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Al-Fawid wal-Zuhd wal-Raqiq wal-Marth by Jafar al-Khuld

Jeremy Farrell, MA Arabic Language & Literature UCLA '12

This piece provides a biographical note on the Baghdadi mystic Jafar al-Khuld (d. 309/959) as well as a translation and edition of the Dar al-Kutub al-Mariyyah MS for his work al-Fawid wal-Zuhd wal-Raqiq wal-Marth, his longest independent surviving work. al-Khuld was a leading f of Baghdad and the premier f biographer of his age, bridging the era between seminal mystical %gures such as al-Khiraz and al-Junayd and the %rst extant biographical and hagiographical works of the f tradition from the 10th and 11th centuries. As a source for many important later hagiographies, a better understanding of his life and literary proclivities will further inform our understanding of the development of Islamic mysticism.

Baghdadi %sm, especially as practiced by al-Junayd (d. 302/915) and his contemporaries in the late 3rd/9th century, has become the locus of much academic study concerning the rise, variegation and success of Islamic mysticism.1 Among the most remarkable achievements of the following century of f activity both inside and out of Baghdad was to connect, through hagiography,2 their own spiritual understandings and insights to the wide theological, practical and political heritage left by this seminal generation of notable personalities and beyond - to al-asan alBar, Dh l-Nn al-Mir, the Prophet Muammad, and even Adam.3 Among the earliest and most historically important of these hagiographical works we %nd: al-Sarrj's (d. 988) K. al-Luma, alSulam's abaqt al-(yyah (d. 412/1021), and Qushayr's (d. 466/1074) Rislah.4 These indispensable references shared as a source two works by the Baghdadi Jafar Nuayr al-Khuld, Hikyt al-Awliy and ikyt al-Mashyikh.5 Knowing this, it is puzzling that he has not attracted more signi%cant
1 The most outstanding work in this %eld is Ahmet Karamustafa. Su(sm: The Formative Period. University of California Press: Berkeley (2007), esp. Chs. 1 & 3. 2 See: Jawid Mojadeddi. The Biographical Tradition in Su(sm. Curzon: New York (2001); John Renard. Friends of God: Islamic Images of Piety, Commitment and Servanthood. University of California Press: Berkeley (2008), and for a more global perspective, its companion Tale's of God's Friends: Islamic Hagiography in Translation. University of California Press: Berkeley (2009). 3 For one example of pre-Muammad %gures in f literature, see: Amad ibn Al al-Bun. Shams al-Marif al-Kubr. 4 For references to al-Khuld in al-Sarrj: Kitb al-Lum, ed. R. Nicholson, p. 45; translated in J. Nurbakhsh, Su%sm IV, pp. 38-9. Also: Jafar al-Khuld, Biographical Encyclopedia of Su(s: Central Asia & Middle East., ed. N. Hanif. Sarrup & Sons: New Delhi (2002). For Qushayr: Ab l-Qsim al-Qushayri. Al-Risala al-qushayriyya ( ilm al-tasawwuf, trans. Alexander Knysh. Garnet & Ithaca Press: London (2007), pp. 12-14, 24, 28, 35-7, 51, 68, 170, 174, 181-2, 196-7, 211, 216, 246, 251, 289, 298, 303, 308, 340, 368, 370. For al-Sulam's impact on medieval f literature and modern academic study of Islamic mystics, see: Bowering, al-Sulam, EI2. Al-Khuld was also an important relator for a di*erent Sulam work, Dhikr an-nis almutaabbidt a-(yyt. Rkia E. Cornell. Fons Vitae: Louisville (1999). 5 This importance is stated plainly in al-Hujwr. Kashf al-Majb, ed. RA Nicholson, pp. 156-7: He is the well-known biographer of the saints. He has many sublime sayings. In order to avoid spiritual conceit, he attributed to di*erent persons the anecdotes which he composed in illustration of each topic. From the The Cambridge History of Iran, Vol. 4: Ab Sad al-Arb (d. 952) composed the %rst history of %sm, entitled abaqt al-Nussk, while another direct disciple of Junaid, Ab Muammad Jafar al-Khuld composed the ikyt al-Auliy, so highly esteemed by the scholars

attention as a historical or literary in,uence for 10th century %sm both in and out of Baghdad.6 We proceed now with the longest of al-Khuld's extant, independent works, al-Fawid wal-Zuhd walRaqiq wal-Marth. While the scope of our present work is modest, through further study of alKhuld's extant works7 it will be possible to form a more complete historical picture of vital role he played in transmitting the bedrock of all later f hagiography in terms of content, creed and style. The Author His name is classically given as Al-Shaykh al-Imm al-Qudwah al-Muaddith Ab Muammad Jafar ibn Nuayr ibn Qsim al-Baghddi al-Khaww al-Khuld, and from these nisbahs we are able to glean some insight into his life. He was born in Baghdad in 253 H/857 CE, died there on 21 Ramaan 349/19 November 959, and was buried in the al-Shunziyyah cemetery by the graves of prominent fs Sar al-Saqa, Marf al-Khark and al-Junayd. For some time he seems to have sold palm leaves (kh) to make a living as a khaww, although nothing is known about when he began or stopped this practice. It was al-Junayd who conferred upon him the nisbah of al-Khuld, as indicated in al-Khab al-Baghdd: Junayd was asked about an issue and said [to Jafar], Answer them, which he did. Junayd then said, O Khuld, where did you get this answer from?, and hence it stuck. Junayd was referring to the section of Baghdad known as al-Khuld, site of an Abbsid palace named Qasr alKhuld on the banks of the Tigris River which Harn al-Rashd had inhabited, although Jafar protested that neither he nor any of his forebears had ever lived in the neighborhood. Despite this insistence, al-Dhahab, too, o*ers Jafars residence in this district as the reason for the nisbah. He was a well known %gure in early 10th century Baghdad and is counted among the most outstanding exponents of the f circles there: It has been said, 'The wonders (ajib) of su%sm in Baghdad are: al-Murtash's mystical sayings (nukat)8, al-Shibl's advice (ishrt)9, and al-Khuld's stories (ikyt).' There is no mention of his parents, wife or children in the various sources. Travels, Education, f Tendencies
of Baghdad during the following century. Both of these important hagiographies have been lost but many fragments of them have survived in later works. Moreover, both were very in,uential in the large systematic studies of %sm that appeared in the 4th/11th century. This view is con%rmed in Arberry. Su(sm: An Account of the Mystics of Islam. London: Allen & Unwin (1950), p. 67. Al-Khuld does not even merit a mention in the Encyclopedia of Islam. Works not otherwise cited in this paper relating to al-Khuld and his works include: M. Lings, Mystical Poetry, The Cambridge History of Arabic Literature, ed. Julie Scott-Meisami. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge (1990), p. 239; J. Renard. Historical Dictionary of Su(sm. Scarecrow Press: Lanham, MD (2005), p. 138. For references to Massignon's works, see Sezgin, GAS, I, 661. References to MSS for al-Khuld's other two surviving works Mihnat al-Sh( and Rawyah f al-taawwuf - are given in Sezgin, op. cit. There is also at least two records of his majlis in Baghdad: Majm ashrah ajz adthiyyah taqq Nabl Sad al-Dn Jarrr. Dr al-Bashir al-Islmiyyah: Beirut (N/D). Ab Muammad Abd Allh ibn Muammad al-Murtash al-Naysabr (d. 328/939). This phrasing in translation is provided by Kashf al-Majb, ed. Reynolds, p. 155. Ab Bakr Dalf ibn Jafar ibn Ynus al-Shibl (d. 334/945).

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Known to be a proli%c traveler, al-Khuld performed the ajj 56 times, some twenty of them on foot. He also related, through al-uyr11, being a0icted with a terrible case of mange (jarab am kathr) and cured it by traveling to Karbal and smearing himself (tamassaa) with the soil of the grave of usayn ibn Al (d. 61/680).12 A more highly stylized and less historically plausible account from Ibn al-Arab13 places him on Jabal r the mountain upon which Moses received the Commandments in a conversation with a Christian monk. Much of al-Khuld's education took place in Baghdad, but through a long series of travels he extended his scholarly network. Of his listed teachers the vast majority were known as adth transmitters, and from al-Fuwid we can situate a few of the details of his educational development. Amongst his %rst teachers in Baghdad were the eminent Hanbal muaddiths Abbs ibn Muammad al-Dr (d. afr 271/July-August 884) and Ab Jafar Amad ibn Yay al-alwn (#6, d. 276/889)14 , meaning that al-Khuld began his studies in typical late-9th century f fashion: perhaps at around ten years of age in 265/867 with a rigorous background in adth.15 After these overtures in Baghdad, he left and traveled extensively, seeking out muadthn along the way in Barah, natives of which the isnads of al-Fawid count in large number (#11, 15, 28)16; Makkah, home of Ab Jafar Muammad ibn Al ibn Zayd al-igh (d. Dh al-Qadah 291/Sept.-Oct. 904) who is cited twice in al-Fawid (#7, 8); alKfah from which al-Qsim ibn Muammad ibn ammad al-Dalll (#3, d. 295/907-8) hailed (#3); and Egypt, where he was taught by Amad ibn Muammad al-ajjj ibn Rushd al-Mahd (#2). These and other teachers from the traditional scholastic centers of the 3rd/10th and early 4th/11th centuries were a demonstrably important source for al-Khuld's religious growth, but the great majority (14/22) of

10 al-Sayyid mentions in his Introduction that al-Khuld was a jj 60 times over, and this is taken from Ibn al-Jawz in his Kitb al-Muntaam (14/119) #2588. However al-Khab al-Baghdd quotes al-Khuld himself giving an account of his journeys to Makkah which explicitly references 56 trips to the mountain of Urfah. See: Tarkh Baghdd (7/226) #3715, below. 11 Al-Mubrak ibn Abd al-Jabbr al-Tuyr. Al-Tuyriyyt. Beirut: Dr al-Bashir (2001), p. 467. 12 It is largely because of this report that he has earned himself a reputation as a Sha amongst many modern Muslims and several accounts in al-Fawid signal approval of major Sh %gures Al ibn Ab lib (#2), Abd Allh ibn Abbs (#6, 46, 51), and assan ibn Al ibn Ab lib (#14, 46). It should be noted that al-Khuld's student Abu l-asan Al ibn Umar al-Draqun (b. 306/918) was accused of being a Sh due to having memorized the dwn of al-Sayyid al-imyar; see Robson, al-Draqun, EI2. 13 Muiy al-Dn Muammad ibn Al al-Arab al-tim al- al-Andals. Muarat al-Abrr wa Musmarat al-Akhiyr f al-Adabiyyt wal Nawdir wal-Akhbr, taqq Muammad Abd al-Karm al-Nimr. Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyyah: Beirut (2007), pp. 325-6. 14 Ab l-usayn ibn al-Fur Muammad ibn Ab Yal ibn al-usayn ibn Muammad. abaqt al-anbilah, taqq Abd al-Ramn al-Uthaymn. Maktabat al-Malik Fahd al-Waaniyyah: Makkah (1419/1999), 3 vols. 15 George Makdisi. The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of Learning in Islam and the West: Edinburgh : Edinburgh University Press (1981). - Religion, law, and learning in classical Islam. Brook%eld, VT: Variorum (1991). Law and education in medieval Islam : studies in memory of Professor George Makdisi, eds. Joseph E. Lowry, Devin J. Stewart and Shawkat M. Toorawa. Cambridge: Gibb Memorial Trust, (2004). 16 See al-Sayyid (passim.) for a full treatment of the transmitters from Barah.

his known teachers were fellow Baghdds, of whom the fs had the greatest in,uence.17 Despite his extensive adth education, al-Khuld made a name for himself as a f; he named by al-Dhahab as the shaykh of the Baghdad fs in his day, and the most learned in adth amongst them. He was exposed to Baghdadi %sm in his youth, and we know that his earliest attested f teacher, Ab Sad Amad ibn Al al-Khirz (277/890-1), died at approximately the same date as his earliest adth teacher, al-Dr. Indeed, it seems that one of his %rst experiences with a f if not an apocryphal account - came while he was studying with al-Dr. According to al-Dhahabi, al-Khuld had related the following account:
I went to Abbas al-Dr while I was studying adth. and I wrote down one of his sessions (majlis) then left. Upon doing that I happened upon a f who asked, Whats this? I showed him. He said, Woe unto you who claims this tasteless dogma (alam) and accepts the knowledge (ilm) of paper. He then ripped up the documents. His words found purchase in my heart and I didnt return to Abbs, but instead stopped by Urfah [a mountain near Makkah] %fty-six times. [After those trips] I said, He wasnt anything except an ignorant uf who tore up prophetic adths and espoused a baseless (majhl) principle. How lacking in true knowledge he was.

This nameless and crass f notwithstanding, al-Khuld involved himself with the preeminent f personalities of his including: al-rith ibn Ab Usmah al-Tamaym (282/89), Ab al-usayn alNr (d. 295/907), and Ab l-Qsim al-Junayd ibn Muammad al-Khazzz al-Qawrr (297/909), and Ab usayn Ruwaym ibn Yazd al-Baghdd (303/915-6). Junayd, in particular was in,uential on alKhuld, who appears in three of the isnads in al-Fawid (#24-6). He invested himself deeply into the spiritual lineage of his f forebears, and Ibn Nadm records a report in al-Khuld's own hand tracing his personal connection to al-asan al-Bar through Junayd.18 It appears that he was not a particular innovator within the mystical tradition, but one revealing bon mt of self-apprehension in many ways reminiscent of al-Musib - comes down to us:
The good in this world and the hereafter lies in persevering instantly. This is to say, when an adversity happens upon you in a work of obedience, you persevere it it at once. When your lower self challenges you to give in to a passion and a work of disobedience, you abstain from these immediately.19

Content al-Fawid wal-Zuhd wal-Raqiq wal-Marth is a collection of 52 narrative reports and quotations of varying length which provide examples of the various ethnical and aesthetic qualities in circulation amongst Baghdad's f circles during the early to middle 10th century. Among the
17 For a full list of al-Khuld's teachers, see Appendix B. 18 Abl-Faraj Muammad ibn Isq ibn Nadm. Al-Fihrist: A 10th Century AD Survey of Islamic Culture, ed. and trans. Bayard Dodge. New York: Columbia University Press (1970), reprint 1998, p. 455, 235 (ed. Tajaddud), 183 (ed. Flugel). 19 Gerhard Bwering. Sulam's Treatise on the Science of Letters (ilm of urf), in The Shadow of Arabic: The Centrality of Language to Arabic Culture. Studies Presented to Ramzi Baalbaki on the occasion of his 60th Birthday, ed. Bilal Orfali. Leiden: Brill (2011), p 385.

narratives we %nd six prophetic adth and two verses of the Qurn. The sequence of the narratives is not de%nitive and no headings are given, but broad themes are explored throughout: images of qa, qadr, and ultimate judgement (#1-3, 15-7, 21, 32, 44-5 ) performative traditions (#6, 10-11, 25 ), upright conduct and gracious reception (#9, 34-7, 39-42) development of a loving relationship with God (18-9, 22), and assessment of earthly value - duny - (#28, 29, 33); poetry is adduced throughout the text, especially at the end (#12-3 , 33, 46-50); account #12 and probably #31, as well - features a dream, despite Leah Kinberg's supposition that the text does not.20 One might conclude that the text follows, in very rough fashion, the layout presented in the title: fawid (bene%ts), zuhd (asceticism or rigorous piety), raqiq (things which stir the heart), and marth (lamentations), although one or more poems in this category - #33, especially - might fall just as easily into the category of zuhdiyyt.21 Under scrutiny, however, this grouping is mostly super%cial and more study into the genre of early biographical works will help us understand the literary and religious concerns which works such as this dealt. Primarily, the reader may view the text as setting forth remarkable and edifying - if not plausibly normative traditions of spiritual exemplae. The text is amply supplied with both ascetic or world negating tendencies, and mystic examples, as de%ned by Weberian ideal types: one will just as easily %nd the stark language of Abd Allh ibn al-Mubrak (#33, d. 181/797), an account also related by stern traditionist Ibn Ab al-Duny (#12, d. 281/894), or approval of piteously weeping into the night (#25) as one will the speech of famed mystic al-asan al-Bar (#23, d. 110/728), Mlik ibn Mighwal's untroubled relationship with the Divine (#44), or the admonition to shun ruinous blame (#26). It is notable that al-Khuld is so inclined toward such negative traditions. As Melchert has argued in numerous pieces, the ascetic consciousness of fs appears to completely give way in the 9th century and crest swiftly toward a mystical peak with the %gure of Junayd.22 However, alFawid appears to tout and celebrate typically ascetic practices along with mystic traditions more than 50 years after Melchert suggests that the former had fallen precipitously out of favor in f circles. The present work is unlike al-Khuld's other, more famous biographical works, which explicitly tied their stories to personalities which contemporary early 10th century f viewed as ideals of pious, holy, and righteous Muslims ikyt al-Awliy and ikyt al-Mashyikh. On its surface, alFawid makes no claim to a f heritage in the title, although we can safely assume the that the words of the title refer to his personal spiritual values, and perhaps, even more mainstream contemporary f principles. If we can reasonably expect that the contents of al-Fawid are a
20 Kinberg, Morality in the Guise of Dreams: A Critical Edition of Ibn Ab al-Duny's Kitb al-Manm. Brill: Leiden (1994), p. 41 n. 3. This is especially strange, given that Kinberg's work contains the exact same account (#234). 21 For speci%c studies the genre of zuhdiyyt, see: Andras Hamori. Ch. 15: Ascetic Poetry (Zuhdiyyt), in Cambridge History of Arabic Literature. Eds. Roger Allen and D.S. Richards. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge (2006); Ren Balchre. Histoire de la Litterature Arabe. Paris: Adrien-Maissonneuve (1956-8), 3 vols., p. 579. 22 See Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism, op. cit, and Khargsh, Tahdhb al-Asrr, Bulletein of the SOAS, Vol. 73 (2010), pp. 29-44.

re,ection of an important part of al-Khuld's religiosity and identi%cation as a f, there may be room to allow a longer period or di*erent type - of in,uential ascetic ideas in the post-Junayd f world. Translated Text: al-Fawid wal-Zuhd wal-Raqiq wal-Marath Translation Notes: All transliterations follow IJMES conventions, with some modi%cations. The th marbtah is written with a %nal h. The indication of paternity is written Ab throughout, regardless of the form in Arabic. Elision of long vowel in Ab into the de%nite article is signi%ed with . Personal nisbahs which refer to trades (e.g. al-Qazzz, al-Bay, etc.) have been left untranslated. All references to Allh have been left untranslated; any pronoun or proper noun which refers to God has been capitalized. Other Arabic words whose explicit translation within the account would encumber their direct style have also been left untranslated, with accompanying explanatory footnotes. Brackets ([]) are used to %ll in lacunae or to direct the reader to a clear interpretation of the narrative style. The narrative voice lends itself to repetitive use of the verb to say (qla), and is frequently rendered as ask, reply, or respond in translation as %ts the context. Verse has been translated to express an exactitude of language and not necessarily to exhibit the meter or, even less frequently, the rhyme that is characteristic of the original Arabic. __________________________________ In the name of Allh the Bene%cent the Merciful. O Lord, Most Generous: support us and render us prosperous. 1) We were informed by Ab Muammad al-( Jaml al-Dn Ysuf ibn al-Zak Abd al-Ramn al-Mazz by way of an ijzah and correspondence, who was informed by his father al-( al-Mazz, who was informed by al-Njb Ab al-Muhraf al-Miqdd ibn Ab l-Qsim ibn al-Miqdd al-Qays listening to one who was learned in it, who was informed by Ab l-Abbs Amad ibn Amad ibn Amad al-Bandabj, who was informed by al-Shaykh Ab Nar al-Mamr ibn Muammad al-Husayn al-Bay, who was informed by Ab Abd Allh Muammad ibn Al ibn al-Husayn ibn Saknah al-Anm, who was informed by Ab l-Qsim Bakr ibn Shdhn ibn Bukayr al-Muqri through Ab Abd Allh's reading it aloud to him, who was informed by Ab Muammad Jafar ibn Muammad ibn Nusayr al-Khaww al-Khuld, who cites al-Hrith ibn Muammad ibn Ab Usmah al-Tamaym, who cites Ab Nuaym, who cites Sufyn, on the authority of Ab zim, on the authority of Amr ibn Shuayb, on the authority of his father, on the ultimate authority of Ubayd Allh ibn Amr who said: The Prophet of Allh peace and blessings be upon him said: A servant does not truly believe until he believes in qadr23 both its evil and its good.
23 Qadar is usually understood to be the earthly expression of God's will, indicating a measure of human responsibility for bringing good or evil particulars into the world. It became a subject of intense theological debate between

2) We cite Amad ibn Muammad ibn al-Hajjj ibn Rushd al-Mahd, who cites Ysuf ibn Al, who cites Abd al-Ramn ibn Muammad al-Murib on the authority of Ab Isq al-Shaybn, on the authority of alAbbs ibn Dar , on the authority of Shar ibn Hn, on the authority of ishah who said: Were I to perform laylat al-qadr24, I would not ask my Lord to Him all might and majesty for anything in its duration except all-encompassing forgiveness until I arrived at the morning. 3) We cite al-Qsim ibn Muammad ibn ammd in al-Kfah, who cites Amad ibn ab, who cites al-Rab ibn Sahl al-Fazr, on the authority of Sad ibn Ubayd al-, on the ultimate authority of Al ibn Rabah al-Rkib who said: I heard Al May Allh be pleased with him on this pulpit25 of yours when he said: The Um26 Prophet peace and blessings be upon him imposed the condition that he does not love you unless you be a believer, and does not hate you unless you be a hypocrite. 4) We cite Al ibn Amad al-Qun al-Fris in al-Frisiyah, who cites Abd al-amd ibn li, who cites Sahl Ab Abd Allh al-Muhann, on the authority of someone he knew, on the authority of Ab Hshim, on the ultimate authority of Zdhn who said:
Traditionist and Mutazila groups concerning the divide between man's agency and God's omnipotence, a debate which ran coeval with al-Khuld's lifetime. See: L. Gardet, al-a wa l-adar," EI2 . 24 Partially distinct from the meaning of qadar given above, this refers to the beginning of Muammad's prophetic mission: the night when he %rst received revelation. There is great disagreement in adth literature about when this night actually occurs; see Sunan Ibn Dwd 1915, 1918; Sunnan Ibn Mjah 1165, 1166, 1167, 1169; Sa al-Bukhr 762, 1381, 1382, 1386. The observance of this tradition has inspired performative and religious customs which endow it with great spiritual import. Chie,y, it is viewed as the instance when every person's qadar for the coming year is determined, or as a night of atonement wherein the believer declares her hope for a spiritual renewal and forgiveness both personal and catholic. The intent here focuses especially on the latter. In the Qurn, it is said to last until dawn breaks, an aspect highlighted by ishah. See: Srat al-Qadar; A. Neuwirth, Raman, EI2; and Marcotte, Night of Power, Encylopaedia of the Qurn. 25 Al, following in the tradition of the previous Rshidn, was known to have appeared on the minbars of al-Kfah and al-Barah several times in defense of his own claims to the caliphate, as well as those of Ab Bakr and Umar. See, e.g., Tarkh Dimashq (30/351, 359) and al-d wal Mathn (1/148, 151). 26 The term umm is one of the most problematic for our understanding of Muammad's prophetic mission, both in relation to how he himself perceived it and how others interpreted it. Today, consensus in the Muslim community has crystallized around an understanding which translates as unlettered, signifying that Muammad could not have taken his revelatory cues from previous scriptures and, thus, verifying the authenticity of his prophetic mission. However, some medieval and modern scholars have pointed to evidence which supports alternative meanings for umm including: 'Arabian' and 'Meccan' owing to the word's semantic relation to ummah (a group or nation) - or 'layman'. For an overview of these arguments, see: Sebastien Gnther. Muammad the Illiterate Prophet: An Islamic Creed in the Qurn and Qurnic Exegesis, Journal of Qurnic Studies Vol. 4, No. 1 (2002), pp. 1-26. A study the writerly culture around Muammad as preserved in later textual redactions can be found in: Sarah Zubair Mirza. Oral Tradition and Scribal Conventions in the Documents Attributed to the Prophet Muammad. Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan (2010), esp. 175-85.

I was a clear-voiced youth and skilled in playing the lyre. One day, my friends and I were in a small garden with a jar containing wine when a man entered our midst, striking the vessel with his foot and then throwing it. He then grabbed the lyre and broke it, whereupon he said: O young man! If what I hear of the quality of your voice were instead used for the Qurn, then you would become your true self. He departed, and I said to my friends, Who is this? They responded, You mean you do not know him? I said, No, to which they replied, This is Abd Allh ibn Masd, a companion of the Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him. At that moment, Allh cast repentance27 into my heart, and I followed Abd Allh, calling out to him before he entered his dwelling. He asked, Who are you?, and I replied, I am the owner of the lyre. He said, Welcome to whoever loves Allh and His Apostle and ordered me to sit and o*ered me a date. He remarked, Eat, for if there were something to eat other then this in our possession, we would have pro*ered it to you, instead. 5) We cite Amad ibn al-asan ibn Sab in Kufa, who found in his grandfather's book that which cites Muammad ibn Ab Uthmn al-Azad, who cites al-asan on the authority of Ab Hurayrah who said: The Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him said, There is nothing in Allh's sight more preferable than knowledge28 of true religion. 6) We cite Ab Jafar Amad ibn Yay al-alwn, who cites Muammad ibn al-ab, who cites Farj ibn Falah, on the authority of Ab Hurayrah al-Dimashq, on the ultimate authority of Ibn Abbs : Ab Hurayrah said, A man came to Ibn Abbs to inquire about fasting. Ibn Abbs said, 'You have come to ask about my personal habits; however, I will inform you of the tradition known to me through exhaustive searching: 'If you seek the fasting of David peace be upon him, the regent of the Beni%cient to Him all
27 For a discussion of f conceptions of tawbah prior to and contemporary with al-Khuld see: Atif Khalil. Early Su( Approaches to Tawba: From the Qurn to Ab lib al-Makk. Dissertation: University of Toronto (2009), especially his section on al-Wsi pp. 144-50. 28 The Arabic here reads (qh, most simply translated as given. As a theological phenomenon, it refers to the development of interpretive jurisprudence which blossomed - in Sunn circles - into the four schools of law beginning with Ab anfah (d. 148/768) and Mlik ibn Anas (d. 178/795) and still vibrant during al-Khuld's life in the person of al-Sh% (d. 324/936); Ab Hurayrah (d. 61/681) necessarily could not possibly have been referencing these later occurrences. The later (qh schools developed competing credal stances for deriving authoritative judgements, ranging from personal opinion, to consensus of local tradition, to textual authority; in this last the anbals i.e. followers of Amad ibn anbal - and Sh%s constructed their pronouncements. Considering al-Khuld's instruction in the textual tradition at the hands of several notable anbals and his mystic leanings, it is plausible that he interpreted this use of (qh to refer to knowledge of the textual tradition of the Prophet the Qurn and the received sunnah (example); see Melchert, Pietry of adth Folk, IJMES Vol. 34, No. 3 (2002). Given al-Sh%'s low opinion of fs he is made to exclaim that, Su%sm was established upon sloth (al-kasal) in Ibn al-Jawaz's Talbs Ibls we might assume al-Khuld kept his credal distance.

might and majesty then know that he was a servant of the highest order and the bravest of people, and he never recited [the Pslams?] if he he stood to gain from it. He used to recite the entirety of it in seventy styles, including a rendition which moved the careworn.29 When wanting to make himself weep there remained no beast on the land nor in the sea except that which hearkened intently to his voice, listening and crying. He also performed a prostration at the end of the night, crying piteously until the morning came. And the Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him used to say, The best fast is that of my brother David peace be upon him in that he fasted one day and broke it the next. 'And if you seek the fast of his son Sulaymn peace be upon him then know that he used to fast three days at the beginning of each month, and from the middle of the month three days, [and from the end three days], seeking to fast at the beginning, middle and end of the month. 'And if you seek the fast of the son of the Blessed Virgin peace be upon him then know that he used to fast year-round, not breaking it for anything. He used only to eat barley and wear hairshirts.30 He had no son who shed blood and no daughter who tilled the earth. A skillful spearman, he did not miss a prey he intended. Wheresoever the sun set, he set his feet in line and continued to pray until he saw it had risen. He used to pass his time occupied with Isrl, administering to he who had need. He never undertook a task except after having performed two raks.31 Such was his pursuit until he was raised.32 'And if you seek the fast of his mother, then know that she fasted two days, breaking it thereafter. 'And if you seek the fast of the best of humanity [Muammad] peace be upon him then know that he used to fast three days of the month, saying they were the fast of the dahr.33
29 Al-Sayyid gives the de%nition of the Arabic mamm as someone struck by a fever (al-am). 30 This is a play on words, taking advantage of the consonantal similarity between the Arabic words shar (barley) and shar (hair). 31 A rakah (genu,ection) is an integral part of Islamic prayer. At each of the determined %ve daily prayers, the worshipper should perform %ve rakahs, followed by full prostration. s's actions described in this tradition could should be considered as ziydah, or supererogatory, as it emphasizes that all actions to him were connected with prayerfulness. 32 This particular tradition relating Jesus' fasting habits is also found in Tanbh al-Gh(ln by Ab l-Layth al-Samarqnd (d. 387/997); see: The Muslim Jesus: Sayings and Stories in Islamic Literature, ed. and trans. by Tarif Khalidi. Cambridge: Harvard University Press (2001), #146. Its appearance in this manuscript likely makes it the earliest known recording of this tradition by several decades. 33 The word dahr is used to describe both s's fast (year-round) as well as Muammad's. In pre-Islamic times, the dahr was seen as a Fortuna-like force: inescapable and inexorable. Throughout the Islamic period, it continued to be an evocative theme, especially in poetry, due to its great semantic variety. Technically it can refer to any period of time,

7) We cite Ab Jafar Muammad ibn Al ibn Zayd al-igh in Makkah, who cites al-Uqayb, who cites Salm ibn Sulaymn on the authority of Muammad ibn Wsi, on the ultimate authority of al-Mahd who said: Ab Hurayrah said to me: O Mahd! Do not be a ars, nor an arf, nor a shur.34 8) We cite Ab Sad al-Mufaal ibn Muammad al-Jund in Mekkah, who cites Ab ummah, who cites Abd al-Razzq, who was informed by Muammar on the authority of Hishm ibn Urwah, on the ultimate authority of his father who said: Umar ibn al-Khab may Allh be pleased with him said to a man: What have you to say about so-and-so? The man said, There is no fault in him, Commander of the Faithful. Umar asked, Have you ever accompanied him in travel? He replied, No, Commander of the Faithful. Umar asked, Has any enmity ever transpired between you two? He replied, No, Commander of the Faithful. Umar asked, Then, have you ever intrusted him with a dirhm or a dnr? He replied, No, Commander of the Faithful. Umar said, You have no knowledge of him; you have merely seen a man poke his head into a house of prayer and raise it. 9) We cite Ab Jafar Muammad ibn Uthmn al-Uqayb, who cites hir ibn Ab Amad, who cites Abd alRamn ibn Mahd, on the authority of Abd Allh ibn al-Mubrak, on the ultimate authority of Umar ibn al-akm who said: Wahb ibn Munabbih said: A man met another superior to him in knowledge and asked, How much should I eat? The latter responded, That which is above hunger and below satiation. The former then asked, How much should I laugh? and the latter responded, Until your face breaks forth in cheer, but not so that your voice can be heard. The former asked, How much should I cry? and the latter responded, Do not tend towards crying for fear of Allh. The former asked, How many of my actions should I hide? and the latter replied, So that the people do not see you working for your own bene%t. The former asked, And how many of my actions should I reveal? and the latter replied, So that you satisfy the inquiry of the ar35 and what people say vouches for you. 10) We cite Ab Shuayb Abd Allh ibn al-asan al-arrn, who cites Yay ibn Abd Allh al-Nbult, who cites Salamah ibn Wardn, who heard Anas ibn Mlik say:
although it is assumed to be long by many of the classical philologists. See: Dahr, W. Montgomery Watt, EI2. 34 Ab Hurayrah is referring to positions within the imperial security apparatus, which operated directly under the aegis of the caliph. Al-Sayyid gives de%nitions as follows: ars one who serves the suln, charged with his preservation and protection; arf - the chef d'a*aires below the [group's] leader, who is in charge of the tribe or group's matters. Through him, the leader comes to know the group's conditions.. al-Sayyid does not de%ne shur, but this was a position attached to the imperial security force. The implicit criticism here is that those who served in such capacities served the interest of alm repression against believers in contradiction with the spirit of brotherhood. 35 See n. 34, above.

Mudh ibn Jabal came to me from the presence of the Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him. I said, What has the Prophet - peace and blessings be upon him said? He replied, He said that whoever testi%es that there is no God but Allh sincerely has entered Paradise. I said, You heard this, personally? He said, Yes, go to him and ask. Thereafter, I approached the Apostle peace and blessings be upon him and questioned him and I said, O Apostle of Allh! Mudh ibn Jabal told me that you said whoever testi%es that there is no God but Allh, sincere in its meaning, has entered Paradise. He said, Mudh has spoken truly.36 11) We cite Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq al-s, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Ab Isq al-Bar, who cites Mahd ibn Maymn who said: Wil Mawl Uyaynah, was a neighbor of mine and lived by himself in a room. I used to listen to his recitation at night and he seldom slept at this time, except infrequently. He said, Then Uyaynah went away to Mekkah, but I continued to hear the recitation from his room in a voice that was alike to his; it was as if I could not dispute anything of the veracity of it all, and all the while the door was closed. He said, No sooner had he come from his travels than I mentioned that to him, and he replied, 'What do you %nd to dispute in that? Those are the inhabitants of the next world,37 who pray with our prayer and who listen to our recitations.' I said, So, do you see them? He replied, No, but I sense them and I hear their assurance at the time of my invocation38 and once when sleep overcame me, they woke me. 12) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Yay ibn Rshid Ab Bakr, who cites Muar al-Qri who said: There was a man who seldom slept during the night, but one night the weakness of his eyes overcame him and he fell asleep instead of praying. There, in the state which the sleeper sees, he saw a woman who had come to stand over him, as if she were the luminous moon. He said, With her was a sack, in it a book, and she said, 'Can you read, O shaykh?' He replied, Yes, and she said, 'Then read me this book.' He said, I took the book from her hand, which I found written in it:
36 In the Arabic text, this phrase is written twice. Often with Prophetic adth Muammad is shown to clarify the intention of his statement by repeating it. See: Dr. Amnah Badr al-Dn. Al-Tikrr f al-adth al-Nabaw al-Sharf, Majallat Jmaat Dimashq 26, al-add al-awwal wal-thn (2010), pp. 73-113. 37 The Arabic here reads dr, a reference to dr al-khirah, in distinction to the dr al-duny which refers to the domain of the human condition. See: Tritton, khira, EI2. Al-Sayyid, in his edition, refers to these inhabitants as angels (malikah). 38 The Arabic word used here du should be considered distinct from ritual or liturgical prayer alt from which the earlier translation of prayer is derived. Recourse to du was a particularly common practice amongst anbals a signi%cant in,uence on a-Khuld's early scholastic career - and Shah with whom al-Khuld is identi%ed by many modern Muslims. The question of du was also raised by prominent Ashar theologians, who recognized the problematic reconciliation of qadar and qa with a request to which God would respond. See: I. Gardet, Du, EI2.

Did comfort of a moment's sleep divert your from life's virtue, and the good deeds in the chambers of your heart and soul? To live everlastingly, no death therein, Finding su4ciency in the encampment with The Beauti%er. Awake from your slumber if it is better To keep vigil at night than to sleep. He said: Then, by Allh, I had scarcely mentioned the passage when sleep departed from me. 13) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Muammad ibn Ab Bakr, on the authority of Ibn al-Mubrak: Ibn al-Mubrak recalled the pious servants, and said: On what do they rest but that which surrounds them? And what are their pillows but a sheet and some clothes?39 And what occupies their nights except impassioned prayer? And what is sleep to them save a dreadful dissembler? Their complexion made yellow, as if on their faces were Sa*ron - a sickly complexion, saturated with euxanthone. Tattered swords, neglected by their zeal and by night-journey Toward Allh in the blackness, while the people slumber. They weep at all times, as though their clamor At the time people sleep is a wailing, so burdened. I have borne witness to their session of remembrance And their eyes tear up from the awesomeness of Allh. 14) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Abd al-Azz Ab Khlid al-Umaw, who cites Salamah al-bid on the authority of Abd al-amd ibn Jafar who said: Indeed, assan used to say, God has servants like he who sees the elect in Paradise, abiding; likewise, he who sees the Damned in the %re, a0icted. Their hearts fear Allh su4ciently, from evils they are protected, their needs are compensated, and their souls chaste from worldly concern. They have endured for some time, and their retribution now is a long reprieve. During the night, they align their feet to pray, shedding tears on their cheeks, hastening to their Lord, saying, Our Lord, Our Lord. During the day, the forbearing, the learned, the pious, those devout to the will of Allh - it is as though they are the canker to which the observer looks, and he considers them to be sick, a nation in which no one is acceptable. Surely they have been
39 The Arabic here reads adhra, which has a multiplicity of meanings including swift arriving death. The context, however, calls for this more limited reading.

disordered in the mind and a grievous matter has infected them. 15) We cite Ahmad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq, who cites Ysuf ibn Ms al-Marwaz, who cites Ibn Khabq, who cites Ab l-Khayr al-Bar who said: Allh - to Him all might and majesty - granted inspiration to David, peace be upon him: You presume that you love me and you claim my love40 for you, but you cast aspersions morning and night. There is in this a lesson for you. Indeed, I have ceiled seven earths even if you foisted but an atom's worth into them for any space of time, I would not forget it. As for Me, if not for My preserving you from the characteristics of the hypocrite, then surely I would have burned you in the %res of Hell. 16) We cite Amad, who cites Ysuf, who cites Khabq who said that he heard Abd Allh ibn ars say: A bedouin said in his prayer: I ask Allh: I have extended my hand to You desiringly, and that with which You have sustained me through your forgiveness has become even stronger. Your abundance is proven evident to me in my time of heedlessness, so how could I be deprived of hope from you at the moment of death? I do not negate your expectation of me with the monumentality of my sins; if I have done that, then surely there is no way to arrive in your presence except through you. 17) We cite Amad, who cites al-asan ibn Al, who cites Isml ibn s, who cites Isq, who cites Jubayr on the authority of al-ak, on the ultimate authority of Ab Abbs who said: When Allh to Him all might and majesty wanted to take hold of the soul of his khall41 Ibrhm He sent down to him the Angel of Death. Ibrhm said to him, Can it be that I have seen a khall come to take hold of the soul of his fellow khall? So, the Angel of Death ascended to his Lord to Him all might and majesty then returned to him and said, O Ibrhm! And can it be
40 The translation of these two instances of love are taken from the Arabic roots -b-b and -sh-q, both of which describe love in the English sense; the second, however, denotes an intimate or passionate love. Ishq became a highly charged term in f circles due its being employed to describe the relationship between creation namely humans and God. To some rationalist circles, chie,y the Mutazilah, this tone re,ected a dangerous tendency toward assigning anthropomorphic qualities to God. It should be noted that al-Khuld had more than a passing interest in ishq, as one of his works appears in al-Sarrj, Lum, with the name Mari al-Ushshq (Lovers' Demise), op cit. For a summary of the development of the use of maabbah and ishq to describe f dictates on their loving relationship to God: see 'ishq, Arkoun, M, EI2, and Joseph E. B. Lumbard. From ubb to ishq: The Development of Love in Early Su%sm, Journal of Islamic Studies Vol. 18, No. 3 (2009), pp. 345-85. From this use on, references to passion, desire or ishq in the translation will refer the reader to a well-developed awareness of intimate, personal connection with the object, be it human or divine. Use of the word love without the quali%cation of passion will refer henceforth to the word ubb or its derivation maabbah. 41 Khall here is the usual honori%c given to Ibrhim, signifying the intimate relationship he enjoyed with God. Few prophets enjoy distinction from others by way of a special appellation; others include Jesus - Kalm Allh (word of God) and Muammad khtim al-anbiy (the seal of the prophets).

that I have seen a khall abhor the meeting of his fellow khall? Ibrhm responded, Then take my soul at the Hour of Judgement. 18) We cite Amad ibn Muamad al-s, who cites Amad ibn Ab al-awr, who cites Ms ibn Ayb on the authority of Shuayb ibn arb who said: I entered upon Mlik ibn Mighwal while he was in a dwelling in al-Kfah and I said to him, Don't you feel alienated here? He responded, I never considered that one could grow alienated while with Allh to Him all might and majesty. If the servant loves his Lord then he feels no desolation; rather, he grows familiar with Him and speaks to Him. 19) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Amad ibn Ab awr who said: I said to a hermit in his hermitage, O Hermit! What is the most powerful thing your ilk %nds in your books? He responded, We %nd nothing more powerful in our books than that you exercise all of your love and all of your strength in loving the Creator. 20) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Amad ibn al-awr, who cites Zakariy ibn Yay who said: It was said to Ab Ubaydah al-Nj, What is your name? He responded, The Defender of Days. The former again asked, What is your name, O Abd Allh? The latter said, I have informed you that the beloved is consumed with the anxiety of this world, and he is the 'Defender of Days'. 21) We cite Amad ibn Muammad al-s, who cites Amad ibn al-awr, who heard Ab Sulaymn say: He had placed them in the chambers of Paradise before they obeyed Him, and He had entered them into the hell%re before they rebelled against Him. Umar ibn al-Khab may Allh have mercy on him had been wont to carry food to the idols42 and Allh love him that did not harm him for even the batting of an eye. 22) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Ahmad ibn Ab al-awr, who cites Abd Allh ibn Dhakwn on the authority of Umar ibn Ab Salamah, on the authority of Yay ibn assn that Muslim ibn Yassr said: Those who experience harsh trials would not face such hardship in the retreat of intimate discourse with Allh to Him all might and majesty and familiarity with His love. 23) We cite Amad ibn Muammad for his report that Muammad ibn amd cites Z(r ibn Sulaymn, who cites Abd Allh ibn Raj ibn Wqid, on the authority of Abbs ibn Manr who said: al-asan al-Bar was questioned about tawakkul and said: It is contentment with Allh - to Him all might and majesty.
42 These refer to the idols in the Kabah during the pre-Islamic period; Muammad's conquest of Mekkah in 630 ended with their removal. Likewise, the worship of idols is connected with disobedience to God's will throughout the Qurn. See: al-Shuar 71; al-Anbiy 57; Ibrhm 35; al-Anm 34; al-Arf 138.

24) I [al-Khuld] heard Ab l-Qsim al-Junayd [say]: Allh did not intend to delay that which creation was promised; rather, they attempt to substitute that which they order [for that which they were promised]. And for such reason, He has delayed that which they were promised. 25) We cite al-Junayd ibn Muammad, who heard Ab Jafar al-Baqql report: There was between me and Muammad ibn Yay - a man of upright religion and favor - a strong friendship. He [Ab Jafar al-Baqql] said to me [Junayd], I sought out Muammad ibn Yay in his house one day and asked permission to enter, but he did not permit that to me. I then repeated to a bondwoman what Muammad ibn Yay had said and she said to me, 'I am only aware that he entered a house at the beginning of the day and closed the door behind him, crying continuously, unceasingly.' I wished to seize the opportunity her words provided and said to her, 'Return and ask permission for me to to enter, and tell him that I am Ab Jafar al-Baqql.' I then entered and saw him crying with such great force such that he could scarcely contain himself. I said to him, 'Tell me, what is the matter?' He wished for me to depart, but I refused to leave him. Then he said, 'Last night the time for performing wird43 elapsed without my having done it, and I cannot consider that except as something I have caused; therefore, I have been punished with the prevention of my wird,' whereupon he commenced crying. I took pity on him and wished to ease the situation for him, so I said to him, 'How wondrous your situation and mine are! I had hoped to receive something from you.' He said to me, 'And what is that?' I replied, 'That you would not be content with Allh in a moment of your sleep until you you were seated, crying in my arms.' He said, 'Come o* your pretension, O Ab Jafar! I cannot consider the passing of my wird except as something I have caused.' Then weeping returned to him and his head did not return to my words. When I saw that this was the case, I got up to go and left him crying. 26) Ab l-Qsim said: This is the conduct of he who has exalted himself: Allh to Him all might and majesty desired soundness in his deeds so that he would not protest being stripped of a state from which He has removed him for his own bene%t, for he is not content except with that state's in,uence. Truly, if such a man lost any aspect of that state, then he would count that against himself, falling into blame and self-censure, not having pursued the inner worth of that ruined him. 27) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Mlik ibn aygham, who cites Ab al-usayn, a shaykh of the people of correct religion and favor, on the authority of one of his
43 Wird is a supererogatory personal devotion observed by the pious at speci%c times, usually once during the day and again at night. With the later development of f brotherhoods (sing. arqah, pl. uruq), wird became highly ritualized and even denoted credal stances speci%c to the individual arqah. See: Wird, F.M. Denny, EI2.

retinue who said: al-Iskandar44 passed by a city which long-passed kings had inhabited. He said to one of those who was with him, Does anyone remain from the wives of those kings? The latter replied, Yes, there is a young man who seeks shelter amongst the cemeteries and graveyards and who does not associate with anyone. Al-Iskandar sent for him and he came, whereupon he asked him, Are you a son of those kings who ruled this village? He replied, This is true. al-Iskandar asked further, Then, why do you seek shelter amongst the cemeteries and graveyards? He replied, I want to sort out the bones of the kings from those of their servants so as to know that, but I have become weary and defeated and am not capable of it. al-Iskandar said, Do you have any surviving relations? Perhaps I can reach out to them that you might receive the honor of your forefathers. He replied, There is that which Allh has preserved45 for me, if you are capable of %nding it. alIskander queried, And what is that? He responded, I want a young man without senescence; a state of happiness without misfortune; and a life without death. al-Iskandar said, And who is capable of bringing you that? He replied, He who possesses it is capable of it. al-Iskandar said, Truthfully, I do not possess it. The young man responded, I have my sights set on he who does. al-Iskandar said, It is wisdom, by Allh. He then turned to his companions and said, Remember this. 28) We cite Amad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Muammad ibn Umar, who cites Wahb ibn al-Milhab al-Bar who said: A pious servant met another pious servant - or perhaps a hermit met another hermit and said, Advise me. The latter said, Flee from people that you may be be reborn. Wahb said, And they thought that this seemed an exemplary reclusion. 29) We cite Amad, who cites Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn Muwiyah al-Azraq who said: One of the pious servants said, The sign of zuhd46 in this world is that one pays no heed to its
44 This %gure is usually associated with the historical %gure of Alexander the Great; he is also referred to as Dh lQarnayn in the Qurn (al-Kahf 86, 94). For images of Alexander in Arabic literature, see: C.E. Bosworth, 'Alexander the Great' and G. Canova, 'Alexander romance' in Encyclopedia of Arabic Literature, ed. by Julie Scott Meisami and Paul Starkey (London: Routledge, 1998), vol. 1, pp. 68-9; W.Montgomery Watt, 'Iskandar' in EI2; and Z. David Zuwiyya. Islamic Legends Concerning Alexander the Great: Taken From Two Manuscripts in Madrid. SUNY Press: New York (2001). The account is also typical of what has come to be termed Greek wisdom literature in Islamic studies. The standard in this %eld remains: Dimitri Gutas. Greek Wisdom Literature in Arabic Translation. A Study of the Graeco-Arabic Gnomologia. (American Oriental Series, 60). New Haven: American Oriental Society (1975). 45 Both al-Iskandar and the young man use the word baqiyah to express the respective concerns of familial ties and preserved characteristics. 46 Zuhd commonly translated as asceticism in western scholarly literature - was a fundamental tenet of early Islamic praxis and is assumed by modern scholars to have been a important fear-driven phase of pre-f spirituality which led to the development of a more fully realized mystical consciousness. This viewpoint's strongest proponent is Christoper Melchert; see: Zuhd EI3, and The Transition from Asceticism to Mysticism at the Middle of the 9th

food. 30) We cite Amad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites al-alt ibn akm, who cites Ab Zayd alBarayn who said: I entered upon a pious servant in Barayn, on whose face was written Al. He said, I have commanded you, my Beloved! The yearning for a look at Your noble face has melted my heart.47 By Allh he made me weep, and no sooner had a few days passed after that than he died, may Allh - may He be exalted - have mercy upon him. 31) Muammad ibn al-usayn said: A woman from my family saw as though she had entered Paradise and it had been festively bedecked. She asked, For whom has heaven been adorned? The inhabitants of Paradise replied, The most exalted of the Agents of the Bene%cent died yesterday. Just then, he came out and in his hand was a jorum made of ruby. When the woman saw him, he became glad and said, Show no deference, for this is the Paradise reserved for the meritorious, and only those who are most loved from amongst the pious servants are present. The woman said, O Father, by what means have you received this station from Allh? He replied, By love for Him and constant deference to His inclination, to Him all might and majesty .48 32) We cite Amad, who cites Muammad, who cites Abd Allh ibn Muammad ibn Ubayd Allh who said: It was said to one of the pious servants, What is the sign of repentance? He replied, Dread of committing sin. 33) We cite Ab l-Abbs Amad ibn Muammad al-Ahwz, who cites Ab Muammad al-Tamm, who cites
Century CE, Studia Islamica 83 (1996), pp. 51-70. The basis of his assumptions is underpinned by the use of Weberian ascetic-mystic ideal types, long out of favor with scholars of other ascetic traditions, and has been criticized in: Ch. 4 of Neue kritische Gnge: Zu Stand und Aufgaben der Su(kforschung/New Critical Essays: On the Present State and Future Tasks of the Study of Su(sm. Utrecht: M. Th. Houtsma Stichtung (2005); and Munim Surry. Pious Muslims in the Making: A Closer Look at Narratives of Ascetic Conversion, Arabica 57 (2010), 437-454. A holistic look at examples of zuhd in 2nd/8th-4th/10th century Arabic pietistic literature and its social function was undertaken by Leah Kinberg in What is Meant by zuhd? Studia Islamica, No. 61 (1985), pp. 27-44. We note that this work should be read very carefully, as Kinberg's approach con,ates historical and literary uses of zuhd to imbue the term with a complete consistency of verbal usage and societal function over the course of these two centuries. At present, research into Islamic asceticism still lacks an approach which combines a viable methodological template, period-speci%c historical focus, and a textual repertoire which utilizes both f and non-f sources. 47 After this quote, the text returns us to the voice of the narrator, al-Khuld. This phrasing has been amended to maintain the constancy of the al-Barayn's voice. 48 Entering into heaven is a common topos of Islamic ascetic literature with very early roots. For an example of a Prophetic adth with similar overtones - including imagery of the splendor of heaven, a4rmation of virtue, and describing the means of attaining salvation see: Amad ibn anbal, Kitb al-Zuhd, p. 117.

Amad ibn Ms al-Naysbr, who cites Isml, the son of the sister of Abd Allh ibn al-Mubrak who said: Amongst my acquaintances there was a man from al-Azad who carried the kunyah49 Ab al-Yaqn who was a lettered, delightful young man. He passionately desired the daughter of his paternal uncle, but his a*airs had fallen into disorder. I saw him one day buying an instrument of travel, so I asked him, O Ab Yaqn! What is it you are doing? He replied, I have resolved to trod my own path and take o* in any direction where true worth is to be had, so that He might release me or I die. Then he began to recite, saying: Therefore, I took leave of those I love, though the heart remains unchanged. I have parted from loved ones in search of simplicity; And she, crying over the separation. I said, This feeling you must contain! For death is much sweeter than taking up poverty. I will carve out a living, or die in a land In which the patter of tears washes over the grave. 34) We cite Amad ibn Muammad al-Ahwz, who cites Muammad ibn al-Qsim al-Hshim, who cites Al ibn s al-Zuhr, who cites his father who said: Ab Jafar grew desirous of a woman, biding his time for %fty years and then marrying her. However, he did not realize how to approach her until she taught him. Then it was said to him, What have you learned from your passion for her? He said, I used to see the moon on her countenance as better than that on the countenances of others. 35) We cite Amad ibn Muammad al-Ahwz, who cites Al al-Qamr, who heard Ibn Mundhir al-Bar say: Ishq is more delightful than a morsel of sugar, then it becomes an object of the bowels. By Allh, the people of ishq in times past were most certainly more chaste in lowering their gaze and guarding their virtue than the people of devotion in our current time. 36) We cite Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq, who cites Ayb al-Ar who said: I heard Bishr ibn al-rith while he was listening to a young man who had been permitted fame recite, and he said, Who has permitted this? It was said, This is so-and-so. Bishr - may Allh have mercy on him - then said, A lack of circumspection is unbelief. 37) We cite Amad ibn Muammad al-s, who cites Ayb al-Ar who said: Our companions bought a garment, and they proceeded one day to show it to Bishr, who asked,
49 The kunyah is a nominal form used to assert lineage, either ascribed or described, and can frequently be referential to someone's character, as is the case here; this kunyah translates to Father of Wakefulness. For a working de%nition, see: Hugh Kennedy. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates, 2nd Ed. Pearson Longman: London (2004), p. xiii.

For how much did you buy it? We said, For %fty dirhams. He responded, Quite inexpensive. From whom did you buy it? We said, From so-and-so. He asked, How much did you allow him to pro%t? We said, Two dirhams. He ordered, Return it to him, to which we responded, O Ab Nar! Did you not say that it was inexpensive? He replied, Yes. However, he is pleased with his own gain and is a miser. I say: Do not purchase from a miser! 38) We cite Ab Shuayb Abd Allh ibn al-asan al-arrn, who cites Yay ibn Abd Allh al-Bbult, who cites Ayb ibn Nuhayk Ab Khalld al-alb al-Zuhr - Mawl al-Sad ibn Ab Waqq - on the authority of A who said: I heard Abd Allh ibn Umar , who heard the Prophet of Allh peace and blessings be upon him had gone to visit an ill Ab Salamah and he heard the words of Umm Salamah Allh have mercy on her while she was crying. So, the Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him refrained from entering until he heard her speak, rendering him tearful with the Book of Allh to Him all might and majesty. She said: And the torpor of death shall bring forth the Truth: this was the thing from which you were trying to escape!" So he entered and then bestowed peace, and said, May Allh replace your loss, Umm Salamah. Thereupon, he exited with Ab Bakr may Allh be pleased with him who said to him, O Apostle of Allh, I saw that you were loth to enter because they were mourning the dead. He replied, I do not enter any house in which there is mourning, nor that with a black dog. 39) We cite Abd Allh ibn al-asan, who cites Yay ibn Abd Allh al-Bbult, who cites Ayyb ibn Nuhayk, on the authority of A that he heard Ibn Umar say: I heard that the Prophet peace and blessings be upon him approached a cloth merchant, from whom he purchased a shirt for four dirhams, which he left wearing. When he set out from amongst the Anr there was a man who said to him, O Apostle of Allh! Clothe me in a shirt from Paradise, may God provide you raiment! Muammad then removed the shirt and clothed the man in it, then returned to the cloth merchant and purchased from him another shirt for four dirhams, so that two dirhms remained. Later he happened upon a bondwoman in his path crying and said, What is it that makes you weep? She said, Oh Apostle of Allh, give my family two dirhams that I might buy some cha*50 with them. He gave her the two remaining dirhams, and then she turned her back and began to cry, so Muammad said, What is it that makes you weep when you already have the two dirhams? She said, I fear that they will strike me. He then walked with her to her family and bestowed peace. He later returned twice and bestowed peace each time, until they knew his voice. He returned a third time and a fourth bestowing peace, and
50 The Arabic here reads daqq-an mahlik-an. Daqq denotes ,our which has already been milled, and mahlik signi%es a type of wheat which grows in desolate (mahlikah) or low-rainfall areas. The Arabian Peninsula has long been a wheat producer, mostly of the triticum durum variety. Goods which are mahlik are due to expire (al-Kahf 59) or of low initial quality; this, combined with the fact that the woman is begging passersby for money to buy the product, would indicate that this is one of the cheapest types of wheat to be found in Medinan markets.

the family returned it and he said, Have you heard the %rst part of salm? They said, Yes, but we have wanted that you give us more than this greeting. I swear by my mother and my father, what is it that caused you to speak in such an unseemly manner? He said, This woman feared that you would hit her. Her master said, She is free to do what pleases Allh, may He be thanked for your walking with her! The Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him then began to evangelize him concerning eternal reward and Paradise, and then said, God has certainly blessed this partnership! May Allh clothe his Prophet in a shirt, and likewise a man from the Anr; and may Allh release him from scrutiny. And may praise be to Allh, who has apportioned all this to us through His power. 40) We cite Ab Muslim Ibrhm ibn Abd Allh, who cites Amah ibn Sulaymn al-Jazzr, who cites zim ibn Marwn - Mawl Ban Hshim on the authority of Amrah, on the authority of Thawr, on the authority of Khlid ibn Madn, on the ultimate authority of Mudh (ibn Jabal) who said: The Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him witnessed the wedding of a man from amongst his Companions. There, he dispensed some money saying, It is for apportionment, kindness, well wishes for a safe journey, and an abundance of Allh's favor. May He bless you all, and may you hasten to His table! And he produced a drum, striking it, while the tables o*ered their welcome, upon them fruit and sugar, which he sprinkled about. The people clasped their hands and the Apostle of Allh peace and blessings be upon him said to them, What is the matter that you do not take advantage of this? They said, O Apostle of All, have not you forbidden us from sacking? He replied, I have only stopped you from sacking army encampments; as for weddings, this does not apply. And he drew them close, and they drew close to him. 41) We cite Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn who said: I heard Al ibn Mhn al-Majs often used to host people and would say, It used to be said that the most harmful thing for the guest is that the house's owner be satis%ed. 42) We cite Amad ibn Muamad, who cites Muammad who said that Yay ibn Mahn said the following: It used to be said that part of the honor of hospitality is receiving the guest with gladness, a cheerful face, and goodly speech so as to entertain him with %ne conversation, prevent feelings of bashfulness, and meet his need for food. 43) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-Husayn, who cites Muammad ibn Umar alJazzr who said: Fuayl ibn al-Ayy saw what the adth transmitters were doing, and said, Carefully, O heirs to the Prophets!51 Do not be like that!
51 For a full discussion of the development and rami%cations of this attribution of spiritual genealogy see: Michael

44) We cite Amad ibn Muammad , who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites al-Qsim ibn Ab Sad, who cites a son of al-Misar ibn Kaddm, on the authority of Mlik ibn Mighwal who said: If not for that which the believers contemplate concerning the boundless generosity of Allh to Him all might and majesty toward them after death, then their vigor in this world would be split and their earthly forms would be torn asunder. 45) We cite Amad, who cites al-Qsim ibn Amr ibn Muammad, who cites Suwayd ibn Amr who said: If I hoped to live for yet a month then you would see me having come pliantly, and yet how could I even hope for that? I have been shown the tattered clouds [of the Day of Judgement] as they cover all living creatures at all hours of the night and day. 46) We cite Amad ibn Muammad al-Ahwz, who cites Muammad ibn Jafar al-Qazzz al-bid, who heard al-Ama say: The son of an Arab woman died and she stood watch over his grave while al-asan ibn Al and Abd Allh ibn Abbs may Allh have mercy upon them stood by her. They said to her, Return [to your life], and she responded, By Allh, I say that I shall not abandon a loved one! Then she said, May Allh have mercy upon you, my son, by Allh! But by Allh, your possessions were not meant for your tribe, nor was your task suited for your courage. Then she said: Man welcomes that which brings him no harm. Were it a wickedness, powerless to stop it is his arm. 47) We cite Ab l-Abbs al-Ahwz, who cites R ibn Salamah al-Warrq, who said that al-Qsim ibn Amr alAbqar said: The son of a Arab woman was taken, and she left each day to the cemetery and put her hand on his tomb, and eulogized him, saying: Because you were a diversion to the eyes, a contentment to behold You became an in%rmity for the unblemished hearts. Pay my joy no heed, as Your Day of Judgement is where I shall truly comprehend; And surely tomorrow I will be with the people of these tombs.

48) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad al-Fawz, who heard al-Ama say: I passed by a gaunt yet soft-skinned woman, tall with re%ned looks and sinewy, as though she
Cooperson. Classical Arabic Biography: The Heirs of the Prophets in the Age of Mamn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (2000), especially Ch. 3 as concerns ascetics.

were a vein of gold in silver. Close by her was her companion and many rich garments; and she was at the grave crying while the companion said: O Occupant of the grave! You were joined to me as though a malady, The eye coursing tears across time, over,owing. My woe prolonged, I hold out no more hope. Your shackle: pleasures of the body and of gaming. al-Am said, Then she fell upon the grave in a swoon. She came to after a moment and began to grieve for herself, saying: O Soul! How did he grow old? He for whom alternated the cold of winter and the heat of summer, blazing. Or, how does the sense of he who passed return? Love, bond, and beautiful face interred. 49) We cite Amad, who cites Abd Allh ibn Muammad al-Nab who said: al-Ama said, I passed by a woman while she was crying over her grave, saying: If only I knew how I came to be interred completely, and what has now become of my fortune. A portion of it had removed, rendering the whole old and grey, Making bereft that which was prosperous. He said, I left her and there passed a long moment. He said, Then, suddenly, I came upon her crying at the lowest point of the area, upon which she had pitched a tent. She was blind and crippled, crying, and saying in her weeping: There died before you many a tribe, your tyranny spread upon them. Longer lasting is their loss heard not, seen not. Yet, you left nothing behind for me heard not, seen not Except wretchedness, the painful a*air of life in embitteredness. 50) We cite Amad ibn Muammad, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn, who cites Ubayd Allh ibn Muammad who said: Abd Allh ibn Shaddd said, I entered the graveyard of the Ban mir tribe and I called out to them:

Dwellers of the Grave! Made equal amongst you are The son of the weak, the high-ranking lord. Where are the kings, sons of kings? Where is he who proved himself in this realm a tireless defender? Where are the energetic charges? Where their rapport? Where is the deserving one? Not this disgrace. Where are those who accept the burden of worship Whose blood boils at a wicked act? Where are those who hold themselves in high regard, who realize their excellence And ascend the highest peaks without need of a guide? He said, Then I heard a speaker whose voice I detected but whose presence I could not discern say: Death whittled them down to merely a remainder, they of Jamar, of Jawf, the Najd, and Raqd.52 Worms crawled into the cavities of their sages, And I heard the earth's vermin in my body. How many from Aka* had their ,esh scattered? Their joints the Asad sundered. 51) We cite Muammad ibn Al ibn Zayd al-igh in Mekkah, who cites Sad ibn Manr, who cites Yaqb ibn Abd al-Ramn, who cites Ibrhm ibn Muammad ibn Al ibn Abd Allh ibn Jafar on the authority of his mother, Labbah, the daughter of Abd Allh ibn Abbs who said: I used to visit my grandfather Ibn Abbs every Friday before his eyesight weakened, and I listened to him read his muaf53 when he came upon this yah: Truly, the perpetrators are gone astray and mad. On Judgement Day they will be dragged through the Fire on their faces, hearing Taste the caress of Hell! We have created all things in proportion and measure. Our command is
52 These are the names of regions in the Yemen; al-Jamar, unique amongst those mentioned, only became an administrative unit only after the Islamic conquests. See, Daniel Varisco. Agriculture in al-Hamdns Yemen: A Survey from Early Islamic Geographical Texts, Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient 52 (2009), p. 388. 53 Abd Allh ibn Abbs (d. 67/687) was Muammad's cousin on the paternal side and a highly signi%cant %gure in the early days of Islam, writing one of the %rst Qurnic tafsrs (exegesis) and relating 1660 adths. A muaf was and is the name for a complete text of the Qurn, often but not necessarily consisting of bound pages or quires; see: Adam Gacek. Arabic Manuscripts: A Vademecum for Readers. Leiden: Brill (2009), pp. 216-22. Debates about the date when the Qurn was %rst written down continue to evolve, but Behnam Sadeghi in The Codex of a Companion of the Prophet and the Qurn of the Prophet (%rst presented at the Colloquium on the Early History of the Qur n, Stanford University, July 30-31, 2009) has calculated the probability of the an codex being written before 55/675 at 99.2%. If this khabar is authentic, it would serve as interesting corroborating evidence for the existence of physical muafs during this early period.

a carried out instantly, like the twinkling of an eye. He said to me, O my daughter! I knew those to whom this yah was directed - what they were like, and what has become of them now. 52) We cite Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq, who cites Muammad ibn al-usayn al-Barjaln, who cites Yay ibn Ab Bukayr on the authority of Abd ibn al-Wald al-Qurash who said: Amr ibn Ubayd used to come to his companions with dinars and dirhams, and one time he even stripped his clothes o* to give to one of them, saying, I do not give any of this a second look.54 The end, all praise be to Allh alone. We entreat: May there be peace and blessings for our sovereign Muammad, his family, and his Companions. Arabic Edition: Comments on the Manuscript Al-Fawid has been previously documented in Brockelmann, who lists a Fawid work for alKhuld at the Damascene hiriyya library in mag. 40 (eb. 255);55 Sezgin references a hiriyyah copy under the title al-Fawid wa-z-zuhd wa-r-raqiq wa-l-marth under mag. 45 (32a-62b, 6 Jh. H).56 It is probable that Brockelmann and Sezgen did identify the same MS, but in an index of its own holdings completed in 1978 eleven years after the completion of Sezgin's survey - the hiriyyah library did not list the MS under its taawwuf holdings and only four titles of fawid collections appear, none of which could be confused for the present work.57 The amount of detailed description given by Sezgin underscores his familiarity with the MS, but unfortunately the the status of this hiriyyah copy is, at present, uncertain. Sezgen identi%es this mysterious hiriyyah MS as identical to two copies in Cairo: adth 1558B, S. 258-68 (8. Jh. H.), and from it a copy makht Suppl. II, 198 Nr. 26518B (12 *. 1351 H.). It is Sezgin's second copy used to produce this edition, preserved today in the Dr al-Kutub al-Qawmiyya al-Mariyya Bb al-Khalq facilities under makhah 25618B, adth 1557B as the fourth part (juz) of a larger series of similarly themed works copied by Mamd Abd al-Laf Fakhr al-Dn; no description or accounting of this collection is available. Although the entirety of the series is in need of further examination, comments will here be limited to the MS of al-Fawid wal-Zud wal-Raqiq wal-Marth wa ghayru-h. A previous edition of the MS was produced by Ab Maryam Magd Fat al-Sayyid.58 Sayyid's
54 The Arabic here reads barham; the meaning as given by al-Am is literally an extended gaze, and does not translate cleanly. 55 Brockelmann GAL, Supplementband I Zu. S. 200 10. Kap Die Mystik. 56 Fuat Sezgin. GDAS. Vol. 1, p. 661. 57 Fihris Makht Dr al-Kutub al-ahiriyyah: Mabt: al-taawwuf. Majma al-Lughah al-Arabiyyah bi-Dimashq al-juz althn min arf zn il arf mm wuia Muammad Riy al-ali. Matbaal-ijz bi-Dimashq (1398/1978), pp. 417-21. 58 Al-Fawid wal-Zuhd wal-Raqiq wal-Marath lil-Imm Ab Muammad Jafar al-Khuld, taqq Ab Maryam Magdi Fat al-Sayyid. Dar al-abah : an (1989).

edition furnishes the reader with a short introduction on al-Khuld's life and a phenomenal critical apparatus for the isnads, but the text is riddled with errors and glaring omissions: often, entire sentences are left out and the reader regularly encounters replaced names in the isnad without comment.

General remarks: - This edition of al-Fawid the manuscript found in the Cairo Dr al-Kutub. In instances of the texts illegibility or obscurity variant readings from outside sources have been incorporated when available. Throughout, a thorough comparison has been made between this edition and al-Sayyids 1989 edition. All textual notes detailing the discrepancies between the two editions are located in the endnotes. - The copy of the MS is in very good condition, owing to the relative lateness of its copying in 1932. - The script is very legible, although some cramping of the writing renders the text di4cult in very few places. The text shows no e*ects of water damage or other de%ciencies. The MS is paginated, comprising 24 pages overall. The cover page is counted as page 1 and displays the Dr al-Kutub record number, a record of transfer (166/1952), and a seal. The colophon appears on p. 24, containing information about the source MS from which the extant MS was copied, the sam certi%cate for the source MS, the dates of copying for the source and extant MSS, and an illegible seal similar to the one on the cover page. - The actual text of al-Fawid has 22 pages, each page measuring 11.5 cm by 15 cm. Each page except the %rst contains 21 lines; the %rst page contains 17 lines, the result of a large lacunae between the basmalah and the isnad for the %rst account. - al-Fawid contains 52 accounts all of which are sourced. The primary method of sourcing is an isnad, although two accounts merely begin with ql (#26, #31). A major source for the transmission of the accounts is the suf Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq al-s, who appears in more than half (28/52) of the isnads. Orthography of the MS: Isnads are reproduced faithfully in the entirety of this edition, free of abbreviations not occurring in the text. Those abbreviations which do occur are: !" for anbn (#1, passim); !$% for addathan (#2, passim); and &$% for addathan (#27, passim). Their elongated forms are common throughout the text. Accounts are not numbered in the manuscript, but the end of each is indicated by a line which extends to the left-hand side of the page; the isnad for the following account begins on the next line. The hamzah is regularly written, especially as al-hamzat al-qata in %$ #"and '( .It does not always appear in the middle of the word, especially .The appearance of hamzah in or is

most capricious. The singular inde%nite mafl bi-hi is irregularly marked in the alif tanwn when it occurs before the preposition min; in only two of these occurrences is the tanwn provided (#27, 39). We have recorded the tanwn as it occurs in the text. An erroneous alif filah marking the manb singular of the ghib occurs one time (#26). The letter is particularly di4cult to identify throughout and often appears without its diacritic (#4, ,passim.). The letters frequently appear with their diacritics stacked vertically above the letter. See, respectively: #17 ($ &'( ;) and #12 ( ) .-and #43 (/0.) The orthographic convention of writing !" before the name of a mother is followed in rendering ; "! (,+ ('&%this occurs only once (#6). The enclitic to mark the male singular ghaib is never closed.

Fig A: Colophone, al-Fawid For the Arabic edition of al-Fawid, please click here.

Fig. B: First page, al-Fawid

Appendix A: Arabic Sources for al-Khuld's Life: ilyat al-Awliy wa abaqt al-A(y li-Ab Nuaym Amad ibn Abd Allh al-Ifahn (d. 429/1038). Bayrt: Dr al-Kitb al-Arab (1967-8), 10 vols. - Vol. 10, p. 381. Trkh Baghdd li-Ab Bakr Amad ibn Al Khab al-Baghdd (d. 464/1072). Al-Qhirah: Maktabat alKhnj (1936), 14 vols. - Vol. 7, p. 226. al-Bidyah wal-Nihyah li-Ab al-Fad al-% Isml Ibn Kathr al-Dimashq (d. 774/1372), taqq Duktr Abd Allh ibn Abd al-Musin al-Turk. Al-Qhirah: Dr al-Hajr (N/D). - Vol. 11, p. 234. Tabaqt al-Awliy li-Sirj al-Dn Ab afs Umar ibn Al ibn Amad al-Mir, al-marf bi-Ibn alMulaqqin (d. 804/1402). Bayrt: Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmiyyah (1998). - p. 170-4. Shadhart al-Dhahab f Akhbr man Dhahab li-Ibn al-Imd Shihb al-Dn Ab al-Fal Abd al-ayy ibn Amad ibn Muammad al-Akar al-anbal al-Dimashq (d. 1089/1679). Bayrt: Dar Ibn Kathr (1986), 10 vol, index. - Vol. 2, p. 378. al-Rislah al-Qushayriyyah li-Abd al-Karm ibn Hawzin al-Qushayr (d. 465/1072), taqq Abd alalm Mamd and Mamd ibn al-Sharf. Al-Qhirah: Dr al-Kutub al-adthah (1966), 2 vols. - p. 24, passim when transmitting adth. Siyar Alm al-Nubal li-Muamamd ibn Amad al-Dhahab (d. 748/1348), taqq Shuayb al-Arn and usayn al-Asad. Bayrt : Muassasat al-Rislah (1981-1988), 25 vols. - Vol. 15, p. 558. Kashf al-Majb li-Ab Yaqb Isq ibn Amad al-Sijistn (d. 360/970). Trait ismalien du IVme sicle de lhgire [par] Ab Yaqb Sejestn. Texte persan publi avec une introd. par Henry Corbin. Theran: Institut Franco-Iranien (1949). p. 368. The Kashf al majb; the oldest Persian treatise on S%sm. Translated from the text of the Lahore edition, compared with mss. in the India O4ce and British Museum. London: Luzac (1936).

Mirt al-jinn wa-ibrat al-yaqn f marifat m yutabar min awdith al-zamn li-Ab Muammad Abd Allh ibn Asad ibn Al ibn Sulaymn al-Y% al-Yaman al-Makk (768/1366). Bayrt: Manshrt Muammad Al Bayn, Dr al-Kutub al-Ilmyah (1997), 4 vols. - Vol. 2, p. 342. Kitb al-Ibar wa-dwn al-mubtad wal-khabar f aym al-Arab wal-Ajam wal-Barbar wa man ara-hum min dhaw l-suln al-akbar li-Abd al-Rahmn ibn Muammad ibn Khaldn al-aram (d. 808/1406). Bayrt: Dr al-Kitab al-Lubnn (1956-61), 7 vols. - Vol. 2, p. 279. al-Nujm al-Zhirah ( Mulk Misr wal-Qhirah li-Ab al-Masin Jaml al-Dn Yusf ibn Taghrbird alAtbak al-Yashbaqw al-hir (d. 874/1470), taqq Muammad Muammad usayn and Sad Abd al-Fatt al-shr. : al-Qhirah: Al-Hiyaah al-Miriyyah al-mah (N/D). - Vol. 3, p. 322. - Translated from the Arabic annals by William Pooper. Berkeley: Universty of California Press (1969). Ghyat al-Nihyah f abaqt al-Qurr li-Shams al-Dn Ab al-Khayr Muammad ibn Muammad ibn alJazar (d. 833/1429), taqq J. Birjistrsir. Al-Qhirah: Maktabat al-Khnj (1932-5), 3 vols., 2 in. - Vol. 1, p. 197.

Appendix B: al-Khuld's Teachers Baghdad: f Ab Sad Amad ibn Al al-Khirz (277/890-1) al-rith ibn Ab Usmah al-Tamaym (282/896) Ab usayn Ruwaym ibn Yazd al-Baghdd (303/915-6) Ab l-Qsim Junayd ibn Muammad al-Khazzz al-Qawrr (297/909) Amad ibn Muammad ibn Masrq al-s (298/910) Muaddith Ab l-Fal Abbs ibn Muammad ibn tim ibn Wqid al-Dr (afr 271/July-August 884) Ab Jafar Amad ibn Yay al-alwn (Jumd al-l 267/December 889) Bishr ibn Ms al-Asad (279/892-3) Ab Muslim al-Kaj (292/904-5) Umar ibn af al-Sads (293/905-6), originally from Barah Muammad ibn Ysuf ibn al-Turk (12 nights passed in Jumd al-Awwal 295/907-8) Ab Shuayb al-arn (Dh al-ijja 295/907-8) al-asan ibn Al al-Mumar (with 21 nights remaining in Muarram 295/907-8) Khalf ibn Amr al-Ukbar (296/908-9) al-Kfah al-Qsim ibn Muammad ibn ammd al-Dalll (d. 297/907-8) Muammad ibn Uthmn ibn Ab Shaybah (d. 297/909) Mun Muammad ibn Abd Allh ibn Sulaymn al-aram (d. Rab al-khir 297/909) Muammad ibn Jafar al-Qattt (d. Jumd al-Awwal 303/Nov. 915) Makkah Al ibn Abd al-Azz al-Baghaw (d. 286-7/899-90) Ab Jafar Muammad ibn Al ibn Zayd al-igh al-Makk (d. Dh al-Qadah 291/Aug. 904) Al-Barah Ab Bakr Jafar ibn Muammad ibn arb al-Abdn al-Bar (d. 279/892) Unknown Origin al-asan ibn Alawayh al-Qan (d. 298/910-11)