge when commanded. Thus the viraqochas journeyed throughout the Andes and in each province they called the names of the created people who were to inhabit that region so that they would travel underground from Tiwanaku and re-emerge at a designated place and thus become the ancestral founders of each local ayllu. Such locations became the paqarina, or origin places of that social group. The Creator, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq himself, journeyed to Cusco where he created a lord called Alcavica, as his representative, and where he commanded the inka orejones, the Ayares, to emerge from a place nearby called Paqariqtambo after he had left (see Urbano 1981; Urton 1990). Paqariqtambo itself comprised a mountain called Tambo Toqo and three caves, Qhapaq Toqo, Maras Toqo and Sutiq Toqo, from which the people emerged. The journey of the four Ayar brothers and four sisters as well as the people of ordinary ayllus who had emerged from these caves in order to found Cusco need not concern this paper (see Bauer 1992; Urton 1990); But it should be noted that it was essentially a movement from south to north and that during it three of the brothers met mystical ends, one returned to be sealed in the origin cave itself, two others turned to stone at critical points, whilst the fourth, Manco Qhapaq, and his four sisters went on to found the city. THE THREE REALMS: HANAN PACHA KAY PACHA UKU PACHA As a concept, the mountain has long been an important focus of andean ritual as the raised point of contact between kay pacha, the world of men, and the heavens (hanan pacha) as well as the access point to the underworld (uku pacha); in other words, mountains served as a cosmological gateway between three worlds. Therefore mountains were seen as a home of the gods. PACHAMAMA AND THE NATURE OF VAGINAS Paqarinas, apus and wakas There is some confusion in the ethnohistorical and contemporary literature about the meaning of the terms, paqarina, apu and waka, which are often granted to sacred places. The term, paqarina, or paqariska, generally refers to the location where a local social group, an ayllu, panaca or a wider more comprehensive group, such as the inkas or chankas, claimed as their origin place, that is, the place where they emerged from the earth. However, Ramrez (2002 pers comm.) has interpreted a second meaning from the ethnohistorical sources, that of a person associated with origin; therefore the term could mean not only the origin place itself, but also the persons who emerged and the places associated with their life. Albornoz (1989: 169 [1583-1584]) wrote that el prencipal gnero de guacas que antes que fuesen subjetos al ynga tenan, que llaman pacarinas, que quieren dezir criadores de sus naturalezas. Amongst the chroniclers, Betanzos (1996: caps. I, II [1551]) mentioned that springs, rivers, mountains and caves were the most important locations as origin places. The 16th and 17th 4

century documents, associated with the campaign for the Extirpation of Idolatry, generally corroborate this, describing these as natural places, such as rocks, mountains, caves, and springs or lakes, as well as animals, birds, trees or grasses, or combinations of these features (e.g. Albornoz 1989: 169-171 [1583-1584]; Arriaga 1999 [1621]; Duviols 1986; Polia 1999 [Agustinos 1581-1752]). These sources also noted that every parcialidad or social group whatever its position in the local hierarchy had its own guaca pacariska. Albornoz (1989 [1583-1584]) also mentioned that when ayllus were moved as mitmaqkuna to settle in new provinces, they would take with them something from their own paqarina to endow a similar place in their new location with the same origin attributes. In this process, if the paqarina was a rock, then a piece of cloth, which had covered it, was taken; if it was a watery location, then a jug of water from it was carried to be poured into the new paqarina. Albornoz (1989 [1583-1584]) listed specifically a number of paqarinas in his Instruccin para descubrir todas las guacas del Piru y sus camayos y haziendas, for provinces ranging from Jaquijahuana immediately to the west of Cusco throughout the Andes as far as north as Ecuador and from Acar to Ishma along the coast. These include various types of rocks on hills, mountains or volcanoes, or even rocks shaped like a human, all of which overlook places, such as a town or the sea, or even lakes and unspecified wakas. In addition, further analysis of his document reveals other categories of waka, such as guaca principal and guaca de los indios of a named ayllu or town, which themselves may be considered paqarinas. This adds a further 50 sites as potential paqarinas in central, northern and coastal Peru. Another role for the paqarina is that it is also a place of burial for significant members of an ayllu. Therefore, it is a place not only of birth but also of return for important ancestors of a community. Such locations were venerated by local communities and maintained by a camayoq on its behalf; the ayllu made offerings and/or sacrifices to them. A paqarina is therefore the place of veneration for the ancestors; it may be characterised by a natural, manmodified or man-made feature, such as a cave, and/or some form of tomb, where ancestors (singly or in groups) were kept as mallki. The concept of paqarina has also been explored by several anthropologists in contemporary highland Peru. For example, Ossio (1992) discussed an origin myth for the foundation of Andamarca in the Depto de Ayacucho, which told of a stone in the form of a truncated pyramid which had a fire on top. After an earthquake it was turned into a lake from which four brothers emerged who were charged with the creation of the Anda people and the foundation of their settlement. The events, which befell them on their journey northwards, are similar to those experienced in the foundation of Cusco, two became submerged in lakes and one turned to stone, whilst the fourth established the community. These are correlated by Ossio (1976) as indicative of the water and canal cleaning rituals which are conducted in August each year by the Andamarcas. Paqarinas must be distinguished from other sacred places in the landscape, such as apus and wakas. The term, apu, is used in inka quechua to mean a great lord (seor grande, juez superior, curaca principal, according to Holguin (1608 [1989]) and by extension it is used to signify the mountain residence of a particular deity, or mountain spirit, such as Viracocha and Sawasiray (e.g. Martnez 1983; Nuez del Prado 1970). The term wamani is used in Ayacucho to signify an apu (Favre 1967). In some cases, there is historical or modern evidence to suggest an important person, (mythical?) ancestor or spirit ascended the mountain and turned to stone, thus giving it its name and to some extent its cosmological and

ontological function. Albornoz (1989: 169-171 [1583-1584]) noted that several nevados, such as Sara Sara, Sulimana, Coropuna, Ambato, Putina and others as far as Loa were also paqarinas. Apus can be arranged in a hierarchy, so that a range of types can be distinguished: local - which is of significance both to a particular ayllu or group of ayllus; regional - a multicommunity apu in one locality; and even national or state apus - which have an interregional significance, such as Ausangati or Coropuna (e.g. Snchez Garrafa 1999). Although Guaman Poma (1615: 267 [1980]) does not refer to apus per se in his discussion of the idols and wakas of the inkas and of the four suyus in particular, he notes that the state and interregional ones were arranged in a hierarchy and it could be argued that these were the apus of the four quarters. Snchez Garrafa (1999) makes similar hierarchical distinctions between the various apus in his study of modern-day Pamparaqay. The term, waka, is used for any sacred place or object, whose meaning is manifold, ranging from a place, an idol, other object, a mummy and even a deformed person (see discussion based on chronicle citations by van de Guchte 1990: 237-271). According to Cobo (1990 [1653]) in Cusco, individual wakas were variously a standing stone, rocky formation, mountain, hill, cliff, pass, cave, cleft, spring, waterfall, pool, lake, bend in the river, tree, root, flat place, valley, or even a man-made feature, such as a platform, doorway, bulge in a wall or indeed anything which might be considered unusual, in any feature natural or man-made. It also included places which were described as combinations of these elements. The ceque list itself contains many wakas which might be deemed paqarinas, however the two clearest examples are: a rock called Cinca (Senqa) [CH-5: 9] which was the origin place of the Ayamarca ayllu; and a cave, named Autviturco [AN-1: 4], as that for the Hualla ayllu. There are also several places which contained a tomb of an important ayllu or community lord, who, as an ancestor, is often deemed to signify a paqarina. One paqarina site complex is also highlighted by the use of the same name for two adjacent wakas; Ayavillay, CO-4: 5, is listed as a tomb belonging to the ayllu Ayavillay and nearby CO-4: 6 comprises some rocks on a hill. Cobo only recorded one waka in Cusco with the name apu, Apuyauira (CH-9:6), which he described as a stone on Piccho hill which was dedicated to one of those who had emerged from the earth with Huanacauri, and who after having lived for a long time climbed up the mountain and turned to stone. It was particularly worshipped during the festival of Capac Raymi. Yawiri is one of 6 sacred mountains of the inkas listed by Sarmiento (Chap 31: 178 [1572]). Other known sacred mountains or apus were not designated as such, for example Wanakauri is commonly known as an apu but merely appears as a waka in the ceque system. Other regional and state apus (such as Sawasiray, Pariacaca and Coropuna), one of which, Ausangati, can be clearly seen from Cusco, are included in chronicles, such as Guaman Poma. Paqarinas and Water Water is considered in both contemporary and prehistoric andean society as the giver of life (Sherbondy 1982). It also represents the primordial ocean which not only can be seen at the coast but is also manifest as any highland lake, such as Lake Titiqaqa. Mountains are associated with water which falls as rain on them, and which also emerges from springs and caves on their flanks. It then flows to a communitys fields and settlements and finally drains through river systems to the ocean. The mountain is understood throughout the Andes to be the home of the gods and water their blood; hence it moves downhill and via canals is channelled to an ayllus fields; as such, it is regarded as a fertilising agent, the semen, of the gods (Isbell 1978; Ossio 1976).

The place from where water issues is therefore regarded as an ontological gateway, a place from which the mythical ancestors emerged from the subterranean world of the gods. Ethnographically, the dead are buried or returned to the earth in such locations and, as such, become an essential part of the paqarina of an ayllu (Sherbondy 1982). Hence a spring has particular ancestral qualities; hence the association between the geographical feature, the ancestors and the ayllu becomes a vital cosmological belief for the well-being of the community. The basic quechua concept of a spring as the eye of the water through the use of the term awi or awin pukio, which is derived from awin meaning the main or initial location, can be considered fundamental in this discussion. Not only does it have meaning as the source of fertilising irrigation water but it has been considered by Urton (1985: 259), in his study of animal metaphors and social organisation in Paqariqtambo, to be the birth place of special domesticated animals and deer, which reproduced at least once a year and which he equated this with the new born infant. Bastien (1978: 47) extended this metaphor noting that llamas and all living things originated in awi and that reflections in the water were perceived to be dead people and animals returning from inside the earth. In Chuschi, Isbell (1978: 139) recorded certain springs in the puna as awin taytacha, literally god eye or initial god. Therefore, in the concept of paqarina, the association between an ancestor residing with the gods and water is paramount; hence each origin place requires either water flowing from or beside it, or a water source which can be accessed from above, such as through a pool, lake or a well. Ancestors, panacas and paqarinas in the social organization of Inka Cusco There is some confusion in the use of the term ancestor in the interpretation of myths and historical records between those who were the mythical founders of an ayllu and those who became important community leaders subsequently. These might be termed mythical ancestors (ancestros mticos) and predecessors (antepasados) respectively. This can be illustrated in the ceque wakas of Cusco, where there are places associated with mythical ancestors, including pre-inka groups, Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq, the Ayar siblings and the origin myth, as well as those associated with predecessors, such as the Inka kings, their wives and siblings, and non-royal ayllus. The individual ceques themselves were maintained by either the royal panacas or the non-royal ayllus. Examples of each of these are given in the following tables (2, 3, 4, 5). Whilst all of these wakas are important places with ancestral affiliation, for the purposes of this paper we are particularly interested in those places at which a mythical ancestor or predecessor emerged from and/or entered the ground (4 wakas), or was born (1), buried (7, 4 or 5), wawki (1) or turned to stone (5) as possible paqarinas. Burial places of a particular ancestor were also termed house by Cobo. However Cobo only uses the term waka and not paqarina in his presentation of shrines in the ceque system. Nevertheless, Table 2 lists those wakas, which are possibly paqarinas associated with non-inka groups; for example, a rock called Cinca (Senqa) is recorded as the origin place of the Ayamarca ayllu, and a cave, Autviturco, as that for the Hualla ayllu. It also adds those places which contained tomb of an important ayllu or community lord, who as an ancestor is often deemed to signify a paqarina. A further point to be made is that in the case of the ayllu Ayavillay there are two wakas reported, CO-4: 5 and CO-4: 6, respectively a tomb and some rocks on a hill, which have the same name as the ayllu and which are perhaps part of a site complex which constituted the paqarina of that group. Three other wakas have been noted as houses of the ancestors, perhaps indicating a residence or more probably a burial location, perhaps interpreted as a covered, private place, such as a cave or even a structure. 7

Investigations into the social organisation of the Cusco valley during the inka period generally discuss the division of the city and its region into moieties, Hanan and Hurin, and into a hierarchy of 10 royal panacas, 10 non-royal inka ayllus and several pre-inka ayllus* (see Zuidema 1964, 1990a). Each panaca has a totemic founding ancestor and in the ceque list, they have certain responsibilties for particular ceque lines. In addition, other evidence, such as ceque wakas associated with various dead kings, might also give a clue as to the location of a panaca paqarina. It is also of importance to evaluate the places where the inka mummies were found by the Spaniards. It has often been assumed that this information can be assembled as a king list and an interpretation is that each new king established his own panaca with its respective rights, lands and privileges which maintained the body of the ruling ancestor in perpetuity; however Farrington (1992) has argued that there is some inconsistency in this approach because the panaca of the most recent king, Huayna Capac, was not incorporated into any of the social organisational documents and consequently not analysed. He argued that it is probably better to view the panaca list and indeed their territorial affiliations as unchanging and that rulers, when alive, had their own panaca which was nominally called Capac Ayllu, and that on death they were moved into the territory of Hatun Ayllu or Iaca Panaca. From the spatial perspective, emphasis has been on the study of the panacas and their territorial organisation, chapas or irrigation districts, and principal canals (Zuidema 1986, 1990b; Sherbondy 1979, 1982, 1996). In practice, the landscape of Cusco in the early sixteenth century was a palimpsest of chapas belonging to the royal panacas and other territories belonging to other groups. Farrington (1992), using the principles laid down by Sherbondy in determining panaca territories, but using his other approach, was unconvinced of some of the conclusions that had been differently drawn. Sherbondy also notes the principal canals running from Chacan, etc., which were associated with the main panacas. Where were the mummies kept? mallquis There is a need to evaluate the relationship between the ceque list of wakas related to individual rulers, the groups of ceques which have been bundled to be the lands of the panacas, the totemic ancestor Carmen Rosita va a escribir sobre momias, wawkis y mallqui 1. arbol mallki 2. ancestro mallki 3. pedazo de esqueleto - mallki [bulto]

Existen tambien elementos conocidos como mallki, que pueden estar representados por arboles, momias, y aveces por tan solo un pedazo de hueso que pertenecio a un ancestor. En la tradicion popular aun ahora se mantiene esta costumbre de mantener el craneo del ser querido, como un elemento que protg a la familia; igualmente, de acuerdo a la tradicion popular se dice que los santos que participan en el Corpus Cristi, especificamente San Sebastian tiene en su interior un hueso que correspondia a un ancestro. Por otro lado, se reconoce a un arbol en particular como mallqui, y este representa a una familia, se observa este hecho en algunos eventos de la tradicion popular, esto tambien esta representado en Santa Cruz Pachacuti como dos arboles ubicados al lado de la paqarina. Entonces, parece ser que se esta entendiendo a un mallqui como el antepasado ancestro como base de una familia, un clan, una panaca, un ayllu. Each of these panacas and ayllus had a paqarina and in the valley of Cusco these would have been organised, as Gose (1993) has argued, into a hierarchy upwards from the non-inka ayllus, through the non-noble ayllus, the royal panacas and indeed of the inkas themselves, who themselves had an upper level ancestral story to relate about Tiqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq.

The ten royal panacas of Cusco have been studied by various scholars; each has an inka ruler as an ancestor who is deemed by most scholars to be its founder. However this explanation might be too simplistic because there were other Sapa Inka, such as Huayna Capac, who were not included in this system, and because there is some discrepancy between the lands belonging to the various panacas and the locations where the kings or their wawkis were buried or kept. For example, Tupaq Inka Yupanki is associated with Capac Ayllu, yet his lands are documented to be in the territory of Hatun Ayllu and his house was on a Collana ceque in a group attributed to the panaca, Vicaquirao, i.e. that of Inka Roca with Inka Roca as its ancestor. Similarly Pachacuti Inka Yupanki is associated with Hatun Ayllu or Iaca panaca but his house and burial place is also associated with Vicaquirao panaca and his mummy was probably found in Totocachi also in the same territory. The panaca of Viracocha Inka is traditionally associated with Suqsu panaca, although his mummy and wawki were found in Caquia Xaquixahuana in Chinchaysuyu. Equally interesting is the information about Inka Roca. His panaca, Vicaquirao, was responsible for the second ceque of Chinchaysuyu and probably the ceque group CH-1, 2 and 3, yet his mummy and wawki were found in Rarapa, a village in Antisuyu between San Sebastin and San Jronimo. Clearly there is some spatial discrepancy between these different types of historical information. If it is assumed that the kings and panacas were not the founders of panacas, but their patrons or totems, symbolising each grouping and its functions. Then Capac Ayllu becomes the panaca of the incumbent king (el rey vivo) and that its alleged founder, Tupaq Inka Yupanki, is regarded as its patron whilst the lands belonging to Capac Ayllu are found to the west of the city (Farrington 1992, 1995) and include properties that also belonged to Huayna Capac and Waskar. The other kings would be found buried in a clockwise direction around Cusco from the northwest as paqarina locations for the royal panacas of the capital that they probably were of them and chapas spatial distribution of panaca lands associated with drainage lines and canals which enter or pass the city Sherbondy Zuidema and Julien. Hay un entendimiento especial del sistema geografico ocupado y un aprovechamiento de este sistema a nivel politico [caso de Waskar en Muyna y Calca; y la coronacion Archaeology and Paqarinas In the archaeological record, it is often the case that a place, described in documents, is ascribed a paqarina simply because it fits the description suggested in them. However the documents often detail that these places are more than just a particular rock or cave, perhaps a rock on a hill, or a tomb or cave on a hill etc., but a complex of features which make up the concept of the paqarina in a certain general location. In the field, these may be recognised as potential origin places by a number of features: a complex of rocks or a rocky outcrop, caves, fissures, holes and overhangs, from which springs may emerge and in which the local people may have disposed of some or all of their dead; in other words, a machay cemetery, although this may also include other types of burial chamber, such as a chullpa or shaft tomb. The relationship between these features is such that tombs or machayes are found in a small area associated with a spring, or, in some cases, the intake (bocatoma) of a canal or a reservoir. Such a location is generally relatively high in the landscape and water flows naturally from it and/or is channelled deliberately to the lands of the ayllu whose paqarina it is. In other words, territorial claims are ascribed on the basis that the water irrigating an ayllus fields and provisioning its settlement comes from the ancestors themselves, it is their blood and semen. A situation not too dissimilar to that described for the four ayllus of modern-day Andamarka by Ossio (1992).

For the Cusco region, one archaeological manifestation of this pattern is indicated by the work of Del Pezo and Alvarez (1999), who investigated a series of small LIP cemeteries in prominent rocky locations to the southeast, southwest, northeast and northwest of the reduccin town of Anta in the eastern part of the Pampa de Anta. Each place comprised caves and passages in which burial structures were built in stone. Investigations at Uscuray revealed 4 sectors with burial structures, all located in fairly inaccessible places in a very distinctive outcrop. The quebradas and canals, which flow from these rocky eminences and cemeteries, irrigate the lands of their appropriate ayllus. The ceramics associated with each site is mainly Late Intermediate Period; there are very few inka sherds. Table 3. Ayllus and Cemeteries of Anta (after Del Pezo and Alvarez 1999)
Ayllu Anta or Collana Hequeco Sanco Conchacalla Location from reduccin SE NE NW SW Cemetery Uscuray Chilinccaca Machuwasi Toccopunko Number of graves/tombs A = 14; B = 6; C = 3; D = 25; several several 10

A second example of such a pattern is associated with the site of Quilla Rumiyoq in the western part of the valley of Jaquijahuana (Silva 2000; van de Guchte 1990). There, on the northern side of the valley high on the colluvial fan below the serrated peaks of Soqomarka, is a location approximately 200 x 200 m in extent where there are a series of machayes associated with limestone boulders and the remains of at least two chullpas. The space underneath one boulder has been enhanced by an inka wall and a west-facing niche, and a platform has been constructed around its open section. Many springs emerge in this general area but surface flow is restricted to the rainy season. About 500 m downslope, there is another series of limestone boulders, some of which may be sculpted, from which a second series of springs emerges, and from this area a canal was drawn to lead to an inka platform and terraces, with carved rocks, usnu, plazuela, structures and fountains. Lower down the complex, there is a second carved rock complex, called Quilla Rumiyoq, which is associated with several machayes, a niched plaza and a stream. This sector is overlooked by a high red cliff with a tall, deep fissure in which there is rock art. The general location (which measures over 1 km for north to south) appears to be the paqarina of the ayllu Circa but, for various reasons, the inkas enhanced various parts of this site by critically placing carved rocks and plazas, platforms and fountains and constructing an important burial cave, presumably to house the appropriate mummies. This location clearly comprises an original ayllu paqarina whose ancestors and status has been enhanced by the addition of appropriate inka sacred architecture and features. A similar archaeological association between ancestors, water and the inkas is seen in the analysis of Pisaq (Kaulicke et al this volume). In this case, however, the inkas merely built two fine, stone-built chullpas within the pre-existing cemetery, located on a red-coloured cliff facing the site. These were located immediately above a natural spring from which a canal was built to the main ceremonial centre of the site, thus bringing the water of the ancestors to it. These examples with known cultural function have several implications for the archaeologist in assisting the identification of a paqarina. Firstly, all places comprise a range of natural and

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man-made locations which collectively lend meaning to the site. Secondly, each complex is dominated by a massive rocky outcrop with a tall, vertical face, which has a reddish colour, an indented surface with tall, deep, elongated fissures or vaginas or broad open caves or oquedades which indicate access to the underworld of uku pacha, an ontological entrance from which the mythical ancestors emerged and in which they are buried as well as being associated with the deities of uku pacha, such as Pachamama. Thirdly, these places are associated with springs, another entrance to the underworld and from them water flows via stream or canal to the fields of the ayllu. Fourthly, parts of these places may be carved symbolically as seats or niches, which look towards a mountain or cardinal direction, invoking communication with the sky world. Fifthly, these places have associated inka buildings which may be for burial purposes or for the storage of materials used in ritual practice. The idea that the inkas were capturing paqarina sites for re-use with their own ancestors and may be using the traditional patterns to legitimise their own. Pacariqtambo, Tambo-Toqo and Puma Orqo: the origin place of the inkas The mountain, Tambo Toqo in Pacariqtambo, where the Ayar brothers and their wives emerged from three caves to found the inka dynasty, has been identified by Bauer (1992) and Urton (1990) to be the dome-shaped, tall, limestone outcrop called Puma Urqo, which is located in the valley of Huaynacancha, about 2 km east of the inka site of Mawka Llaqta. It lies directly south of Cusco at a distance of 21 km. It stands on the western side of the quebrada which flows noisily past it. Around its base on the northern and eastern sides there are a series of caves and fissures which could be both the places from which the people emerged as well as tombs or machayes; there is evidence of human bone in some of these. On the eastern side there is a terraced and walled shrine area overlooking the valley which comprises a carved rock and a wayrana itself in part built over another carved outcrop and a number of other structures, all facing to the east. The summit has been heavily carved into a series of vertical and horizontal planes inside a walled area. The uppermost outcrop has two high relief, reclining pumas, whilst their heads have been mutilated, there is sufficient to indicate that the northernmost one faced north, in other words, towards Cusco, and the second eastwards to the rising sun. On a nearby outcrop, there is a rectilinear form which appears to be a small carved human left foot, probably part of an anthropomorphic statue, which must have stood vertically on top of the outcrop, such as that illustrated standing on top of Tambo Toqo by Guaman Poma (1980: 264 [266] [1615]). It also faced northwards towards Cusco. It is perhaps significant that the place identified as the inka paqarina, has feline carvings which, it might be argued, oversee the emergence of the founders of the inka realm, just as the mythical qoa had attended the creation of the world itself at Titicaca. The puma has often been characterised as a symbol of inka identity (Farrington 2002; Zuidema 1983). Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina in the inka sense are as follows: a large upright limestone outcrop, which is often reddish in colour, which stands out in the landscape, which contains several natural fissures and overhangs with evidence of use as machayes for burial and a large cave with a carved altar or table-top on which a mummy, wawki or bulto could be placed; springs and water passing close by the site; structures on the eastern part of the outcrop associated with carved rocks; a carved summit, which was enclosed by a wall and which had at least one structure, a statue and a pair of small, carved puma marking the place and looking outwards towards Cusco and the east, some important other place. These attributes can now be compared with various 11

archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that some of them could be termed paqarina. Paqarinas of the Inka royal panacas in the valley of Cusco The individual natural and archaeological features which are thought to indicate a paqarina are to be found throughout the valley of Cusco. However it is the spatial concentration and combination of such attributes as well as documentary indications that have enabled us to advance the following arguments. Yet, there are several large rocky outcrops with fissures or caves but which lack other components in their immediate vicinity to be deemed a paqarina, for example, Tambomachay, Chacan and Lanlakuyoq. The latter will be considered later. [For example, the large rocky outcrop at Tambomachay, in the headwaters of the river of the same name, has a shallow cave and terrace patio and is considered to be a burial cave and could be a significant paqarina location, but it lacks other nearby features, except for the ritual spring fountain and the impressive niched terraces now known as Tambomachay. Indeed Bauer (1998: 51) has considered this site to be Cirocaya (CH-1:4), the waka where hail emerged, whilst Zecenarro Benavente (2000) has noted as AN-1:9, the ceque waka called Tambomachay, a house or hunting lodge belonging to Inca Yupanqui (Pachacuti). Whatever the case it is certain that this rock is not a paqarina. The second example is the natural bridge of Chacan lies to the northwest of Cusco in the Chacan drainage. It is a large, reddish limestone outcrop with a tall, narrow fissure in its lower central area through which flows the Chacan river. In its vicinity, there are several carved rocks, a fountain, terraces, machayes and other possible overhangs and on one of these isolated and unnamed rocks is a high relief puma carving (van de Guchte 1990: 37). [fn- However recent archaeological field work in this area has not presented evidence to locate this image (e,g, Florez Delgado 2001).] Although this feature and complex has several attributes which would suggest a paqarina, it is mythologically associated with the inka legend of the origin of irrigation water and its discovery by Inka Roca (Cieza CAP XXXV [1551]), although one version of this story attributes this act to the founding inka, Manco Capac [Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui]. Whatever the veracity of this myth, the Hanan and Hurin Chacan canal networks are fed from this location to provide water for the northwestern pampas and indeed to the city itself and to Qorikancha (Sherbondy 1982; van de Guchte 1990). It is also associated with the Capac Raymi ceremony as a waka Chacanguanacauri. CH-5: 7, a small hill where the young initiates came for a certain grass which they carried on their lances. Indeed the bleeding of the earsof Inka Roca in this myth is suggestive too of the ear-piercing which is associated with theinitiation of young men. In a sense, the function of Chacan is as an origin place but one associated with a mythical event and the invention or origin of irrigation water. Its inclusion as a waka visted during Capac Raymi enhances its inclusion in inka cosmology in that role. It is not associated with the origin of a social group; it is not a paqarina It is perhaps significant that these two examples are not paqarinas but origin places for natural phenomena, irrigation water and lightning. LATER?] The logic of the panaca system suggests that there should be paqarina-type site complexes associated with each of the royal panacas of Cusco. In a spatial re-analysis of that system Farrington (1992) suggested that the panaca, Capac Ayllu, was the grouping of the incumbent king and in effect had no founding ancestor, only a patron or totem, Tupaq Inka Yupanki. Therefore the other nine panaqas should be associated spatially with a paqarina complex. The examples we describe are situated on northern side of the valley, in Hanan Cusco, where there

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are a number of site complexes which have the characteristics of origin places concentrated in a small area, such as rocks, carved rocks, burial machayes and as well as other evidence of tombs, caves and fissures with water either flowing by or emerging from the ground, and, in particular, high relief feline iconography. They could be attributed to the following panacas: Hatun Ayllu/Iaca panaca, Vicaquirao, Suqsu and Aukaille. Van de Guchte (1990) has examined many of these sites in his survey of inka carved rocks. Sherbondy (1982) .. Saqsaywaman, Calispukio and Pukru. The Paqarina of Hatun Ayllu The first paqarina complex to be identified lies to the north of Suchuna hill in Saqsaywaman area and in the valley of the Pukru stream. It comprises several natural and man-made features which could be associated with a paqarina and part of this area, notably around the so-called Qocha, has been recently identified as Calispukio, the house of Tupaq Inka Yupanki (Fernndez 2001). The Qocha forms the structural focus for part of the complex along with the Pukru valley and plain which drain towards Cusco. The Qocha is a walled, sub-circular depression, 90-102 m in diameter, which was surrounded by a series of large niches on its southern side. On its western and northern sides are a complex of natural springs, walled basins and channels, large limestone rocks and two limestone outcrops, some of which have been carved, and associated machayes which perhaps are crucial for the inka development of this paqarina. On its eastern side is a low, weathered limestone outcrop with numerous holes and galleries which has been extensively modified. On the western side, there is a complex of structures, terraces, some large carved rocks and sundry other boulders, a cavern and a semi-circular niched courtyard, a zig zag wall and an inka cemetery on a terrace, where over 95 tombs have been excavated since 1986 (Paredes 2002). The group of carved rocks comprise both seats and vertical planes on the upper surfaces but niches and cut panels which appear to decorate a passageway through it. It seems that this may have formed a cavern which was destroyed by looters using dynamite some time ago. On one rock adjacent to a bath or fountain, there is the mutilated carving of a feline as well as other animals (van de Guchte 1990: 128). Adjacent to the cemetery in the northwestern corner of the Qocha, there is a complex of large rocks, some of which are carved, as well as springs, stone-lined basins, structures, walls and canals. On the northern edge of the Qocha there is an extensive low-lying outcrop which has also been extensively carved in a series of seats, vertical and horizontal planes and channels and which contains two carved felines, both of which have had their heads removed and it is considered that both look towards Wanakauri. Some springs, a rectangular structure and a seat characterise the area to the immediate north of this outcrop, where there is also some evidence of disturbed inka burials and offerings. These two complexes drain across the Qocha to another low-lying, limestone outcrop on the eastern side, known as Chingana Chico, which has been carved in galleries with niches and an altar. It is also flanked by a zig-zag wall. From here, natural drainage is into the Pukru valley. Approximately 80 m to the north of this area is the large carved rock known as Chingana Grande or Piedra Cansada (van de Guchte 1984). Its summit and flanks are heavily carved in vertical and horizontal planes and some modified, natural round depressions; on its northern flank there are three tall niches. It is reached by a series of carved steps. It was partially destroyed with dynamite whch broke off significant sections covering a cavernous gallery on the northeastern side. Recent excavations in this location by Oberti (pers comm 2002) have revealed an enhanced cave-like area, underneath the rock on its northern side, which was

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associated with human bone and inka ceramics and two rich tombs immediately to its east. A rectilinear niched patio probably defined its entrance area in which the graves were found. On the southern side of the rock, a fountain and a structure with semi-circular niches and a damaged carved rock were excavated. There is a high relief carved feline about 3 m below the top on the southeast facing side of the rock directly above the structures excavated by Oberti; the head of which has been removed but it apparently looked towards the south, Mama Simona or southeast to Wanakauri. A second, more stylised feline probably lies prostrate on the summit astride the southwestern edge of the rock. A further 100 m to the north are two other carved rocks and terraces known as Pukru. The southernmost has only two carved seats, one facing the Qocha (Suchuna) and another looking towards Wanakauri (van de Guchte 1990: 140). The second rock has a three carved niches and a north-facing, carved window, below which is the entrance to a small cavern. There is an inka reservoir below these rocks which controls water into the Pukru stream. On the plain to the east of the Qocha lie to carved rocks known as Calispukio, one of which is split into two by a deep, wide fissure. None of these rocks has a cavern as such and may be thought of as simply other wakas in the complex. The archaeological attributes of the Calispukio complex around the Qocha, the Pukru valley and the northern part of Saqsaywaman are similar to those at Puma Urqo. Therefore it might signify a paqarina because there are a series of machayes for burial and a large cemetery overlooking the Qocha, several large caverns, one of which on the western side may have had a carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy or wawki, springs, pools and canals to channel of water through the site, and at least 4 small, carved felines marking the place and looking outwards towards Wanakauri and other significant mountains. Other important architectural attributes include the presence of zig-zag walls on the western side of the Qocha and to the east of Chingana Chico and the sub-circular, niched courtyards, both to the west of the Qocha and the Qocha itself, the niched courtyard of Chingana Grande. The documentary evidence for this location suggests an association with Tupaq Inka Yupanki. Immediately downstream from Saqsaywaman and at the northwestern entrance to the city, there is another large carved rock known as Sapantiana adjacent to the ro Tullumayu which has a very deteriorated feline image in bas relief on its northern side associated with the rectangular outline of a structure (van de Guchte 1990: 92). It can be seen from Qorikancha and may have served as a marker from the city of this paqarina. Its association with Calispukio is such that the water passing down Tullumayo has come from Calispukio and the Qocha. The feline carving may indicate that this was part of the origin complex of Calispukio and Hatun Ayllu. There is a waterfall in the quebrada which in Colonial mythology was a location where the catholic church exorcised idolatry (Carmen to reference). In the ceque stystem this area had the following wakas: This area has been recently identified as Calispukio, the house of Tupaq Inka Yupanki (Fernndez 2001) on the basis that Tupaq Inka Yupanki is associated with two places in the ceque system, Calispuquio Guaci (CH-3: 7), a house which belonged to him and where sacrifices were performed for him, and Calispuquio (CH-3: 8), a fountain, an important ritual cleansing place in the initiation rituals of Capac Raymi (Cobo). Kenko and Chunchalmayu. The Paqarina of Vicaquirao panaca The second area to be considered is situated in the Chunchal drainage which also displays similar characteristics of an inka paqarina. Kenko itself is generally divided into two sites, known as Kenko Grande and Kenko Chico; however there are other components to the 14

complex including a major rocky outcrop to the northwest of Kenko Grande and various rocks and overhangs to the north as well as the quebrada itself and a series of tombs and rocks downstream. Kenko Grande comprises an extensive carved rock with caverns and passageways, a semicircular, niched amphitheatre, a bath or fountain, and some rectangular structures as well as other carved rocks, some unworked rocks and machay-like rock shelters located to the north and west of Kenko Grande. Kenko Grande is dominated by its large carved outcrop and a large standing stone, which is about 4.7 m tall, on a 1.2 m high, stone platform immediately in front of it. The standing stone is the focal point of a semi-circular, niched amphitheatre, made of well-fitted stonework, comprising 19 niches and a staircase which is flanked on its eastern side by the footings of a short, zig-zag wall and on the west by a rectangular building. The standing stone is uncarved but is thought to be zoomorphic and has been interpreted as a puma ( Franco Inojosa 1935: 227; Pardo 1957 179). According to Paternosto (1989: 69), the animal is a seated puma which has been mutilated, although van de Guchte (1990: 145) has suggested that it is merely a natural uncarved rock with the form of an unspecified animal. To the east and south of the rock there are curved terraces surrounded by a wall defining the outer limits of the site. The summit of the main rock itself is carved with a series of basins, horizontal and vertical planes, two gnomons, channels, including a serpentiform one which zig-zags down the western side of the rock. There are also some animal carvings located on the western edge of the main outcrop which have been variously attributed as a monkey or an otter and a bird. The bird is very distinct but the second image has been severely damaged making specific identification difficult; nevertheless it is clearly a four-legged animal lying on one side similar to the felines described elsewhere and significantly its head is pointing towards Wanakauri (Paternosto 1989: 67). There are at least two building outlines on top of the rock. The carved rock has a subterranean gallery which passes through the rock from an entrance beyond the amphitheatre in the north to the inner patio on the southern side. In the central part there is a polished table or altar with three steps on its western side. In this area there is a niche facing the altar and a hollow trench. There is also a second passage which branches to a subterranean rectangular building. Archaeological research at Kenko was conducted mainly by the Valcrcel team in the mid 1930s (Franco Inojosa 1935). Human bones were found in three locations: one to the south of the rock to the west of the terraces associated with 3 silver tupus; and the other two in the galleries, one near the subterranean structure associated with a plate and the other in the hollow near the altar in the centre of the main passageway. A gnomon, niches and open air alcove characterise Kenko North, A short distance below is a second rocky massif, known as Kenko Chico, which is also carved, surrounded by a fine, well-fitted inka wall, which has a zig-zag plan on its southern side and which is entered via a staircase on the northern. Water flows down the Chunchal huayco quebrada to the east of the complex and there are several springs which also cut through the site from the west.

15

To the northwest of Kenko Grande lies a now overgrown area of terraces and limestione outcrops known as Kenko West. The main sector is a large limestone outcrop standing over 15 m high, oriented NE-SW. The summit is roughly cut into a zig-zag shaped platform and is terraced on its western side. It is basically unworked but has numerous natural pinnacles, and oquedades in the cliff face on its southeastern side which overlooks a patio in front, the southern part of which may have been quarried. On the eastern edge of this patio in a collection of boulders, there is a platform and a 2.5 m deep shaft tomb (van de Guchte 1990: 148). To the south of this there are some limestone boulders one of which has been carved with a seat. To the west of the main outcrop there are lesser rocky outcrops in one of which there is a niche, which is still used for offerings. This feature is partly walled and some small springs issue from it. The Kenko complex lies less than 200 m upstream from the red cliffs and caves on the eastern side of Chunchal quebrada thought by Cobo and Loarte to be the original non- or pre-inka tribal paqarina of the Hualla ayllu (Bauer 1998: 79). Therefore, the Kenko complex seems to display the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo, including a series of machayes for burial, both in some of the rocks surrounding the site and the red cliff of xxxxx, a large cave which has been carved with an altar or table-top on which a mummy or wawki may have been placed. There is also a channel of water flowing through the site into a nearby larger stream, and a small, carved feline marking the place and looking towards Wanakauri. In common with Saqsaywaman this complex is also characterised by a niched sub-circular structure. The complex of Kenko has been identified as the ancient waka of Patallaqta (Sherbondy 1982) and was associated with the mummy of Pachakuti. Confirmed by van de Guchte. Analysis of the documentary evidence suggests that Kenko is Patallaqta, the house of Pachacuti Inka Yupanki and the place where his mummy was kept. In the ceque system Cobo has listed two wakas Patallacta (CH-1: 2) and Pilcopuquio (CH-1: 3). Patallaqta is described as a house which Pachakuti Inca Yupanqui used for his sacrifices, where he died and the second is a fountain next to the house where water emerged on the command of Pachakuti. Sherbondy (1983) believes that Patallaqta was the site complex of Kenko and this is supported by Zuidema Bauer and van de Guchte. And van de Guchte suggests that Pedro Pizarro (xxxx) left a description of this site as the home and burial place of CH-1: 2 The second guaca of the ceque was called Patallacta. It was a house which Inca Yupanqui designated for his sacrifices, and he died in it. The Incas who succeeded him thereafter made ordinary sacrifice here. In general, all the things which they consumed in sacrifice were offered for the health and prosperity of the Inca. CH-1: 3 The third guaca was named Pilcopuquio. It is a fountain next to the house just mentioned from which an irrigation ditch issues. The Indians relate that when Inca Yupanqui had made that house for the sacrifices, he ordered that water emerge there and afterward decreed that ordinary sacrifice should be made to it. CH-2: 3 The third guaca was an idol of solid gold named Inti Illapa, which means thunder of the sun, which was set on a rich litter of gold. Inca Yupanqui made it and took it for his guauque or brother. It had a house in the precinct of Totocache, and they did it great veneration. In the same house or temple was the body of the said Inca Yupanqui. To this idol

16

they very commonly made sacrifices of children and of everything else, asking it that the strength of the Inca be preserved and his dominion not decrease. CH-3: 4 The fourth guaca was called Condorcancha and was the house in which Inca Yupanqui lived. The position of Lanlakuyoq or Amaru Markawasi is interesting. It has a zig-zag walls/terraces, reservoir, caverns, galleries, niches AN-1: 7 The seventh guaca was called Amaromarcaguaci; this was a house of Amaro Tupa Inca which was on the road to the Andes. On the watershed between the Pukru Calispukio drainage and is part of Ukuuku/Amaru Lakko, Kusillochayoq and Chuspiyoq quebrada. The paqarina of Sucsu Panaca The third area to be evaluated as a paqarina complex is focussed upon the large rocky outcrip of Lakko, which is also known as Salapuncu. There are two carved rocks, Lakko and Kusillochayoq, which are located about 300 m apart but which seem to fulfil the requirements of an inka paqarina in the lands of Sucsu panaca. On the southern side of Lakko there is a rectangular inka reservoir and some terraces, whilst on the northern side the Chuspiyoq quebrada flows from the north-west to the east and it is associated with a series of smaller carved rocks (van de Guchte 1990: xx). Lakko comprises a prominent limestone outcrop divided into two by a narrow natural fissure, overlooking a small quebrada to the north and an inka reservoir and Kusillochayoq to the south. The southern flank of the outcrop is carved with a series of large niches, steps, and both horizontal and vertical planes, including a bath and there are two short tunnel-like caverns with carved niches and benches (Franco Inojosa 1935; van de Guchte 1990: 166-170). In the eastern block, in the entrance to one interior chamber are 5 high relief animal carvings: on the western side there are two felines arranged one behind the other on a step and a snake, which is situated on a cornice above; whilst on the eastern side there are a pair of snakes. On top of the western massif there are many polished vertical and horizontal planes, seats and a small group of high relief carvings tightly arranged on its southern edge. This comprises two birds, similar in form to that found at Kenko, on either side of a hole and two felines outside of these, one of which is highly stylised and which has had its head removed, whilst the second is lying on its side with its front legs crossed. A snake is found about 40 cm away curving around the group. Observations from the top of Lakko indicate that the June Solstice Sunset could be observed clearly (Zuidema and Aveni). Kusillochayoq is a second carved rock complex about 300 m to the south of Lakko. It is situated on the western side of an inka road which in the vicinity of the rock had a series of large niches and bath/fountain flanking the entrance to the site. Kusillochayoq is a low limestone mass which has been well carved and is associated with some structures. In the central part, there is a single block carved in the shape of a feline, its back, tail and head are mutilated but recognisable as that of a puma. It is 185 cm long from head to tail and 95 cm high (van de Guchte 1990: 171) and its head points westwards. Two metres SE of this is the entrance to a small cave and a further 6 m SE is a rock on which have been carved three monkeys and a serpent as well as some small channels. In 1986, Justo Torres excavated in this complex finding an adult skeleton associated with 2 aryballos as grave goods. Therefore, the archaeological complex of Lakko and Kusillochayoq displays the characteristic attributes of an inka paqarina, notably a series of machayes for burial, some large caves with a carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy or wawki, a nearby stream of flowing water flowing from the reservoir below Lakko and passing close by Kusillochayoq, and the cave locations marked by feline carvings and the summit of the main rock similarly emblemised looking out towards Wanakauri. 17

The historical assocation of Lakko is with Chuquimarca (AN-3: 4) which Cobo described as a Temple of the Sun on the hill of Mantocallas, in which they said that the Sun descended many times to sleep. For this reason, in addition to the other things, they offered it children (Cobo). The Problem of Aucaille Panaca There are several possible places which could be attributed as the paqarina of Aucaille panaca; these include the rocks of Titiqaqa and Uscollo, as well as the complexes of Inkilltambo, Choquekiraw and Rumiwasi. Two other carved rocks, Titiqaqa and Huayraqpunku, also have the toponym Oscullo or mountain lion, i.e. puma (van de Guchte 1990: 94-95, 351). However, there is no field evidence of a feline carved on either of them. The former is a large outcrop high on the northern slope of the valley; it is well carved with niches, vertical and horizontal planes, a gnomon, channels and a small landscape; today it has a cross in front of a carved niche. As mentioned above, since the name titi in aymara means cat and qaqa peon or bluff, then it is possible therefore that this rock was perceived to have the shape of a feline. Huayraqpunku is nearby but there are no reasons other than perhaps its shape which could be proferred for its alternative toponym. The meaning and interpretation of these rocks is somewhat elusive, although they are all found in association with a complex of features, including caverns in a large rock, other rock openings for burials (machayes), a water feature (bath, reservoir or canal), terraces and some inka structures. Two of them, Saqsaywaman-Suchuna and Kenko, are associated with a semicircular, niched patio or amphitheatre. It is possible to argue that these sites individually form a repeated symbol which may be related to the origin myth of the inkas, and indeed seem to replicate the complex of Puma Orqo (Tambo Toqo) and that the carved pumas are symbolically part of that story. It may also be noted that the sites are associated with the territories of the four main panacas of Hanan Cusco, ie. Capac Ayllu, Hatun Ayllu, Vicaquirao and Suqsu, whilst at the fifth, Aucalli, there is a similar complex at Rumiwasi, but there is no carved puma or puma-shaped feature within it. It should be added that the carved rocks, Titiqaqa and Huayraqpunku with their feline toponyms, would also fit into that sector of Cusco believed to have belonged to Aucalli panaca. There is a place name reported by Zecenarro Benavente (2000) of Pumawasi relating to terraces to the west of Rumiwasi. complexes of Inkilltambo, Choquekiraw and Rumiwasi. Archaeology of Rumiwasi: the paqarina of Aucaille Carmen to describe in brief and note the orientation to Wanakauri Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina in the inka sense are as follows: a series of machayes for burial, a large cave with a carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy, wawki or other bulto, a channel of water flowing away from the site or passing close by it, and a small, carved puma marking the place and looking outwards towards some important other place. These attributes can now be compared with various archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that some of them could be termed paqarina. It could be that the 4 rocks seen from Qorikancha as described by van de Guchte (1990: 8889) are indicatoirs of the panaca paqarinas and royal tombs behind and out of sight: ie. 18

Sapantiana Calispukio, Mesa Redonda Kenko; Patallaqta Lakko and Kusillochayoq; Titicaca Rumiwasi MR and T = stepped fret Other sites which may be considered important The position of Lanlakuyoq or Amaru Markawasi is interesting. It has a zig-zag walls/terraces, particularly on its southern and southwestern sides, reservoir, caverns, galleries, niches AN-1: 7 The seventh guaca was called Amaromarcaguaci; this was a house of Amaro Tupa Inca which was on the road to the Andes. On the watershed between the Pukru Calispukio drainage and is part of Ukuuku/Amaru Note the importance of ukuku, amaru, boundary/liminal, urton ukuku is regarded as an adolescent not full members of society Lands of amaru where there was always moisture and harvest Ukuku means deep inside also the spectacled bear Dancers speak in falsetto voices initiates? Extraordinary behaviour Conclusions Therefore, the archaeological attributes of Puma Orqo which might signify a paqarina in the inka sense are as follows: a series of machayes for burial, a large cave with a carved altar or table-top on which to place a mummy, wawki or other bulto, a channel of water flowing away from the site or passing close by it, and a small, carved puma marking the place and looking outwards towards some important other place. These attributes can now be compared with various archaeological sites in the Cusco valley to evaluate the possibility that some of them could be termed paqarina. What the inkas did therefore was: the paqarina was a place where the ancestors emerged and were buried which comprised a rocky location, an outcrop or series of large rocks, which contained a cave and a spring and was associated with water that came from the ancestors to the fields of the ayllu. The inka incorporated these pre-existing ayllu paqarina complexes into their world by carving or placing an important inka capacocha, carving, structure, bath etc., within the complex and often at its lower end/along its course so that water already flows from the ancestral area passed the inka location on its way to the fields and settlements of the population. In Cusco itself these places may be other rocks and caves which have been modified and which may indeed have received or housed the mummy of an important inka. It will be argued that the origin places of the inka panacas are those locations where not only are the machayes, rocks and springs of the ancestor, but the totemic mummy of an inka was kept periodically in an inka cave downstream. The cave itself was part of an important inka complex of structures, patios, rocks and baths which were often decorated with carved animals and in particular the puma. In both of these cases there is an association between the emergence of water In the valley of Cusco there are tombs located on red cliffs above the limestone boulders and carved rock complex of Mesa Redonda. The Chunchal quebrada flows past both of these locations into the valley below. Both Cobo and Loarte indicate that this complex was the paqarina of the Hualla, a pre-existing ayllu in the valley (Bauer 1998: 79). Notes * It should be noted that whilst there is general agreement amongst the Chroniclers on the names of the royal panacas and those of the non-royal ayllus, there are some ayllu names 19

which are used by only one or two chroniclers, eg xxx. There is also some disagreement with the names of the pre-inka ayllus which inhabited the valley but we can reconstruct that there were Ayarmarcas, Pinaguas, Huallas and perhaps even Saoq, Ayavillay BIBLIOGRAPHY Cristobal de Albornoz 1989 [1583-1584]. Instruccin para descubrir todas las guacas del Pir y sus camayos y haziendas, in Cristbal de Molina and Cristbal de Albornoz Fbulas y Mitos de los Incas, pp. xx-xx. Edited by H. Urbano and P. Duviols, Crnicas de Amrica 48, Historia 16. Madrid. Arriaga, P.J. de 1999 [1621]. La Extirpacin de la Idolatra en el Per (1621), Estudio preliminaqr y notas de Henrique Urbano, Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolom de Las Casas. Cusco. Bauer, B.S. 1992. The Development of the Inca State, University of Texas Press. Bauer, B.S. 1998. The Sacred Landscape of the Inca. The Cusco ceque system, University of Texas Press. Bradley, R. 1998. The Archaeology of Natural Places, Routledge. Bernab Cobo 1990 [1653]. Inca Religion and Customs, translated and edited by R. Hamilton, University of Texas Press. Duviols, P. (ed) 1986. Cultura Andina y Represin. Procesos y Visitas de idolatras y hechiceras Cajatambo, siglo XVII, Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos Bartolom de las Casas, Cusco. Farfn Delgado, C.R. 2000. Arqueologa de Rumiwasi, tesis para optar al Ttulo Profesional de Licenciada en Arqueologa. UNSAAC. Farrington, I.S. 1992. Ritual geography, settlement patterns and the characterization of the provinces of the Inka heartland, World Archaeology 23: 368-385. Farrington, I.S. 1995. The mummy, estate and palace of Inka Huayna Capac at Quispeguanca, Tawantinsuyu 1: 55-65. Farrington, I.S. 1998. The concept of Cusco, Tawantinsuyu 5: 53-59. Farrington, I.S. 2002. Puma and jaguar. Cosmology, identity and ceremony in the landscape of inka Cusco, paper read at the symposium: Landscape And Symbol In The Inka State. Australian National University. Canberra. April. Farrington, I.S. n.d. The Archaeology of Quilla Rumiyoq, unpublished manuscript. Favre, H. 1967. Tayta Wamani. Le culte des montagnes dans le centre sud des Andes Pruviennes, Colloques dtudes Pruviennes 61: 121-140. Aix el Provence. Florez Delgado, S.B. 2001. El Sistema de Riego Prehispnica de Chakan, tesis para optar al Ttulo Profesional de Licenciada en Arqueologa. UNSAAC. 20

Franco Inojosa, J.M. 1935. Janan Kosko, Revista del Museo Nacional 4 (1): 209-233. Franco Inojosa, J.M. 1937. Janan Kosko - II, Revista del Museo Nacional 6 (2): 201-231. Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala 1980 [1615]. El Primer Nueva Cornica y Buen Gobierno, (edited by J.V. Murra and R. Adorno) Siglo Veintiuno, Mexico DF. Diego Gonzlez Holguin 1989. Vocabulario de la lengua General de Todo el Per, Llamada Quechua, edicin del Instituto de Historia, Universidad Mayor Nacional de San Marcos, Lima. Gose, P. 1993. Segmentary state formation and the ritual control of water under the Incas, Comparative Studies in Society and History 35: 480-514. Guchte, M. van de 1984. El ciclo mtico andino de la piedra cansada, Revista Andina 2: 539556. Guchte, M.J. van de 1990. Carving the World: Inca monumental scupture and landscape, unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Illinois. Urbana-Champaign. Isbell, B.J. 1978. To Defend Ourselves. Ecology and ritual in an Andean village, Westview Press. Prospect Heights. Kaulicke, P., R. Kondo, T. Kusuda & J. Zapata 2002. Agua, ancestros y la arqueologa de paisaje, este volumen. Martnez, G. 1983. Los dioses de los cerros de los Andes, Journal de la Socit des Amricanistes 69: 85-115. Paris. Nez del Prado, O. 1970. El mundo sobrenatural de los quechuas del sur del Per a travs de la comunidad de Qotobamba, Allpanchis Phuturinqa 2: 143-163. Cusco. Del Pezo Benavides, M.A. & J. Alvarez Vega 1999. Cementerio Pre-hispnico de Uscuray Anta, Tesis para optar al ttulo profesional de Licenciado en Arqueologa, Universidad Nacional de San Antonio Abad, Cusco. Polia, M. 1999. La Cosmovisin Religiosa Andina en los documentos inditos del Archivo Romano de la Compaa de Jess 1581-1752, Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per. Lima. Ossio A., J.M. 1976. El simbolismo del agua y la representacin del tiempo y el espacvio en la Fiesta de la Acequia de la comunidad de Andamarca, Actes du XLIIe Congrs International des Amricanistes, vol. IV. Pp. xx. Paris. Ossio A., J.M. 1977. Los mitos de origen en la comunidad de Andamarca, Allpanchis 10: 105-113. Cusco. Ossio A., J.M. 1992. Parentesco, Reciprocidad y Jerarqua en los Andes. Una aproximacin a la oranizacin social de la comunidad de Andamarca, Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per. Lima. 21

Snchez Garrafa, R. 1999. Wakas y Apus de Pamparaqay. Estructuras simblicas en la tradicin oral de Grau Apurmac, Optimice Editores. Lima. Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa 1943 [1572]. Historia de los Incas, Emec Editores, Buenos Aires 3rd edition. Sherbondy, J. 1982. El regadio, los lagos y los mitos de origen, Allpanchis 20: 3-32. Cusco. Sherbondy, J. 1992. Water ideology in Inca ethnogenesis, in R. Dover et al (eds) Andean Cosmologies through Time, pp. 46-66. Indiana University Press. Sherbondy, J.E. 1979. Les rseaux d'irrigation dans la gographie politique de Cuzco, Journal de la Socit des Amricanistes 66: 45-66. Sherbondy, J.E. 1982. The Canal Systems of Hanan Cuzco, unpublished PhD dissertation University of Illinois. Sherbondy, J. 1982. El regado, los lagos y mitos de origen, Allpanchis 7 (20): 3-32. Cusco. Sherbondy, J.E. 1996. Panaca lands: re-invented communities, Journal of the Steward Anthroplogical Society 24: 173-201. Urbana. Urbano, H. 1981. Wiracocha y Ayar. Heroes y funciones en las sociedades andinas, Biblioteca de la Tradicin Oral, Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos Bartolom de Las Casas. Cusco. Urton, G. 1985. Animal metaphors and the life cycle in an Andean community, in G. Urton (ed) Animal Myths and Metaphors in South America, pp. 251-284. University of Utah Press.? Urton, G. 1990. The History of a Myth. Pacariqtambo and the origin of the Inkas, University of Texas Press. Zecenarro Benavente, G. 2000. Arquitectura Arqueolgica en la Quebrada de Thanpumachay, Municipalidad del Cusco. Zuidema, R.T. 199x [1964]. El Sistema de Ceques del Cuzco, Centro de Estudios Rurales Andinos Bartolom de Las Casas. Cusco. Zuidema, R.T. 1989 [1978]. Lugares sagrados e irrigacin: tradicin histrica, mitos y rituales en el Cusco, in R.T. Zuidema (ed) Reyes y Guerreros. Ensayos de cultura andina, Grandes Estudios Andinos, pp. 455-487. FOMCIENCIAS. Lima. Zuidema, R.T. 1990. Inca Civilization in Cuzco, University of Texas Press. Zuidema, R.T. 1991. La Civilizacin Inca en Cuzco. Fondo de Cultura Econmica, Mxico Zuidema, R.T. 1990. Ceques and chapas: an andean pattern of land partition in the modern valley of Cuzco, in B. Illius & M. Laubscher (eds) Circumpacifica: Festschrift fr Thomas S. Barthel, pp. 627-643. Sonderdruck Peter Land. Frankfurt am Main.

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Pedro Pizarro In one cave they discovered twelve sentries of gold and silver, of the size and appearance of those of this country, extraordinarilly realistic. There were pitchers half of pottery and half gold, with the gold so well set into the pottery that no drop of water escaped when they were filled, and beautifully made. A golden effigy was also discovered. This greatly distressed the Indians for they said that it was a figure of the first lord who conquered this land. They found shoes made of gold, of the type the women wore, like halfboots. They found golden crayfish such as live in the sea, and many vases, on which were sculpted in relief all the birds and snakes that they knew, even down to spiders, caterpillars and other insects. All this was found in a large cave that was between some outcrops of rock outside of Cusco. They had not been buried because they were such delicate objects. van de Guchte (1990: 147): The golden effigy mentioned in this text could well be the huauque (brother or double) of Pachacuti. This statue was called Indi Illapa, and has been mentioned by Sarmiento (1942: 127) and Cobo. The mummy of Pachacuti was found by Polo de Ondegardo in Totocache, where at this moment the parish of San Blas is situated. But the golden effigy of Pachacutis huauque had apparently been found earlier, because it was taken in pieces to Cajamarca, according to Sarmiento, indicating an early event in the conquest of Peru. It could well have been discovered in and taken from the cave in Kenko. Pizarros text, quoted above, seems to confirm that sequence of events. Pizarro (1978: 100 [1571: 60v-61]) Contar, pues, de algunas pieas notables que, escondidas, se hallaron, sin lo que luego se top y tenan descubierto en dpositosentre las mamconas. Hallronse en una cueba doze ouexas [velas] de oro y [de] plata, de la hechura y grandor de las de esta tierra , tan al natural que era cosa de ber. Hallronse cntaros, la mitad de barro y la mitad de oro, tan encajado el oro en el barro que, aunque los hechan de agua, no se sala gota, y tan bien hechos que hera cosa de ber. Hallse asimismo un bulto de oro de que los yndios rreibieron gran pena, porque dzian que hera figura de el primero seor que conquist esta tierra. Hallronse apatpos hechos de oro, de los que las mugeres acostumbrauan traer, digo de los medios apatones. Hallronse langostas de las que cra la mar, de oro; muchos basos en ellos esculpidoas de bulto todas las abes y culebras, hasta araas, lagartixas, todas las sabandixas / que ellosconoian hechas de bulto. Esto hall como digo, en una cueua grande que estaua fuera del Cuzco entre unas peas, que por ser pieas delicadas no las enterraron como otros muy grandes tesoros de que se tubo notiia que estauan enterrados, que despus se supo de algunos yndios. Aqurdome oy de [a] dos o tres yndios que dizeron: uno que se lleg qiue en Vilcaconga, en una queba que all deza, auan lleuado mill cargas de planchas de oro a esconder, que tena Guscar para chjapear su casa y [luego] se desapareci este yndio que este dixo, sin que jams se pudo hallar, porque se detuvo este Maldonado un .. Pedro Pizarro 1978 [1571]. Relacin del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reinos del Per, Pontificia Universidad Catlica del Per. (2nd edition 1986)

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Cieza de Len (198x) CAP XXXV [1551]) p. 105- Del sesto rey que ovo en el Cuzco e lo que pas en su tiempo, y de la fbula o ystoria que cuentan del ro que pasa or medio de la ibdad del Cuzco And they tell that a fabulous mystery occurred, which was that in those days neither stream nor river passed through the city and that they were in great need, because when it was hot they went to bathe around the city in the rivers that were there and even when it was not hot they bathed, and for the provision of water for the inhabitants there were small springs, which are there nowadays. And when he was in that mountain (Chaca), the king [Inka Roca], leaving the people he was with, started to pray to the great Ticiviracocha and to Guanacaure and to the sun and to the Incas, his fathers and grandfathers, if they would indicate how and from where, with manual labour, they could bring a river or canal to the city: so while he was praying he heard a great thunder, so loud that it startled all the people who were there; and the Inca himself, because of the fear that entered him, knelt down and put his left ear on the ground, and a lot of blood flowed from his ear; and that, all of a sudden, he heard a tremendous noise of water that was running below that particular spot; once he understoond the mystery with much rejoicing he ordered that many indians should come from the city, who with much haste dug there till they came to the gust of water, which had opened a way through the interior of the earth and went away without being taken advantage of. And continuing with this story, they say furthermore, that after they had dug deep and saw the eye of the water (the spring itself] they performed great sacrifices to their gods, because they believed that by virtue of their deity that beneficence had come to them; and with much rejoicing they worked with such skill that they channelled water through the middle of town, after they first had paved the soil with big tiles, building on both sides of the river walls of good stonework on strong foundations; and to cross [the river] they made some bridges of stone at intervals. Y quentan en este paso que usedi un misterio fabuloso, el qual fue que como en aquel tiempo no corriese por la ibdad ni pasase ningn arroyo ni ro, que no tena por pe[que]a falta y neesidad porque quando haza calor se yvan a baar por la redonda de la ibdad en los ros que ava y aun sin calor se vaavan, y vaan los yndios, y para proveymiento de los moradores ava fuentes pequeas, las que agora ay; y estando en este erro el Ynga desviado algo de su jente, comen a hazer su orain al gran Tiiviracocha y a Guanacaure y al Sol y a los Yngas, sus padres y abuelos, para que quisiesen declaralle cmo y por dnde podran, a fueras de manos de honbres, llevar algnd ro o aequia / a la ibdad; y que estando en su orain, se oy un trueno grande, tanto que espant a todos los que all estavan; y quel mismo Ynga, con el miedo que reicbi, abax la cabea hasta poner la oreja ysquierda en el suelo, de la qual le corra mucha sangre; y que spitamente oy un gran ruydo de agua que por debaxo de aqual lugar yva; y que, visto el misterio, con mucha alegra mand que viniesen muchos yndios de la ibdad, los quales con priea grande cavaron por aquella sierra hasta que toparon con el golpe de agua, que aviendo abierto camino por las entradas de la tierra, yva caminando sin dar provecho. E prosiguiendpo con este quento, dizen ms que despus que mucho ovieron cavado y vist el ojo de agua, hizieron grandes sacrefiios a sus dioses, creyendo que por virtud de su deydad aquel benefiio les ava venido; y que con mucha alegra se dieron tal maa que llevaron el agua por mitad de la ibdad, aviendo primero enlosado el suelo con losas grandes, sacando con imientos fuertes unas paredes de biva piedra por una parte y por otra del ro; y para pasar por ellas, se hizieron a trenchos algunas puentes de piedra.

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Sarmiento de Gamboa 1942: 82 And in the same manner {Inga Roca] conquered Caytomarca four miles from Cuzco and discovered and canalized the waters of Hurinchacan and those of Hananchacan, which means the waters of above and the waters of below of Cuzco, with which till this very day they irrigate the sowed fields of Cuzco; and so their sons and descendants have them and possess them.

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Van de Guchte p 78 5.9 Groups of carved rocks and panaca-affiliation The connections and correspondences, stipulated by Sherbondy, translate in the following relationship with regards to the carved rocks in the various irrigation-districts in Hanan Cuszco. If indeed certain irrigation districts were controlled by particular kin groups, one could argue that the stones near those canals had to be controlled by the same groups More specifically, the carved rocks of the Chacan group and the carved rocks in the area of Sacsayhuanman would in all probability fall under the supervision of the same panaca as the hydraulic elements in the system in that area of Chinchaysuyu. Consequently, capac ayllu and its chief Tupa Inca Yupanqui should be seen as the group of inca nobles who benefitted from and assumed the ritual obligations of the carved rocks in this area. In Antisuyu, it appears that the panaca Sucso had acquired the rights and duties, associated with the carved rocks in that area. Specifically the kings segunda persona, Tupa Amaru Inca should be seen in relation with the carved rocks of Amaru Marcahuasi, Kenko, Lacco and the other lithic features in this irrigation system. Murua Next to the fortress there is an enclosure of smaller stones, of a group of seats, very well built in the round and around it it is full with niches. The indians say that this part was built to celebrate the feast of the birth of Huascar Inga; son of Guainacapa: that in those niches were seated the caciques and lords of the land and that the indians danced in this enclosure all tied to a rope of gold, which the indians called guasca and for that reason, they say, the son was named Guascar. It is formed in the manner of a theatre. Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

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Saqsaywaman/Calispukio/Chingana: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, burial machay, carved rock, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials Kenko: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials Lakko-Kus: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials Rumiwasi: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials Puma Urqo: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials Chinchero: Spring, canal, reservoir, bath, rock, carved rock, burial machay, cavern, altar, feline carving, semi-circular patio, niches, structures, zig-zag wall, burials

SITIOS

Water P u q u i o CR a e n s a e l r v F u e n t e s

Rock R o c a s R o c a s

Cave C a v e r n a s E n t i e r r o s

M a c h a y E s s c u l p

Architectur al decoration A F P N E l e a i s t l t c t a i i h r r n o o u o s c s s t e m i c i r c u l a r X X

M u r o z i g z a g

Pumaorqo Calispukio Qocha west Qocha north Chingana

X X XX X XX X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X - X X X 28

? X X X X X X X X X X X X ?

Grande Pukru Pukro N Calispukio Sapantiana

X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X

X X X X

Kenko Kenko Grande X X Kenko Chico X West Kenko X X Hualla Mesa X Redonda Lakko Lakko Kusilluchayoq Rumiwasi Chinchero X XX X

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X

X X X

X X ? X X x ? X

X XX X X X

X X

1. Puquio; 2. Canal; 3. Reservoir; 4. Fuentes; 5. Rocas; 6. Rocas Esculpidas; 7. Machayes; 8. Cavernas; 9. Entierros; 10. Altar; 11. Felinos; 12. Patio semicircular o circular; 13. Nichos; 14. Estructura; 15. Muro zigzag SITIOS Pumaorqo Calispukio Qocha west Qocha north Chingana Chico Chingana Grande Pukru Pukro N Calispukio Sapantiana 1 AGUA 2 3 4 X 5 6 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X PIEDRA 7 X X X X X 8 X X X X X X X X X X X X X 9 X X X ? X 10 ARQUITECT. DECORACION 11 12 13 14 15 X X ? X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X ?

X X X X X X X X X X X X X X

X X X X X X

Kenko Kenko Grande X X Kenko Chico X West Kenko X X Hualla Mesa X Redonda Lakko Lakko X X X

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Kusilluchayoq Rumiwasi Rumiwasi I Rumiwasi II Rumiwasi III Rumiwasi IV Rumiwasi V Rumiwasi VI Chinchero

X X X X X

X X

X X

X X

X X X

X X

X ?

X X

X X

awin el ojo del agua, lo mas principal, - awin pukio a circle and dot Sherbondy also notes the principal canals running from Chacan, etc., which were associated with the main panacas. Urton (1985: 259), in his study of animal metaphors in Paqariqtambo, the mountain spring or awin, considered that domesticated animals born near the mountain springs were exceptionally fecund, reproducing at least once a year when fully mature, and Bastien (1978: 47) noted that llamas and all living things originated in awi and that the lakes reflection was the dead people and animals returning from inside the earth. The basic concept of the spring as: awin, the eye of the water, the principal location el ojo del agua, lo mas principal, - awin pukio It is thought that this is represented by a circle and dot in art.

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