Dynasty Debate Empire K Aff Turkey WMD

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Empire Kritikal Affirmative Turkey Weapons of Mass Destruction

Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................................. 2 Inherency: US WMD in Turkey ............................................................................................................................. 3 Harm: (Nuclear) Deterrence ................................................................................................................................... 4 Harm: (Nuclear) Deterrence (2) .............................................................................................................................. 5 Significance: Complete Domination ....................................................................................................................... 6 SUGGESTED PLANS............................................................................................................................................ 7 Solvency Framework .............................................................................................................................................. 8 Advantage: Biopolitics............................................................................................................................................ 9 Advantage Impact: Biopolitics ............................................................................................................................. 10 Advantage: Hegemony.......................................................................................................................................... 11 Advantage Impact: Hegemony ............................................................................................................................. 12 Advantage: Militarism .......................................................................................................................................... 13 Advantage Impact: Militarism .............................................................................................................................. 14 Advantage: Imperialism ........................................................................................................................................ 15 Advantage Impact: Imperialism ............................................................................................................................ 16 AT: Reject Solvency Framework.......................................................................................................................... 17 AT: Politics-Based DA ......................................................................................................................................... 18 AT: Spending DA ................................................................................................................................................. 19 AT: Courts CP....................................................................................................................................................... 20 AT: Agent CP ....................................................................................................................................................... 21

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Introduction
The story of the 21st century will be the narrative of the rise of Empire. Theorists Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri have described Empire in detail, and how the increase of biopolitical control will intensify global capitalism and thus domination over all persons. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 9-10 New juridical figures reveal a first view of the tendency toward the centralized and unitary regulation of both the world market and global power relations, with all the difficulties presented by such a project. Juridical transformations effectively point toward changes in the material constitution of world power and order. The transition we are witnessing today from traditional international law, which was defined by contracts and treaties, to the definition and constitution of a new sovereign, supranational world power (and thus to an imperial notion of right), however incomplete, gives us a framework in which to read the totalizing social processes of Empire. In effect, the juridical transformation functions as a symptom of the modifications of the material bio political constitution of our societies. These changes regard not only international law and international relations but also the internal power relations of each country. While studying and critiquing the new forms of international and supranational law, then, we will at the same time be pushed to the heart of the political theory of Empire, where the problem of supranational sovereignty, its source of legitimacy, and its exercise bring into focus political, cultural, and finally ontological problems.

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Inherency: US WMD in Turkey

The United States the epicenter of Empire still has WMDs in Turkey. Press TV, April 2010, http://www.presstv.ir/detail.aspx?id=122919&sectionid=351020104, As Washington and Moscow sign a new arms reduction treaty, skepticism arises in Turkey as to whether those cuts will include US atomic warheads stored in the country. US President Barack Obama and his Russian counterpart Dmitry Medvedev signed a new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START) in Prague on Thursday, which requires both sides to reduce their nuclear arsenals to 1,550, or about one-third below current levels. Meanwhile, the Obama administration has revised the US policy on atomic weapons as part of a new Nuclear Posture Review (NPR) that, among other things, is said to be aimed at reducing the US stockpile. But silence over anticipated US plans to withdraw nuclear bombs deployed in the Incirlik Air Base in southern Anatolia, has left many speculating on whether Washington has any intentions to remove the weapons at all. When asked about a possible US move to withdraw its nuclear weapons from five European countries, including Turkey, Turkey's Defense Minister Vecdi Gonul said that Ankara had no information about such plans. No information has been officially announced, Gonul told reporters on Wednesday. The US has positioned a total of 200 B61 thermonuclear gravity bombs in Turkey, Belgium, France, the Netherlands and Germany since the Cold War. Turkey is believed to be hosting 90 bombs at Incirlik Air Base.

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Harm: (Nuclear) Deterrence

Nuclear weapons are a key component to the expansion of Empire. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 346 The panoply of thermonuclear weapons, effectively gathered at the pinnacle of Empire, represents the continuous possibility of the destruction of life itself. This is an operation of absolute violence, a new metaphysical horizon, which completely changes the conception whereby the sovereign state had a monopoly of legitimate physical force. At one time, in modernity, this monopoly was legitimated either as the expropriation of weapons from the violent and anarchic mob, the disordered mass of individuals who tend to slaughter one another, or as the instrument of defense against the enemy, that is, against other peoples organized in states. Both these means of legitimation were oriented finally toward the survival of the population. Today they are no longer effective. The expropriation of the means of violence from a supposedly self-destructive population tends to become merely administrative and police operations aimed at maintaining the segmentations of productive territories.

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Harm: (Nuclear) Deterrence (2)

Nuclear weapons are a key component to the expansion of Empire. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 346 The second justification becomes less effective too as nuclear war between state powers becomes increasingly unthinkable. The development of nuclear technologies and their imperial concentration have limited the sovereignty of most of the countries of the world insofar as it has taken away from them the power to make decisions over war and peace, which is a primary element of the traditional definition of sovereignty. Furthermore, the ultimate threat of the imperial bomb has reduced every war to a limited conflict, a civil war, a dirty war, and so forth. It has made every war the exclusive domain of administrative and police power. From no other standpoint is the passage from modernity to postmodernity and from modern sovereignty to Empire more evident than it is from the standpoint of the bomb.

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Significance: Complete Domination

Empire becomes in complete control of the people and produces society as it sees fit. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 88 Bureaucracy operates the apparatus that combines legality and organizational efficiency, title and the exercise of power, politics and police. The transcendental theory of modern sovereignty, thus reaching maturity, realizes a new individual by absorbing society into power. Little by little, as the administration develops, the relationship between society and power, between the multitude and the sovereign state, is inverted so that now power and the state produce society.

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SUGGESTED PLANS
PLAN: The USFG will substantially reduce military presence in Turkey by sending their WMD into space. PLAN: The USFG will substantially reduce military presence in Turkey by disarming their WMD and burying them in the Atlantic sea.

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Solvency Framework
We are the solvency. Hardt and Negris solution to Empire is the multitudea collective analysis rejecting and resisting Empire and its assemblages via deconstruction. We claim ourselves as the multitude since we are rhetorically (and therefore actually) resisting Empire. Thus our solvency is twofold: ourselves rhetorically resisting as immanent solvency and our empirical solvency as the warrant for such. Michael Hardt, interviewed by Caleb Smith and Enrico Minardi in The Minnesota Review, 2004 Well, insofar as Empire is oriented toward the structures of power, Multitude tries to talk about the possibilities of resistance. It has two general axes. One is a question about what democracy is today and what democracy could be in a global world, a genealogy of what democracy could mean in a space beyond the national space. But we quickly realizedand this is quite normalthat all of this political theorizing about democracy remains wishful thinking unless there's a subject that can fill it. For us, economic analysis, class analysis, analysis of the forms of labor and new forms of cooperationthose are what give the possibility to new notions of democracy. Those are the two future-oriented lines of the book. What other political forms could democracy take in a global world? Why is it possible today that we can fulfill them?

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Advantage: Biopolitics
Empire produces a system described by Michel Foucault as a system of complete biopolitical control over its citizens. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 88 This passage in the history of ideas does indeed parallel the development of social history. It corresponds to the dislocation of the organizational dynamic of the state from the terrain of medieval hierarchy to that of modern discipline, from command to function. Max Weber and Michel Foucault, to mention only the most illustrious, have insisted at length on these metamorphoses in the sociological figures of power. In the long transition from medieval to modern society, the first form of the political regime was, as we have seen, rooted in transcendence. Medieval society was organized according to a hierarchical schema of degrees of power. This is what modernity blew apart in the course of its development. Foucault refers to this transition as the passage from the paradigm of sovereignty to that of governmentality, where by sovereignty he means the transcendence of the single point of command above the social field, and by governmentality he means the general economy of discipline that runs throughout society. 34 We prefer to conceive of this as a passage within the notion of sovereignty, as a transition to a new form of transcendence. Modernity replaced the traditional transcendence of command with the transcendence of the ordering function. Arrangements of discipline had begun to be formed already in the classical age, but only in modernity did the disciplinary diagram become the diagram of administration itself. Throughout this passage administration exerts a continuous, extensive, and tireless effort to make the state always more intimate to social reality, and thus produce and order social labor. The old theses, a` la Tocqueville, of the continuity of administrative bodies across different social eras are thus profoundly revised when not completely discarded. Foucault, however, goes still further to claim that the disciplinary processes, which are put into practice by the administration, delve so deeply into society that they manage to configure themselves as apparatuses that take into account the collective biological dimension of the reproduction of the population. The realization of modern sovereignty is the birth of biopower.

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Advantage Impact: Biopolitics

Biopolitics causes extinction. Giorgio Agamben, professor of Aesthetics, Verona, HOMO SACER: SOVEREIGN POWER & BARE LIFE, 1998, p. 179-80 In this sense, our age is nothing but the implacable and methodical attempt to overcome the division dividing the people, to eliminate radically the people that is excluded. This attempt brings together, according to different modalities and horizons, Right and Left, capitalist countries and socialist countries, which are united in the projectwhich is in the last analysis futile but which has been partially realized in all industrialized countriesof producing a single and undivided people. The obsession with development is as effective as it is in our time because it coincides with the biopolitical project to produce an undivided people.The extermination of the Jews in Nazi Germany acquires a radically new significance in this light. As the people that refuses to be integrated into the national political body (it is assumed that every assimilation is actually only simulated), the Jews are the representatives par excellence and almost the living symbol of the people and of the bare life that modernity necessarily creates within itself, but whose presence it can no longer tolerate in any way. And we must see the extreme phase of the internal struggle that divides People and people in the lucid fury with which the German folkrepresentative par excellence of the People as a whole political bodysought to eliminate the Jews forever. With the Final Solution (which did, not by chance, involve Gypsies and others who could not be integrated), Nazism darkly and futilely sought to liberate the political scene of the West from this intolerable shadow in order to produce the German Volk as the people that finally overcame the original biopolitical fracture. (This is why the Nazi leaders so obstinately repeated that in eliminating Jews and Gypsies, they were actually also working for the other European peoples.) Paraphrasing the Freudian postulate on the relation between ego and id, one could say that modern biopolitics is supported by the principle according to which Where there is bare life, there will have to be a Peopleon condition that one immediately add that the principle also holds in its inverse formulation: Where there is a People, there will be bare life. The fracture that was believed to have been overcome by eliminating the people (the Jews who are its symbol) thus reproduces itself anew, transforming the entire German people into a sacred life consecrated to death, and a biological body that must be infinitely purified (through the elimination of the mentally ill and the bearers of hereditary diseases). And in a different yet analogous way, todays democratico-capitalist project of eliminating the poor classes through development not only reproduces within itself the people that is excluded but also transforms the entire population of the Third World into bare life. Only a politics that will have learned to take the fundamental biopolitical fracture of the West into account will be able to stop this oscillation and to put an end to the civil war that divides the peoples and the cities of the earth.

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Advantage: Hegemony
Empire works by using hegemony as power in international relations. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 16 In first attempting a definition, we would do well to recognize that the dynamics and articulations of the new supranational juridical order correspond strongly to the new characteristics that have come to define internal orderings in the passage from modernity to postmodernity. 25 We should recognize this correspondence (perhaps in Kelsens manner, and certainly in a realistic mode) not so much as a domestic analogy for the international system, but rather as a supranational analogy for the domestic legal system. The primary characteristics of both systems involve hegemony over juridical practices, such as procedure, prevention, and address. Normativity, sanction, and repression follow from these and are formed within the procedural developments.

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Advantage Impact: Hegemony

Hegemony threatens human survival. Noam Chomsky, MIT professor of linguistics, Hegemony or Survival, 2003, pp. 231-2 Throughout history it has been recognized that such steps are dangerous. By now the danger has reached the level of a threat to human survival. But as observed earlier, it is rational to proceed nonetheless on the assumptions of the prevailing value system, which are deeply rooted in existing institutions. The basic principle is that hegemony is more important than survival. Hardly novel, the
principle has been amply illustrated in the past half-century. For such reasons, the US has refused to join the rest of the world in reaffirming and strengthening the Outer Space Treaty of 1967 to reserve space for peaceful purposes. The concern for such action, articulated in UN resolutions calling for "Prevention of an Arms Race in Outer Space," is motivated by widespread recognition that Washington intends to breach this barrier, so far maintained. The US was joined in its abstention in 1999 by Israel, in 2000 by Micronesia as well. As noted earlier, immediately after it was learned that the world had barely been saved from a war that might have "destroyed the Northern Hemisphere," the Bush administration effectively vetoed yet another international effort to prevent the militarization of space. For the same reasons, Washington blocked negotiations at the UN Conference on Disarmament during the sessions that opened in January 2001, rejecting the call of SecretaryGeneral Kofi Annan that member states overcome their lack of "political will" and work toward a comprehensive accord to bar militarization of space. "The U.S. remains the only'one of the 66 member states to oppose launching formal negotiations on outer space," Reuters reported in February. In June, China again called for banning of weapons in outer space, but the US

hegemony, with its short-term benefits to elite interests, is ranked above survival in the scale of operative values, in accord with the historical standard for dominant states and other systems of concentrated power..' One can discern two trajectories in current history: one aiming toward hegemony, acting rationally within a lunatic doctrinal framework as it threatens survival; the other dedicated to the belief that "another world is possible ," in the words that animate the World Socia l Forum, challenging the
again blocked negotiations." Again, that makes good sense if reigning ideological system and seek ing to create constructive alternatives of thought, action, and insti tutions. Which trajectory will dominate, no one can foretell. The pattern is familiar throughout history; a

Bertrand Russell once expressed some somber thoughts about world peace: After ages during which the earth produced harmless trilobites and butterflies, evolution progressed to the point at which it has generated Neros, Genghis Khans, and Hitlers. This, however, I believe is a passing nightmare; in time the earth will become again incapable of supporting life, and peace will return . No doubt the projection is accurate on some dimension beyond our realistic contemplation. What matters is whether we can awaken ourselves from the nightmare before it becomes all-consuming, and bring a measure of peace and justice and hope to the world that is, right now, within the reach of our opportunity and our will.
crucial difference today is that the stakes are far higher.

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Advantage: Militarism
Empire is called into being and asked to use military force. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 15 Once again, the ancient notions of Empire help us articulate better the nature of this world order in formation. As Thucydides, Livy, and Tacitus all teach us (along with Machiavelli commenting on their work), Empire is formed not on the basis of force itself but on the basis of the capacity to present force as being in the service of right and peace. All interventions of the imperial armies are solicited by one or more of the parties involved in an already existing conflict. Empire is not born of its own will but rather it is called into being and constituted on the basis of its capacity to resolve conflicts. Empire is formed and its intervention becomes juridically legitimate only when it is already inserted into the chain of international consensuses aimed at resolving existing conflicts.

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Advantage Impact: Militarism

Militarism causes extinction. Betty Reardon, a UN consultant, WOMEN AND PEACEFEMINIST VISIONS OF GLOBAL SECURITY, 1993, p. 21-25 The very weapons we have developed to defend our security are themselves a threat to our security in the potential consequences of their use in combat and in the actual processes of their development and testing. Next, that the basic needs of life will be met. Yet. as more people of the world fall into
poverty, millions are without clean, potable water, housing, adequate food, fundamental education, and health care of any kind. Most of these are women. Inflation is rampant, unemployment is increasing; uncared for children roam the streets of the world's great cities. Third, that human dignity and integrity will be respected, and personal well-being and possibilities for individual and social development will not be impeded by traditional customs, social structures, or political policies at local, national, or global levels. Yet a review of the Declaration of the Convention on All Forms of Discrimination against Women provides a list of a broad and tragic range of impediments to women's personal well-being that still prevail throughout the world. Apartheid and racism in various forms impede the social development of many indigenous peoples .

The arms produced for national defense have been used to maintain racist, repressive systems that deny the personal well being and human rights of ethnic groups and political dissenters. Fourth, that we can be protected from preventable harm and cared for in times of disaster without enduring greater harm, that the life and well-being of the Earths peoples will not be harmed as a consequence of imbalanced security policies, preparation for war, and armed conflict. Yet, in a highly militarized world. local conflicts rage that daily impose death and suffering on noncombatants as well as armed forces. The 1991 war in the Persian Gulf and the 1992 war in a disintegrating Yugoslavia took uncounted numbers of civilian lives, produced hundreds of thousands of refugees. and reduced living conditions to circumstances that of themselves were lethal. A flourishing trade in conventional arms fuels the flames of these conflicts and consumes resources in a truly incendiary manner, leaving in ashes people's hopes for even a minimal standard of life. The technological arms race, with its advancing weapons development, has also further diverted resources from social and human purposes as it escalates to the point of the possibility of total destruction. Arms development cannot be relied upon to
prevent aggression and warfare. A case can be made that, on the contrary, arms production and trafficking encourage armed conflict, eroding rather than assuring our expectation of protection or "defense." Each of these expectations has been the focus of major United Nations reports and declarations on development, human rights, the environment, and disarmament and security. But little public heed has been paid. However, women's movements and initiatives are insisting that we must turn our attention to meeting these four fundamental expectations that constitute authentic security. They help to point out that we must attend to the obstacles to these expectations in an integrated, comprehensive fashion based on an understanding of the interrelationships among them. Until we understand the connections among these four expectations and the other global problems deriving from their frustration, neither the world nor any of its people will be secure.

Alternative

approaches are an urgent necessity. Women's experiences and feminine values are sources of such alternatives.
Feminine Characteristics as Approaches to Peace and Security The discussions in this book and elsewhere of the need for women's participation in public affairs are essentially a call to valorize those feminine characteristics that are conducive to

Some feminists argue that these characteristics hold the greatest possibilities to move us from the present condition of continuous armed conflict, potential nuclear annihilation, and ecological collapse toward the achievement of a truly just world peace and authentic global security.
peace and comprehensive approaches to security.

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Advantage: Imperialism
An imperialism based in the politics of fear is a central legitimizing apparatus of Empire. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 323 The society of the spectacle rules by wielding an age-old weapon. Hobbes recognized long ago that for effective domination the Passion to be reckoned upon, is Fear.24 For Hobbes, fear is what binds and ensures social order, and still today fear is the primary mechanism of control that fills the society of the spectacle.25 Although the spectacle seems to function through desire and pleasure (desire for commodities and pleasure of consumption), it really works through the communication off earor rather, the spectacle creates forms of desire and pleasure that are intimately wedded to fear. In the vernacular of early modern European philosophy, the communication of fear was called superstition. And indeed the politics of fear has always been spread through a kind of superstition. What has changed are the forms and mechanisms of the superstitions that communicate fear. The spectacle of fear that holds together the postmodern, hybrid constitution and the media manipulation of the public and politics certainly takes the ground away from a struggle over the imperial constitution. It seems as if there is no place left to stand, no weight to any possible resistance, but only an implacable machine of power.

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Advantage Impact: Imperialism

Imperialism leads to unending violence. William Eckhardt, Lentz Peace Research Laboratory of St. Louis, JOURNAL OF PEACE RESEARCH, February 1990, p. 15-16 Modern Western Civilization used war as well as peace to gain the whole world as a domain to benefit itself at the expense of others: The expansion of the culture and institutions of modern civilization from its centers in Europe was made possible by imperialistic war It is true missionaries
and traders had their share in the work of expanding world civilization, but always with the support, immediate or in the background, of armies and navies (pp. 251-252). The importance of dominance as a primary motive in civilized war in

[Dominance] is probably the most important single element in the causation of major modern wars (p. 85). European empires were thrown up all over the world in this process of benefiting some at the expense of others, which was characterized by armed violence contributing to structural violence: World-empire is built by conquest and maintained by force Empires are primarily organizations of violence (pp. 965, 969). The struggle for empire has greatly increased the disparity between states with respect to the political control of resources, since there can never be enough imperial territory to provide for all (p. 1190). This disparity between states, not to mention the disparity within states, both of which take the form of racial differences in life expectancies, has killed 15-20 times as many people in the 20th century as have wars and revolutions (Eckhardt & Kohler, 1980; Eckhardt, 1983c). When this structural violence of disparity between states created by civilization is taken into account, then the violent nature of civilization becomes much more apparent. Wright concluded that Probably at least 10 per cent of deaths in
general was also emphasized for modern war in particular: modern civilization can be attributed directly or indirectly to war The trend of war has been toward greater cost, both absolutely and relative to population The proportion of the population dying as a direct consequence of battle has tended to increase (pp. 246, 247). So far as

structural violence has constituted about one-third of all deaths in the 20th century (Eckhardt & Kohler, 1980; Eckhardt, 1983c), and so far as structural violence was a function of armed violence, past and present, then Wrights estimate was very conservative indeed. Assuming that war is some function of civilization, then civilization is responsible for one-third of 20th century deaths. This is surely self-destruction carried to a high level of efficiency. The structural
situation has been improving throughout the 20th century, however, so that structural violence caused only 20% of all deaths in 1980 (Eckhardt, 1983c). There is obviously room for more improvement. To be sure, armed violence in the form of revolution has been directed toward the reduction of structural violence, even as armed violence in the form of imperialism

imperial violence came first, in the sense of creating structural violence, before revolutionary violence emerged to reduce it. It is in this sense that structural violence was basically, fundamentally, and primarily a function of armed violence in its imperial form. The atomic age has ushered in the possibility, and some would say the probability, of killing not only some of us for the benefit of others, nor even of killing all of us to no ones benefit, but of putting an end to life itself! This is surely carrying self-destruction to some infinite power beyond all human comprehension. Its too much, or superfluous, as the Existentialists might say. Why we should care is a mystery. But, if we do, then the need for civilized peoples to respond to the ethical challenge is very urgent indeed. Life itself may depend upon our choice.
has been directed toward its maintenance. But

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AT: Reject Solvency Framework

If we cannot solve rhetorically acting in the manner of the multitude then the pedagogical importance of debate is lost. We use this vacuole as a space for deconstruction and ethico-politics: rejecting this notion means that debate is simply an assemblage of the ideologies and institutions of Empire and that we are all doomed. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 47 This is when the ontological drama begins, when the curtain goes up on a scene in which the development of Empire becomes its own critique and its process of construction becomes the process of its overturning. This drama is ontological in the sense that here, in these processes, being is produced and reproduced. This drama will have to be clarified and articulated much further as our study proceeds, but we should insist right from the outset that this is not simply another variant of dialectical enlightenment. We are not proposing the umpteenth version of the inevitable passage through purgatory (here in the guise of the new imperial machine) in order to offer a glimmer of hope for radiant futures. We are not repeating the schema of an ideal teleology that justifies any passage in the name of a promised end. On the contrary, our reasoning here is based on two methodological approaches that are intended to be nondialectical and absolutely immanent: the first is critical and deconstructive, aiming to subvert the hegemonic languages and social structures and thereby reveal an alternative ontological basis that resides in the creative and productive practices of the multitude; the second is constructive and ethicopolitical, seeking to lead the processes of the production of subjectivity toward the constitution of an effective social, political alternative, a new constituent power.

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AT: Politics-Based DA
Politics are the staple of Empire. Rejecting our plan because of the supposed impact of a disadvantage is simply a method of justifying Empire. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 33 Empire opposes today may present more of an ideological threat than a military challenge, but nonetheless the power of Empire exercised through force and all the deployments that guarantee its effectiveness are already very advanced technologically and solidly consolidated politically.

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AT: Spending DA
Monetary flows are investments from Empire to control populations. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 346 As national monetary structures tend to lose any characteristics of sovereignty, we can see emerging through them the shadows of a new unilateral monetary reterritorialization that is concentrated at the political and financial centers of Empire, the global cities. This is not the construction of a universal monetary regime on the basis of new productive localities, new local circuits of circulation, and thus new values; instead, it is a monetary construction based purely on the political necessities of Empire. Money is the imperial arbiter, but just as in the case of the imperial nuclear threat, this arbiter has neither a determinate location nor a transcendent status. Just as the nuclear threat authorizes the generalized power of the police, so too the monetary arbiter is continually articulated in relation to the productive functions, measures of value, and allocations of wealth that constitute the world market. Monetary mechanisms are the primary means to control the market.

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AT: Courts CP
Courts do not check other institutions in comparison to justice they are an assemblage of Empire and thus our plan ought not be rejected because a courts counterplan will supposedly make the 1AC more just. It will simply redeploy the 1AC in Empires vision, turning the entire solvency and the case. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 38 It is clear that international or supranational courts are constrained to follow this lead. Armies and police anticipate the courts and preconstitute the rules of justice that the courts must then apply. The intensity of the moral principles to which the construction of the new world order is entrusted cannot change the fact that this is really an inversion of the conventional order of constitutional logic. The active parties supporting the imperial constitution are confident that when the construction of Empire is sufficiently advanced, the courts will be able to assume their leading role in the definition of justice. For now, however, although international courts do not have much power, public displays of their activities are still very important. Eventually a new judicial function must be formed that is adequate to the constitution of Empire. Courts will have to be transformed gradually from an organ that simply decrees sentences against the vanquished to a judicial body or system of bodies that dictate and sanction the interrelation among the moral order, the exercise of police action, and the mechanism legitimating imperial sovereignty.

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AT: Agent CP
Empire uses international organizations in the paradigm of the new world order. Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Professor at Duke University and Professor at the University of Pagua, Empire, 2000, p. 31 The U.N. organizations, along with the great multi- and transnational finance and trade agencies (the IMF, the World Bank, the GATT, and so forth), all become relevant in the perspective of the supranational juridical constitution only when they are considered within the dynamic of the biopolitical production of world order. The function they had in the old international order, we should emphasize, is not what now gives legitimacy to these organizations. What legitimates them now is rather their newly possible function in the symbology of the imperial order. Outside of the new framework, these institutions are ineffectual. At best, the old institutional framework contributes to the formation and education of the administrative personnel of the imperial machine, the dressage of a new imperial elite.

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