Running Head: Phenomenological inquiry in Tribal Conflict

Phenomenological Inquiry in Tribal Conflict Engagement Patrick James Christian Ph.D Student NSU-Graduate School of Humanities & Social Science Department of Conflict Analysis & Resolution10 November 2011

Abstract International efforts to engage and mitigate violent intrastate conflicts have seen spectacular failures recently including the United Nations Missions in Somalia, Darfur, South Sudan, the Congo, Rwanda, Bosnia, and southwest Asia. This paper asserts a requirement for phenomenological inquiry as a fundamental part of the praxis of engagement and mediation of violent conflict within and between emerging cultures and tribes. Such inclusion of qualitative research is essential to adequately discover the range of issues affecting the conflict parties and how the various phenomenological conditions affect their sociological and political behavior.

Left to Right: wooden texts from Baldong Village, Darfur Sudan; pre-Amaric stones with captions in Giza from Axum, Ethiopia; Shackled human remains from the girls school in um Berro Village, Darfur Sudan

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Introduction Phenomenological inquiry is not yet a commonly accepted methodology of field research in tribal conflict engagement. Instead, positivist influenced forms of research dominate the discourse of tribal and emerging culture engagement of violent conflict within the regional and international governing bodies that sponsor such activities. Such engagement teams have eternally approached emerging cultural conflict from an etic research perspective despite their immersion in the intercultural and/or ethnic conflict that drew them there. Etic and its opposite, emic, are two words derived from the linguistic terms phonetic and phonemic respectively. These terms relate to a linguistic perspective where the participant views and evaluates language from within (phonemic) or from without (phonetic). The words emic and etic were derived by analogy 1 from their linguistic parents to denote perspective and understanding from within or without the cultural center (Lett, 1990). Etic oriented researchers emanate from decision making structures that continue to rely on scientific research strategies that share a common epistemology; one that seeks to restrict fields of inquiry to events, entities, and relationships that are knowable by means of explicit, logicoempirical, inductive-deductive, quantifiable public procedures or "operations" subject to replication by independent observers (Harris, 1976, p. 329). Field engagement teams that conduct various forms of government sponsored research in conflict zones often fail to understand or even discover the underlying cognitive structures or psychological and emotional forces that drive the violence into intractability. The former global ideological construct of bi-polarized political stalemate based on totalizing enforcement not only tolerated such failure, but artfully integrated it into the conflict discourse. Since the collapse of that discourse with the fall of the Berlin Wall, government sponsors are beginning to ask for better research, clearer answers and strategies that are evolved from an internal or emic understanding rather than the researchers etic approach. Between the emic tribes in the throes of violent confrontation and the etic researchers struggling to makes sense of a chaotic human tapestry, there exists a reality that even ethnography fails to penetrate. Introduced correctly, phenomenological inquiry offers relief from the opacity of the sociological confusion that accompanies tribal conflict. Defining phenomenological inquiry in tribal engagement Reduced to its most basic explanation, phenomenological inquiry seeks to understand the cognitive and emotional representations of what those humans we are researching, advising, mediating with or otherwise engaging are experiencing. Phenomenology is less concerned

By Kenneth Pike, a linguistic anthropologist in 1954 based upon the words Phonetic and Phonemic.

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with the actual reality that creates the cognitive and emotional representations in the mind of the participants, but rather what appears to them (Smith, 2011). Phenomenology is concerned with what the participants perceive to be emanating from the reality they are part of and the meaning-intention or meaning fulfillment (Husserl, 2001, p. 167) of their cognition and emotion as expressed in language, thought or reason. Although separate activities, cognition and emotion interact as variable-or-result and can present themselves simultaneously (Eysenk & Keane, 2000). The cognitive processing of terror for instance can be simultaneously mirrored by the emotional state of terror and both represent human experience and a phenomenological representation of the objects that produced them. The phenomenon studied is how the object that produces the terror appears to those who experience it. Perhaps one of the clearest descriptions of phenomenology is by Sokolowski (2007) who writes that such an inquiry is the study of human experience and of the way things present themselves to us through such experience (p. 2). In the example above, terror manifests itself through the experiential cognition and emotion of sensory perception. Patton (1990) writes that phenomenological study is "focused on descriptions of what people experience and how it is that they experience what they experience" (p. 71). Using Creswells (2007) replacement of what with texture and how with structure (p. 60), the texture of how terror might be experienced consists of received visual, audible, tactile, and olfactory stimuli combined with internal cognitive functions of memory, awareness and imagination (among others) to create a mental object. In the arena of tribal conflict analysis, the how (structure) of that experience is often the most frequently described portion of the event, even to the exclusion of the what (texture) of that experience. This is because the structure constitutes the participants representative account of actors involved and the activities as they seemed to occur that invoked or created the conditions for the experience. The most visible part of the phenomenological inquiry, the structure is what is most often related in communication because it is the least invasive to the participant. Left unrelated is often the completion of the meaning experience. The phenomenological texture is avoided at best, painfully invasive as the description of such reenactments must be, in contexts where suffering and dying are an integral part of the landscape. At worst, texture is substituted by the researcher for the nave acceptance and assessment of objects, whose existence has been posited in the acts now receiving phenomenological treatment (Husserl, 2001). These surface understandings gleaned from past personal experience are small measure of replacement for the realities that shape and construct the complex narratives of tribal conflict.

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If such substitution of the etic articulation of reason over the emic description of the objects appearance is to be avoided, phenomenological inquiry must capture and describe both the structure and the texture of the object to be studied. A phenomenological object of terror for instance is not complete without both parts of its essence. The midnight raid of an opposing militia; bullets that puncture the walls of a fragile abode; the roaring mix of riders on horses and militia on technicals mounted with machine guns and the audible expulsion of empty casing cartridges as they spatter the ground around the entry of the village and the houses within constitute the structure of an experience in terror. The blast of noise that pulls the sleeping occupant awake during the raid; the smell of cordite mixed with the tactile feel on hands and legs of something wet and warm smelling of coppery cinder; the cognition of blood that is not his and therefore his childs; the explosive startle as holes explode in the walls above the bed raining wood and mud brick down upon the bedclothes soaked with wet, warm fluid and the new smell of excrement constitute a glimpse of the texture of an experience in terror. The verbs of feel, sleep, awaken, startle, touch, smell, and hear describe the intentionality of the mans experience. The direct object expressions such as bullets that puncture and casings that spatter the ground articulates the presentation of structure and its link to the texture of the experience; the man hears the casings spatter, sees the bullets puncture and feels the wet, warm fluids from his first person perspective. He reacts not to the external events, but rather to what the external events mean, how they appear, what they portend (Laverty, 2003). Together, the interior perceived texture combined with the structure of how he experienced the appearance of the object of terror constitutes what Creswell calls the essential, invariant structure (or essence) (Creswell, 2007, p. 62) of the phenomenon. Written descriptively in research, phenomenological presentments provide a cognitive and emotive understanding to the reader of what the subject experienced. Such rich descriptions of lived experience must be based on meanings that are inspired by intimate, clear, authentic perceptions gained by a return to the things themselves (Husserl, 2001, p. 168) rather than the individual assumptions of distant decision makers. Types and forms of phenomenological inquiry The decision to include phenomenological inquiry as a component of the praxis of engaging tribes or cultures in conflict is based on the scientific evaluation of research requirements. Questions that I would think to be relevant in this decision might be: can the

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teams engaging people who are participants to violent conflict make sense of the sociological schemas 2 before them without delving into the meaning of some of the experiential phenomena? The relevancy of this question might be explained by reviewing participatory action research attempts at expanding agricultural production in drought prone areas of eastern Chad: how did last years famine caused by two years of drought affect the participants perspectives on farming, food production, and survival? Famine is an important phenomenological object that interferes with participant goals of adaptation of new agricultural methods. It has an ideation of its own, secretive in its shame and ruthlessness, which lives in the cognition and narrative of those whove experienced its deadly intimacy. Unless the researchers understand the texture and structure (the essence) of the mental object of famine as it appeared to the participants and the meaning they created out of their hunger and death of their children, they may well never be able to engage the meaning laden discourse with the tribe. This prevents the introduction of agrarian reform solutions that might alleviate the conditions and causes of future famine. Understanding the mental representations by the participants of the phenomenon (such as hunger, terror, loss, alienation, and shame) extant in their Lebenswelt is essential to the praxis of mediation, facilitation, negotiation, and participatory action strategies that reduce or mitigate violent conflict. Into these questions the researcher incorporates analysis of the type of phenomena dominating tribal discourse and reviews some of the forms of phenomenology to determine research design. The forms and methods of phenomenological research can be systematic and scientific as the researcher applies methodological design to meet the needs of his inquiry. Like all good science, they require critical thinking, creativity, and reflective decision making that give rise to many procedural variations and innovations (Wertz, 2005). As a beginning point for selecting phenomenological form, the particular psychological or sociological obstacle to tribal defense or development initiatives establishes the discursive forum for the researchers to begin exploration. Using the earlier example of the mental object of famine, the particular underlying issue to be explored might be a phenomenological representation of hunger and loss. Alternatively, it might be a different representation linked to aleatory expectation of desert societies, or psycho-geological identity imprinting that prevents some sociological schemas from adapting to forced relocation (eg: from mountain to agricultural preserve) 3 . The loss of a geological, geographical habitat can be every bit as delimiting to survival adaptation as other forms of cultural dissonance present in such communities (Stein,

Iusethetermsociologicalschematorefertothecollectivesocialstructureswithinagivencommunityof communication,activityandthemakingofmeaningthatreflectsaparticularidentitygroupsLebensweltorlife world(Sokolowski,2007,p.146). 3 TheTeusoorEkeTribeofnorthernUgandaisanexampleofsuchpsychogeologicalidentityimprinting.

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1984). Between the engaged tribes failure of survival adaptation and the absence of researcher knowledge of how to develop engagement strategies is the arena of research for the phenomena involved. For Wertz, this constitutes some gap between knowledge and reality that requires qualitative knowledge, that is, an understanding of what occurs (p. 170). By understanding how the phenomenon involved appears to the participants combined with their descriptions of how it affects them in beliefs, choices and attitudes, developmental and defensive strategies can be altered or created anew to meet survival adaptation needs of the conflict culture in question. There are several variant forms of phenomenological inquiry that offer substantive differences for field researchers assembling their praxis of conflict engagement. These variant forms can be linked to some of the more expected adaptation and survival issues that tribal engagement practitioners face. Without trying to make a one-for-one selection of phenomenological form for tribal conflict issue, some natural points of inter-operative comparison can be made to assist in the analysis of the variant forms and selection for use by the researcher in the field. First, there appear to be more forms or variations of phenomenology either in use or development than shared here; those that I have chosen are supported by a number of phenomenological research leaders including Patton (1990), Moustakas (1994), and Creswell (2007) who strive to operationalize the philosophy of phenomenology into the research method of phenomenological inquiry. Much of this philosophical discipline is widely debated with major schools of thought divided between the early architects of this approach including Husserl and Heidegger and those schools of thought have contributed to the development of the forms of phenomenology that are available to field research in tribal conflict. Roughly, the primary forms that I believe to be most useful to field research in tribal conflict include, hermeneutic, existential and psychological or transcendental phenomenology. A final form of interest to emerging culture conflict is ethical phenomenology which has applications for extreme inter/intratribal violence. Hermeneutic phenomenology, or hermeneutics, as a form of research originated with philosophical theories of Martin Heidegger (Laverty, 2003). But the application has expanded throughout most of the social sciences to include archaeology (Johnsen & Olsen, 1992), anthropology (Ranco, 2006), Sociology (Schrer, 2009), International Relations (Rogers, 1996), and Psychology (Wertz, 2005) amongst other fields. A central challenge of any tribal or emerging culture engagement activity is the inherent unreachability of others' subjective awareness [and] the context-boundedness of linguistic utterances (Schrer, 2009, p. 2) between members of different cultural contexts. Early hermeneutics involved the study and
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interpretation of often religious texts laden content reflecting social, historical, and cultural context that continues to remain central to our task of engaging emerging cultures in conflict. This is especially so as the field has evolved from principally text based forms to the full range of human communication to include multi-media. What makes hermeneutics important and useful as a method of inquiry in tribal conflict is its focus on the host perspective and the historical, social and cultural context that the perspective is embedded within. A central question that illustrates such an approach to research might be the following question: What is the nature of the participants interpretation of reading and comparing their historical accounts of Arab versus their African heritage? Such a question would be a prerequisite for disentangling tribes engaged in violent contest over the meaning and ownership of Muslim forms of social construction that benefit one cultural group and detriment another. This is where hermeneutics can become a powerful tool to exposing the hidden context that permeates the Lebenswelt of the conflict society: Hermeneutic research is interpretive and concentrated on historical meanings of experience and their developmental and cumulative effects on individual and social levels. This interpretive process includes explicit statements of the historical movements or philosophies that are guiding interpretation as well as the presuppositions that motivate the individuals who make the interpretations (Barclay, 1992; Polkinghorne 1983) (Laverty, 2003, pp. 15-16). Without unpacking the complex meanings associated with each cultural participant groups narrative story, field researchers will have a difficult time understanding the issues in such high context societies. This is because they (and often their external interpreter support) are immersed in a historical context different from that in which the actions and texts they seek to understand are situated[and] it would appear that we could never be assured of confronting anything other than a construct of our own socio-historical horizon (Owensby, 1994, p. 3). Mediation, facilitation and other engagement strategies do not come with a translation service and the field researcher conducting tribal engagement is left to their own devices to avoid inadvertent replacement of social reality with a fictional nonexisting world constructed by the scientific observer (Schultz, 1970). An example of this is the Fur tribe of Baldong Village in Jebel Mara, Western Darfur. This communitys African tribal history is intricately mixed with the tenants of Islamic law and social order, but in a way that provides women a higher, more elevated position within the social order. This history is written in Arabic on large carved wooden plaques that are communal in ownership between the village heads of families. To read them is an exercise in fantasy and fiction according to Arab Muslims who have been able to see them. Such dismissive attitudes result from a belief that these intricate mixtures of African, Arab and Muslim meanings constitute
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heresy and blasphemy and the wooden plaques of tribal history have been singled out for destruction during inter-tribal conflict. Hermeneutic inquiry into the wooden texts then, allows the conflict researcher to map out the cultural and identity positions and interests underlying the psycho-cultural needs of the community as part of the mediation, facilitation and engagement process. Existential and transcendental phenomenology are similar to hermeneutical in that they are all concerned with the perspective and meaning making of the participant individually and within the collective. Where hermeneutical adds in the requirement of historical meaning and context as an element of understanding how they affect or filter the present, existential and transcendental forms of phenomenology focus on the placement of the researcher. In existential forms of phenomenology, the focus is on the ontology of being in the world rather than transcending the lived world. Thus research questions such as how do the survivors of an inter-tribal attack on a village understand and perceive the nature of their realities, seek to understand what has changed or what has stayed the same. His research questions might focus on understanding their connection to tribal lands and resources, sociological structure of the tribe and its relations with other tribes all up against the backdrop of the ongoing violent conflict as a necessary precondition for the co-creation with the tribe of strategies for defense and development. By contrast, transcendental or psychological phenomenological inquiry requires the observer-researcher to transcend past personal experience and see the conflict elements in front of him/her from a neutral perspective. To eliminate the preconceptions or prejudgments about the nature of events and activities in favor of capturing the perspective or viewpoints of those who are actually involved in and affected by what was happening to them (Moustakas, 1994). Transcendental phenomenological inquiry focuses on the essential meanings of individual experiences. Such inquiry seeks to document the invariant structures of human experiences or of a phenomenon; what is the core that holds the phenomena, or experiences together. From this explanation, a qualitative question asked under this form might be: what is the essence of the experience of being a survivor of ethnic cleansing now living in a UN refugee camp? From such transcendental phenomenological inquiries the researcher gains an understanding of what is necessary for resettlement of villages or the participant meaning of appropriate levels of physical security to alleviate the conditions of traumatic stress and begin the process of sociological reconstruction. One final form of inquiry to consider for tribal and emerging culture conflict is ethical phenomenology which turns away from a focus on the self of the participant and asks about the relationship of the participant to the non-self; the other that defines him. While Max
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Scheler is probably the originator of the form, its voice and proponent is a Nazi holocaust survivor named Emmanuel Levinas (1998). While not yet translated into a separate research methodology, as a mindset approach, ethical phenomenology can assist the researcher with understanding how individuals and collectives view the appearance of the opposing other, especially in extreme inter or intra tribal violence. Howard Adelman (1997) approaches the phenomenology of the other in his explorations of the genocidal slaughter of Hutu refugees in Burundi camps. Of phenomenological interest to the conflict engagement researcher is the way that the Tutsi avengers approached the appearance of the Hutu other, with a need to split off the hated other from the corporate body from which both constructed ethnicities originated: One manner of killing Hutu refugees in Burundi entailed first splitting a bamboo in two parts and then splitting the body in two by driving the bamboo up through the anus, or taking a hammer and splitting the forehead in half, as if the mode of killing was intended to send the spirit of the dead into permanent exile, forever alienated from ones home so that for evermore that individual could never again dream of recovering the imagined lost land as ones inland (Adelman, 1997, p. 4). The psychology of this genocidal phenomena is complex, consisting of an inability of the individuals performing the killing to reconcile the existence of the other without suffering collapsing individual and group identity. Such gruesome destruction of the physical bodies of the others constitutes the removal of them psychically from the inner sanctum of the threatened identity. Adelmans research ideated home and exile as mental representations of an even deeper split between the secret acknowledgement of connection and the desire for excommunication between the two halves; Tutsi and Hutu. His phenomenological research showed that the participants extended this excommunication from the physical to the metaphysical further increasing the ferocity of the killings. For the purposes of engaging tribal conflict then, the researchers ability to delve into such difficult conceptions and distortions of an other that is related by blood and marriage would seem axiomatic to any attempts at resolving the conflict. The particular psychological pathology of the killing within the Tutsi-Hutu genocide in Rwanda mirrors that which we experienced between AfricanArab genocide in Darfur and requires phenomenological inquiry both to the inner directedness of self and the outer directedness of other to fully comprehend the powerful meanings at work. Without established methodologies for researching and understanding the mental object centered on self and on other that leads to or creates the phenomena of genocidal intent, the field researcher will most probably be overwhelmed by the rage and violence that controls the landscape.

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Conclusion: Benefits and Challenges of phenomenological research and analysis in tribal conflict For the practitioner of tribal and emerging culture engagement, a number of bewildering issues present themselves the moment that he/she steps foot into the sociocentric world of an emerging culture. I suggest that the most difficult of these issues includes how to cross from their egocentric understanding of sociological structure to a sociocentric version with all its differences in individual agency, identity and narrative history. Phenomenological inquiry conducted by egocentric researchers within subject groups that are themselves egocentric presents the normal requirements of bracketing out personal bias, a necessary condition for the practice of transcendental inquiry. Doing so however when the psychological structure of identity is group-centric (sociocentric) is more complex. The researcher must recognize that the locus of control for the individual is different in such societies. In egocentric societies characteristic of developed and urban communities, the locus of control is internal to the individual. Parents, school and society teach or imprint upon children the requirement for individual agency as well as a responsibility to control that individual agency in terms of social conduct, communication and emotional release. This internal locus of control together with the emphasis on individual agency that allows the independent interaction of the individual amongst differing families and cultural groups also creates and sustains a low context society and bases it on a guilt-versus-innocence framework of justice. In sociocentric societies, the locus of control is external to the head of family, clan and tribe in a system that disallows independent interaction in favor of negotiated relationships between similar families and clans that share common cultural idealizations and practices. This creates and sustains a high context society and bases it on shame-of-alienation versus pride-of-inclusion as a principal framework for social justice (Scheff & Retzinger, 1991). Phenomenological inquiry and PAR in these situations where the researcher is egocentric and the subject(s) are sociocentric enhances the difficulties in laying aside preconceived notions of what mental objects represent and how they are represented. In this instance, bracketing takes on an added dimension where the researcher has to overcome the intuitive attempt to view the appearance of object as a single human entity rather than as a shared social-vision of that object. Second, the issue of bias is not so simple to bracket out when there is so little in common between the world that the researcher left and the one he/she is to operate in as mediator, PAR researcher, advisor or trainer. During training sessions with American and NATO personnel deploying to Iraq and Afghanistan to participate in Village Stability
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Operations (VSO), Female Engagement Teams (FET) or Tribal Engagement Teams (TET), we have continually had to dissuade deploying members that the societies they would be engaging did not need a Wal-Mart, McDonalds, Superhighways, Dams, or the many accoutrements of modern society writ small. This challenge far exceeds the normal understanding of the need for phenomenological bracketing in inquiry by researchers from developed societies who operate in underdeveloped communities. Such personnel as mentioned above however have a requirement to conduct research in order to accomplish their missions and this can include phenomenological inquiry and PAR at a minimum. Creswell includes a quote from Jeanne LeVasseur suggesting that we need a new definition of epoch or bracketing, such as suspending our understanding in a reflective move that cultivates curiosity (LeVasseur, 2003) (Creswell, 2007, p. 62). This is a start in the right direction and many more such modifications to the practice of qualitative research must be developed to accommodate the transition of defense & development from an attitude of shoot first then ask to one of research dependent action. If such government and NGO sponsored practitioners are to succeed, they will need to be armed with the tools of qualitative research and such tools may need to be modified for their use. The development of instructional methods for these personnel that focus on preparing them for phenomenological inquiry, participatory action research, mediation, facilitation and technical training would seem to be principal area for academic growth in support of conflict analysis and resolution.

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