Anda di halaman 1dari 60

Kritika Kultura Global Classroom Series Transnational Flows and Movements in the Making of Nation and Region in East

Asia February 11, 2013 Ateneo de Manila University Caroline S. Hau Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University About the Lecturer Caroline S. Hau is the author of Necessary Fictions: Philippine Literature and the Nation 1946-1980 and On the Subject of the Nation: Filipino Writings from the Margins, 1981-2004, both published by Ateneo de Manila University Press. She is editor of Intsik: An Anthology of Chinese-Filipino Writing and (with Kasian Tejapira) Traveling Nation-Makers: Transnational Flows and Movements in the Making of Modern Southeast Asia. Abstract In this lecture, I will look at how biographical, network, and translingual approaches may fruitfully be deployed for the study of transnational flows and movements and their impact on nation- and regionmaking in East Asia. Travel is a key concept and framework of analysis in the study of politics and ideas in Southeast Asia, particularly in the theorizing of nationalism, communism/socialism, cosmopolitanism, and Islamism. Cross-border flows and movements are often discussed as a high-level abstraction, however, and overlooks the fact that people cross borders as individuals. In crossing borders, these individuals do so as part of networks, while engaging in translation. Moreover, meanings of concepts get reinvented as they pass from one language to another, as part of what Lydia Liu calls translingual practices. A bographical approach can help us understand Asianist, Comintern, and nationalist activism and movements of the past century.

KK Global: Hau Introduction Caroline S. Hau and Kasian Tejapira Cross-border circulations of people and ideas have been the object of increasing scholarly attention and debate in recent decades as discourses and practices of globalization have made substantial inroads in the academic and popular imagination. To some extent, this interest in transnational mobility is a logical outcome of a world of flows, a world fundamentally characterized by objects in motion,1 propelled by advances in transportation and communication; diffusion of technology and ideologies; largescale movements of capital, labor, tourists, commodities and cultural artifacts; expansion of mass education; creation of transnational public spheres and institutions; and relocation of production facilities abroad. Far from being merely a description of current empirical realities, this scholarly focus also has a normative import in its critique of the limitations of the nation-state as a collective agent; as a geopolitical, economic and cultural system; and as a unit of study and analysis. The sheer volume and speed of flows, it is said, have eroded the sovereignty and capabilities of the nation-state, rendering its borders far more permeable than is popularly assumed and opening it to the world far beyond the reaches and control of the territorially rooted state.2 As an intellectual framework, the nation-state has been criticized for promoting an intellectual parochialism that downplays or ignores the long history and ever-growing breadth of interactions among societies within and beyond its borders.3 Nation-states have also been criticized for imposing repressive, territorialized, and homogenized identities on the fluid, polyglot condition of existence of much of the world before, and since, the advent of the inter-state system.4 Not surprisingly, terms such as cosmopolitanism, deterritorialization, and postnationalism have gained purchase by off ering themselves as theoretical alternatives to the constraining fixities and rigidities of nationcentred categories, perspectives, and policies. Almost all of these terms rely in part on the idea of travel, not only as a metaphor but as a literal means of realization: for example, some definitions of cosmopolitanism presuppose movement across space as the pre-eminent form of encounter and exchange with different peoples and cultures,5 while Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattaris concept of deterritorialization6 has been used in discussions of cultural dislocation, as ties between culture and place are weakened by globalization.7 The challenges of European integration including the lowering of barriers in trade, the movement of workers and capital, and the partial surrender of national sovereignty in the name of legal harmonization (in conformity with the acquis communautaire, or body of European Union laws) are the central concern of Habermas essays on the post-national constellation.8 Migrants and diasporic communities have received special attention as exemplary articulations of the transnational moment.9 In the wake of the events of 11 September 2001, profiling of Muslim radical activists has routinely highlighted their deterritorialized

KK Global: Hau backgrounds: they may be born in a country, then educated in another country, then go to fight in a third country and take refuge in a fourth country.10 In Southeast Asian studies, flows and movements have had a central place in the construction of the field as well as the characterization of the area. Elasticity has been a hallmark of the field, since Southeast Asia at different times encompassed different boundaries according to specifi c cartographic, scholarly, and geopolitical demands.11 Its defi nition has been partly shaped by external actors and references. Western travelers and scholars understood it as the region lying between the better-known civilizations of India and China. The Chinese saw it as a site of trade, immigration, and activism. The Japanese considered it a resource-rich and geopolitically strategic part of its co-prosperity sphere. The British and their allies mapped it as a regional theater of the Pacific War. Th e Americans treated it as the southern bulwark of anti-Communist Free Asia and the third party in the post-war triangular trade system involving the United States and Japan. The neighboring dialogue partners (China, Japan, South Korea, India, Australia, and New Zealand) of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations view it as the hub of regional cooperation and regionmaking in the name of an East Asia Community. Moreover, scholars of Southeast Asia have long theorized the region, particularly its premodern and colonial histories, as a contact zone within a larger global context of economic, cultural, and intellectual fl ows and movements, with travels to, from, and through the region by traders, laborers, pilgrims, tourists, colonial officials, scholars, activists, soldiers, and immigrants playing important roles in the history and theorizing of the area.12 Concerns with excavating the bedrock of an original Southeast Asian cultural substratum beneath foreign infl uences, with ideas of agency through localization and other concepts of selective and creative appropriation, and with the writing of autonomous history all reflect a critical awareness of the difficulty, if not impossibility, of studying Southeast Asia as a self-contained and self-enclosed unit.13 This leitmotif in Southeast Asian studies resonates with the paradigm shift in international scholarship that has sought to overcome the constraints posed by nation-centered studies by calling for transnational, comparative, and cross-cultural analyses, and for careful consideration of cross-border networks and synchronisms across space and time.14 Shaped by the historical experience of decolonization and the strategic imperatives of the Cold War, nation-centered studies have tended to privilege national(ist) narratives to the exclusion of other theoretical alternatives, while area studies have sought to defend their institutional existence by upholding the feasibility of Southeast Asia as a unit of study and analysis through discussions of the regional distinctiveness of its processes of hybridization, localization, and translation of foreign infl uences.15 The call for a broader perspective is both the product of a post-Cold War epoch, with its new geopolitical, spatial, economic, social, and cultural arrangements that stress and capitalize on a broader geographic expanse of commonalities and differences among peoples across the world, and an attempt at clearing a 3

KK Global: Hau critical space for thought and writing that would be more self-generative and less over-determined by cold-war history.16 This call has been answered by nuanced research, particularly in the emergent field of world history and global history in which Southeast Asia is now nested as a sub-region. Inspired by Fernand Braudel and Immanuel Wallerstein,17 scholars such as Kenneth Pomeranz, Andre Gunder Frank, and R. Bin Wong have criticized the Eurocentrism of social and political theories and employed two-way or reciprocal comparisons (between geographical units such as Europe and China, or their parts) to off er new insights and ask new questions about industrialization and other issues.18 Attention has focused particularly on the sea lanes that enabled longdistance trade. K.N. Chaudhuri, Ashin Das Gupta, and Michael Pearson have drawn on archival research to theorize the Indian Ocean as an economic and cultural unit and explore the ways in which trade and other contacts linked peoples and knitted communities across broad expanses of sea and land that included Southeast Asia.19 Where civilizational discourses have come into use, the emphasis has generally been on hybridity and pluralism, encounter and engagement,20 rather than the polarizing clash of civilizations21 thesis that gained currency following the events of 11 September 2001. Special attention has been accorded the traveler, who is often also merchant, migrant, missionary, student, or activist, as a key agent of economic, political, cultural, and intellectual flows and exchange.22 World-regional approaches to economic history have highlighted the systemic nature, densities, and spatial reach and limits of interconnections and interactions among countries within a region and between the region and the world, effectively eroding country boundaries while heuristically positing regions as units of study, analysis, and collective action that mediate between the global and the local.23 The salience of understanding a world of regions24 resonates with the current trend toward regionalism (institution-building) and regionalization (economic integration) in Europe and, more recently, in East Asia, the formulation of which has come to encompass both Northeast and Southeast Asia, with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations playing the role of institutional hub for community-building in the name of East Asia.25 The understandable frustration with the narrowness of national studies has, however, come at a price. Research inspired by cross-cultural and cross-border frameworks has tended to bracket off the nation-states and concentrate on early and colonial histories to produce prehistories of contemporary globalization, or on contemporary transnationalism and connections between migrant or diasporic communities and their real and imagined homelands. Relatively little sustained attention has been paid to the question of how nation-states themselves were constituted out of, and crisscrossed by, these multidirectional material, cultural, and intellectual flows, circulations, and interactions across space and time; how various nationalists and nation-making projects sought to tap into, appropriate, rechannel, or truncate these flows; how shared as well as diff ering visions of community may arise out of contacts among people from diff erent territories within a given space; and what implications these questions have for rethinking commonsensical understandings of national identities, nation-states, and nationalism.26 Leaving nation-formation and the nation

KK Global: Hau form largely unexamined and unexplored has meant consigning nations and nationalism to the category of an ideological ruse, theorized solely in terms of their constraints on research, their parochialism and homogenizing impulses, and their ethico-political opposition to universal ideals of hybrid cosmopolitanism. Critical interest in local, regional, and global flows can, in fact, complicate and revise nation-centered studies of political movements by showing how flows in, through, and across Southeast Asia enabled forms of identification and activism among different political actors in ways that promoted thinking, feeling, and making nation during much of the twentieth century.27 The ten essays in this book seek to fill the gap in current scholarship by viewing the national politics of Southeast Asia in terms of the historical flows and movements of activists, ideas, and cultural artifacts. They are concerned with the political salience of travel in, from, to, and through Southeast Asia, and with the question of how biographical accounts of travel might contribute to a more nuanced understanding of the modern history and politics of nationness in Southeast Asia. The central organizing concept of this book is travel (which need not be defined as physical movement of people, since the term encompasses circulations of ideas and discourses enabled by inflows of goods and commodities such as books, films, and other consumer items) within and beyond Southeast Asia,28 and its transformative effect on individual lives and their intellectual, political, religious, and cultural projects, and on the trajectories of nationalist, Communist, Islamic, and other movements in the region.29 The contributors grapple with the notion of travel beyond one that is paradigmatically defined as elite, European, male, bourgeois, scientific, heroic, or recreational movement across space.30 We consider the salience not only of time (or, more specifically, historical timing), but of space (say, Shanghai, as discussed by Lorraine Paterson and Onimaru Takeshi in this book) as well, in structuring the experience of travel and the visions and projects that travel helps enable. We are interested in how auto/biographies of local, regional, and global flows might unsettle or reinvent long-standing or modern concepts not only of personhood and identity but of forms of belonging and community-making, and thereby complexify the use of the nation as a unit of analysis in Southeast Asian studies. We also hope to offer a number of perspectives whether local, national, regional, or global from which to understand the various political projects engendered by encounters and exchanges that bring people and ideas together in a given space and across boundaries. Travel has been central to the theorizing of nationalism, Communism, and Islam, three of the most important political movements and ideologies in the region. In the case of nationalism, Benedict Anderson has argued in favor of the interpretive force of journeys and their ability to turn administrative units into meaningful fatherlands. Drawing on the analogy of religious pilgrimages, in which devotees from diff erent places of origin come together in the act of traversing and worshipping in sacred spaces, Anderson talks about Creole government offi cials whose travels, delimited within the territories of their colonies, brought them into contact

KK Global: Hau with fellow Creoles. Th e connectedness generated by these journeys is determined not only by the particular routes traveled, but by the Creoles consciousness of the shared fatality of trans-Atlantic birth.31 Th e spread of print capitalism provided the technological and linguistic cement to bind territory with homeland-as-nation, even as its serial logic endowed the nation form and nationalism with a modularity that enabled it to travel, and be adapted, around the world. While travel within the administrative bounds of a territory helped define the scope and reach of the nationalist imagination, anti-colonial and nationalist movements themselves were not confined strictly within the boundaries of the colonial state. An important component of the theorizing and mobilizing of these movements took place, as in the case of the Philippines32 and Vietnam (see the chapters by Paterson and Resil Mojares) and to some extent Indonesia, outside the colonies, usually but not necessarily among communities of exiles and emigrants, and beyond the purview of their colonial states. Activists also traveled to obtain international sympathy and aid for anti-colonial movements. In Asia, this international component of anti-colonialism took shape in the early years of the twentieth century around a pan-Asianist regional network (see the chapter by Mojares) linked by regional hubs such as Tokyo, Canton, Shanghai, Hong Kong, and Siam.33 This network was active from the late nineteenth century until World War II and would, at various times, include Pak Yonghyo and An Kyong-su of Korea, Inukai Tsuyoshi and Miyazaki Toten of Japan, Sun Yat-sen of China, Phan B.i Chu of Vietnam, and Rash Behari Bose of India. Pan-Asianism capitalized on the sense of crisis created by Western encroachment in Asia and by the imperatives of cooperation and solidarity in bringing about social transformation across the region. Internationalism is an essential component of the Communist movements in Asia. This global socialist ecumene, as Susan Bayly has called it, is anchored in shared practices of cultural circulation and powered by the belief in, and claims to, a worldwide fraternal community based on revolutionary solidarities, long-distance exchange, and friendship.34 Lenins Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) was one of the earliest attempts to link the anti-imperialist liberation struggles in the East to proletarian world revolution.35 Th e Third International, founded in 1919, sought to tap the political passions of anti-colonial nationalist movements to build a world party of Communists. Its Second Congress in 1920 explicitly addressed the colonial and national questions and encouraged collaboration with revolutionary nationalism.36 In the 1920s and early 1930s, the Comintern, whose Far Eastern Bureau was headquartered in Shanghai, relied on traveling activists such as H. Ch Minh and Tan Malaka to help midwife the birth of some of the radical movements in Asia during the interwar period (see the chapter by Onimaru).37 Christopher Goscha has shown how Vietnamese nationalist and Communist revolutionaries relied on pre-existing regional networks of Vietnamese migrants, traders, and activist-exiles centered in Th ailand, but also extending to southern China and as far as Japan.38 Nguyen Ai Quoc (H. Ch Minh), who along with Tan Malaka was a key regional facilitator

KK Global: Hau (to use Onimarus term) of the Cominterns Far Eastern Bureau, was instrumental in the creation of the Communist parties of Vietnam, Siam, and Laos. In the post-war period, Maoist movements in Th ailand, Malaysia, Burma, Cambodia, Vietnam, and the Philippines drew on the support of the Chinese Communist Party in financial, military, and ideological terms (see the chapters by Caroline Hau and Kasian Tejapira)39 to challenge, and attempt to capture, the state. Travel also figures prominently in the religious doctrine and practices of Islam. Terms such as Hajj (pilgrimage), hijra (emigration), rihla (travel for learning and other purposes), and ziyara (visits to shrines) give us some idea of the complex and subtle ways in which travel, as a form of social and political action, entailed not simply physical, but simultaneously spiritual and temporal, movement. These travels brought pilgrims from different cultures and societies into contact with each other, simultaneously generating awareness of their membership in a universal community while also strengthening their sense of their diff erences from each other. Motives for travel were diverse but by no means mutually exclusive: the rihla, for example, was often undertaken in connection, or concurrently, with trade, as traders and intellectuals followed the trade routes that brought Islam to Southeast Asia, among other regions. Travel also had political implications, as Muslim returnees brought back with them new ideas and practices or else sought and forged new conceptions of religious community at home, some of which threatened to undermine the existing authority and prestige not only of the ruling elites but of local Islamic leaders and organizations.40 New communication technologies, mass education, the translation and circulation of Islamic texts, and increased opportunities for travel have been instrumental in creating global activist networks while also enabling Muslim political participation in their home countries.41 In the Philippines, for example, travel has shaped the character of the separatist movements that challenged the Philippine state. US colonial rule laid the foundations for the development of Muslim ethno-religious identity among Moro Filipinos through contacts established among Muslims of different ethnic groupings within the institutions of public and tertiary education, notably through contacts among Muslims in universities in Manila. This integration politics may account for why the separatism of the Moro National Liberation Front was not specifically Islamic, but was rather nationalist. Between 1955 and 1970, however, the Egyptian government provided some 200 scholarships for Muslim Filipinos to study abroad, and the Islamic resurgence of the 1970s with the transnational Islamic political movement of the Society of Muslim Brothers (Jamaat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) gaining mainstream status in the Middle East in the 1980s42 would come to shape the politics of the splinter group Moro Islamic Liberation Front, which nevertheless had to contend with local resistance to its attempts to purify Islamic rituals.43 On the international front, a number of Organization of the Islamic Conference member-states have provided financial aid to promote Islamic activities and foster pan-Islamic awareness and solidarity, with offi cial institutions as well as philanthropic associations in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,

KK Global: Hau and the United Arab Emirates serving as major sources of funding and organizational support.44 Using routes created by trade, labor migration, and education, militant Islamic groups have made Afghanistan, Pakistan, Mindanao, and Malaysia their bases for military operations and training camps.45 The revolution that established an Islamic republic in Iran and the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in 1979 provided important crucibles for Islamist awakening and activism (see the chapter by Shiraishi Takashi). Th e Salafi movement, which began among students studying in Lebanon, Syria, and Egypt, challenged state interpretations of Islam; where jihadi thought had made inroads into the social movement, the movement has relied on informal social networks rather than formal organizations to pursue collective action.46 Moreover, following September 11, the US-led global war on terror trained the spotlight on Islamist movements and their global, regional, national, and local networks, turning Islamisms cross-country, cross-cultural features into an international policy concern.47 Nationalist, Communist, and Islamic activisms are by no means exclusive categories. Characterized as much by intellectual and organizational cross-fertilization as by tensions and contestations, these intellectual and political struggles are themselves shaped by flows and movements of people and ideas, particularly in the region that we now call East Asia, which includes both Northeast and Southeast Asia and is linked to South Asia. The late nineteenth century was not only characterized by large-scale migration of Chinese and Indians to Southeast Asia (as discussed by Hau and Khoo Boo Teik in this book), but transcontinental and transoceanic contacts not just between European metropole and colonial Asia but in particular among the colonies and countries within the region during the later nineteenth to early twentieth centuries played a crucial role in the economic modernization of Japan, China, and Southeast Asia.48 Th e salience of region as a unit of study and analysis that is larger than specifi c countries but smaller than the planet becomes clear when we consider that the patterns and density of flows and connections are unevenly spread out across space. The economic historian Kaoru Sugihara has cogently shown that between 1883 and 1913, intra-Asian trade grew at a rate that outstripped trade within Europe, Latin America, Africa, and other regions,49 prefiguring economic integration in the post-Cold War era. Th e fluidity of social and ideological projects as well as these projects role in creating and strengthening national (self-)identifi cation, not only Philippine, Thai, Indonesian, and Malaysian, but also foreign Arab and Chinese is especially evident in the fi rst fi fty years of the twentieth century, when the nation-state was in the process of formation in Southeast Asia. The Sarekat Islam was the first nationalist political organization in Indonesia.50 Its articulation of nationalism and Islam would branch off into different political paths as Marxism influenced activists such as Haji Misbach and other advocates of Islamism and Communism.51 Moreover, Islamic holy sites and travel routes notably Jerusalem were sometimes shared with other religions such as Christianity, so that the types of identification enabled by these routes were not necessarily confi ned to identification with the universal umma or with local Islamic communities, but could accommodate sub-regional, national, and regional identifi cations

KK Global: Hau as well.52 Communist movements in Southeast Asia are characterized by the intimate but fraught connection between anti-colonialism, antiimperialism, nationalism, and internationalism53 (see the chapters by Onimaru, Hau, and Kasian Tejapira). Anti-colonial nationalist movements in Asia sought in pan-Asianism an ideology and logistical support system that would activate and promote revolution across the region through mutual cooperation and aid (see the chapters by Mojares and Khoo). Recent efforts at institution-building in East Asia (i.e., Southeast and Northeast Asia) continue to highlight the importance of nation-states alongside markets as twin engines of region-making.54 These contaminations have been productive, not least in the hybrid political imaginaries that they created. This book looks at nation-making in light of fl ows and movements of people and ideas. We hope to add historical depth to the current privileging of travel in globalization discourse while also providing correctives to the tendency of globalization discourse to discount the effi cacy of nations and states as domains of socio-political and cultural imagination and transformation. Of the ten people featured in this book, eight were born in the late nineteenth to early twentieth centuries and were active at a time when the nation-state was still being imagined and formed in Southeast Asia. Their lives exemplify the fact that flows and movements (or, in the case of the Vietnamese man of letters Vu Tr.ng Ph.ng, discussed by Peter Zinoman in this book, flows without literal movement), and the political, cultural, and intellectual exchanges enabled thereby, were very much a part of life even during the years when earlier phases of globalization were supposedly interrupted by the two world wars. Th ey show that the provenance of political struggles, whether to imagine community or to undermine, defend, or transform it, need not be rooted only in the experiences of displacement and discrimination typical of so-called diasporas, but may be found as well in the experiences of being thrown together and displaced that are constitutive of national space and time. Indeed, they question current theories that construct the nation as a bogeyman of cultural stasis and repressive entrapment in order to contrast it to the freedom and transformative agency of cosmopolitan mobility.55 Political movements are human organizations and networks. Th ey are also techniques of production and circulation of activists, things, ideas, symbols, and knowledge. As such, they have historical breadth and communicative reach, but their scope and influence are unevenly spread and felt across time and space. While their bounds often exceed those of the territorial states, they nevertheless look to and rely in part on nation-states to effect their visions of social, political, economic, and cultural transformation, given the absence of a world order capable of enforcing universal norms and regulations without exceptions on a supranational level. Their visions are often consciously and unconsciously delimited by the assumed boundaries of the nation-state, and by the claims of particularistic communities and belongings that they can neither uncritically embrace nor completely repudiate.56 The ten essays in this book also seek to redress the imbalances in current research on travel, which has tended to privilege the unidirectional 9

KK Global: Hau physical movement of people from the peripheral South to the metropolitan North. While mindful of the ways in which travel is marked by class, gender, race, and culture, discourses of cosmopolitan hybridity oft en take as their primary example the South-to-North travels (hence their privileging of migrancy and diaspora),57 which are endowed with the agency of unsettling or undoing the boundaries that cordon off one culture from another. They do not give equal attention to the cosmopolitanism of those who travel between peripheries or within a region, those who choose to or were forced to return from their travels rather than settle elsewhere, those who are exiled, those who need to find work abroad, and those who cannot, choose not to, or do not travel physically but who nevertheless lay claim to universalist ideas. In their celebration of the transformative possibilities of dwelling-in-traveling, they give short shrift to the political implications of traveling-in-dwelling (especially when no physical journey is undertaken), or the ways in which the boundedness of home may shape,58 and be in turn reshaped by, travel experiences. This books intention is neither to romanticize travel nor automatically attribute resistance to the act (whether coerced or not) of staying at home indeed, the latter has arguably been a theoretical reaction to, and compensation for, the former but to pinpoint the political possibilities and, just as important, limits of the kinds of cosmopolitanism and particularism engendered by the historical dialectic between roots and routes in Southeast Asia. It considers travels embeddedness in specifi c locations and the political, intellectual, and artistic projects on behalf of which travel is conscripted. The contributors adopt a biographical approach to illuminate the ways in which the nation is constituted out of concretely embodied fl ows and movements. Biographies are forms of literary, political, and religious expression that can be productively studied for the ways in which they use narratives to give shape and meaning to particular lives. Biographies are arenas of dispute over meaning, intentions, and agency, rather than simply affi rmations or celebrations of them.59 Th ey offer insights into the historical and cultural processes into which individuals are inserted, while also documenting the agency of individuals who make their histories and cultures.60 These inscriptions of lives offer pathways for marking out concrete encounters, interactions, and negotiations among individual subjects and between these subjects and the economic, political, cultural, and intellectual structures of authority within and across which they operated. At the same time, though, the diff erential specificity of these lives that is, the geopolitical and experiential particularities of these personal histories means that they are not readily assimilable to the larger sociopolitical order and the narratives that they legitimize, and, in the case of marginalized groups, they may even interrogate the assumptions of the general order.61 Moreover, as pioneering studies by Craig Reynolds, Anthony Milner, Alfred McCoy, C.W. Watson, and Christoph Giebel have shown, biographies also have political functions. Biographies encode not just forms of organizing societies and the larger world, but are themselves acts of political

10

KK Global: Hau interpretation that are instrumental in creating, or imagining alternatives to, the larger narratives, usually of nation and history, that interpret and organize political life.62 In Malaysia, Mohamed Salleh bin Perang of Johor was one of the first Malay authors who, in writing about his travels, postulated the Malay reader of autobiographies.63 Hikayat Abdullah, with its combination of travel and autobiography, was instrumental in creating Malay political culture through its redefinition of Malay in terms of race rather than rajah-based authority.64 Biographies serve as author functions that construct and delimit the discourses by which these individuals and their politics are read and interpreted. It is easier for the Thai state to attribute Jit Poumisaks progressive ideas to external foreign sources, the better to brand them as alien, rather than consider the likelihood that Jits political education, along with Marxist discourse, was a home-grown phenomenon mediated by translations that were circulating within Th ailand itself.65 Moreover, as Craig Reynolds has forcefully argued, the activity of piecing together the fragments of Jit Poumisaks life was an incontrovertible means by which the youth movement took shape in Th ailand.66 A more contemporary example of the political uses of biography can be discerned in current studies of Islamic radicalism, which rely on biographical analysis to construct profiles of Muslim activists and identify the bonds of kinship and friendship that link one activist to another and to the larger community of believers in the politically loaded language of terror networks.67 For much of the twentieth century, biographies have played a preeminent role in producing and legitimizing national narratives (as well as counter-narratives) that mediate the creation of a collective, whether public or people. Revolutionary biographies in Vietnam off ered models for anti-colonial and nationalist self-identifi cation, inspiration, emulation, and action to readers (see the chapter by Paterson).68 In the Philippines, biographies have been a favored form of elite and middle-class selfexpression, with the publicity implied by the graphic display of name and reputation (resonating with the precolonial Malay conventions of nama, name as reputation) filling in for the absence of traditional sources of prestige such as aristocratic titles.69 In Indonesia, autobiographies offer insights into collective debates about the nation70 and off er means of making sense of the significant or traumatic periods in Indonesias history.71 Focusing on the marginalized and the obscure has been one way of expanding the biographical canon of the nation, producing accounts that expose rather than simply reinforce the foundational fictions of the nation and attest to the irreducible plurality of political projects undertaken in the name of the nation. The subjects of this book are not exemplary Southeast Asian political travelers such as Jose Rizal, Phan B.i Chu, Tan Malaka, or Tunku Abdul Rahman, nor have they been subjects of full-length biographies, memoirs, or autobiographies.72 The contributors are not interested in cataloguing the heroic accomplishments of their subjects, nor do they assume that these individuals are autonomous subjects endowed with the will and freedom of thought that automatically resist the strictures of colonial and postcolonial authority. They are more interested in analyzing the possibilities

11

KK Global: Hau and limits of individual agency; the contingent, historical contexts within which these activists lived; and the conditions of success and failure of their respective political, artistic, and religious projects. The ten individuals in this book lived in ways that exceed the neat summaries and syntheses of conventional biographies. For one thing, portions of their political or intellectual activities notably those of Hilaire Noulens were conducted in secrecy, or, as in the case of Ph.m H.ng Thi and Vu Tr.ng Ph.ng, cut short by premature death, thus lending their lives a fragmentary quality that resists intellectual closure and opening their biographies to contestation over interpretation.73 While some wrote about themselves, others did not or could not. Some took a principled stand on political issues that went against, or would eventually go against, the prevailing politics and political mood and assumptions of the time. All of them worked within, often against, the particular constraints of their historical, social, and cultural locations; and their lives, sensibilities, and work circumvent the easy, celebratory rhetoric of autonomy and cosmopolitanism of current theories of travel. In all ten cases, the tenacity of ideas of home and belonging informed or haunted their activism and travel (see the chapter by Odine de Guzman). Yet their life experiences also challenged and reinvented these ideas in ways that invoked while also exceeding ideas of nation, belonging, and community that organized politics and political life in their time (see the chapter by Yamamoto Hiroyuki). Though one of the triumvirate of national heroes in the Philippines, Mariano Ponce did not write much about himself, and very little of his correspondence with family and friends is extant. Ph.m H.ng Th i became famous for his failed attempt to assassinate the governor of Indochina in Canton in 1924, and for the ways in which his short life and dramatic death provided an exemplary revolutionary biography, at once Vietnamese nationalist and universal figure, through which his readers learned of, and linked themselves to, the anti-colonial nationalist politics of the period. The voracious reader Vu Tr.ng Ph.ng, who never traveled abroad, acted as the conduit of a provincial cosmopolitanism that depended on the selectively filtered circulation, appropriation, and politicization of French and European literary and critical texts and cultural ideas in Vietnam.74 The Ukrainian Hilaire Noulens, who served as the hub of the Comintern network in Shanghai, made a career out of hiding himself behind numerous aliases, nationalities, addresses, and post-offi ce boxes. Th e Hakka writer Du Ai, part of the Philippine anti-Japanese movement that incorporated Chinese guerrillas, memorialized the guerrillas experiences not, as his comrades did, in autobiographies, but in a three-volume novel-epic (the third volume of which was completed by his wife and fellow activist, Lin Bin). Th e Thai Communist Ruam Wongphans posthumous reputation underwent political transmutation as it and the songs and poems that drew on the Party-as-Mother motif he articulated in his farewell letter to his mother outlived his death and the demise of the Party. James Puthucheary, who joined the Indian National Army, advocated a socialist solution to the issues of poverty, foreign control of economy, and interethnic inequalities in Malaysia that prefigured the New Economic Policy

12

KK Global: Hau but proved unable to temper the racialist assumptions behind the NEPs affi rmative action policies. Th e Sino-Thai journalist K. Bali contributed to the development of the Malay language and literary culture and to the propagation of a multicultural Sabah nationhood different from the racial politics practiced in other parts of Malaysia. Connie Bragas-Regalado worked as a domestic helper in Hong Kong and eventually headed Migrante International, a progressive organization that has sought Partylist representation in the Philippine Congress as part of its mission to improve the work conditions of Filipino workers abroad.75 Executed for masterminding the Bali bombings in 2002, Imam Samudra wrote a short autobiography that clearly revealed the influence of active Islamic political networks from Southeast, South, and Central Asia to the Middle East and North Africa on his radical politics. Resil Mojares tells the life story of Mariano Ponce (18631918), a devoted and tireless pioneering publicist and key organizer of the international network of the early Philippine nationalist movement. Th e leastknown and rather modest and reserved among the great triumvirate of the Propaganda Movement, which also included Jose Rizal the apostle and Marcelo del Pilar the militant politician, Ponce played the patient administrator and constant spokesperson of the movement through its two-decade-long wax and wane, spending more than half his adult life abroad. A proud gentry product of Enlightenment culture and politics sown in a remote overseas corner of the crumbling Spanish empire, he and his cohorts first unsuccessfully pursued a reformist assimilationist politics on behalf of the colonized Philippines in metropolitan Spain. Th en, with the outbreak of the nationalist revolution back home, they made a leap of faith and embraced a revolutionary separatist cause. Moving to Hong Kong and Yokohama, Ponce worked hard to procure and arrange the transnational flows of funds and arms, intelligence, and expertise to his comrades-in-arms in the Philippines by joining the Pan-Asianist network of exiled nationalists from various Western colonies and semi-colonies, and thereby won the inter-nationalist solidarity and support as well as personal friendship of such luminaries as Sun Yat-sen. Disheartened by setbacks in his convoluted mission, he gradually reconciled himself to the defeat of the Philippine nationalist revolution under US Occupation and finally returned home to take part in an assimilated regime of self-rule under US tutelage. Mojares ends his chapter with a thoughtful refl ection on the self-described nomadic life of his subject, who dwelt in turbulent traveling through faraway lands and seas in quest of the best possible political model and order for his nation, and yet managed to stay a remarkably centered and composed, focused, and even course by anchoring himself in a stable sense of home as origin and destination. Taking as her point of departure a single, failed act of anti-colonialist terrorism against the visiting French governor general of Indochina by a group of Chinese anarchist-inspired Vietnamese nationalists in semicolonized Canton, China, in 1924, Lorraine Paterson reconstructs the intricate cultural political afterlife of Ph.m H.ng Thi (18931924), the drowned icon of patriotic martyrdom, and its contribution to the early formation of modern Vietnamese nationalism, in the transnational context

13

KK Global: Hau of blurred ethnic/racial, cultural, and political borders and an imported international literary genre of semi-fictional/historical biography. She teases out the many factual contradictions in the various popular and journalistic, archival, and historiographical accounts of Ph.m H.ng Th is heroic/terrorist act (e.g., the concessional space of the attack, the manner of Ph.m H.ng This disguise, the number of perpetrator(s), Ph.m H.ng This personal and political background, his personal contact with H. Ch Minh, and the nature of his demise), with which an anti-national, French concessional space in Canton and Shanghai was posited vis--vis the sacred national space of Ph.m H.ng This prestigious Chinese grave in Canton, and his supposedly self-sacrificing revolutionary martyrdom was represented as a common motif in the imagination and construction of both the Vietnamese national community and the transborder anti-imperialist fraternity of Sino-Vietnamese and other nationalities. Then Paterson proceeds to lay out a complex and multifaceted textual, contextual, and intertextual historical description and analysis of the composition and publication, circulation and prohibition, reception and interpretation, translation and transformation of biographies of foreign and indigenous heroes and heroines, including Ph.m H.ng Thi, as revolutionary romance, which provides the nationalist role models for their Vietnamese readers to emulate. What eventually emerges from her carefully crafted account is the much deeper and wider, intimately intertwined involvement of transnationality in the formation of nationhood in East and Southeast Asia. Like an archeologist excavating traces of a long-lost and mysterious life underground, Onimaru Takeshi digs up the Shanghai Metropolitan Polices intelligence files and reconstructs the clandestine activities of Hilaire Noulens (18941963), the top liaison officer of the Cominterns Far Eastern Bureau in Shanghai in the early 1930s, who had a lot of aliases, three passports, at least four houses, ten post office boxes, four telegraphic addresses, and eight bank accounts, and whose real names and nationality were never confirmed by his police captors in his lifetime. Taking advantage of the gray zone condition of pre-World War II, semi-colonized and cosmopolitan Shanghai with three territorial sections, three administrative bodies, three police forces, a population of around 24 diff erent nationalities, and extra-territoriality, Noulens and a score or so of his multinational comrades, including H. Ch Minh and Tan Malaka, turned the port city into the transnational communication hub of the Cominterns regional network that linked together seven national Communist parties in East and Southeast Asia and directed an incessant flow and circulation of agents, funds, instructions, manuals, political statements, propaganda material, and intelligence reports from Moscow via Berlin to Tokyo, Hong Kong, Amoy, Keelung, Manila, Saigon, Haiphong, Yunnan, Bangkok, Singapore, Batavia, Rangoon, and Calcutta. Eschewing conventional biographies that foreground the personalities of their subjects, Onimaru highlights the importance of agency in anonymity, fleshing out the Comintern career of Noulens by palpably invoking the Communist international network in which the political project of socialist revolution overlapped with those of national liberation and took shape within, and evolved out of, the infrastructure and political technologies used by the worldwide colonial empires in the service of predatory capitalism.

14

KK Global: Hau By choosing to focus on the complete works of a lesser-known and self-made-in-Vietnam interwar writer, Vu Tr.ng Ph.ng (191239), rather than those of his better-known but atypical contemporary compatriots such as H. Ch Minh and Phan B.i Chu, who had the uncommon experience of overseas travel and study, Peter Zinoman unearths what he calls provincial cosmopolitanism as an arguably dominant and characteristic mode of capture of transnational metropolitan cultural fl ows in local colonial cultural politics that was probably typical of most colonized intellectuals with narrow parameters of life experience but a sweeping breadth of cultural horizons. He highlights in systematic detail the peculiar character of Vu Tr.ng Ph.ngs reading of modern French literature, which is opportunistic and unsupervised, broad but shallow, eclectic but unsystematic, mottled and diffuse, diverse and selective, decontextualized and ill-defined, idiosyncratic and tendentious, unorthodox and anachronistic, partial and knowingly ignoring, not discriminating between high and low culture, as well as blending various literary genres or styles together all at once, as is evident in Vu Tr.ng Ph.ngs numerous instances of citing, referencing, and translating foreign authors and works. As a self-defi ned Vietnamese realist who neglected most standard French realist writers but aligned himself instead with a host of French naturalists, romanticists, and scandalous writers of obscene works as fraternal realist victims of legal persecution and public condemnation, Vu Tr.ng Ph.ng, argues Zinoman, exhibits a characteristic provincial cosmopolitan appropriation of colonial modernity, marked by strategic instrumental localization, selective anachronism, and the temporal abbreviation and collapsing of different historical periods. Made possible by the geographical distance, temporal unevenness, and cultural unfamiliarity between the colonies and the metropolis, his functional transformation of transnational metropolitan literary reputation and categories for local colonial purposes, i.e., to be used as an impressively exotic and intimidatingly aural instrument of strategic and tactical self-defense against critics and enemies, regardless of the larger literary trends and career trajectories that obtained in their original context, warns against any facile imposition of European classifi catory system, familiar preconceptions, and putative oppositions of global cultural politics on the study of its national equivalent. Caroline Haus subject matter is the role of revolutionary cosmopolitanism in the formation of dual nationalism, Chinese and Philippine, as practiced by overseas Chinese guerrillas. Working together with their local Hukbalahap comrades and various ethnic and tribal people in Japaneseoccupied Philippines, these guerrillas were part of a translingual political project that took shape under the historically unique circumstances of inter-imperialist rivalry and war and the international Communist movement from the early twentieth century to World War II. Hau investigates the biographical, organizational, and fictional embodiments of revolutionary cosmopolitanism in the life stories of the authors Du Ai (191493) and his wife, Lin Bin (19222008), the history of the Wha Chi guerrilla forces, and Du Ai and Lin Bins co-written novel Fengyu Taipingyang (Storm over the Pacific), which shows the deep and intimate entanglements between anti-colonial Chinese nationalism and Philippine radical nationalism,

15

KK Global: Hau framed by the reach and limits of translation and forged in the community of fate without guarantees, through love and suspicion, friendship and betrayal, kinship and rejection in the difficult and uncertain wartime conditions. Hau sketches the subsequent demise and afterlife of revolutionary cosmopolitanism and dual nationalism in the ideologically hostile and racially exclusivist Philippines after World War II under anti-Communism, post-Communism, and national chauvinism, and their recent partial redemption by the polycentric left in a more inclusive, pluralist, and integrationist manner. Against the grain of erasure by time and popular forgetfulness, her aim is to capture and rediscover that rare and long-lost historical moment of intimacy and intercourse between lovers, comrades, kith, and kin that were the internationalist Chinese Communist fl ows and the Philippine nation. The lyrics of a politically innocuous pop song lead Kasian Tejapira to reconstruct the genealogy of the Party-as-Mother metaphor in Th ailand. Kasian revisits the life, career and death of Ruam Wongphan (192262), a charismatic ethnic Lao Phuan from Suphan Buri province and a student at Thammasat University and Chulalongkorn University who joined the Th ai Communist Party and was among the fi rst Thai Communists to be trained in China. After undertaking political and organizational work among ethnic Tais in the Yunnan area of Southern China, Ruam returned to Th ailand to work among, educate, and organize the Thai peasants in the countryside. Ruams work in the countryside was part and process of an important shift in the Thai Communist Partys policy, strategies, and tactics toward ruralization, peasantization and minority ethnicization, militarization, resinicization, and localization. His farewell letter to his mother, written in jail prior to his summary execution by the military government, with its overtones of Party-as-Mother, provided a potent metaphor in marked contradistinction to the Sarit regimes self-identification with patriarchy for the nurturing intimacy that the Party sought to create with its members, an intimacy coded in the religious and ideological idioms of conversion, virtue, and incarnation. The survival, but in a substantively apolitical form, of the metaphor parallels the refashioning of Ruam Wongphans posthumous reputation from committed revolutionary to democracy martyr both poignant testaments of an afterlife subsequent to and in spite of (or perhaps precisely because of ) the collapse of both the revolution and the Party. Khoo Boo Teik begins his account of the political life and critical thought of James J. Puthucheary (19222000), a leading ethnic Indian left wing inter-nationalist, democratic socialist, and economic nationalist, whose anti-British imperialist struggles spanned colonial India, Singapore, and postcolonial Malaysia during and aft er World War II, with a breathtakingly sweeping and vertiginous panorama of the complex transnational infl ows and outflows as well as internal flows that swirled around and congealed into the historical matrix that was Malaysia. Khoo presents Puthucheary as an embodiment of many of these fl ows, one who attempted to make history out of them. As an immigrant product of British colonialism-driven mass migration from India to Malaya who grew up in a plural society, an unequal and unevenly developed colonial economy with ethnic division of

16

KK Global: Hau labor, and a communally segmented cultural, linguistic, and educational environment, Puthucheary fought valiantly and persistently for more than two decades, both armed and unarmed, in jail and at large, for the political and economic independence as well as political and social democracy of India, Malaya, and Malaysia in turn, only to see his hopes dashed, his ideas and projects ending up time and again in defeat, futility, or perversity, be it the INA (Indian National Army), the PAP (Peoples Action Party), or the NEP (New Economic Policy). His repeated political failures in the face of overwhelming flows notwithstanding, as a public intellectual he never succumbed to the ruling fallacies and consistently mounted a hardhitting and well-rounded critique of both the deceptive hegemony of the ruling elite and the flawed counter-hegemony of the Communist insurgency with exceptional clarity and sensitivity, reasserting in full the problematique of ethnicity, class, and state that is essential to the understanding of Malaysian chronic communalist antithesis and recurrent political economic dilemma. Yamamoto Hiroyuki invites us to contemplate the inspiring if disenchanting lifelong search for the best possible bangsa or nation of the multilingual migrant Sino-Thai Buddhist Peranakan-turned-Malay Muslim writer, poet, and journalist Tenh Beng Chuan, aka K. Bali (192799), an intellectual champion of bangsa Sabah and bahasa Sabah (Sabah nationhood and Sabah language) among the ethnically diverse, Malayspeaking peoples of North Borneo in post-war Malaysia. Born in Kelantan in 1927 to a Hokkien-speaking Chinese father and a local-born Siamese mother, Kote, as he was called by village folks, grew up a Buddhist among Malay Muslim children and classmates and dreamed of bangsa Malaya, a single, unified Malay-speaking nation free from colonial rule where people transcended class and ethnic diff erences la Indonesian nationalism. When forced instead into a Chinese ethnic minority status and designated school system under bangsa Melayu by the rise of UMNOs Malay nationalism and the resulting ethnic polarization after World War II, K. Bali decided to move to the Malay Muslim-majority south of Thailand, so as to convert to and practice Islam as well as to live, work, study, and write as a Malay there. Ousted from Thailand some years later for his political article in a local Malay newspaper, he eventually settled in North Borneo/Sabah, where he devoted his talents for Malay prose and poetry to a collective project of making Sabah his new chosen bangsa and bahasa along with fellow Peranakan journalists and politicians, only to witness again the emergence and enhancement of ethnic awareness and identities in Sabah instead of his dreamt-of trans-ethnic nationhood and identity. Thus, in his 70s, he moved again from Sabah back to his home village in Kelantan to spend the final year of his mobile life. In that sense, K. Balis life story is an object lesson in nation-building as actually a trans-local or transnational activity, a continuing journey/exile beyond borders of control, an unending attempt at the making and unmaking of the national, in search of the Never-Never Homeland. Out of a four-decade-long stream of around 10 million overseas Filipino workers (OFWs) from one in every ten middle- and lower-class households in the country to greener pastures around the world, especially in East Asia,

17

KK Global: Hau the Middle East, North America, and Western Europe, Odine de Guzman reconstructs a sociological portrait of the collective experience of Filipino female domestic workers, through the personal and political itinerary of Connie Bragas-Regalado (1954), a college-educated government employeeturnedcontract domestic worker in Singapore and then Hong Kong as well as single mother of two children, who has become an eminent workers rights activist and chairperson of the United Filipinos in Hong Kong, the biggest migrant labor union there, and was chosen as a standard-bearer Party-list congressional candidate by the Migrante Sectoral Party, the largest OFW group, in the 2004 Philippine national election. Making use of the Hegelian master-slave dialectics and Marxist-derived feminist standpoint theory, she posits an OFW standpoint of the Filipino female contract domestic workers, overdetermined as it is by class, race, and gender, from which a myriad of complex and superordinately invisible unequal power relationships between them and the taxing and policing states, predatory international capital, and patriarchal family structures both at home and in the host countries can be visualized, understood, and resisted. Th us, despite the deafening official chorus of praise for OFWs presumed economic heroism and self-sacrifice for the sake of nation and family, what remains unseen or unrecognized is that their hard-earned remittances and taxes have made possible the continuing rule of the masters of the Philippine, Singaporean, Hong Kong, and other host states, that their underpaid and undervalued deskilling domestic work has made possible the lucrative skilled jobs and productive labor of their foreign employers out of the home, that their motherly care and responsibility have allowed their wayward and irresponsible husbands to move to the next house/ life and leave all family-related burden to them. It was to find ways to break out of this transnational vicious cycle of financially insecure home and overseas contract work, desperate sojourn and unfulfi lling return, which has increasingly trapped even their grown-up children, that Connie Bragas-Regalado and her comrades in the Migrante International network brought the force of their political activism home to bear down on the Philippine state as citizen-members of the sovereign nation. Shiraishi Takashi traces the current transnational fl ows of radical Islam in Southeast and Central Asia through the life story of Imam Samudra (19722008), a captured and executed Indonesian jihadist, member of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI) and architect of the Bali terrorist bombings in 2002, as told by himself in his autobiography, interview, and police interrogation. As the young Imam Samudra, taking pride in his deeply pious ulama mujahid Muslim blood, experienced a jolting spiritual awakening, was converted to radical Islam, went to Soviet-occupied Afghanistan on a three-year-long training and fighting jihad mission, and came back to continue proselytizing, organizing, and carrying out terrorist activities in Indonesia and Malaysia, one could see him being gradually sucked down deeper and deeper into the undercurrent of anti-modernist, absolutist, and monolithic Salafism along the underground waterway that was the regional Darul Islam, JI, and al-Qaeda network. Haunted by Internet images of atrocities committed by the Israeli and American Drakula bin Monster on helpless Muslims, and enchanted by the entirely new and very new and really, really clean purist moral community of fellow jihadists

18

KK Global: Hau in Afghanistan, Imam Samudra led the austere, devoted, and purifi ed life of a mujahid resister that was purged of all fi tnah (temptation) la Western modernity, be it the national, the ethnic, the secular, the sexual, the nonreligious language and categories, or even social change itself. And yet, while the process of refi ning culture and self-censorship eventually failed to completely dam the flows of Western modernism as the banished, unholy national categories and even English words seeped into his own language and way of thinking unawares through the back door, it did manage to narrow down his language and understanding of the social world, and resultant scope and choice of action on that world so much so that his itinerary and fateful destiny is almost predetermined. Anthony Reid reminds us that timing when to be absent, when to be actively present, when to be jailed, when to speak out, when to die is a crucial element in the making of reputations.76 With the exception of Ponce and Ph.m H.ng Thi, almost all of the subjects of this book found themselves at cross purposes with predominant views of the nation and the actually existing nation-state in their respective domiciles, oft en falling afoul of the authorities that allocated to themselves the right to imagine, speak of, and make the nation. We began this book with a number of subjects whose lives and careers were shaped by a form of cosmopolitanism engendered by colonialism, imperialism, and regional and global capitalism, and we discussed the efforts of these traveling subjects to imagine and create a nation out of the ideational and material flows that swept through the territories they inhabited and traversed. We end the book with Imam Samudra, a man who came of age in Indonesia, now a nationstate, but spent the better part of his life trying to destroy and replace it with a state organized by a different vision of cosmopolitan community, but one that is nevertheless contaminated by received notions of nation and its territorial boundaries. The reputations of the subjects of this book would undergo the permutations induced by changing times and mores, political and economic contexts, and intellectual trends. But in all cases, their life stories speak across the years to their biographers, whose evolving research agendas have led them to re-interpret, even rewrite, these biographies in ways that necessitate a rethinking of the rules, premises, and conditions by which the subject (in both senses of topic and person) of the nation is defined, contested, and reinvented. The chapters show how travel and its contingent and uneven processes of translation, circulation, and exchange defined the trajectories of these ten individuals political thought and action, even as their political inclinations and activism helped set the intellectual and geographical itineraries they would cover in their lifetimes. With these biographies, we highlight the ways in which nation-making is deeply informed by, and in turn shapes, specific patterns and densities of local, regional, and global flows, movements, and networks across modern Southeast Asia. Traveling Nation-Makers hopes to illuminate some of the pathways by which people in this region worked, with varying degrees of success, to realize their intellectual, aesthetic, and political visions and projects over the last tumultuous century.

19

KK Global: Hau Notes 1 Arjun Appadurai, Grassroots Globalization and the Research Imagination, in Globalization, ed. Appadurai (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), p. 5. On the idea of flows, see Scott Lash and John Urry, Economies of Signs and Space (London: Sage, 1994), p. 12. 2 For a balanced account, see Susan Strange, The Retreat of the State: Th e Diff usion of Power in the World Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 3 An exemplary formulation is Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), especially chapter 1. 4 On the nation-states propensity for sweeping ethnic diversities into fi xed and closed sets of cultural categories, see Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 13957. 5 This is evident in Ulf Hannerzs global cultural flow chart in Cultural Complexity: Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), p. 221; and James Cliffords assumption that discrepant cosmopolitanism involves displacement and transplantation in his influential essay Traveling Cultures, in Cliff ord, Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997), p. 36. 6 Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari, Anti-Oedipus, vol. 1 of Capitalism and Schizophrenia, trans. Robert Hurley, Mark Seem, and Helen R. Lane (London: Athlone, 1984). 7 See, for example, Jonathan Xavier Inda and Renato Rosaldo, eds., Th e Anthropology of Globalization: A Reader (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2002). 8 Jurgen Habermas, The Postnational Constellation: Political Essays (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001). 9 Khachig Tlyan, The Nation-State and Its Others: In Lieu of a Preface, Diaspora 1, 1 (1991): 3. See also chapters 1 and 2 of Nations Unbound: Transnational Projects, Postcolonial Predicaments and Deterritorialized Nation-States, ed. Linda Basch, Nina Glick Schiller, and Cristina Szanton Blanc (New York and London: Routledge, 1993).

20

KK Global: Hau 10 Harry Kreisler, Globalization and Islam: A Conversation with Olivier Roy, Institute of International Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 2007, <http://globetrotter.berkeley.edu/people7/Roy/roy07-con5.html>, p. 5. A more nuanced account can be found in Brynjar Lia, Architect of Global Jihad: Th e Caroline S. Hau and Kasian Tejapira Life of Al-Qaeda Strategist Abu Musab Al-Suri (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008). 11 On the making of Southeast Asia as a place-name, see Donald K. Emmerson, Southeast Asia: Whats in a Name? Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 15, 1 (Mar. 1984): 121. 12 Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 14501680, vol. 2: Expansion and Crisis (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p. 144. See also the essays, especially the introduction, in Laurie Sears, ed., Knowing Southeast Asian Subjects (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007). 13 For a useful overview and critique of historical writing on early Southeast Asia, see Craig J. Reynolds, A New Look at Old Southeast Asia, Journal of Asian Studies 54, 2 (May 1995): 41946. 14 Denys Lombard, Networks and Synchronisms in Southeast Asian History, Journal of Southeast Asian History 26, 1 (Mar. 1995): 106. 15 See, for example, John Smail, On the Possibility of an Autonomous History of Modern Southeast Asia, Journal of Southeast Asian History 2 (1961): 72102; and Oliver Wolters, History, Culture and Region in Southeast Asian Perspectives, rev. ed. (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999). We thank the anonymous reader of this book for this cogent reminder. 16 Devleena Ghosh and Stephen Muecke, Indian Ocean Stories, UTS Review Cultural Studies and New Writings 6, 2 (2000): 25. 17 Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, 2 vols., trans. Sian Reynolds (Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1995), originally published in 1949; Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System, vol. 1: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York and London: Academic Press, 1974), The Modern World-System, vol. 2: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy 16001750 (New York: Academic Press, 1980), and The Modern World-System, vol. 3: The Second Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 17301840 (San Diego: Academic

21

KK Global: Hau Press, 1989). 18 R. Bin Wong, China Transformed: Historical Change and the Limits of European Experience (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Andre Gunder Frank, ReOrient: Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe, and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2000). 19 See K.N. Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), and Asia Before Europe: Economy and Civilization of the Indian Ocean from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990); Ashin Das Gupta and M.N. Pearson, eds., India and the Indian Ocean (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1987); Michael N. Pearson, The Indian Ocean (London: Routledge, 2003), and The World of the Indian Ocean, 15001800: Studies in Social, Economic and Cultural History (Aldershot: Variorium Collected Studies Series, Ashgate, 2005). 20 See, for example, the essays in Peter J. Katzenstein, ed., Civilizations in World Politics: Plural and Pluralist Perspectives (London and New York: Routledge, 2010). Examples include Lynda Shaffers discussion of the impact of India and Southeast Asia on Chinese economic, cultural, and technological development in Southernization, Journal of World History 5 (1994): 121; and Grant Evans, Christopher Hutton, and Khua Khun Eng, eds., Where China Meets Southeast Asia: Social and Cultural Change in the Border Regions (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2000). 21 Samuel P. Huntington, Clash of Civilizations? Foreign Aff airs 72, 3 (1993): 2249, and The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996). 22 On the Hadhrami diaspora, for example, there is a rich literature: Engseng Ho, Before Parochialization: Diasporic Arabs Cast in Creole Waters, in Transcending Borders: Arabs, Politics, Trade and Islam in Southeast Asia, ed. Huub de Jonge and Nico Kaptein (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002); Ulrike Freitag and William Clarence-Smith, eds., Hadhrami Traders, Scholars, and Statesmen in the Indian Ocean, 1750s1960s (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Leif Manger, Th e Hadrami Diaspora: Community-Building on the Indian Ocean Rim (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2010); Huub de Jonge and Nico Kaptein, eds., Transcending Borders: Arabs, Politics, Trade in Southeast Asia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002). On the Sindhi diaspora, see Claude Markovits, The Global World of Indian Merchants 17501947: Traders of Sind from Bukhara to Panama (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). On the role of the Chinese Muslims in the spread of Islam in Southeast Asia, see Tan Ta Sen, Cheng Ho and Islam in Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009).

22

KK Global: Hau 23 Giovanni Arrighi, Takeshi Hamashita, and Mark Selden, Introduction: Th e Rise of East Asia in Regional and World Historical Perspective, in Th e Resurgence of East Asia: 500, 150 and 50 Year Perspectives, ed. Arrighi, Hamashita, and Selden (London: Routledge, 2003), p. 2. 24 Peter J. Katzenstein, A World of Regions: Asia and Europe in the American Imperium (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2005). 25 Takeshi Hamashita, China, East Asia and the Global Economy: Regional and Historical Perspectives, ed. Mark Selden and Linda Grove (London and New York: Routledge, 2008). Another example of a country study that uses a regional lens is Arano Yasunori, Ishii Masatoshi, and Murai Shosuke, Ajia no naka no Nihon [Japan in Asia], 6 vols. (Tokyo: Tokyo University Press, 19923). Southeast Asias centrality to region-formation is discussed in Takashi Shiraishi, Umi no teikoku [Empire of the Seas: The Making of a Region] (Tokyo: Chuokoron, 2000). 26 An important exception is Vicente L. Rafael, The Promise of the Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics of Translation in the Spanish Philippines (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005). For a theoretical clarification of the role of the contact zone in which different nationalities come together in a given space in mediating the imagination of the nation, see Arif Dirlik, Transnationalism, the Press, and the National Imaginary, The China Review 4, 1 (Spring 2004): 1125. 27 Anthony Reid and Maria Serena Diokno, Completing the Circle: Southeast Asian Studies in Southeast Asia, in Southeast Asian Studies: Pacifi c Perspectives, ed. Reid (Tempe: Monograph Series Press, Program for Southeast Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 2003), pp. 967. 28 Claudine Salmon, ed., Rcits de voyages des asiatiques: Genres, mentalits, conception de lespace (Paris: cole Franais dExtrme Orient, 1996) is a pioneering collection of essays dealing with travels to, within, and from Asia. 29 Susan Bayly, Asian Voices in a Postcolonial Age: Vietnam, India and Beyond (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 30 Janet Wolff, On the Road Again: Metaphors of Travel in Cultural Criticism, Cultural Studies 7, 1 (1993): 22439. See also Cliff ord, Traveling Cultures, p. 33. 31 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised edition (London: Verso, 1991), p. 57. 32 Resil B. Mojares, Brains of the Nation: Pedro Paterno, T.H. Pardo de Tavera, Isabelo delos Reyes and the Production of Modern Knowledge (Quezon City:

23

KK Global: Hau Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2006), illuminates the interactions between the Propagandist Filipinos working in Spain and those in the colony (including Isabelo delos Reyes), showing how the Enlightenment was not simply imported, but locally produced. 33 See Prasenjit Duara, Transnationalism and the Predicament of Sovereignty, American Historical Review 102, 4 (1997): 103051. See also Caroline S. Hau and Takashi Shiraishi, Daydreaming about Rizal and Tetchou: On Asianism as Network and Fantasy, Philippine Studies 57, 3 (2009): 32988. 34 Susan Bayly, Vietnamese Narratives of Tradition, Exchange and Friendship in the Worlds of the Global Socialist Ecumene, in Enduring Socialism: Explorations of Revolution and Transformation, Restoration and Continuation, ed. Harry G. West and Parvathi Raman (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2008), pp. 12547. See also Bayly, Asian Voices in a Postcolonial Age, p. 221. 35 V.I. Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (New York: International Publishers, 1969). 36 Hu.nh Kim Khnh, Vietnamese Communism 19251945 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), p. 55. See also Michael Weiner, Comintern in East Asia, 19191939, in Kevin McDermott and Jeremy Agnew, Th e Comintern: A History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin (Hampshire and London: Macmillan Press, 1996), pp. 15889, 2624; and Tim Rees and Andrew Th orpe, International Communism and the Communist International 19191943 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), chapters 1618. 37 On the impact of travel to Shanghai on Tan Malakas political career and ideas, see Abidin Kusno, Tan Malaka, Shanghai and the Politics of Geographical Imagining, Singapore Journal of Tropical Geography 24, 3 (2003): 32739. Kusnos account, though insightful, does not address the political imperatives behind Tan Malakas travel to Shanghai as well as the relationship between Shanghai and Tan Malakas role as regional facilitator of the Cominterns Far Eastern Bureau. 38 Christopher E. Goscha, Thailand and the Southeast Asian Networks of the Vietnamese Revolution, 18851954 (Surrey: Curzon, 1999). 39 Robert J. Alexander, International Maoism in the Developing World (Westport, CT: Praeger, 1999), p. 26. 40 Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, Preface and Social Theory in the Study of Muslim Societies, in Muslim Travellers: Pilgrimage, Migration, and the Religious Imagination, ed. Eickelman and Piscatori (Berkeley: University

24

KK Global: Hau of California Press, 1990), pp. xiixxii, 325. In Southeast Asian studies, see the pioneering work by Jacob Vredenbregt, The Haddj: Some of Its Features and Functions in Indonesia, Bijdragan voor Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde 118, 1 (1962): 91154; Narifumi Maeda, Th e Aft ereffects of Hajj and Kaan Buat, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 6, 2 (1975): 17889; Virginia Matheson Hooker and Anthony Crothers Milner, Perceptions of the Haj: Five Malay Texts, Research Notes and Discussion Papers No. 46 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1984); and the essays in Eric Tagliacozzo, ed., Southeast Asia and the Middle East: Islam, Movement and the Longue Dure (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009). 41 Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatori, Muslim Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), pp. ixxiv; Robert W. Hefner, Islam in an Era of Nation-States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim Southeast Asia, in Islam in an Era of Nation-States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim Southeast Asia, ed. Hefner and Patricia Horvatich (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), pp. 340; Michael F. Laff an, Islamic Nationhood and Colonial Indonesia: The Umma below the Winds (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). See also Michael G. Peletz, Ordinary Muslims and Muslim Resurgents in Contemporary Malaysia, in Islam in an Era of Nation-States: Politics and Religious Renewal in Muslim Southeast Asia, ed. Robert W. Hefner and Patricia Horvatich (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997), pp. 23173. 42 The classic text on the Islamic revival is Richard P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993). See also the essays in Barry Rubin, ed., The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organizations and Policies of a Global Islamist Movement (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010). 43 Thomas M. McKenna, Muslim Rulers and Rebels: Everyday Politics and Armed Separation in the Philippines (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Patricio N. Abinales, Making Mindanao: Cotabato and Davao in the Formation of the Philippine Nation-State (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2000). 44 Chandra Muzaffar, Islamic Resurgence: A Global View (With Illustrations from Southeast Asia), in Islam and Society in Southeast Asia, ed. Taufi k Abdullah and Sharon Siddique (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1986), p. 19; see also Naveed S. Sheikh, The New Politics of Islam: PanIslamic Foreign Policy in a World of States (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). 45 See Mariam Abou Zahab and Olivier Roy, Islamist Networks: Th e PakistanAfghan Connection (London: Hurst, 2003), chapter 5; Quintan Wiktorowicz, The Management of Islamic Activism: Salafis, the Muslim Brotherhood, and State Power in Jordan (Buffalo: State University of New York Press, 2001), p. 6; and John Cooley, Unholy Wars: Afghanistan, America and International Terrorism, 3rd ed. (London: Pluto Press, 2002). 46 Wiktorowicz, Management of Islamic Activism, pp. 11146. 25

KK Global: Hau 47 See, for example, Noorhaidi Hasan, Laskar Jihad: Islam, Militancy and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 2006); John T. Sidel, Riots, Pogroms, Jihad: Religious Violence in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006); and the essays in Confl ict, Community and Criminality in Southeast Asia and Australia: Assessments from the Field, ed. Arnaud de Brochgrave, Thomas Sanderson, and David Gordon (Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2009). 48 Kaoru Sugihara, Introduction, in Japan, China, and the Growth of the Asian International Economy, 18501949, ed. Kaoru Sugihara, Japan Studies in Economic and Social History, vol. 1. (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press), p. 1. 49 Ibid., p. 5. 50 Takashi Shiraishi, An Age in Motion: Popular Radicalism in Java 19121926 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990). On the impact of Indonesian nationalism on, for example, Hadhrami identity, see Natalie Mobini-Kesheh, Th e Hadrami Awakening: Community and Identity in the Netherlands East Indies, 19001942 (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1999). For a book-length study of the rise of overseas Chinese nationalism in Indonesia, see Lea E. Williams, Overseas Chinese Nationalism: The Genesis of the PanChinese Movement in Indonesia, 19001916 (Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1960). 51 Shiraishi, Age in Motion, Chapter 7. C.W. Watson discusses two autobiographies by self-identified Muslim Communists, Hasan Raid and H. Achmadi Moestahal, in his Of Self and Injustice: Autobiography and Repression in Modern Indonesia (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2006), chapters 1 and 2. See also Hefner, Islam in an Era of Nation-States, p. 17; and Deliar Noer, Th e Modern Muslim Movement in Indonesia, 19001942 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1973). On the ambivalent relationship between nationalism and Islam in Malaysia, see Ariffi n Omar, Bangsa Melayu: Malay Concepts of Democracy and Community, 19451950 (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1993). 52 See, for example, the research by Nelly van Doorn-Harder and Kees de Jong, The Pilgrimage to Tembayat: Tradition and Revival in Indonesian Islam, Th e Muslim World 91, 34 (Sept. 2001): 32554. 53 Weiner, Comintern in East Asia, Th e Comintern, p. xviii. 54 Takashi Shiraishi, Aiming to Build an East Asia Community, Japan Echo (Feb. 2006): 5863. 26

KK Global: Hau 55 See Pheng Cheahs cogent critique of Clifford and Homi Bhabhas notions of cosmopolitanism in Given Culture: Rethinking Cosmopolitical Freedom in Transnationalism, in Cheah, Inhuman Conditions: On Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 827, 912. 56 See the essays in Cheah, Inhuman Conditions. 57 Cheah, Given Culture, pp. 80119, 2805. On globalizations relationship with nationalism and its implications for the concept of belonging, see Ulf Hedetoft and Mette Hjort, Introduction, in The Postnational Self: Belonging and Identity, ed. Hedetoft and Hjort (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), pp. xixxx. 58 Cliff ord, Routes, p. 2. 59 Stanley Fish, Biography and Intention, in Contesting the Subject: Essays in the Postmodern Theory and Practice of Biography and Biographical Criticism, ed. William H. Epstein (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 1991), pp. 916. 60 Anthony Reid, On the Importance of Autobiography, Indonesia 13 (Apr. 1972): 13; Susan Rodgers, ed. and trans., Telling Lives, Telling History: Autobiography and Historical Imagination in Modern Indonesia (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1995), p. 8; Alfred W. McCoy, Introduction: Biography of Lives Obscure, Ordinary and Heroic, in Lives at the Margin: Biography of Filipinos Obscure, Ordinary, and Heroic, ed. McCoy (Madison: Center for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2001), p. 2; Mojares, Brains of the Nation, p. ix; Roxana Waterson, Introduction: Analyzing Personal Narratives, in Southeast Asian Lives: Personal Narratives and Historical Experience, ed. Waterson (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007), pp. 137. 61 Robert Smith, Derrida and Autobiography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), p. 61. 62 See, for example, Christoph Giebel, Imagined Ancestries of Vietnamese Communism: Ton Duc Thang and the Politics of History & Memory (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2004). 63 Amin Sweeney, Reputations Live on: An Early Malay Autobiography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), p. 18. See also Benedict R.OG. Andersons classic analysis of the Javanese student-activist Soetomos memoirs, A Time of

27

KK Global: Hau Darkness and a Time of Light: Transposition in Early Indonesian Nationalist Thought, in Anderson, Language and Power: Exploring Political Cultures in Indonesia (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), pp. 24170. 64 Anthony Milner, The Invention of Politics in Colonial Malaya: Contesting Nationalism and the Expansion of the Public Sphere (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), chapter 2. Also of interest is Milners critique of Wang Gungwu, ed., Self and Biography: Essays on the Individual and Society in Asia (Sydney: Sydney University Press for the Australian Academy of Humanities, 1975), in A.C. Milner, Post-modern Perspectives on Malay Biography, Kajian Malaysia 9, 2 (Dec. 1991): 2438. For a book-length discussion of auto/ biography and politics in the Philippines, see Caroline S. Hau, On the Subject of the Nation: Filipino Writings from the Margins, 19812004 (Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2004). 65 Craig J. Reynolds, Jit Poumisak in Thai History, in Reynolds, Th ai Radical Discourse: The Real Face of Thai Feudalism Today (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, 1987), pp. 235. See also his Th e Author-Function and Th ai History, Asian Studies Association of Australia Review 10, 1 (1986): 228. On the circulation and consumption of Marxist texts in Th ailand, see Kasian Tejapira, Commodifying Marxism: The Formation of Modern Th ai Radical Culture, 19271958 (Kyoto: Kyoto University Press, 2001). 66 Reynolds, Thai Radical Discourse, p. 15. 67 On the application of biographical study and social networks theory to the study of militant Islam, see Marc Sageman, Understanding Terror Networks (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004); and Leaderless Jihad: Terror Networks in the Twenty-first Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008). 68 On the importance of auto/biographical practice to representative politics in the modern nation-state, see Betty Joseph, Representation and Representative Politics: Reading Female Insurgency, Subalternity, and Self-Constitution in the Anti-Colonial Text, Auto/Biography Studies 12, 1 (Spring 1997): 5270. 69 McCoy, Introduction, Lives at the Margin, pp. 7, 18. 70 C.W. Watson, Of Self and Nation: Autobiography and the Representation of Modern Indonesia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2000), p. 7. 71 Watson, Of Self and Injustice, p. 1. 72 28

KK Global: Hau Some of these political travelers have written or authorized auto/biographical essays and books. Among the works available in English, see, for example, Jose Rizal, Reminiscences, trans. and annotated by Encarnacion Alzona (Manila: Jose Rizal National Centennial Commission, 1961); Phan B.i Chus Prison Notes and H. Ch Minhs Prison Diary, in Reflections from Captivity, ed. David G. Marr, trans. Christopher Jenkins, Khanh Tuyet Tran, and Sanh Th ong Huynh (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1978); Phan B.i Chu, Overturned Chariot: The Autobiography of Phan Boi Chau, trans. Vinh Sinh and Nicholas Wickenden, SHAPS Library of Translations (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999); Tan Malaka, From Jail to Jail, trans. and annotated by Helen Jarvis, 3 vols., Southeast Asia Series No. 83 (Athens: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1991); and Ranjit Gill, Of Political Bondage: An Authorized Biography of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Malaysias First Prime Minister and His Continuing Participation in Contemporary Politics (Singapore: Sterling Corporate Services, 1990). 73 Cf. Reynolds, Thai Radical Discourse, pp. 138. 74 For an early example of a home-grown intellectual and political actor who laid claim to the ideals of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution, see Cesar Adib Majuls biography of the Brains of the Philippine Revolution, Apolinario Mabini (18641903), Apolinario Mabini, Revolutionary (Manila: National Heroes Commission, 1964), and Mabini and the Philippine Revolution (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1960). Mabini, who was fl uent in Spanish and Tagalog and taught himself English, was exiled by the Americans to Guam in 1901, and died shortly after he returned to the Philippines in 1903. 75 For an important corrective to the paucity of biographical narratives of border-crossing women political activists, see Agnes Khoo, ed., Life as the River Flows: Women in the Malayan Anti-Colonial Struggle (An Oral History of Women from Thailand, Malaysia and Singapore) (Monmouth, Wales: Merlin Press, 2006). 76 We are indebted to Anthony Reid for this quotation and for encouraging us to expand some of the ideas in this paragraph. Anthony Reid, personal communication, 9 Sept. 2009.

29

KK Global: Hau
CARoLINE S. HAU TA k A S H I S H I R A I S H I

Daydreaming about Rizal and Tetch On Asianism as Network and Fantasy

This article views the historical phenomenon of Asianism through the critical lenses of network and fantasy. A chance encounter in the late 1880s between Jos Rizal and Suehiro Tetch offers one snapshot of an early link in the Asianist network. The article explains how and why that link gave rise to fantasies about Asianist solidarity on the part of Suehiro as seen particularly in the comic travelogue Oshi no ryok (1889), but not on the part of Rizal. It also looks at the historical trajectory taken by Asianism, and the different kinds of social daydreaming and projects encoded by subsequent scholarly and popular accounts of the Rizal-Suehiro meeting.
Keywords: AsiAnism networK fAntAsy rizAl JApAn politicAl novel

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009) 32988

Ateneo de Manila University

30

KK Global: Hau

n recent years, there has been a resurgence of scholarly interest in Asianism as discourse and historical phenomenon. Reflecting on the ongoing regional project of East Asia community building, some of these publications have raised questions about the ideationality (or, to be more precise, the lack thereof) of the current East Asia Community (Higashi-Ajia kydtai) (Matsumoto and Nakajima 2008). Others have attempted to draw parallels between the current regional project and the prewar attempt on the part of Japan to create a regional bloc in the name of East Asia Community (T-A kydtai) (Koyasu 2008, 25152).1 And still others have sought to draw lessons from the history of Asianism and explore their relevance and implications for present-day regionalism and regional studies (Saaler 2007, 12; Shin 2005; and Sun 2007). Elsewhere we have addressed the question of Asianisms relevance for current efforts at community building in the name of East Asia (Shiraishi and Hau 2009). In this article, we turn our attention to two major but critically overlooked features of that historical phenomenon known as Asianism. One is its network quality, and the other is the strong element of fantasy that informs and animates Asianist thinking and practice. We will discuss these two features by focusing on a chance encounter in the late 1880s between Jos Rizal (fig. 1) and Suehiro Tetch (fig. 2). This encounter offers one snapshot of an early link in the network. We seek to account for how and why that link gave rise, at least on the part of Suehiro, to fantasies about Asianist solidarity but, interestingly, not on the part of Rizal. We will then explain how, in less than ten years time, at least one person in Rizals Filipino circle of friends, colleagues, and activists came to link up with a number of people in Suehiros Japanese circle and began working together in an effort to realize the collective fantasy of Asian solidarity. More than sixty years would pass before another type of Asianism emerged in the postwar period, one that would draw on historical memories of the Rizal-Suehiro meeting and Meiji Asianism in order to rework the Japan-as-leader rhetoric of the wartime era in support of an altogether different set of political fantasies about the close friendship between Filipinos and Japanese.
Fig. 1. Jos Rizal (left), Marcelo H. del Pilar, and Mariano Ponce (seated), who worked together for La Solidaridad Source: Library of Congress, Southeast Asian Collection, Asian Division Fig. 2. Suehiro Tetch Source: National Diet Library 2004a

I
and values while in reality practicing Eurocentric racism and exclusions, and a call for solidarity of the peoples and countries of Asia in anticolonial and anti-imperialist endeavors against the Eurocentric and European-dominated international order (Aydin 2007; Hotta 2007). The leading postwar Japanese literary critic Takeuchi Yoshimi famously declared that myriadness (sensa-banbetsu) is the defining characteristic of Japans Asianism (Takeuchi 1998, 29394). Takeuchi makes two important points about Asianism. First, owing to its variegated nature, it should not be understood as a monolithic construct. Second, its understanding of Asia vis-vis Europe is best understood as a mood (mdo) that pervades Japanese discourses of different official ideologies. Yet, despite his insights, the kinds of metaphors that historians of ideas routinely use to make sense of the plurality of voices and perspectives within Asianist thought and practice have not been particularly useful in helping us understand Asianism as an historical phenomenon. In English-language scholarship, words like strands (Beasley 2001, 211), threads (Hotta 2007, 7), streams (Dennehy 2007, 225), seeds (Szpilman 2007, 99), and embryos (Iwamoto 1968, 93) are common. In Japanese-language scholarship, metaphors such as waves (nami) (Got 2007, 7374), streams (nagare) (Ajia shugi sha tachi no koe

Understanding Asianism as Network

Asianism has two major ideational components: one consists of civilizational discourses on Europe and Asia; the other a critique of the double standards by which Europe claims the universality of the Enlightenments ideals

31
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

330

HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy

331

KK Global: Hau

Fig. 3. Miyazaki Tten Source: National Diet Library 2004b

Fig. 4. Inukai Tsuyoshi Source: National Diet Library 2004c

2008, 11), and generations (sedai) (Ajia shugi sha tachi no koe 2008, 12) have been used. In the first group, single case studies of one particular persons ideas have lent nuance and complexity to individual exponents of Asianism, but the metaphors they rely on to suggest connections between ideas arising from different eras serve only to confuse readers. These metaphors tell us nothing about the reinventions of these ideas, the active mutations of ideas that reshape not only the ideas themselves but also the contexts of speaking and doing through which people comprehend and use these ideas. Equally important, they overlook the role of fantasyunderstood in both its senses as an imaginative stand-in for reality and as a symbolic mode of apprehending realityin animating these ideas and structuring their reception across time. As for the second group, there is great merit in the task of identifying different phases or variants in the development of pan-Asianist thought. Two recent studies have tracked the evolution of Japanese (pan-)Asianist discourse through the vicissitudes of domestic and international politics. Eri Hotta (2007) identifies three major threads of pan-Asianist thinking: the Teaist pan-Asianism exemplified by Okakura Tenshins Asia is one thesis; the Sinic pan-Asianism based on same letters, same culture (dbun dshu) solidarity with China but characterized by divergent positions, as Hashikawa (1980, 34041) would argue; and the meishuron (Japan as leader) pan-Asianism, which provided the ideological cement for Japanese imperialist policy in the 1930s. Cemil Aydins (2007) comparative study of pan-Islamic and pan-Asianist thought identifies six moments in the changing power configuration and legitimacy of the Eurocentric international system and its attendant discourses and their contributions to the rise, fall, and revival of political pan-Asianism. But while attempts at classifying Asianism into various categories and phases are useful (and are probably unavoidable for heuristic purposes), they tend to exclude thoughts and actions that do not fit neatly into the categories.2 Among so-called pan-Asianists in Japan, for example, there were some like Okakura Tenshin who stressed the superiority of Asian cultural or spiritual values as a counterpoint to Western material superiority, but others such as Konoe Atsumaro were more interested in establishing a partnership between Japan and China for mutual self-defense. Some such as Toyama Mitsuru believed in Japanese leadership, but others like Umeya Shkichi did not. Some thought Asia could be remade in Japans image, while others like Miyazaki Tten thought that Japan itself would be radically transformed, if not revolutionized, by revolutions in Asia (Uemura 1987; 1996; 1999; 2001). For some Asianism was a way of thinking about how different but not inferior Asia is compared with Europe, but for others ideas were not what mattered but rather material aid (in the form of arms, training, money) and concerted action for their respective political projects. Asianism can best be understood and studied as a network formed through intellectual, physical, emotional, virtual, institutional, and even sexual contacts, or some combination thereof.3 The network approach to the study of intellectual and political Asianism in fact allows us to circumvent some of the conceptual failings that beset history-of-ideas approaches to Asianism. As metaphor and method, network theory offers a corrective to the dangers of studying Asianism as if it were a Japan- or China-centered phenomenon, or simply a set of ideas articulated by a number of intellectuals or officials, or else an empty signifier that functioned to mask or rationalize Japanese imperialism. Asianism cannot be explained adequately if we look only at official policies and institutions because, while some Asianist ideas ended up being institutionalized as official policy, other (and far more) wildly divergent fantasies were not. Neither can Asianism be studied only in terms of either Japan-centered intellectual history or imperialist history, since it was a far more widespread and general phenomenon and involved not just Japanese intellectuals and bureaucrats, but also the thoughts and actions of numerous individuals living and moving across borders.

32
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 333

332

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Fig. 5. Mariano Ponce (standing) and Sun Yat-sen in Yokohama, c. 1899

Source: Ponce 1965, photographic plate between pp. 2 and 3

There are other advantages to analyzing Asianism in terms of networks. Most of the historical works on Asianism are reconstructions and descriptions of network(ing): of people forming tightly-knit (alongside loosely-knit) groups and working together for specific goals under specific circumstances. For example, Japanese revolutionary rnin Miyazaki Tten (fig. 3) met Sun Yat-sen while Sun was staying with his good friend Chen Shaobai in Yokohama. Through Miyazaki, Sun got to know some of the Chinese students (rygakusei) based in the Kant area (cf. Miyazaki 1993). Miyazaki also introduced Sun to Hirayama Sh and then to Inukai Tsuyoshi (fig. 4). Filipino nationalist Mariano Ponce met Sun at Inukais party (fig. 5), and Ponce in turn introduced Sun to Korean reformists Pak Yonghyo (see note 40), Yu Kil-chun, An Kyong-su, and so on (Ponce 1965, 3, 40). An Asianist network began to take shape from the late 1870s, a time of great political and intellectual ferment, when new politics and political movements had begun to emerge in Japan, Korea, China, the Philippines, and other areas in this part of the world. The hopes and dreams of a new social order and a new world that they articulated could not be completely contained or accommodated by the political and social frameworks established by their respective states. Moreover, the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were an age in motionpeople were moving about, not just from colony to metropole, from Asia to Europe, and vice versa, but within Asia as well. These movements brought people into contact with each other: a Filipino like Mariano Ponce, fresh from his sojourn in Europe, would move to Hong Kong and Japan and later visit Indochina, meeting and talking to Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Siamese, Vietnamese, and Cambodians.4 The cartographic term Asia provided one hanger upon which different kinds of political fantasies about transforming the political order in ones country with the help of ones fellow Asians could be laid out. A network is dynamic because links (i.e., contact established between at least two human beings) can appear and disappear over time and space. Networks are governed by the two laws of growth and preferential attachment. Links can be cut or a network can become ever more complex as more and more links are added. At certain historical moments and under specific political, economic, and communicational circumstances, a certain node attracts many links and becomes a hub, which in turn tends to attract more links. Hubs are people at the right place at the right timelike Inukai Tsuyoshi, Sun Yat-sen, Mariano Ponce, and Phan Boi Chauwho end up

33

334

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy

335

KK Global: Hau

uprising against the French (Phan Boi Chau 1999, 1012). But Phan Boi Chau also worked with Inukai and Miyazaki to bring Vietnamese youth to Japan for training in 1905. Inukai introduced him to the Ta Dbun Shoin (East Asian Common Culture Academy), a Japanese school in Shanghai (see note 20). But the ng-Du movement broke down after the conclusion of the Franco-Japanese Agreement of 1907, and Phan Boi Chau was forced to leave Japan. He moved to Siam, where he set up a farm and tried to find funding for activities against the French. In 1911, after the success of the Chinese Revolution and the establishment of the Republic of China, he went to China and established the Vietnam Restoration League in Canton (Guangdong). Some of his associates remained in Siam and set up a branch of the society there. After 1919 this branch brought promising youths from Vietnam to study in Siam, some of whom it sent to China for political training under Phan Boi Chau. By the 1920s the number of Vietnamese who had made their way to China via Siam reached the 100 mark, and five of the nine founding members of the Revolutionary Youth League that Nguyen Ai Quoc (Ho Chi Minh) established in 1925 had been brought to China through this study program. Some of them would be sent by Nguyen Ai Quoc to study in the Soviet Union during the 1920s (for details see Furuta 1995, 80; on the link between Phan Boi Chau and Ho Chi Minh, see Phan Boi Chau 1999, Introduction, 1920). A network approach offers us a picture of how different, sometimes competing, ideas grow and evolve, expand and become institutionalized, or else are shunted aside or repressed, and how some ideas gain more purchase over others across time. A network shows the connections between people across territorial and ideological boundaries who have very different ideas (and often no elaborated theory) of Asianism, who end up working together even when they disagreed with each other, or with those who are not necessarily Asianists. A network, in other words, allows us to see Asianism in synchronic and diachronic terms of multiple agents, ideas, institutions, and practices without rigidly fitting them into categorical boxes.

connecting communities of links (i.e., people of sometimes different political persuasions) across time and space, in ways that create the potential for people within the network (who may not necessarily know each other) to link up with each other. The death of a hub (for example, Ponce in 1918, Sun in 1925, and Inukai in 1932) and the emergence of new hubs can account for the rise to prominence of specific Asianist ideas and policies and the sidelining or eclipsing of others. All that a network requires is a minimum motivenot necessarily ideational, but personal, professional, and even financialfor a link to be created. A network does not imply any uniformity of ideas nor consistency, let alone equal intensity, in the level of political (or even personal) commitment, nor a linear path or teleology in the development of ideas. An important feature of the Asianist network is that it flourished as an interface between state and society, linking people in ways that allowed many of these people (and their ideas and programs of action) to travel across and between official and nonofficial channels, territorial boundaries, and political and communicative spheres. More, the mixed language(s) used in this network precludes any easy transfer or exchange of ideas, and entails instead a fair amount of imaginative/intellectual labor based on freely translated extrapolation and gap-filling guesswork, and complicated by elements of projective and introjective identification, wishful thinking, and fantasy making. Furthermore, a network approach allows us to see the ideological fluidity of Asianism. For instance, in 1905 Phan Boi Chau (fig. 6) traveled to Japan from Vietnam, which was under French colonial Fig. 6. Phan Boi Chau Source: Trng Vit Ng Hng Bng 2006 rule. His aim was to promote the ngDu (Visit the East) movement, which aimed to encourage Vietnamese students to go to Japan. Through Chinese scholar-journalist Liang Qichao he met Inukai, who in turn introduced Phan Boi Chau to Sun Yat-sen, with whom he discussed (through brush conversation [bitan] in literary Chinese) the possibility of enlisting the help of Chinese revolutionaries to purchase arms and ammunition for his planned

A Chance Encounter
Jos Rizal met Suehiro Tetch on board the S.S. Belgic, which left the port of Yokohama at 11:15 a.m. on 13 April 1888. Rizal was then 27 years old. He had been abroad since he was 21 years old, and had traveled through Spain, France, Germany, Austria, Switzer-

34
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 337

336

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

land, and Italy. A little over a year earlier, he had published his first novel, Noli me Tangere (1887), in Berlin. He returned to Manila in August 1887, in time to witness the furor created by his novel. Rizal did not make any money from his writing, since the Noli was banned and most of the 2,000 copies printed were held up at customs. That same year, he became embroiled in the tenancy problems in his hometown of Calamba, and had found it expedient to leave the Philippines after only six months. From Hong Kong, he moved on in February 1888 to Japan, where he stayed for forty-six days before boarding the Belgic. Twelve years older than Rizal, Suehiro Tetch was a celebrated man of letters, in his time perhaps second only to Fukuzawa Yukichi in popularity and influence. He was a journalist for the Chya Shimbun and a political activist in the Freedom and Peoples Rights Movement (Jiy Minken Und). He had been twice imprisoned for writing articles critical of the government. The royalties from his two bestselling political novels, Setchbai (Plum Blossoms in the Snow, 1886) and Hanama no uguisu (Nightingale among Flowers, 1887), were enough to finance his first trip abroad, a study tour of America and Europe, for which purpose he had booked himself a passage aboard the English steamer. Upon reaching San Francisco, the two men traveled together by train to New York, and then sailed to Liverpool before parting in London. In London Rizal worked on his annotations (1961) of Spanish colonial official Antonio de Morgas early seventeenth-century book, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (Events in the Philippine Islands, 1609/2007), at the British Museum. In the years ahead, he published one more novel, El Filibusterismo (1891), and faced exile and execution. Suehiro traveled to France and Italy, and then sailed back to Japan after passing through Aden (in present-day Yemen), Hong Kong, Colombo (Ceylon), and Shanghai. Ahead of him lay a seat in Parliament and an untimely death from cancer of the tongue in February 1896, a mere ten months before Rizals execution in December. The chance encounter between Rizal and Suehiro on board the Belgic has left a firsthand paper trail for future scholars and students of Rizal, Suehiro, and Philippines-Japan relations. What is remarkable about this paper trail is how little there is of it in the Rizaliana archives. In Rizals writings there is only one extant reference to Suehiro, who is not mentioned by name. In a letter to Mariano Ponce dated 27 July 1888, Rizal wrote: hice conocihice miento con un japons que vena Europa, despus de haber estado preso

por Radical y ser director de un peridico independiente. Como el japons no hablaba ms que japons, le serv de intrprete, hasta nuestra llegada Londres [I made the acquaintance of a Japanese who was going to Europe, after being imprisoned as a Radical and director of an independent periodical. Since the Japanese spoke only Japanese, I served as his interpreter up to our arrival in London] (Rizal 1931, 34, cited in and translated by Anderson 2005, 216). In contrast, the Suehiro archives have yielded no less than five major references: a comic travelogue, Oshi no ryok (Mutes Travels, 1889); a compilation of notes on his trip to France, Ksetsu-roku (Stork Prints on Snow, 1889); two political novels (seiji shsetsu), Nany no daiharan (Storm over the South Seas, 1891) and Arashi no nagori (Remains of the Storm, 1891); and an omnibus, Unabara (The Big Ocean, 1894), containing the two aforementioned political novels. How do we account for the disproportionality of textual references to that encounter by the parties involved?5 Put in another way, why should the chance meeting and subsequent joint odyssey of these two men figure so much in Suehiros writings and so little (at least relatively speaking) in Rizals? In the following sections, we will analyze the textual accounts of their encounter by Rizal and Suehiro, as well as later interpretations by subsequent generations of scholars. Particular attention will be given to Suehiros comic travelogue, Oshi no ryok, which has been almost entirely overlooked by critical studies of Suehiros writings. The importance of Oshi no ryok lies in its illumination of the affective dimension of the relationship between Rizal and Suehiro, and its emphasis on personal chemistry and the growing emotional intimacy between two men thrown together by the vicissitudes of traveling to the West. Inasmuch as Oshi is the only one of Suehiros works that provides an extended account of, and concrete details about, Suehiros encounter and travels with Rizal, scholars have had to rely on the text for glimpses of the human side of both men, especially Rizal the national hero. But the fictionalizing impulse of the comic travelogue as a literary genre raises, rather than resolves, the question of the books mimetic relationship to reality. Commonsensical assumptions about Oshis depiction of Suehiro and Rizals joint travels must contend against the generic conventions of the kokkeibon (humorous works), with their propensity for comic exaggeration. Oshi is animated by the twin impulses to mimesis and fantasy typical of the betterknown writings of Suehiro.

35
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009) HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 339

338

KK Global: Hau

What is remarkable about this text, however, is how the twin impulses can produce insights into the two mens relationship that are at variance with the kind of political thinking that runs through (and colors critical studies of) Suehiros later, better-known writings about the Philippines. The SuehiroRizal encounter not only reveals the nature of early Asianist links that would grow, in less than a decade, into a network; it also illuminates the emotional connections and fantasies that are an important but much-overlooked component of the Asianist network. Subsequent scholarly and popular accounts of the Rizal-Suehiro connection also endow the Rizal-Suehiro meeting with meanings well beyond the horizon and contexts of the original encounter. What kinds of social daydreaming (to borrow a felicitous phrase from Stites 1989, 1) do these renditions of the Rizal-Suehiro relationship encode? What kinds of dreams and desires did they help shape and regulate, and what activities and projects did they enable (as well as discourage)?

Personal Affiliation and Textual Filiation in Suehiros Political Novels

Some of the best studies of Suehiros writings on Rizal and the Philippines have focused on the political novels, especially Nany no daiharan, as part of a broader argument about the development of nanshin-ron or discourses on Japans southward advance (Yanagida 1942; Saniel 1998, 11719; Ikehata 2003, 2426; Shimizu 2007, 5360). Both Setsuho Ikehata (2003, 24) and Hiromu Shimizu (2007, 49) rightly point out that Suehiro had never been to the Philippines. Shimizu (ibid.) goes one step farther in arguing that With very limited knowledge about the Philippines, they [i.e., Suehiro as well as two others, Suganuma Teifu and Yamada Bimyo] freely expanded their own fantasy and imagination not only for the Philippines but also for Japan. Ikehata (2003, 25) reads Nany as demonstrating the clever incorporation of expansionist ideas, most notably in Suehiros description of one possible scenario wherein Japanese colonists seize the opportunity presented by the rising unrest among the Filipinos to wrest power from the Spaniards. She also argues that Suehiro departs from other expansionists because his interest goes beyond promoting Japanese trade and colonialism, as springboard for propagating national independence in Asia. Moreover, Suehiros messages are made inseparable, representing Japanese societys common interest in the Philippines at that time (ibid., 26).

Shimizus (2007) study identifies two conjoined but potentially contradictory strains of thinking in Nany, one that reveals Rizals hope to have independence for the Philippines and the other Tetchos desire to have an expanded territory for Japan. This contradiction is resolved in Suehiros fiction through recourse to the discourseor rather, fictionof kinship ties. Shimizu (ibid., 60) argues that Tetcho resorts to the idea that Takayama=Rizal is a direct descendant of a Japanese feudal lord. Thus the revolution, liberation and independence of the Philippines are imagined by Tetcho as the inevitable steps toward returning to the true mother country, Japan.6 Discourses on Japanese expansion to the South Seas, of which Suehiros novel is studied as an example, draw on historical facts, such as Japanese migration to the Philippines and Japanese intermarriage with Filipinos, in order to solve the contradictions between the Filipinos and Japaneses interests (ibid., 65). Ikehata and Shimizus readings of Nany highlight one of the most fundamental elements of Japanese thinking about territorial expansion to the South Seas: the fantasies and dreams (ibid.) that informed and animated these Japanese writings about the Philippines attest to the irreducibly imaginative nature of nanshin-ron and find their most exemplary articulation in the form of fiction writing. This emphasis on the imaginative dimension of nanshin-ron resonates in turn with the current scholarship on the Japanese empire in the first half of the twentieth century, scholarship that considers ideologyin particular, pan-Asianist thoughtan essential component of empire building (see the classic works by Yamamuro 1993 and 2001; for a recent example, see Duara 2003, 14). The Japanese creation of Manchukuo has merited special attention as a case study in competing utopian visions, with Louise Young (1998, 17) arguing that [t]o a large extent, Manchurian empire building took place in the realm of the imagination.7 Nany, according to Ikehata (2003, 24), is devoid of any factual description of that countrys [the Philippiness] natural setting or daily life; however, he [Suehiro] does give a fairly accurate picture of the problems that confronted Philippine society at the time, reflecting his understanding of the situation as presented by Rizal. For Ikehata, it is Suehiros encounter with Rizal and their ensuing conversations that sparked Suehiros interest in the Philippines, while serving as the main conduits for the transmission of Rizals ideas about Spanish colonialism and Philippine independence that would appear eventually in Nany and its sequel. Ikehata (ibid.) cites Ksetsu-roku

36

340

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy

341

ful, with bright eyes and white teeth, and graceful and touching. And yet, with her complexion, she looked Japanese. I asked about her. The gentleman sadly told me: []This lady is from Manila and my fiance. I could not bring her with me when I fled the country.[] A few months later, I [the author] met the gentleman and asked after his sweetheart at home, and the gentleman told me that he had recently heard from her. []Because I [the Manila gentleman] stayed abroad and could not tell her when I would be able to go home, she left home and entered the temple [i.e., nunnery].[] The [Manila] gentleman looked very sad, as if unable to bear the sorrow. Hearing that, I also cried [tamoto wo uruoshi, lit. wet (my) sleeves] and secretly told myself that this gentleman and the lady are like characters in a novel written by an able man of sentiment. One day it occurred to me to write a political novel that develops [fuen shi] the facts pertaining to this gentleman and the lady, and give it the title Nany no daiharan.

KK Global: Hau

as containing Suehiros description of the intimate scene when Rizal saw him [Suehiro] off later, in December. Like Ikehata, Shimizu (2007, 58) also notes that Suehiro was unaware of the reality of the land and the people there, because he had little knowledge about the Philippines except for those provided by Rizal. But Shimizus (ibid., 60) nuanced discussion points to multiple interpretations rather than a definitive reading of the novel: [w]hile [Nany protagonist] Takayama in the novel is Rizal, he also represents a nationalist Tetcho in one way or another. In other words, Takayama is a double of Rizal and Tetcho or, say, a double of a liberalist Tetcho who shows sympathy and solidarity for Rizal and a nationalist Tetcho who insists on Japans expansion to the South Sea[s, i.e., Nany]. Assumptions about the one-way transfer of ideas from Rizal to Suehiro run through some of the scholarly and nonscholarly accounts of Nany. One of the recurrent concerns of these accounts is with identifying resemblances and parallels between Suehiro and Rizals novels as well as Nanys protagonist Takayama and Rizal. Caesar Lanuza and Gregorio Zaide (1961, 62), for example, claim that Nany resembles the Noli me Tangere in plot and characterization, and that Unabara is similar to Rizals El Filibusterismo. Lanuza and Zaides assertions are obviously based on Jimb Nobuhiko (1962, 190, 191), whose article Rizal and Tetcho makes the same claims. Jimb (ibid., 190) writes that Nany was apparently modeled after Rizal and his fiance Leonor Rivera, and attributes this modeling to the fact that Tetcho was deeply affected by Rizals personality. It may easily be guessed that even though their acquaintance lasted for a short period, they were spurred by each other. This mimetic impulse can be traced largely to a much-quoted passage from the Foreword of Suehiros Nany (Suehiro 1891, 12):

I visited the West last year and came to know a gentleman from Manila

. . . This gentleman secretly plotted to achieve the independence of

this archipelago, but he was unsuccessful. About to be arrested and

imprisoned, he fled abroad. He told me about how the Spanish gov-

ernment plundered the riches of the archipelago through its colonial

Suehiros conversations with Rizal are said to have inspired Suehiro to write Nany. This originary inspiration is the basis for subsequent scholarly claims about the resemblances and similarities between the two mens fictional creations. Textual filiation in this case is a matter of personal affiliation. While there is no doubt that Suehiros conversations with Rizal moved him and provided him with ideas for his novel, imputing a one-on-one relationship between Nany and the Noli and between Takayama and Rizal nonetheless creates great difficulties for scholars because the process of literary inspiration and creation is not a simple case of transcribing reality (in this case, of real-life conversations). After all Suehiro was twelve years older than Rizal, and a seasoned political activist and bestselling novelist. His conversations with Rizal may have given him the kernel of ideas for his novel, but his own skills as a novelist meant drawing on his own knowledge and experience of writing political novels to construct his fictional world. In fact, Suehiros foreword to Nany shows that his conversations with Rizal did not permit the easy relay of ideas and intentions from Rizal to Suehiro. Discussing the foreword, Josefa Saniel (1968, 35) raises two pertinent questions:
Was it perhaps because Rizal was not a master of Japanese nor was Suehiro a master of any of the Western languages Rizal spoke, which

policies and about the resistance of the people of the archipelago.

He made me feel sorrow and indignation. One day, I visited the place

where he was staying, and saw a picture of a woman. She was beauti-

37
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009) HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 343

342

caused misconceptions or misunderstanding of facts resulting in Sue-

hiros combining in his introduction to Nany no Daiharan previously

quoted, episodes from Rizals biography with those from Noli me Tan-

gere? . . . Or was this combination of episodes a product of Rizals or

KK Global: Hau

Suehiros imagination, for they were both fiction writers?

The difficulty of imputing a one-on-one relationship between texts and characters is evident in Saniels (ibid.) own essay, Jose Rizal and Suehiro Tetcho, the final section of which is devoted to an extended comparison between the Noli and Nany:

Rizals Crisostomo Ibarra and Maria Clara as each an only child of

affluent families, are reproduced in Suehiros Takayama Takahashi

and Seiko Takigawa, respectively. Maria Claras supposed father Capi-

tan Tiagowho is a wealthy merchant of Manila and who lives in a vul-

garly furnished home in Binondo, are [sic] repeated in Seikos father,

Takigawa, whose home, perhaps more tastefully appointed, is in Bion

Ward. However, a significant difference exists between Capitan Tiago

and Takigawa. Where Capitan Tiago ingratiates himself with both civil

and ecclesiastical authorities of the Spanish government in order to

be resemblances and parallels between the Noli and Nany, the same argument could easily have been made about the Noli and, say, Spanish literary giant Benito Prez Galds Doa Perfecta (1876). Moreover, these acts of Noli-Nany textual filiation may come up against different acts of textual filiation such as the one by the literary historian Iwamoto Yoshio (1968, 113), who locates Suehiros Philippine novels within the context of Suehiros entire body of works and comes to the conclusion that actually, the protagonists who act as expositor for Tetch in many of his novels are very much the same. Even in unabara (The Mighty Ocean) (1894), the hero who is a Filipino striving for Philippine independence from the Spaniards is of the same mold. Even Suehiros ideas of southward movement cannot be understood in any simple way and apart from literary questions of audience and readership. Benedict Anderson (2005, 218), for example, offers a different take on Suehiros novel. Whereas studies of nanshin-ron focus mainly on the producers of fantasies, Anderson highlights the point of view of the consumers. He reminds us that Unabara was written before the Sino-Japanese war that opened the era of Japanese imperialist expansion, and also before the insurrections of Mart and Bonifacio. Using his trademark comparative juxtaposition, Anderson (ibid.) offers the following interpretation:
Quite likely Rizal told Suehiro of his immediate personal plans, and of his compatriots eagerness to throw off the Spanish yoke. The sympathies of the former political prisoner were visibly engaged. If he wishes to show his readers that Filipino patriots had blood connections to early Japanese victims of persecution, and that they thought about securing the disinterested help of Japanese volunteers and the protection of the Japanese state, he was trying to make his private sympathies broadly popular. It was just what Blumentritt was doing in Austro-Hungary, one might say.

promote and/or protect his interest, Takigawa is planning to liberate

his country from Spain.

Saniel (ibid., 3536) discusses parallels in the love stories, the death of the principal characters fathers, incidents of police raids, destruction by fire of houses, and the arrest, imprisonment, and escape of the protagonists. But even as she focuses on the episodes and points of Nany that bear some resemblance to the Noli (ibid., 35), she also points out the differences in plot and characterization, as evident in the absence of any references in Nany to friar abuses and the divergent (one happy and one tragic) endings of the novels. Saniel (ibid.) notes the similarities in Takayama and Ibarras efforts to work for the liberation of their country from colonial oppression, while also underscoring the differences (i.e., revolution on Takayamas part, reforms on Ibarras) in the ways in which the two characters addressed this issue. The fact that the novels differences are as important as the similarities raises questions about the nature of textual filiation. For while there may

Anderson reminds us that Suehiros popularity as a writer is rooted in the ability of his novels and writings to speak of (and speak to) the collective fantasies of his Japanese readers. Endowing his Filipino protagonist with a Japanese name (as was the literary convention of the time) and Japanese ancestry was a literary strategy by which Suehiro sought to make his private sympathies broadly popular through the creation of a character with whom

38
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 345

344

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Tracing their lineage to the political novels of Bulwer-Lytton, Disraeli, and Dumas pre that were translated into Japanese, the seiji shsetsu were nevertheless deeply rooted not only in Japanese literary tradition but also in the political situation of Meiji Japan (ibid.). The political novels status as fiction afforded their authors some degree of protection from libel suits and government persecution.9 At the same time, these novels allowed their authors to refer to and comment on the politics of the day while providing a convenient site for working through their ideas and promoting their respective advocacies.

readers, who knew even less about the Philippines than the author did, could identify and sympathize. The vital presence of fantasies has important effects on the relationship between text and context, effects that go beyond our commonsensical ideas about the work or function of literature as expression, communication, persuasion (or manipulation), or dialogue with other authors or texts or literary traditions. Fantasies invite author and reader alike to review the conditions of possibility for their standards of meaning or else find (and even create) new frames of values. The impulse to fantasy is evident not only in the fictional devices employed by the novels, but most important in the ways in which the givens of reality are altered by the novels. But the incitement to fantasy that scholars view as a defining characteristic of Suehiros fiction coexists alongside the countervailing impulse to mimesis, the preoccupation with the question of how Suehiros texts connected to the reality of his meeting and friendship with Rizal. Even as fantasy is central to Suehiros novels about the Philippines, its strong presence in the novels raises rather than resolves the question of the political novels mimetic relationship with reality. The mimetic impulse is palpably felt in the novels claim to verisimilitude in their descriptions of people, objects, events, and settings, thereby allowing readers to share in the experiences recounted by the novels. The mimetic impulse also directs readers and scholars to Suehiros politics in real life. While Suehiro freely fantasized about fictive kinship between Japanese and Filipinos and the voluntary request by Filipinos for Japans protection against European imperialist powers in his Philippine novels, his own political stance on issues pertaining to Asia was far more realist in its awareness of Japans limited capability as a small-country power. A close reading of his nonfictional writings (Manabe 2006, 23139, 24849, 30913) shows that Suehiros stated positions on Asian affairs do not dovetail neatly with the territorial expansionism of nanshin-ron. Suehiro, who focused his attention on China, believed that the key to the revival of Asia lay in reforms modeled after those of the European powers and called for the alliance of Japan and China to defend Asia from European imperialist aggression. Suehiro also called for nonintervention in the Korean crisis in the 1880s and opposed the Sino-Japanese war in 1894. To some extent, the political novel itself is constituted out of these twin impulses to fantasy and mimesis. Meiji political novels (seiji shsetsu) are considered the first literary products of a new Japan (Iwamoto 1968, 84).8

The Manila Gentleman in Oshi no ryok (Mutes Travels)


Given that scholarly interpretations of Suehiros Philippine novels are grounded in a keen awareness of the importance of Suehiros chance meeting with Rizal and the role of their short friendship in shaping Suehiros fiction, one would have expected more attention to be paid to Oshi no ryok (Mutes Travels, 1889) (fig. 7). It is, after all, the first of Suehiros writings to refer to Rizal, although Rizal is not mentioned by name but is called the Manila gentleman (Manira shinshi) throughout the book. While a short vignette of Rizal appears in the first chapter of Ksetsu-roku (which appeared in the same year as Oshi and is the first work of Suehiros to refer to Rizal by name) and in the foreword of Nany, Oshi is the only work in which Rizal appears as a character in 242 (roughly 60 percent, covering the first two volumes) out of the 394 pages that make up the three-volume book. Since neither Suehiro nor Rizal kept a diary of their travels together, only Oshi provides readers and scholars with a fictionalized firsthand account of that encounter and details of their travels together. But other than a book by Caesar Lanuza and Gregorio Zaide (published in 1961) and two articles in English by Kimura Ki and Jimb Nobuhiko (published in 1962), which drew on the details provided by Oshi to reconstruct the meeting between Suehiro and Rizal, there have been no other publications that have taken Oshi seriously as a text. What accounts for the fact that Mutes Travels has not been accorded as much attention as Suehiros political novels about the Philippines? There is evidence that Suehiro himself thought of the book as a play in the double senses of comic drama and activity for amusement. The word play (gi) has been added to the authors byline on the frontpiece of the

39
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 347

346

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Fig. 7. Title page, Oshi no ryok, vol. 1

Source: Suehiro 1889

book, so that the byline reads Suehiro Tetch sensei gicho (play-written by Mister Suehiro Tetch) rather than the conventional Suehiro Tetch sensei cho (written by Mister Suehiro Tetch). Indeed, Oshis style, tone, mood, and theme differ considerably from those of Suehiros serious political novels. There is no discussion of politics in Oshi, no passages from which historians may glean hard data on Meiji-era facts and ideas about Japans foreign policy, territorial expansion, and imagined kinship with the Philippines/Asia. Yanagida Izumi (1961, 5253) states that Oshi is modeled after Jippensha Ikkus (real name Shigeta Sadakazu, 17651831) great comic travelogue, Tkai dch hizakurige (1960). This picaresque novel from the late Tokugawa period follows two commoners nicknamed Yaji and Kita as they embark on a pilgrimage to the west along the Eastern Sea Route from Edo (now Tokyo) to Ise (in present-day Mie, south of Osaka). The episodes in Hizakurige recount the comic figures madcap adventures, sightseeing, and indulgences in food, sake, and women. Oshi no ryok owes its episodic structure and comic style and tone to the kokkeibon (humorous book) tradition of which Hizakurige is a representative work. But it also marks a significant departure from that tradition because the foibles and adventures of its Japanese protagonist unfold not in the course of his westward journey along the eastern main road within Japan, but on a pilgrimage to the west that brings him from Japan to America and Europe along an eastern seaboard route that involved crossing the Pacific Ocean from Yokohama to San Francisco. Another important difference between Oshi and Hizakurige lies in Oshis differential treatment of the Japanese main character and the Manila gentleman. Much of the slapstick humor of the book comes from the Japanese travelers inabilityno doubt exaggerated for maximum effectto understand the American and European languages as well as things American and European, and the ensuing foibles and faux pas that punctuate his trip abroad. The Japanese, for example, makes the mistake of ordering steak twice in one meal, confuses the bathtub with the urinal, and sloshes bathwater all over his clothes. In Hizakurige the two principal characters are Edo scoundrels. To some extent, they think and act as a pair, their actions and thoughts echoing and amplifying each other. What makes Oshi different is that it does not cast the Manila gentleman in the same comic role and light as the Japanese. Rather than a friend (and fellow Japanese) whom the Japanese gentleman
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 349

40

348

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

has known all along, the Manila gentleman is someone altogether new and unexpecteda stranger, in other wordswhom the Japanese happens to meet on board a ship. Here is the account of their first encounter:

KK Global: Hau

The gentleman sits on his luggage, and looks around him. There must

be a Japanese on this ship and I have to find him and ask him to serve

as an interpreter for me. Such are his thoughts when a short, yellow-

faced, black-haired and properly attired man walks past him. Im glad

to have found my countryman. And so he hurries after the man, takes

off his hat, and greets him, asking: []Sensei [Sir], are you also trav-

eling abroad?[] This man, appearing puzzled, looks into the gentle-

mans face, and says something that the gentleman cannot under-

stand. So this gentleman says, []Sir, I dont understand English.[]

Whereupon this man says in irregular Japanese: I am Manila, not

Japanese [watakushi Manira, Nihonjin arimasen], and walks away.

(Suehiro 1889, 1: 67)

The Manila gentleman (who, it should be noted, introduces himself as being from Manila, not Filipinas) is someone whom the Japanese gentleman takes for Japanese but who turns out to be someone other than Japanese.10 Moreover, the first meeting between them ends with the Manila gentleman walking away after saying he is Manila, not Japanese. In other words, the initial encounter as narrated by Oshi does not presage any developing relationship between the two. It remains for the moment a singular event. The reader is held in suspension about the future not only of the Japanese gentleman but the Manila gentleman as well. What will happen to the Japanese gentleman if he cannot find someone who will interpret for him? And is there anything more to this encounter or does it remain just that: a chance encounter? Oshi provides no other details about their interaction on board the Belgic. Then Oshi surprises the reader by stating that, by the time the steamer arrived in San Francisco, the Japanese has come to know the Manila gentleman very well. That is to say, the Japanese gentleman has come to depend on the gentleman from Manila, a dependence underscored by repeated references to the Japanese following (literally) the Manilan, whether for sightseeing or to the restaurant (e.g., Suehiro 1889, 2: 59, 109).

The Manila gentleman speaks English well, and besides, having stayed in our country for some time, speaks Japanese, though irregularly (Suehiro 1889, 1: 49). Suehiro was known to have studied English before embarking on his travel, and had even translated Thomas Babington Macaulays essay on Lord Clive (1840) in 1885. Although Rizals letter tells us that Suehiro spoke only Japanese, volume two of Oshi makes a reference to the two conversing in half uncommunicable English and Japanese: pu-pu-pa (hanbun futs no Eigo to Nihongo nite, pu pu pa)pu-pu-pa being Suehiros (1889, 2: 6) comic onomatopoeic rendering of their conversation. Elsewhere the Japanese, armed with an English-Japanese dictionary (ibid., 8), is depicted as speaking ungrammatical English (bunpo ni awanu Eigo) (ibid., 2). Like the fictional Manila and Japanese gentlemen, it is likely that Rizal and Suehiro communicated in a mixture of irregular Japanese and ungrammatical English, with one language kicking in when the other failed. It is also possible that there were paper exchanges of written English between the two, since the conversationally challenged Suehiro might have had a better reading knowledge of English. Almost all of the episodes involving the two characters reinforce the Japanese protagonists impression of the Manila gentleman as a man of deep sincerity (itatte jitsui no aru otoko) (ibid., 49). The well-traveled Manila gentleman acquaints the Japanese gentleman with the way things are done in America. In San Francisco, for example, the Manila gentleman informs his fellow traveler that he does not have to pay any customs duties. The Japanese gentleman asks whether the Manila gentleman had bribed the customs officers, and, upon being told by the latter that he had not, realized that because he himself had tried to bribe the customs officers they had come to him one after another and he had had to pay (Suehiro 1889, 1: 4350). Lunching separately, the Japanese pays his bill and hurries to catch the train. The hotel owner gives the change to the Manilan. The Manila gentleman then hands the change to the Japanese. When the Japanese asks how the Manilan figured out that the change belonged to him, the Manilan laughed and said that this was because they were the only two yellow-faced men on the train (Suehiro 1889, 2: 1011). The Japanese learns that the Manila gentleman needs to go to England as soon as possible. Since the Japanese protagonist, lacking English, does not want to travel alone, he decides to travel together with him. After staying in San Francisco for four to five days, they leave for New York via Denver and

41
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009) HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 351

350

The two women with whom you sat at the same table: you talked and exercised with them, didnt you? Indeed, for about thirty minutes I walked with them on the deck. Ah, now I understand what that priest meant. What did the priest say? [The priest said:] Even though the Japanese gentleman does not speak English very well, I had thought that he was a decent person and was friendly with him. But I noticed his unseemly behavior [futsugo senban], so I dont intend to talk to him any more. Because I know you are not the kind of person who would do something immoral, I suspected that it [the priests snubbing of the Japanese] was because of these women, and thats why I asked you about it. He [the Japanese gentleman] laughs loudly and says, That priest is a man who says stupid things. Just look, many gentlemen exercise with ladies on deck, as you see. So I also walked behind the women. It is not polite for this priest to accuse me of immorality. I havent been friendly with any western [seiy] women but that lady The Manila gentleman interrupts: You were thoughtless, you cant help it. But they are not ladies, but rather, poor women. The gentleman hurriedly says, If they are poor women, all the more reason to pay attention to them. That is not what poor women means. These two women are prostitutes. (ibid., 11719)

KK Global: Hau

Chicago on the continental train. The Manilan makes all the arrangements for the two of them. When the Japanese mans money is stolen, he tells the Manilan that he is unable to go with him to Denver, but the Manilan tells him not to worry (ibid., 27). On the train from Ogden to Denver, the Manilan asks the steward to bring the Japanese to the rear car so that they can both enjoy the passing scenery of Castlegate (ibid., 2930). On the way from Denver to Chicago, the Japanese misses the train, but finds the Manilan waiting for him in Omaha. The Manilan has taken care of all their arrangements, and even treats the Japanese to dinner (ibid., 5557). Some of the episodes offer glimpses of the Manila gentlemans sense of humor. On the way from Chicago to Niagara, a Canadian steals the Manilans luggage. The Japanese, who has made so many mistakes in his travels, finds it funny that the Manila gentleman should also suffer the same misfortune as he did. The Manilan invites the Japanese to enjoy the Niagara Falls, orders a big dinner for them both, and then tells the Japanese to pay. Since the Japanese does not have much money on him, he is in a panic. The Manilan then takes a five-dollar coin out of his pocket to settle the bill, explaining to the Japanese that he had kept only a small amount of money in his luggage (ibid., 6569). When the Japanese composes a poem, the Manilan looks carefully at what the gentleman had written and asks, What is it? This is a Chinese poem that I have just written. I think it sufficiently captures the scenery of the Falls, but it is unfortunate that you cannot read it, he says proudly. The Manila gentleman thinks that if it is a poem written by the gentleman, he can more or less guess its value. Then the Manila gentleman says laughingly: If it is such an interesting poem, please translate it into English. And the gentleman says, scratching his head, I cant do it. So now, we are equal, hahaha. (ibid., 7273). In another episode that illustrates the Japaneses unfamiliarity with social codes and linguistic conventions, the Japanese falls into conversation with two very friendly white women on the deck of the steamer bound for London. Then the Japanese notices that other passengers who hitherto had been friendly to him have stopped talking to him. He wonders why. The two men go their separate ways upon arriving in London. The Japanese thanks the Manilan for all his help and tells him that he will give him his address as soon as he settles down. The Japanese gentleman often visits the Manila gentleman. On one visit, he sees the Manilan with a female

The Manilan, smiling, tells him, You had fun, no?

What fun?

42
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 353

352

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

friend. In their final exchange, a repetition of an earlier incident, the Japanese tells the Manilan that he badly needs to urinate.

KK Global: Hau

He [the Japanese] asks, Where is gentleman?

The Manila gentleman does not understand.

Then it occurs to him that the right word is W.C., and he screams:

W.C.!

The Manila gentleman lets out a big laugh and tells him where the

water closet is located. (ibid., 159)

But the Manila gentlemans unexpected gift of warmth, solicitude, laughter, and tact also functions to shield the protagonist (and the narrative) from the shock of extreme comedy, when acute social or public embarrassment loses its amusement value and begins to discomfit the reader. Moreover, the evolving relationship between the two does not fit neatly into the kind of nanshin-ron in which Japan is assumed to exercise leadership in helping Asia achieve independence while also, in the process, transforming itself. The Meiji gentleman comes across as a provincial, lacking the linguistic and social skills as well as travel experience to make his way to the so-called West. The Manila gentleman, by contrast, is a cosmopolitan who is at home in the world, who helps the Japanese gentleman navigate the social and linguistic codes and conventions of the West.

It is possible to view the Manila gentleman as a literary foil for the Japanese gentleman. Suehiros liking for Rizalevident in the foreword of Nany and the first chapter of Ksetsu-rokuprecluded any attempt to turn the Manila gentleman into a mere reflection of the Japanese protagonist, a comic figure whose words and actions may invite the wrong kind of laughter.11 At the same time, the Japanese gentleman considers the Manilan a gentleman just like himself. There is personal chemistry between the two, but it is also important to note that they are often the only yellow-faced passengers traveling first-class on either ship or train. The chemistry between them is compounded by elements of class belonging and male bonding (as seen in the above exchange on poor women) as well as racial solidarity. Similarities in Suehiro and Rizals personal backgrounds (see Shimizu 2007, 55) would have made the feeling of sympathy and fellowship (at least on Suehiros part) much easier to express in writing. Oshis self-mocking tone is reserved exclusively for the Japanese character, a kind of innocent abroad who elicits laughter (and empathy) from the (largely middle-class) Japanese reader as the reader imagines himself or herself in the position of the Japanese gentleman. In highlighting the eventfulness of the Japanese main characters travels with the Manila gentleman, Oshi turns the accidental meeting of these two characters into a socially lifesaving encounter for the Japanese protagonist. Oshis matter-offact, almost reportorial stance on the Manila gentleman brings into sharp relief the highly dramatic and comically exaggerated situations, verging on the slapstick, in which the Japanese gentleman continually finds himself.

Rizals Europe and Suehiros Asia


The fact that Oshi does not lend itself to being read as an example of nanshin-ron may account for its relative obscurity within the context of critical studies of Suehiros oeuvres. But there may still be another way to explain why their real-life encounterbiographical traces of which can be discerned in the comic traveloguefired Suehiros imagination while meriting only one casual mention in Rizals letters. Rizals fantasies were mainly focused on the Philippines and Europe, the twinned sites of his intellectual critique and political activism. His romance with Usui Seikowho had served as his guide and interpreterhad led him to prolong his stay in Japan, but it had to be cut short owing to the urgency (alluded to in Oshi) of Rizals need to move on to Europe. In the same letter to Ponce where he mentions Suehiro, he writes of visiting different parts of Japan at various times with the interpreter. (O-sei-san, like Suehiro, is also not named.) The depth of his feelings for her is evident in a diary entry written on the day of his departure from Yokohama (two pages of which are reproduced in Lanuza and Zaide 1961, 6669). That no such diary entry records his impressions of Suehirofor whom he would in turn serve as guide and interpreter does not mean that his encounter with Suehiro meant little to him (a point we will address in the final section of this article). It only meant that Rizals encounter with Suehiro did not give birth to fantasies on Rizals part about Japan, in the way that Suehiros encounter with Rizal acted as midwife for multiple fantasies about Philippine independence and Japans territorial expansion. Rizals trenchant criticism of the exclusionary policies and practices of Spanish colonial rule in the Philippines hinged on his intellectual (and linHAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 355

43

354

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

guistic) access and claim to the universalist, progressive, and inclusive ideals of enlightened Europe. In the dedication page (A mi ptria) of the Noli, Rizal does not indicate the different places (Madrid/Spain, Paris/France, and Germany) wherein he worked on the Noli. Instead he writes simply: Europa, 1886. Europe was the base of his activism, the place where he could read, write, and establish a network of friends, allies, and useful contacts that would help mobilize support for the Philippine cause. As we mentioned at the outset, Asianism was based on an implicit acceptance of Europe as a civilizational entity. But rather than focusing on Asia and what it signified (or, more important, how it could be made to signify), Rizal set his sights on Europe. It was in Europe, not Asia, that Rizal sought knowledge of, and authority with which to speak of, his countrys past. Lacking access to the indigenous records in his own country, Rizal traveled to London. In the British Museum, the same place where Suehiros Nany protagonist would also discover his ancestral origins in and links to Japan, Rizal located, copied by hand, and annotated Antonio de Morgas Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. In the dedication page, Rizal writes:

Like almost all of you [Filipinos], I was born and brought up in igno-

rance of our countrys past, and so without knowledge or authority to

speak of what I neither saw nor have studied, I deem it necessary to

quote the testimony of an illustrious Spaniard who in the beginning of

the new era controlled the destinies of the Philippines and had per-

sonal knowledge of our ancient nationality in its last days.

As with the Noli, Rizal also puts Europe 1889 below his byline in the preface to the Morga annotations. Europe was where he could do the preparatory work of call[ing] before you [Filipinos] the shade of our ancestors civilization as preparation for studying the future. That his encounter with Suehiro did not generate a slew of Asianist fantasies is something that needs to be explained, since Rizal did have a notion of the region as a civilizational construct. An intellectual trace can be found in fact in a short article, Two Eastern Fables, that he wrote in English and published in Trubners Record in July 1889 while he was still in London, a little over a year after he met Suehiro. In this article, Rizal compared the Philippine and Japanese versions of the fable of the tortoise and the monkey, and argued that the Philippine version (which had more philosophy, more

plainness of form) was older than the Japanese (more civilization and, so to speak, more diplomatic usage) one, and that the leading idea of both came either from the South, from Sumatra, Java, Borneo, Mindanao, or had its origin from the Philippine Islands, and afterwards migrated northwards with the people or the race which came from the South to inhabit the Japanese and the Riu-Kiu Islands (Rizal 1964, 119). He also briefly mentioned the possible Malay origins of the Japanese, and drew the conclusion that there existed an extinct civilization, common to all races that lived in that [eastern] region (Rizal 1964, 121; see also Mojares fine analysis, 2002, 73). Notionally speaking, Rizal did have a view of the Far East as a civilizational whole. But rather than trace the origins of the Nany people to the Japanese as Suehiro would do with his protagonists ancestry, Rizal traced the origins of the Japanese to the Malays of the South. And though he posited a civilization common to all races that lived in that region, such a common civilization was already extinct in the present time. Rizals priority was to recover his countrys past and to put the Philippines on the intellectual map, for which purpose he had even planned to establish an Association Internationale des Philippinistes that same year, with an international (European) board of officers and himself, a self-identified Malayo-Tagalog, as secretary (Mojares 2002, 58). Moreover, his familiarity with British historiographical and ethnographic accounts of the Malay archipelago (ibid., 61) had led him to a comparative study of Tagalog and Malay customs, material culture, and languages.12 His attempts at recovering his ancestors civilization, which involved working through written sources in several languages, allowed him to envision a common ancient civilization in the East13 that included the Tagalog and the Japanese as well as other races in the region, while simultaneously deepening his self-identification as a Malayo-Tagalog whose living culture was, at least in terms of scholarship, sufficiently differentiated from those of neighboring Japan and China. Rizals self-identification as Malayo-Tagalog meant that his interest lay more in thinking through the historical specificity of the Philippines and the Malayo-Tagalog race and culture, a way of clearing a space for his small country in between the far more visible and relatively well-defined civilizations of China and Japan, on one side, and India on the other. The fact that Rizals political fantasies were tied to Europe cannot be taken as clear-cut evidence of Eurocentric thinking on his part. Rizals silence about Asianist solidarity also stemmed from his understanding of

44
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 357

356

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Thus, Rizal imagines a situation in which the historical experience of the colonial powers in the region, coupled with the risk of overextension and the relative insignificance (at least vis--vis these powers existing colonies and colonial policies) of the Philippiness contribution to the enrichment and glory of these colonial powers, militates against further colonial infringement on the newly federated republic. His optimistic view of Philippine prospects for independence (and misreading of American intentions) stands in stark contrast to his pessimistic view of Chinas and Japans prospects:
La China se considerar bastante feliz si consigue mantenerse unida y no se desmembra, se la reparten las potencias europeas que colonizan en el Continente asitico. Lo mismo le pasa al Japn. Tiene al Norte la Rusia, que lo codicia y espa; al Sur la Inglaterra, que se le entra hasta en el idioma oficial. Encuntrase adems bajo una diplomtica presin europea tal, que no podr pensar en el exterior hasta librarse de ella, y no lo consentir fcilmente. Verdad es que tiene exceso de poblacin, pero la Corea le atrae ms que Filipinas, y es adems ms fcil de tomar. China will consider itself happy if it is able to remain unified and is not dismembered or partitioned among the European powers that are colonizing on the Asian Continent. The same goes for Japan. To the north, it has Russia, which covets and spies on it; to the south England, which has even brought in[to Japan] its official language. Moreover, she is under so much European diplomatic pressure that she will not be able to think about external affairs until she is rid of it, which will not be easy. It is true that it has an excess of population, but Korea attracts it more than the Philippines, and is in addition easier to take. (ibid.)

realpolitik in the region, and the geopolitical possibilities and constraints that militated against either easy identification or solidarity with the Philippiness neighbors. In a widely-cited essay, Filipinas dentro de cien aos (The Philippines a century hence),14 Rizal (18891890) presented his own political fantasy of the region by sketching a possible future scenario in which a federal republic of the Philippines will be established without being swallowed up by the French, German, British, and Dutch colonial powers in the region. The reason for such an optimistic view of the independence prospects of the Philippines is that the colonial powers are unlikely to find any compelling rationale for (over)extending themselves to the Philippines. The British had given the Philippines back to the Spaniards after occupying Manila for only two years in 17621764, and what need has John Bull the merchant to kill himself over the Philippines, when this one [Manila] is no longer Mistress of the Orient, and over there are [i.e., he already has] Singapore, Hong Kong, Shanghai, etc.?15 Germany confines itself to the easy conquest of territories that belong to no one. France has much to do and sees more of a future in Tongking and China, and besides, the French spirit does not shine in eagerness for colonization. Holland is sensible and will be satisfied with retaining the Moluccas and Java. Sumatra offers it more of a future than the Philippines, whose seas and coasts bode ill for the Dutch expeditions. Rizal imagines the possibility of Americas entry into the imperialist scramble, but nevertheless dismisses the prospect as unlikely:

Perhaps the great American Republic, whose interests are in the

Pacific and who has not participated in the despoliation of Africa,

may think some day about overseas possessions. It is not impossible,

because the example is contagious, greed and ambition are vices of

the strong, and Harrison manifested something of this sense in the

Samoan question. But neither is the Panama Canal open, nor do the

territories of the States have a plethora of inhabitants, and in case

it should openly make an attempt, it would not be allowed to do so

freely by the European powers, which know fully well that the appe-

tite is excited by the first mouthfuls. North America would be quite

a troublesome rival once it joins the profession. Furthermore, this is

contrary to its traditions. (ibid.)

Rizals political imagination does not see Asia (let alone Asian solidarity) as offering any alternative critique or power base from which to address or intervene in the current (and future) geopolitical configuration in the region. Rizal had long been aware of how little his country figured in the public imagination outside the Philippines, a generalized ignorance that led

45
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 359

358

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

to constant misrecognition of his nationality by people whose countries he had visited. Events in the region such as the Sepoy mutiny of 1857 in India, the Taiping rebellion of 18501864 in China, and the Meiji restoration in 1868 were part of the regional backdrop against which he had come of age, and in his travels across Europe he would have frequently seen for himself the visible signs of European appreciation of things Chinese, Indian, and Japanese, which had had artistic influences on the development of European visual and decorative arts, as well as European intellectual production. Ironically, for Rizal, the invisibility of the Philippineswhich he had made it his own intellectual project to redress through his writingswould, in his own long-term view, turn out to be a political blessing in disguise because its geopolitical smallness, its relative obscurity and insignificance compared to the civilizations of China, India, and Japan, may precisely assure its survival as an independent country in a region dominated by competing colonial/imperial powers. Suehiro Tetchs involvement in the peoples rights movement meant that he, too, like Rizal, saw the West as a place he could learn fromhence his decision in 1888 to embark on a study tour of its political institutions. Around the time that Suehiro began his study tour, the Meiji oligarchs who had visited Europe (for example, It Hirobumi had spent time in Germany) to study its constitutions and governments were in the process of drafting the Meiji Constitution. As a veteran activist who had been imprisoned for his vocal opposition to the governments efforts in previous years to thwart the establishment of a constitutional government, Suehiro, in anticipation of the promulgation of the constitution in March 1889, had attempted to bring the motley crew of antioligarchy opposition forces together into a unified party, but his efforts had come to naught.16 Not content to rely on the Meiji oligarchs understanding of the political systems in the West, Suheiro was deeply interested in seeing for himself how the constitutional system of government worked in Europe and the United States.17 On his return to Japan in February 1889, he threw himself back into the politics of unifying the opposition, but was again unsuccessful. His celebrity status as a leading writer and the wide readership he commanded as a journalist and leader of the opposition were instrumental in getting him elected (representing Ehime Ward), along with sixty-one others from his network of peoples rights activists and without the benefit of much campaigning, in the first national parliamentary elections of 1 July 1890 (Iwamoto 1968, 89).

Because he did not speak any European languages fluently, Suehiro had to rely on a series of interpreters in his travels through America and Europe. Oshi tells us that, because Rizal was in a hurry to get to Europe, the Japanese gentleman also decided to rearrange his schedule so that he could accompany the Manila gentleman across America. His somewhat hurried tour of America, however, did leave him with the strong (and prescient) conviction that America would emerge, along with China, as Japans most important trading partner.18 In France he relied on a Japanese friend to act as interpreter as far as Marseilles, from where he sailed back to Yokohama. Suehiros travel through British-colonized Asia (Ceylon, Singapore, and Hong Kong) as well as Shanghai on his way back from France to Japan was an eye-opening experience that served to deepen his concern with Japans vulnerability in a Eurocentric and European-dominated international order. In London Suehiro happened to have come across a British Navy report in which he learned, to his horror, that, in the event of war between Britain and Russia in the Far East, the British cavalierly planned to lease Yokohama as a naval base.19 Already well aware of the tensions between Japan and the European powersespecially Great Britain, France, and Russiain the region, he became even more concerned about the real threat of European imperialist aggression against Japan and about Japans ability to retain its independence (Manabe 2006, 282). Unfolding within such moments of high emotional and ideological tension on Suehiros part, his encounter with Rizal and his study tour resulted in a different site and form of political engagement, fueling fantasies not of speaking in or from, as well as in the name of, Europe but against European imperialism through solidarity in and with Asia.20 This solidarity was founded on an alliance of gentlemen who were forced to communicate with each other in the labored pu-pu-pa of several (often irregular) second or third languages,21 supplemented with gestures and pointing, but who were united in their common dream of Asias liberation from European colonial and imperialist domination. By the time Suehiro met Rizal, he was already active in organizational efforts to promote cultural and commercial intercourse in Asia.22 Since the late 1870s, Suehiro had supported a number of Asianist associations, among which was Shinasha (Society for Promoting Asia), which was critical of the aggressive policy of the West and the stagnant condition of Asia. Renamed Ka Kai (Society for Asian Development) in 1880, the society had built an academy in Shanghai, which was put under

46
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 361

360

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

icizedby subsequent studies of Suehiro (from Iwamoto 1968 to Manabe 2006). Yanagidas study, however, did not spark a revival of interest in Suehiros political novels on the Philippines. We have not found evidence of the reprinting of Suehiros Philippine writings in the 1930s and 1940s.25 It was not the relatively well-known Suehiro but his more obscure contemporaries Suganuma Teifu and Yamada Bimyo whose writings would be rediscovered, reprinted and misused after more than fifty years in order to pave the way for and justify the Japanese policy of colonizing the Philippines (Shimizu 2007, 66).26

Politics of Friendship in Americas Free Asia


While Suehiros fictionalized account of his travels with Rizal occupies nearly two-thirds of his comic novel, Oshi itself has merited little serious discussion in studies of Suehiros writings. In the postwar period, we find only three texts that discuss Oshi. All three were written and published as contributions to the commemoration of the centenary of Rizals birth (1961) and, for the most part, all three draw on Oshi mainly to reconstruct details of Suehiros chance meeting with Rizal. Caesar Lanuza and Gregorio Zaides (1961, 5557) Rizal in Japan contains a three-page summary of some of the key episodes of Oshi along with more elaborate details on Rizals romance with O-Sei-san (Usui Seiko). In the concluding section of the epilogue, the authors wax poetic and indulge in a bit of extrapolation:
Now that the story of Rizals sojourn in Japan during the spring of 1888 has been told, the Filipino people certainly owe a debt of gratitude to at least two Japanese contemporaries of their national hero the gifted man-of-letters, Tetcho Suehiro, and the lovely samurais daughter, O-Sei-san. Both of them, in their own way, gladdened the heart of Rizal at a time when he needed it most; their companionship no doubt gave him the courage and fortitude to carry on the heavy load he bore, and the kindness, understanding and love that they showed him was something that he must have treasured to his dying day. For certainly, in the quiet solitude of his prison cell in Fort Santiago a few days before he was executed, Rizal could not but have remembered his memorable days in Japan, and his happy moments with O-Sei-san. (ibid., 63)

the supervision of Suehiro (Iwamoto 1968, 91).23 The Society (which later changed its name to Ajia Kykai [Asia Association] in 1885) had envisioned setting up branches of the academy in different parts of Asia (e.g., Korea, Annam, India) in order to study the conditions, customs, and languages of each country, though the plans ultimately were not pushed through. Like Rizal, Suehiro was a realist when it came to his understanding of Japans position in the region. Like Rizals, too, Suehiros political stance on Asia is revealing of his awareness of Japans limited capability as a small country power. Unlike Rizal, however, Suehiro sought an answer to Japans small country status in a dream of Asian solidarity. As early as 1881, he was already calling for a Sino-Japanese alliance as a geopolitical counterweight to Europe.24 This alliancewhich would not be based on the assumption of a Sinocentric (nor Japan-centric) Asian civilizationwas expected to expand in the near future to include such countries as Korea, Annam, Siam, India, and Persia (Manabe 2006, 239). Upon his return to Japan in 1889, he became ever more convinced of the need for an alliance between Japan and Qing China (ibid., 282)the only other independent state that mattered in that regionas a form of (self-)defense against (and eventually liberation from) European imperialist encroachment in the region. The groundwork for this would be prepared by the revival of Asia through institutional reforms modeled after those in Europe. Suehiros concern with forging a Japan-China alliance led him to assume a noninterventionist stance in the Korean crisis in the 1880s. Unlike his colleague Fukuzawa Yukichi, he opposed Japans going to war against Qing China in 1894. Such political stances, which went against the grain of Japanese official policy, would relegate his memory and writings to the margins in decades to come. In 1942, not long after Japan occupied the Philippines, the scholar of Meiji cultural history Yanagida Izumi published his Kaiy bungaku to nanshin shis (Literature of the Seas and Ideas of Southward Expansion). This book drew on his pioneering research, published in the 1930s, on the Meiji political novels (see Yanagida 2005) to provide biographical details about Suehiro and discuss Suehiros connections with Rizal. Although his treatment of Suehiros novels on the Philippines is limited mainly to plot summary (see also the discussions in Yanagida 1961; 1967; 1968; 2005), Yanagidas influential argument concerning ideas of southward expansion and a shift in Suehiros novels from preoccupation with domestic affairs to concern with external affairs would be taken upas well as debated and crit-

47
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 363

362

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Lanuza and Zaides account turns the gift of friendship recounted in Oshi into debt of gratitude. Furthermore, it is not the Japanese gentleman who owes a debt of gratitude to the Manila gentleman for helping him throughout their travel together. Rather, it is the Filipino people who now certainly owe a debt of gratitude to Suehiro and Usui, whose kindness, understanding and love gladdened Rizals heart, and gave him the courage and fortitude to carry on his political work. The authors even implant the memorable days and happy moments of Rizals sojourn in Japan into Rizals head a few days before Rizals execution. Lanuza and Zaides effort to flesh out the details of Rizals trip to Japan is but one contribution to the by-then already corpulent body of research and writing on Rizal. Typical of hagiographical writings on Rizal, Lanuza and Zaides book lovingly depicts Rizal as a gifted polymath. Owing to his Godgiven talent for understanding foreign languages, Rizal was able to learn enough rudiments of Japanese after only a few weeks of conscientious study. He was so adept at it that he was able to write a few ideas in Kanji characters (ibid., 2122). More, [b]ecause of his innate talent and his previous training in European style painting, he was able to master the technique of Japanese brush painting (ibid., 23).27 Even though Lanuza and Zaide rely on Oshi for their narrative of Suehiro and Rizals first meeting aboard the Belgic, in their zeal to proclaim Rizals mastery of the Japanese language, they appear to have conveniently overlooked or disregarded the Manila gentlemans first quoted sentence in Nihongo, I am Manila, not Japanese. In their acknowledgments, Lanuza and Zaide (ibid., vvi) state that the idea for a book on Rizals visit to Japan was originally suggested by Philippine Ambassador to Japan Manuel A. Adeva and the Rizal Centennial Commission. Adeva had begun the research and then asked the authors, who were also at work on the topic, to complete the research and write the book.28 The book is introduced on the flyleaf as a contribution of The Philippine Reparations Mission (Tokyo, Japan) to The Rizal Centennial (1861). The centenary of Rizals birth conveniently provides an occasion for rebuilding the relations between the Philippines and Japan. These bilateral relations, destroyed by the war, can now be restored through war reparations, that is, monetary and other compensations paid by Japan to cover the damage and injury caused by its occupation of the Philippines. Lanuza and Zaides book obliquely refers to Japans obligatory debt while simultaneously softening the blunt talk of yen and pesos with the diplomatese of debt of gratitude of the

Filipino people to the good Japanese. In transforming Rizals singular gift of friendship to Suehiro into bilateral debt, the book imagines as well as initiates a serial chain of reciprocal acts on which the postwar relations between the Philippines and Japan can be based, and which allows other forms of capital flows such as official development assistance and foreign direct investment to follow or accompany war reparations. By going back many decades to find an example of good Japanese like Suehiro and Usui who are relatively free of the contamination of wartime Asianism, the Lanuza and Zaide book blithely skips over more recent and fraught memories of friendship between Filipinos and Japanese: Rizal in Japan is deafeningly silent on the politically contentious issue of Filipino collaboration with the Japanese during the occupation.29 Where Japan is at least obligated to compensate the Philippines for the damages it inflicted during its occupation, there is no talk of Filipino collaboratorsespecially those who flourished after the warbeing made to pay for their crimes against the Filipino people. If a strong element of wishful fantasy is at work alongside a willful blindness in Lanuza and Zaide, it is equally if not even more evident in the essays of Kimura Ki and Jimb Nobuhiko, who were among the Japanese whom Lanuza and Zaide thanked for their help with the research, and who published their own articles about Suehiro and Rizal a year later in 1962. Kimura Kis article on Rizal and Suehiro was first presented at the International Congress on Rizal in December 1961 and subsequently published in the Mirror: The Saturday Magazine on 27 January 1962. In it he writes: That this period [Rizals sojourn in Japan] is fondly remembered by the people of the Philippines is a matter of the deepest gratification to the Japanese (Kimura 1962, 18). He goes on to say that In Japan, Dr. Rizal found two true friends, and then quotes Lanuza and Zaides sentence about the Filipino peoples debt of gratitude as proof that [t]hese two Japanese proved to be true and good (ibid.) Lanuza and Zaides book on Rizals Japan trip, impressions, friendship with Suehiro, and love affair with O-Sei-san is clearly meant as a contribution to the postwar mending of bilateral relations between the peoples of the Philippines and Japan. Kimuras article, which came out just seventeen years after the end of the Pacific war, is similarly concerned with stressing the fact that Rizal had true and good Japanese friends. There is no mention of the most recent war, and the meishuron (Japan-as-leader) type of

48
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 365

364

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Bataan for only a few days. Instead, he appears to have spent most of the war not in the battlefields but in the Philippine National Library, reading biographies of Rizal and poring over references to Rizals relations with Japan. By contrast, Jimb was a man of action, a lieutenant colonel in the Japanese imperial army, whose main claim to fame was that he saved future-president Manuel Roxass life. In turn, Manuel Roxas would save Jimbs career: one of his first acts as the first president of the postwar Philippine Republic was to write a letter to Chiang Kai-shek to appeal for the release of Jimb, then being held as prisoner-of-war in Taiwan on suspicion of war crimes. In his letter (quoted in Fajardo n.d.), Roxas writes that [h]e [Jimb] was, of my acquaintance, the most humane of the Japanese invaders.32 Jimb would parlay his acts of compassion and benevolence (to quote the certificate of recognition awarded posthumously to Jimb by Pres. Fidel Ramos in 1995; text reproduced in Nagoshi 1999, 59) into a profitable career in the postwar era, when he returned to the Philippines as a businessman with the right political connections. Unlike Kimura, Jimbs fantasies are not held in check by any fidelity to known facts and to textual verification.33 In his article, he casts Suehiro and Rizal as pioneers of freedom. Jimb (1962, 186, 182) reads Rizals relationships with Suehiro in homosocial (Tetcho at once fell in love with Rizal) and national allegorical terms (It can be said a historical interest [sic] and a strange fate for the close relations of our nations that a certain Japanese and a certain Filipino associated with closet [sic] friendship and swore eventual cooperation to make each of their countries to be firmly independent). This bilateral love affair is more accurately a mnage trois involving a third partyAmerica. In his reconstruction of an episode aboard the Belgic, he has Rizal sketching on the deck as the steamer approached San Francisco: Yes, look at this active port. said Rizal, pointing at the going and coming of boats or launches, he seemed to marvel at the national strength of America (ibid., 186). But Jimbs view of America is not entirely one of unalloyed acknowledgment of its national strength; in an extended passage, Rizal and Suehiro catch glimpses of the American Indians, who like the Filipinos . . . had the racial sufferings [sic] (presumably inflicted by the Americans).
Suddenly Rizal said, Everybody has his own nation. You must be happy to have your own country, and to which you can render service. But for me, I have not my country, and continued with gloomy face; in

pan-Asianist discourse that legitimized it. Instead, Kimura argues that [t]his book [Oshi] shows that Dr. Rizal was always kind and considerate not only to his own countrymen but to all and especially to the people of the Orient (ibid., 20). Mindful of the wartime association of pan-Asianism with the Japan-led anti-West Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, Kimura constructs a sentence that manages to suggest diplomatically that Rizal is nationalist, Asianist, and universalist, all at the same time, but especially [kind and considerate] to the people of the Orient.31 This convoluted logic is also repeated in the final sentence of the article, in which Kimura (ibid., 21) states that [e]ventually, the Filipinos won absolute and complete independence for themselves granted by the American people. The granting by the U.S. of Philippine independence assumes that independence is a gift from America, and negates the preceding clause the Filipinos won absolute and complete independence for themselves, which posits independence not as a gift to be bestowed but rather as a goal that had to be attained through struggle and sacrifice. Kimuras historical excavation of preimperialist Japanese connections to Asia offers the Suehiro-Rizal encounter as an historical forerunner of the postwar bilateral friendship between Japan and the Philippines, but this postwar friendship is nested within the context of the Cold-War, American-led Free Asia. Kimuras fantasy of Asianist solidarity under Americas non-Communist (and capitalist) umbrella in Free Asia finds its most bald-faced articulation in Col. Jimb Nobuhikos article Rizal and Tetcho. Where Kimura attempted to rein in his Asianist fantasies by resorting to the convoluted sentence constructions discussed above, Jimb allows his imagination to run wild, to the extent of creating dialogues between Rizal and Suehiro that are not substantiated by any archival or textual sources. Because the article appeared in the Historical Bulletin, Jimb in effect allows his fantasies to pass for history. To some extent, the differences in Kimuras and Jimbs fantasies about Rizal and Suehiro may be a function of their different career trajectories. An extremely prolific31 author, essayist, translator, publicist, literary critic, and scholar of Meiji cultural history, Kimura Ki was born in 1894, and studied English literature at Waseda University. He joined the Japanese Fabian Association as well as Japans Labor and Peasant Party, and even published a novel about Lenin. By his own account, Kimura (1961, 32) had volunteered for the army and served in the Philippines, but owing to poor health he saw action in

49
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 367

366

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

the Philippines, there have been certain native culture before, but it

was ruined by Spain like the Imperial Inca. The situation of the Phil-

ippines of those days was similar to those of Japan when she was

once approached by the Portuguese. But, even that time while Japan

KK Global: Hau

was an independent state, but the Philippines was not. How slow and

foolish! The people had a consciousness for family but no ideas for a

nation of their own!

And Spain took advantage of the weak point of your people, but Japan

also faced a risky situation, said Tetcho and told about those days.

In the restoration age, France helped Tokugawa Shogunate and Eng-

land was at the back of Emperor, both nations were aiming at wealth

of only good things from European civilization and pile them on stable, unique traditions! Later on he writes of Japanese nationalities and her national prosperity and military power making a deep impression on Rizal, and how [t]he Japanese spirit must have struck the bottom of his heart (ibid., 188). Then Rizal, presumably still brimming with envy and admiration for Japan, goes on to worr[y] about the then state of his country, and advocates education to awake the ignorant, to which Suehiro concurs, saying: We must acquire much more knowledge, and lead them to know everything, I think its our duty (ibid.).34 Having established that the mutual admiration society of the two men is based on their joint endorsement of Jimbs reading of what is going on in Japan and the Philippines then and now, Jimb goes on to imagine the following scene:
Two years after this tour [i.e., Suehiros inspection of Korea, Siberia, and North China], Sino-Japanese War finally broke out. Rizal was informed of this news at Dapitan, Mindanao Island. How is Suehiro getting along? Japan did rise at last as he told me before. He looked back upon the happy days which he had spent with Tetcho, and concluded, Japan will win against China. In fact, Japan defeated China and the international standing of Japan had rapidly risen. The unequal treaty was abolished, so that Japan could be regarded as a true independent nation. Japan was laying foundation for one of the world powers. (ibid., 190)

possibly gained in Japan. So, if Tokugawa Shogunate did not return

power to Emperor, I cant say what happened. I feel a chill when I

think of it. And then Tetcho referred to the first period of Meiji era. As

he talked about the feudal clan administrations, his voice was high-

pitched in excitement. Seeing him, Rizal could not help feeling envy as

well as respect for Tetcho.

I envy you and your country. Your country is absorbing only good

things from European civilization and pile them on the stable, unique

traditions. The train has already run in Japan and the military men are

trained under very strict discipline.

Yes, but Japanese government is very oppressive to the people. Actu-

ally, many of my friends were exiled from Tokyo. I have been fighting

for liberty, against absolute government. I think you must have taken

everything in Japan fine, for you saw my country when nationalism

had just begun to rise. (ibid., 187)

The voice, high-pitched with excitement, that shines through this exchange is not Suehiros, but Jimbs. Here, he freely shuttles from one era to another, and manages to turn Suehiro into a fervent supporter of the emperor system while alluding to Americas decision (after intensive debate) to restore the emperor system after Japans defeat. In almost the same breath, he criticizes the tyranny of Meiji government and advocates the absorption

Jimbs attempt to reconstruct the dialogues between Rizal and Suehiro in the language of meishuron Asianism results in an inversion of logic (recalling Roxass characterization of Jimb as the most humane of the Japanese invaders) that allows Japan to claim credit for helping the Philippines attain independence: Through the Second World War, the Philippines became independent, and Rizal came to be looked up as the national hero (ibid., 192). With Japan to thank for Rizals posthumous status as hero, Jimb ends his article with a final fantasy: If Tetcho were alive today, he would have been the happiest man in Japan for his respectable great foreign friend had become the national hero of the Republic of the Philippines (ibid.). At the same time, in stressing Suehiros and Rizals credentials as freedom

50
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 369

368

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

fighters, Jimbs account of the impact of Western ideals of freedom and civil rights on Meiji Japan and the Spanish Philippines fits nicely within the Cold-War framework of an alliance of Free [i.e., nonsocialist/capitalist] Asia countries based on Americas gift of granting independence to both Japan and the Philippines. It would be easy to dismiss Jimbs fantasies as the wishful thinking and fevered imaginings of a former military man bent on mouthing slogans from Japans bygone imperial era. But the rhetorical devices that underpin Jimbs and to some degree Kimuras writings were also used in explanations and rationalizations of Japans reentry into Southeast Asia in the late 1950s. Jimbs return to the Philippines as a businessman after the war was enabled, even as it mimicked on an individual level the trajectory taken, by Japans postwar attempts to restore bilateral relations with the Philippines within the context of the American-led Free Asia. In the postwar Asian regional order, Japan was no longer an aspiring (let alone de facto) hegemonic power, but was instead Americas junior partner. In this sense Japans position in postwar Asia was crucially different from that in prewar Asia. Before the war, Japan had attempted to build a new Asian order through its Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, with Japan as number one. The type of meishuron Asianism that it promoted explicitly denied Anglo-Saxon preeminence. But the postwar Japan-as-leader rhetoric was deployed within the context of a radically different political reality, one in which America was clearly the hegemon of the Free Asia regional order. This Asianist rhetoric in fact hinged on Japans acceptance of its status as number two to Americas number one. As long as Japan did not (and could not) attempt to remove Americas light hold on the Japanese jugular (Cumings 1987, 63), it is unlikely and indeed impossible for Japan to deny or oppose Anglo-Saxon first-ism and challenge American hegemony (see Shiraishi 2000). But it is also a fact that Americas Asia was built on a U.S.-led hubsand-spokes regional security system and a triangular trade system involving the U.S., Japan, and Southeast Asia (see Shiraishi 1997). In this postwar regional system, Japan occupied a central role as a strategic base from which the U.S. could project its hegemonic power onto an Asia that excluded (or sought to contain) communist China. With China turning communist in 1949 and the U.S. subsequently imposing a trade embargo on China, Japan no longer had access to the mainland market. As a

result, Japan in the 1950s was utterly dependent on the U.S. not only for its security but also for its economic survival. Japan could make up for its dollar gap with the U.S. only through its special procurement, that is, the American purchase of Japanese goods and services in Japan for the U.S. military. Japan sought a way out of this confining role by concluding war reparations agreements and normalizing diplomatic relations with Southeast Asian countries in order to regain access to their markets and natural resources. Washington encouraged this because it would promote Japanese economic recovery, reducing Japans dependence on the U.S. while making Japan the workshop of Asia (Shiraishi 1997, 17677). By the mid-1980s, Japan would become the largest exporter to Southeast Asia as well as Southeast Asias largest investor, largest foreign aid donor, largest buyer of raw materials (such as oil, natural gas, and timber), and largest source of tourism (ibid., 169). The postwar geopolitical reality of Japan as number two, coupled with Japans strategic centrality to Americas Asia and Japans dependence on the Southeast Asian markets, formed the conditions of possibility for the articulation of a meishuron or Japan-as-leader rhetoric that combined elements of a (largely politically defanged and declawed) Asianism with a largely tacit assumption of American hegemonic power. This simultaneously Asianist and pro-American rhetoric proved to be particularly effective in selling Japans foreign policy to the Japanese public. This rhetoric did not exclude the U.S. from the postwar regional system; rather, it accepted U.S. power as a tacit given, a given that was clearly understood but could, in certain contexts, remain unspoken. Thus, Japanese leaders could simultaneously affirm U.S. hegemony while claiming Japans leadership in Asia. This reworking of meishuron rhetoric for domestic consumption is evident in Prime Minister Kishi Nobusukes explanation of his intention to visit Southeast Asian countries in 1956: I have been thinking to visit the US in my capacity as prime minister. For this purpose, I am planning to first visit Southeast Asia, so that in negotiating with the US, I will not be representing only Japan by itself, but rather, Japan as representative of Asia (quoted in Suehiro 1995, 240). Kishis brand of postwar meishuron Asianism enables Japan to speak and act on the diplomatic front in the name of Free Asia without risking any collision with American first-ism, while simultaneously appealing to Japanese nationalist sentiments in an effort to make Japans foreign policy more palatable for domestic consumption.

51
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 371

370

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

If the Japanese official fantasy of equal partnership with the U.S. is belied by Japans subordinate status vis--vis the U.S. in the postwar regional order, the Philippine official fantasy of bilateral reciprocity between the Philippines and Japan is belied by real imbalances between the two countries in areas as diverse as official development assistance (ODA), trade and investment, movements of people, and cultural and even sexual intercourse. In the Philippines historical memories of the war, recounted and passed down the generations through pedagogy, family lore, and popular culture (see Campoamor 2009), continue to appear in public discourse. Until the late 1960s, these memories still possessed the kind of immediacy that could easily spark anti-Japanese sentiments, leading to frequent verbal and sometimes even physical attacks against Japanese tourists and residents in the Philippines. But the complexity of the Philippines-Japan postwar relationship, in which economic opportunism and dependency have replaced military domination and resistance, has rendered the lines of demarcation between good Japanese (friends) and bad Japanese (enemies) far less clear-cut and, for that reason, less amenable to politicization. This explains the paradox about the Philippines: war memories of Japan still linger in the Filipino public imagination but increasingly, for the majority of the population, at a temporal and experiential distance inevitable with generational change. Efforts to politicize these memories in order to turn the bilateral imbalances into a public issue and exert pressure on the Philippine government to push for official redress from Japan have not been particularly successful. Blame has been apportioned liberally to the lack of political will and organizational coordination, political indifference and apathy, and opportunism on the part of political elites on both sides. There remains, as Gonzalo Campoamor (2009, 84) reminds us, a certain degree of unfinished business between the two nations, but just what unfinished business means (and whose unfinished business it is) is clearly no longer unequivocal.

Conclusion

Rizal and Suehiro met by chance on board a steamship bound for San Francisco, and ended up traveling together for a little over a month through America and on to London. The two men developed a friendship that was close enough for Rizal to have taken the trouble to see Suehiro off in December 1888 as the latter prepared to sail home. This chance meeting did not give birth on Rizals part to political fantasies about Philippine relations

with Japan. By contrast, Suehiro produced five major worksin particular, one comic travelogue and two novelsout of that encounter. But, as we have argued, of these five works the comic travelogue Oshi does not readily fall within the discourses of southward expansion (nanshin-ron), which have been the principal themeas well as the main concern of subsequent critical discussionsof Suehiros Philippine novels. By 1896 both Suehiro and Rizal were dead within ten months of each other. But less than ten years after Suehiros and Rizals encounter aboard the Belgic (or some two years after the death of the two men), Rizals good friend Mariano Ponce, to whom Rizal had written the one letter that referred to Suehiro, arrived in Yokohama on 29 June 1898 on a mission to obtain Japanese support for the Philippine revolution and to purchase arms for use by the Philippine revolutionary army (for details see Camagay 1999, 105; see also Ikehata 1989; Hatano 1988). Between Rizals visit to Yokohama in 1888 and Ponces in 1898, two defining events intervened: the Sino-Japanese war in 18941895 and the Philippine revolution in 1896. The first event signaled Meiji Japans dramatic appearance on the international stage as a regional power.35 The Qing governments humiliating defeat would also radicalize a segment of the Chinese population, among them the Cantonese doctor and sometime Hawaii migrant Sun Yat-sen (Sun Zhongshan/Sun Wen), who would go on to organize the first of a series of rebellions aimed at overthrowing the Qing state. The second event, the first of its kind in Asia, focused worldwide attention on the Philippiness independence struggle against the Spaniards and, later, the Americans. Japans growing regional presence had generated hopes (not to mention fantasies)36 among Filipino revolutionaries of enlisting Japanese help in their struggle against the Spaniards. Less than three months before the revolution broke out in August 1896, the revolutionary secret society Katipunan had arranged a meeting with officers of the Japanese naval training ship, Kong, which happened to visit Manila (Saniel 1998, 250). The Katipunan also turned to the Japanese in its attempt to obtain arms for its planned uprising (ibid.). Less than two years later, in 1898, the revolutionary government led by Emilio Aguinaldo would send Mariano Ponce, along with Jose Ramos Ishikawa, as its official representative to Japan to procure arms and ammunition in the war against the Spaniards and, in 1899, against the Americans. Prior to Ponces arrival in Yokohama, Aguinaldo had already met the Japanese businessman (and future cinema impresario) Umeya Shkichi

52
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 373

372

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Fig. 8. Umeya Shkichi with members of Aguinaldos army, c. 1898

Source: Anon. 2002, 38

a common destiny. Relations of proximity and intimacy could and did (and still can and do) engender distance and difference. In Suehiros case, Asianist fantasies arose from the chance encounter and lived experience of traveling together with a fellow Asian. Forged out of utility but deepened by sympathy, his friendship with Rizal provided the experiential basis for a series of thought-experiments on an Asian fraternal alliance, a brotherhood literalized through connections of blood, family, and historical migration in Nany no daiharan. To imagine this type of Asian solidarity assumes a logic of fraternization which, as Derrida (1997, 232, 259) argues, is by definition finite and particularistic, without any guarantees that such a friendship will be free of the risk of asymmetrical relations (i.e., one loves more than the other) and reversibility (i.e., a friend can become an enemy), no matter how close the friendship may be. Indeed, changing times and circumstances would spell out the limits of this brotherhood in a particularly bloody way. But, within the limits of Suehiros imagination, Oshi also gestures at something else: at friendship as an opening of one to an-other, friendship as gift rather than obligation or imperative, as interplay between proximity and intimacy, on the one hand, and distance and difference, on the other. The Suehiro-Rizal encounter as event forces us to attend to the role that structures of feelingsto use Raymond Williamss (1977, 132) term play in promoting (or preventing) regional identification. Asianism cannot be understood solely as a set of ideas because in many cases anxiety, anger, humiliation, pride, love, liking, and passion constitute affective elements of the internalization of Asia as a cartographic marker. Circumscribed

Fig. 9. Nunobiki Maru Source: Kimura 1981, book cover page

(fig. 8) in Hong Kong, where the Philippine revolutionary government had gone into exile following the Pact of Biak-na-Bato.37 Once in Japan, Umeya introduced Ponce to Miyazaki Tten, who then introduced Ponce to the journalist-turned-politician Inukai Tsuyoshi (who most certainly knew Suehiro).38 Inukai then introduced Ponce to the Japanese army chief of staff Gen. Kawakami Sroku and the businessman-cum-politician Nakamura Yaroku, who arranged the purchase of arms and ammunitions and their shipment aboard the Nunobiki Maru (fig. 9).39 In Yokohama Ponce would also form a friendship with Sun Yat-sen (via Miyazaki and Inukai), on whom he relied, after the Nunobiki Maru debacle, to purchase arms and ammunition for the Philippine revolutionary government.40 Had either Suehiro or Rizal been alive at this time, their earlier, informal link would have proved useful in enabling Filipinos like Ponce to establish contact with civilians and bureaucrats in Suehiros wide circle of Japanese contacts. Something that might have happened if Rizal and Suehiro had been alive did in fact happen: for even with Rizal and Suehiro dead, some of their friends and colleagues would in time find each other and establish links in a network that would be enlisted for different kinds of Asianist projects and fantasies in years to come. The fantasies that Asianism nurtures and promotes are not always and necessarily based on ideas of common origin, common culture, and common destiny. In Rizals case, belief in a common origin did not engender belief in

53
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 375

374

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

KK Global: Hau

Notes
We owe a big debt of gratitude to Benedict Anderson for his encouragement and support (especially his help with some of the translations) throughout the writing process and over the years, and for gently prodding us to think about Rizal and Suehiros silences as well as our own. We also thank Murakami Saki and Morishita Akiko for their help in obtaining some of the historical materials for this article; Liu Hong for his comments and suggestions; Shimizu Hiromu for inspiring us to study Asianism in terms of fantasy-production; and Jun Aguilar for his friendship. All errors are our responsibility and all translations, unless otherwise indicated, are our own.
1 In the prewar era, East Asia Community was written in Japanese as (pronounced Higashi-Ajia kydtai) and abbreviated as (pronounced T-A kydtai), while the current East Asia Community is written as (Higashi-Ajia kydtai). While the prewar and postwar terms are pronounced in the same way, it is telling that the word Asia is written in kanji (Chinese) characters in the prewar version and in katakana in the postwar version. The shift from kanji to katakana cannot be understood as a simple case of cosmetic change; rather, it indicates a referential shift based on substantive differences in the nature and evolution of the regional system that goes by the place-name of East Asia during the prewar and postwar periods. 2 history, see Sun 2007. 3 4 For a succinct introduction to network science, see Barabsi 2003. Ponce died while on his way to visit his friend Sun Yat-sen in Canton (Guangdong) in 1918. It should be noted, however, that Ponces contacts with Chinese activists like Sun were established not in China proper but in Japan. 5 It was Ben Anderson (2005, 216) who first noted this strange paucity of references by Rizal to his meeting with Suehiro. 6 The feudal lord in question was the Kirishitan (Christian) daimy Takayama Ukon (born Shigetomi Hikogor in 1552 and baptized Iustus/Justo), who dominated the Takatsuki region in Osaka and was later expelled by Tokugawa Ieyasu from Japan. He went into exile in the Philippines, dying of illness forty days after he arrived in Manila on 21 Dec. 1614. 7 Youngs book, however, is marred by its failure to acknowledge its intellectual debt to Kimera (1993), the pathbreaking book on Manzhuguo by Yamamuro Shinichi, who served as Youngs adviser while she was doing research for her dissertation at Kyoto Universitys Institute for Research in the Humanities. See Unno 2005 for an entertaining account of Asianist fantasies in Japan in the 1930s to the 1940s. 8 Iwamotos argument amplifies Yanagida Izumis (2005, 409) pioneering work, which argued that politics animated Meiji culture and political novels animated new literature in the Meiji period. 9 For a useful discussion of Suehiro Tetchs political novels, see Manabe 2006, 32770, although as an historian of Japan Manabe has hardly anything to say about Nany and Unabara. 10 This appears to have had a basis in reality, since, in a 4 Mar. 1888 letter to Ferdinand Blumentritt, Rizal (1938b, 23435) wrote: Here you have your friend Rizal, a wonder to all Japanese, because he looks like a Japanese, and yet does not understand Japanese . . . Perhaps some people imagine that I am a totally Europeanized Japanese, who is contemptuous of his mother-language and On the limitations of analyzing Asianism solely from within the disciplinary confines of intellectual

by the vagaries and specificities of class, race, gender, sexuality, education, political inclinations, and personal chemistry, and colored by the emotional components of patriotism, friendship, intellectual debate, professional relationships, and charismatic leadership, the networks formed by everyday and personal interactions and relationships create social experiences that occupy the interstices between what is articulated and what is lived,41 experiences that encode judgments of (as well as subjective engagements with) the world and inform decision and action. As our discussion of Suehiro and Rizal and subsequent accounts of their encounter shows, links and connections engender different kinds of social daydreaming and different political projects. That Asianist daydreams were particularly widespread and fervid in Japan may account for why Ponce and others were sent to Japan, and why it was the Japanese, as Dery (2005, 12) has argued, who rendered the most substantial assistance to the Filipino struggle against American imperialism in the Philippines.42 The emotions that underpinned these fantasies, and the personal interactions (some of which do involve, as Jimb puts it, a kind of falling in love) that generated them or were created by them, were not always good or productive, nor were they sufficient in themselves to account for how individuals like Suehiro, Miyazaki, Sun, Ponce, and Phan Boi Chau thought and behaved in the ways they did. But some of these personal emotions and encounters did inspire and deepen the commitment that motivated some of these people at particular points in history to dream of, fight for, and work toward, a different and better Asia and a better world. Attempts at pressing Meiji Asianism into the service of meishuron Asianism in the early and late Shwa years (19261989) highlight the differences in the quality of the fantasies and networks that informed and animated the myriad Asianisms across the century. Whereas the political fantasies of Meiji Asianism derived their impetus from the birth of new politics and political movements across different parts of Asia, the meishuron fantasies of the war years were, by contrast, propelled by the destructive machinery of colonialism and military conquest. In reworking the wartime rhetoric of meishuron for postwar Japanese domestic consumption, the official Asianism of the late Shwa period exposed itself as an Asianism bereft of bite and heart, whose knee-jerk and rebarbative invocation of Japans leadership can only ever constitute a liability and hindrance to current efforts at region making in the name of an East Asia Community.

54
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 377

376

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

is ashamed to be taken for a Japanese. This kind of thing occurs often in the Philippines among June he sent a second communication that appeared in two installments. From London he sent a total of nine letters that were eventually published as newspaper articles (see the bibliography in Manabe 2006, 4245). 19 perception of the Russian threat to the north and English menace to the south. In their travels together, the two men must have spent time discussing the situations of their respective countries, and just as Suehiro formed a mental picture of the Philippines through his conversations with Rizal so must Rizal have arrived at a judgment of Japans diplomatic dilemma in his conversations with Suehiro. Rizals pessimistic view of Japans prospects may have been deepened by Suehiros worries about Japans ability to retain its independence; these anxieties were exacerbated by the British archival materials that Suehiro himself had come across while in London. Rizals March 1888 letter to Blumentritt (quoted in note 10) already shows his awareness of Japanese anxiety about the destruction of their National Character, an issue about which Suehiro also felt strongly. 20 We thank Ben Anderson for underscoring the importance of looking at historical contexts of high ideological tension, which may account for the rise and decline of Asianist networks and fantasies. 21 We should also keep in mind the fact that, in Suehiro and Rizals time, the project of creating a national language was still in its inception stage in Meiji Japan and late Spanish colonial Philippines, so that pu-pu-pa communication was a defining characteristic not only of intra-Asian encounters and exchanges but also of encounters and exchanges within Japan and the Philippines. 22 He had come to know a number of Chinese and Koreans during his stint at Ka Kai/Ajia Kykai, and had known the Korean reformist Kim Okgyun (who was also close to Fukuzawa, see note 27) well enough to ask the latter to write the calligraphy for the title cover of his bestselling Setchbai. 23 In her exhaustive study of Suehiros career as a writer, Manabe (2006) does not mention Suehiros involvement in Shinasha. She reports instead that he joined the Toho Kykai (Association of Eastern Countries) and Ty Gakkan (Oriental Academy). The academy, which opened in Shanghai in 1884 and was headed by Suehiro, aimed to train students in the Chinese and/or English languages and to produce businessmen who were proficient in international commerce. Suehiro served for only two months before being called away to take care of the Chya Shimbun and the academy, which was handed over to another Japanese, closed within a month of Suehiros departure. Many of its students went on to join the Ta Dbun Shoin (East Asian Common Culture Academy). Manabe (2006, 242) says that she has been unable to substantiate the connection between Ajia Kykai and Ty Gakkan. 24 Suehiros outlook on China was in part shaped by his educational background. Trained in the Confucian classics, Suehiro also taught the classics at a han kou (clan school) in his native Uwajima. He took his pen name Tetch (lit., iron guts; his real first name was Shigeyasu) from the preface of the late Tang dynasty writer Pi Rixius descriptive prose-poem Taohua fu (Peach blossom fu), which talks about one of the four virtuous Tang prime ministers, Song Jing: I have admired Song Guangping as a prime minister, a man of fortitude. I suspected that such a man, with his guts of iron and heart of stone, would not have been capable of writing in a mellifluous way. But reading his Plum Blossom fu . . . (quoted in Yanagida 1968, 360). 25 Nany was reprinted in 1967 as part of the compilation of Meiji political novels edited by Yanagida Izumi (1967). Studies of Suehiro that were published during the late Taish and early Shwa period were mainly concerned with Suehiros contributions to the development of Japanese journalism. Rizals assessment of Japans difficulties resonates with Suehiros (and many Japaneses)

the Spanish mestizos; why does it not also show up here, where the National Character is being

exterminated? We thank Ben Anderson for translating the passage from the original German.

11 Oshis portrait of a laughing, playful, and teasing Manila gentleman goes some way to correcting

the impression of Rizals humorlessness that we tend to get from reading his letters and essays,

KK Global: Hau

and reminds us that the Manila gentleman was modeled after the man who had, after all, written

Noli me Tangere.

12 He would, in his later years, devote himself to the study of Malay and Philippine languages such as

Mangyan. On the semantic richness of the term Malay, see Reid 2004.

13 Rizals use of regional terms varies: apart from the Orient (el Oriente) and its delimited

variant Far East (el extremo Oriente), he and his fellow Propagandists also used the French-

invented term Oceania. References to Asia are mainly in the adjectival form, i.e., Asiatic as

in el Continente asitico. Rizal uses the term Oceania to denote islands in the Pacific Ocean with

specific reference to the Malay archipelago. The historical flexibility of the boundaries set by such

terms can be compared to the Japanese term Nany, which, as Mark Peattie (1984, 172) has

argued, is at once an ambiguous and a precise term, denoting specifically Micronesia, and more

generally the South Pacific, South China Sea, and Southeast Asia; and the Chinese term Nanyang,

which historically refers to the territories traversing the South China Sea (i.e., the key coastal

strips of mainland Southeast Asia, Indonesia, and the Philippines) that served as major sites of

prewar Chinese immigration (see the discussion by Wang 1992, 11), and is now most frequently

used in Singapore and Malaysia.

14 The essay was published in four installments in the 30 Sept. 1889, 31 Oct. 1889, 15 Dec. 1889, and

1 Feb. 1890 issues of the Propaganda Movements Madrid-based newspaper La Solidaridad.

15 Ben Anderson has called our attention to Rizals use of reversed synecdoche (a nationalist

slide) to refer to the Philippines as Mistress of the Orient when it is actually the city of Manila

thatuntil the late-eighteenth century and until the British colonized Singapore, Hong Kong,

Malaya, and Burma in the nineteenth centuryhad a historical claim to that title.

16 As early as Mar. 1882, Suehiro was already calling for a merger of the Liberal (Jiy) Party and

Reform (Kaishin) Party to work toward the establishment of a constitutional polity. But in June

1883, he left the Liberal Party after opposing the editorial policy of the party newspaper Jiy

Shimbun, and established the Independence (Dokuritsu) Party. In 1884 Suehiro took over the

helm of the Chya Shimbun. In 1885 Suehiro began writing political novels; that same year, some

members of his Independence Party were arrested for purchasing bombs (although he himself

was not implicated).

17 There is no record that can tell us why Suehiro did not visit Germanywhich Rizal (1938a, 117)

looked upon as his scientific homeland (the original wording is meiner wissenschaftlichen

Heimath with wissenschaftlichen encompassing the narrow sense of academic and more

general sense of systematic learning)when some of the Meiji oligarchs did. It may have been

that he failed to find an interpreter to guide him through the country, or it may have been that

the German system was too absolutist for his taste. We thank Ben Anderson for his help with

translating Rizals German letters.

18 Suehiro did write about his impressions of America and England. He had sent a letter from San

Francisco that was published in three installments in the Chya Shimbun in April 1888, and in

55

378

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy

379

26 We have been unable to find any record of sales for Suehiros Nany novels. The only thing we personal esteem for me, although he had that too, but on repugnance for the senseless cruelty and murder madness which possessed his commanders and associates (quoted in Fajardo n.d.). 33 Kimura and Jimb knew each other well. They were part of the same Philippine network, since both were actively involved in the Japan Rizal Association, which was established in 1970 with Kimura as vice-president and Jimb as chairman of the board. The president was then governor Azuma Rytaro. 34 This last quotation at least has some bearing on Suehiros real-life ideas. Suehiro, whose writings mainly addressed the middle class and intelligentsia, was known to have opposed universal suffrage (Iwamoto 1968, 91). But it cannot be readily applied to Rizal, whose ideas about reform and revolution are more complex than that implied by the awake the ignorant exhortation. 35 The 31 July 1895 and 15 Aug. 1896 issues of La Solidaridad carried a front-page article by former Spanish Minister of Overseas Territories Segismundo Moret y Prendergast on El Japn y las Islas Filipinas (Japan and the Philippine Islands), which anticipates that the shock generated by Japans victory over Qing China, like an electric current, will cross the Pacific territories" (la sacudida que modo de corriente elctrica va cruzar los territorios del Pacifico) (Moret 1996, 344). In looking at the ongoing transformation in the Far East (el extremo Oriente), Moret explores the implications of the victorys galvanization of the regions indigenous populations, whose common origins and experience of humiliation and dejection (abatimiento) by the white race (la raza caucsica) are likely to inspire them to work for the regeneration, strengthening, and upliftment of their respective countries. Morets understanding of the common origins and experiences of racial abjection that link the Philippines and Japan, like Rizals, coexists alongside his notion of a Malay race whose glory and power (gloria y podero) is likely to emerge in some areas of the region. The Sino-Japanese war was given extensive coverage by La Solidaridad (see the articles in vols. 6 and 7). 36 Grant Goodman (1970, 102) calls this the image and the legend of Japan as the inspiration and stimulus of Philippine independence. Goodman (ibid., 101) is rightly critical of the redemptorist school in the Philippines that saw the Japanese as fellow Asians whose geographic proximity, ethnic origins and finally industrial and military achievements made them logical helpmates in the realization of Philippine nationhood. Goodman (ibid., 110) characterizes Japanese assistance to the Philippine independence movement as lacking official sanction, and as the brief, insignificant and somewhat ridiculous attempt of a tiny group of Japanese activists. The concern with separating official from unofficial action, however, results in too narrow a focus on figures like Hirayama Sh and Nakamura Yaroku, and overlooks the larger network that linked these men to people such as Inukai Tsuyoshi (a leading member of the opposition party and future prime minister) and Kawakami Sroku (army chief of staff), who were not exactly insignificant figures in Japanese politics at the time. The Nunobiki incident was serious enough to prompt the U.S. State Department to lodge a formal protest with the Japanese government. 37 Dissident Filipinos had long established a base in Hong Kong owing to its proximity to the Philippines and its system of laissez-faire government. On Hong Kong as a haven, see Del Pilar 1894/1996, 274. In his autobiographical Waga kage (My shadow), Umeya (1916, 10) recalls that he was introduced to Aguinaldo at the bicycle shop in the Wanchai area where Aguinaldo was residing at the time. Aguinaldo appointed Umeya (who also knew Sun Yat-sen and, through Sun, Miyazaki Tten) as a liaison officer for the Philippine revolutionary army. Umeya saw action in the last stages of the joint Filipino-American offensive against Spanish-occupied Manila, and, when

can say with certainty is that, while the Nany novels did not match the sales of the bestselling

Setchbai, Suehiros public stature was such that publishers were willing to print anything he

wrote, including what was essentially a compilation of his notes from his travel to France (Ksetsu-

roku). This in itself is an indication that there was (or at least his publishers believed there was) an

audience for his writings, an audience that was most likely larger than the readership commanded

KK Global: Hau

by the one-hit-wonder (but subsequently commercially unsuccessful) Yamada and the relatively

obscure Suganamas writings on the Philippines.

27 The reproductions of Rizals sketches and diaries in Lanuza and Zaides book provide ample

evidence of Rizals talents as an artist, but Lanuza and Zaide are clearly exaggerating when they

speak of Rizals mastery of sumi-e (Japanese brush painting). A trained calligrapher would have

quickly recognized that Rizals calligraphy of Dai Nippon koku in kanji characters (see insert

between pp. 47 and 49 of Lanuza and Zaide 1961) is clearly the work of one who is untrained

in even the rudiments of either Chinese or Japanese brush techniques (let alone a master!).

Rizals crudely written Nippon kanji leave us doubting that the kanji that appear on the sumi

painting alleged to have been executed by Rizal of a scene from the kabuki play Sendaihagi (ibid.,

insert between pp. 22 and 23) were written by him. Moreover, the kanji on that sumi painting

suggest that the painting may not be a painting at all, but some kind of woodblock-print playbill

distributed or bought at the kabuki theater. A careful and rigorous examination of the painting by

qualified authorities is needed to clear up questions about its provenance.

28 Noted historian Greogorio Zaide had been sent by the Centennial Congress to Japan to conduct

research (see Kimura 1962, 19).

29 We thank Ben Anderson for identifying this silence.

30 This watered-down Asianism is not expounded in his Japanese-language article published a year

before the English article; in its place is the more conventional biogenetic notion of kinship as a

basis for Asian solidarity. Here, Kimura (1961, 20) dwells on Rizals bloodline (Chinese on his

fathers side, and Tagalog and Bisayan, plus Chinese, Spanish and Japanese on his mothers

side), and allows himself to speculate on the possibility that Nanys Japanese-mestizo hero

Takayama may have been modeled on Rizal because Tetcho was told by Rizal that he [Rizal] had

Japanese blood on his mothers side.

31 The Wikipedia (2009) article on Kimura Ki states that his publications were so numerous that it is

unable to provide a definitive list of his complete works.

32 In a letter to the Philippine Daily Inquirer dated 13 Apr. 2007, Roxass son Manuel M. Roxas

Jr. wrote: As fate would have it . . . the POW camps commanding officer, Col. Nobuhiko Jimb,

came to know my father intimately. The Japanese officer was won over by my fathers character

and leadership qualities. Jimb came to the conclusion that my father would be more valuable

to the Japanese alive than dead. Jimb then took it upon himself to assiduously persuade his

superiorsall the way up the chain of commandto revoke the order of execution. To Jimbs

credit, he succeeded and my fathers life was spared. Roxas himself, in his letter to Chiang, wrote

that He [Jimb] was known in the Philippines as one of the few Japanese officers with a genuine

sympathy for our plight, and as one of those who did what he could, within the limits of his official

station, to alleviate the brutal savagery of his superiors and subordinates. On one occasion, he

risked his life by disobeying an order issued for my execution, and made a successful appeal at

a later time for the rescinding of the execution order. This action was not based especially on a

56
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 381

380

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

the Filipino-American war broke out, was involved in the Nunobiki Maru incident. For details on Anderson, Benedict. 2005. Under three flags: Anarchism and the anti-colonial imagination. London: Verso. Ajia shugi sha tachi no koe [Asianist voices]. 2008. vol. 1. Tokyo: Shoshi Shinsui. Anon. 2002. Meiyaku nite naseru: Umeya Shkichi to Son Bun [Sun Wen] [Accomplished by oath: Umeya Shkichi and Sun Yat-sen]. Tokyo: Yomiuri Shimbun Seibunsha. Aydin, Cemil. 2007. The politics of anti-Westernism in Asia: Visions of world order in pan-Islamic and pan-Asian thought. New York: Columbia University Press. Barabsi, Albert-Lszl. 2003. Linked: How everything is connected to everything else and what it means for business, science, and everyday life. New York: Plume. Beasley, William G. 2001. Japan and pan-Asianism: Problems of definitions. In Collected Writings, 210-22. Richmond, Surrey: Curzon Press. Camagay, Maria Luisa. 1999. Mariano Ponce: Emissary to Japan. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 8(12): 10115. Campoamor, Gonzalo A. 2009. Phases and faces in the Filipino war film: Images of the Japanese invader and the Filipino in contemporary Philippine cinema. Philippine Studies 57(1): 77104. Cumings, Bruce. 1987. The origins and development of the Northeast Asian political economy: Industrial sectors, product cycles, and political consequences. In The political economy of the new Asian industrialization, ed. Frederick C. Deyo, 4483. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Del Pilar, M[arcelo] H. 1894/1996. Hong Kong y Filipinas [Hong Kong and the Philippines]. In La Solidaridad, vol. 6: 272, 274. Pasig City: Fundacin Santiago. Dennehy, Kristine. 2007. Overcoming colonialism at Bandung, 1955. In Pan-Asianism in modern Japanese history: Colonialism, regionalism and borders, ed. Sven Saaler and J. Victor Koschmann, 21325, 27982. London: Routledge. Derrida, Jacques. 1997. Politics of friendship, trans. George Collins. London: Verso. Dery, Luis Camara. 2005. When the world loved the Filipinos: Foreign freedom fighters in the Filipino struggle for freedom. In When the world loved the Filipinos and other essays on Philippine history, 115. Manila: University of Santo Tomas Publishing House. Duara, Prasenjit 2003. Sovereignty and authenticity: Manchukuo and the East Asian modern. Lanham: Rowan and Littlefield. Fajardo, Reynold S. n.d. The Masonic life of Manuel A. Roxas, Famous Filipino Masons. Internet document, http://www.glphils.org/famous-masons/fmroxas.htm, accessed 24 Feb. 2009. Fukuzawa Yukichi. 1960. Datsu-A ron [Dissociating from Asia]. In Fukuzawa Yukichi senshu [The selected works of Fukuzawa Yukichi], vol. 10, 23840. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Furuta Motoo. 1995. Vietnam no sekai shi [World history of Vietnam]. Tokyo: Tokyo University Press. Goodman, Grant K. 1970. Japan and the Philippine Revolution: Image and legend. Journal of Oriental Studies (Jan.): 100112. Got Kenichi. 2007. Sen kyhyaku sanj nendai Ajia Kaiki ron to Dai Aja Kykai: Sono konnichi teki imi o kangaeru [Discourses on Return to Asia in the 1930s and the Greater Asia Association: Reflections on their contemporary significance]. In Kokusai id to shakai heny [International migration and social transformation], ed. Nishikawa Jun and Hirano Kenichiro, 73104. Tokyo: Iwanami.

Umeyas career as an activist and cinema impresario, see High n.d.

References

38 Suehiro knew Inukai from their days as members of the opposition Liberal and Reform Parties

respectively. In April 1885, as part of his effort to unite the two parties, he had invited Inukai

Tsuyoshi to join his newspaper Chya Shimbun. But after he returned from his study tour to

KK Global: Hau

Japan in 1889, he found that Inukai, along with novelist Ozaki Yukio (who was also in London

when Suehiro was there), had taken over the newspaper and turned it into a Reform Party organ.

Suehiro then quit the newspaper to join the Tky Kron (Manabe 2006, 41, 45).

39 For details of the Nunobiki Maru incident, see Kimura 1981. Nakamura was a member of the House

of Representatives when he was asked by Inukai to help the Philippine independence army procure

weapons and ammunitions for their impending showdown with the Americans. Nakamura met

with Ponce in Tokyo to coordinate the logistics of shipping these arms. Through his connections

with several top officials in the bureaucracy, Nakamura was able to obtain from the Japanese

army Murata rifles, bullets for Mosel rifles, and some cannons and artillery belonging to the Qing

army that had been seized by the Japanese during the Sino-Japanese war. General Kawakami was

instrumental in overriding objections raised by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to the authorization to

release these weapons. After the Nunobiki Maru sank, a second attempt was made to send arms

to the Philippines, but the attempt was again unsuccessful. Sun then obtained permission from the

Philippine army to borrow the arms for his own planned uprising. Inukai later accused Nakamura

of malfeasance and collusion in the sale of defective weaponry to the revolutionists.

40 In Japan in 1900, Ponce published a series of articles on the Philippine Revolution in Keikora

Nippo (Kaika Nippo). These articles, translated into Japanese, would appear in book form in 1901

and were subsequently translated to Chinese in 1902. See Karl 2002, 83115 for an account of

the impact of the Philippine Revolution on Chinese intellectuals. For a Chinese-language account

of Suns involvement in the purchase of arms and ammunition for the Philippine revolutionary

army, see Zhou 1993.

41 For example, analyses of Fukuzawas (1960) famous essay Datsu-A Ron (Dissociating from

Asia) read the essay as Fukuzawas response to the failure of the Kapsin Coup in Korea. (The coup

detat was launched by Enlightenment Party reformists Kim Okgyun and Pak Yonghyowhom

Ponce would come to know in Yokohamawith Japanese support. Although the coup plotters

were able to occupy the palace in December 1884, the coup attempt was foiled when the Qing

state intervened on behalf of the Korean Queen Min.) This reading, while generally valid, overlooks

the fact that Fukuzawas support for Korean reform and modernization was not just a matter of

principle, but entailed emotional involvement through his personal interactions and relationships

with the Korean exponents and participants. Fukuzawa wrote the article immediately following

the execution of Kim Okgyun, who was one of his students (and Suehiro Tetchs friend as well,

see note 22). The essays rhetorical outbursts of pessimism about the prospects for solidarity

among East Asian countries were fueled by Fukuzawas grief and anger over the death of his

Korean friend. In this sense, the essay needs to be understood not only in terms of the unfolding

events of the time, but also the specific personal circumstances that impelled Fukuzawa to write

with such a sense of urgency and disillusionment. On the checkered career of pan-Asianism in

Korea, see Schmid 2002.

42 For an important reminder of the limits of globalization as evident in the absences and silences

in Ponces overseas contacts and correspondence, see Anderson 2005, 2079.

57
HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 383

382

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

Hashikawa Bunk. 1980. Japanese perspectives on Asia: From dissociation to coprosperity. In The Francisca Peruja. U.S.A.: Fondo de Cultura Econmica. Nagoshi Futaranosuke, ed. 1999. Daitry wo sukutta rikugun chsa: Roxas to Jimb no yj monogatari [The army lieutenant colonel who saved the president: The story of Roxas and Jimbs friendship]. In Daita sens sono go [The Greater East Asia war and after], vol. 4, 5260. Tokyo: Tentensha. National Diet Library. 2004a. Suehiro, Tetch (18491696). Portraits of modern Japanese historical figures. Internet document, http://www.ndl.go.jp/portrait/e/datas/282.html, accessed 5 July 2009. ______. 2004b. Miyazaki, Tten. Portraits of modern Japanese historical figures. Internet document, http://www.ndl.go.jp/portrait/e/datas/339_1.html, accessed 5 July 2009. ______. 2004c. Inukai, Tsuyoshi (18551932). Portraits of modern Japanese historical figures. Internet document, http://www.ndl.go.jp/portrait/e/datas/17.html, accessed 5 July 2009. Peattie, Mark R. 1984. The Nany: Japan in the South Pacific, 18851945. In The Japanese colonial empire, 18951945, ed. Ramon H. Myers and Mark R. Peattie, 172210. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Prez Galds, Benito. 1876. Doa Perfecta. Internet document, http://www.badosa.com/bin/obra. pl?id=n134, accessed 23 Mar. 2009. Phan Boi Chau. 1999. Overturned chariot: The autobiography of Phan Boi Chau, trans. Vinh Sinh and Nicholas Wickenden. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Ponce, Mariano. 1965. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Republic of China, trans. Nick Joaquin. Manila: Filipino-Chinese Cultural Foundation. Reid, Anthony. 2004. Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a source of diverse modern identities. In Contesting Malayness: Malay identity across boundaries, ed. Timothy P. Barnard, 124. Singapore: Singapore University Press. Rizal, Jos. 1887. Noli me tangere. Berlin: Berliner Buchdruckerei-Actien-Gesellschaft. ______. 18891890. Filipinas dentro de cien aos [The Philippines a century hence]. Project Gutenberg document. Online: http://www.gutenberg.org/files/14839/14839-h/14839-h.htm#IV, accessed 13 Feb. 2009. ______. 1891. El filibusterismo. Ghent: CIEI, NTT, Boekdrukkerij F. Meyer-Van-Loo. ______. 1931. De Rizal Ponce. Epistolario Rizalino, vol. 2, 3236. Manila: Bureau of Printing. ______. 1938a. Carta no. 20. Epistolario Rizalino, vol. 5, part 1, 11719. Manila: Bureau of Printing. ______. 1938b. Carta no. 40. Epistolario Rizalino, vol. 5, part 1, 23438. Manila: Bureau of Printing. ______, annot. 1961. Sucesos de las islas Filipinas por Antonio de Morga. Manila: Comisin Nacional de Centenario de Jose Rizal. ______. 1964. Two Eastern fables. The miscellaneous writings of Dr. Jose Rizal, 11621. Manila: National Heroes Commission. Roxas, Manuel M. 2007. Who saved Manuel Roxas life?, Letter to the editor. Philippine Daily Inquirer 13 April. Online edition, http://services.inquirer.net/print/print.php?article_id=60123, accessed 24 Feb. 2009.

Morga, Antonio de. 1609/2007. Sucesos de las islas Filipinas [Events in the Philippine islands], ed.

Chinese and the Japanese: Essays in political and cultural interactions, ed. Akira Iriye, 32855.

Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Hatano, Suguru. 1988. Firipin dokuritsu und to Nihon no tai [The Philippine independence movement

and Japanese responses]. Ajia Kenky [Asian Studies] 34(4): 6995.

KK Global: Hau

High, Peter B. n.d. Umeya Shkichi: The revolutionist as impresario. Internet document, http://www.

lang.nagoya-u.ac.jp/proj/socho/mirai/mirai-high.pdf, accessed 20 Apr. 2009.

Hotta Eri. 2007. Pan-Asianism and Japans war 19311945. London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Ikehata Setsuho. 2003. Japan and the Philippines, 18851905: Mutual images and interests. In

Philippines-Japan Relations, ed. Ikehata Setsuho and Lydia N. Yu Jose, 1946. Quezon City:

Ateneo de Manila University Press.

______. 1989. Firipin kakumei to Nihon [The Philippine revolution and Japan]. In AAken Tonan-Ajia

kenky dai-ichi-kan: Seikitenkan-ki ni okeru Nihon Firipin kanke [Asia-Africa Institute, Southeast

Asian Studies, vol. 1: Japan-Philippine relations at the turn of the century], 136. Tokyo: Tokyo

University of Foreign Languages.

Iwamoto Yoshio. 1968. Suehiro Tetch: A Meiji political novelist. In Japans modern century, ed.

Edmund Skrzypczak, 83114. Tokyo: Sophia University and Charles E. Tuttle Co.

Jimb N[obuhiko]. 1962. Rizal and Tetcho. Historical Bulletin (2 June): 18192.

Jippensha Ikku. 1960. Tkai dch hizakurige [Mares shanks], trans. Thomas Satchell. Tokyo:

Charles E. Tuttle Co.

Karl, Rebecca E. 2002. Staging the world: Chinese nationalism at the turn of the century. Durham:

Duke University Press.

Kimura Ki. 1961. Jose Rizal to Nihon [Jose Rizal and Japan]. In Jose Rizal to Nihon [Jose Rizal and

Japan], ed. Kimura Ki, 1048. Tokyo: Appolon-sha.

______. 1962. Jose Rizal and the gifted Japanese man of letters. Mirror: The Saturday Magazine, 27

Jan.: 1921.

______. 1981. Nunobiki Maru: Firipin dokuritsu-gun hiwa [Nunobiki Maru: The secret story of the

Philippine independence army]. Tokyo: Kbundo.

Koyasu Nobukuni. 2008. Kindai no chkoku to wa nani ka? [What does it mean to go beyond

modernity?]. Tokyo: Seidosha.

Lanuza, Caesar Z. and Gregorio F. Zaide. 1961. Rizal in Japan. Tokyo: Contribution of The Philippines

Reparations Mission to the Rizal Centennial.

Manabe Misa. 2006. Suehiro Tetch kenky [Studies on Suehiro Tetch]. Tokyo: Azusa Shuppansha.

Matsumoto Kenichi and Takeshi Nakajima. 2008. Chgoku to indo wa kindai no chkoku no tetsu wo

fumuka? [Do China and India make the same mistake of going beyond modernity?]. Chokoron

[Central forum] (Sept.): 13241.

Miyazaki Tten. 1993. Sanjsan-nen no yume [Thirty-three years dreams]. Tokyo: Heibonsha.

Mojares, Resil B. 2002. Rizal reading Pigafetta. In Waiting for Mariang Makiling: Essays in Philippine

cultural history, 5286. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

Moret y Prendergast, S[egismundo]. 1895/1996. El Japn y las islas Filipinas [Japan and the Philippine

islands], La Solidaridad, vol. 7: 1895, 342, 344, 346. Pasig City: Fundacin Santiago.

58

384

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy

385

Saaler, Sven. 2007. Pan-Asianism in modern Japanese history: Overcoming the nation, creating a Trng Vit Ng Hng Bng. 2006. Internet document, http://www.truonghongbang.com/HinhAnh. html, accessed 5 July 2009. Uemura Kimio. 1987. Miyazaki kyodai den [Biography of the Miyazaki brothers], vol. 1. Tokyo: Ashi Shobo. ______. 1996. Miyazaki kyodai den [Biography of the Miyazaki brothers], vol. 2. Tokyo: Ashi Shobo. ______. 1999. Miyazaki kyodai den [Biography of the Miyazaki brothers], vol. 3. Tokyo: Ashi Shobo. ______. 2001. Ryu no gotoku: Miyazaki Tten den [Like a dragon: A biography of Miyazaki Tten]. Tokyo: Ashi Shobo. Umeya Shkichi. 1916. Waga kage [My shadow]. Tokyo: M. Path. Unno Hiroshi. 2005. Imb to gens no dai Ajia [The Greater Asia of conspiracies and fantasies]. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Wang Gungwu. 1992. A short history of the Nanyang Chinese. In Community and nation: China, Southeast Asia and Australia, 1139. St. Leonards, New South Wales: Asian Studies Association of Australia and Allen and Unwin. Wikipedia (Japanese). 2009. Kimura Ki. Internet site, http://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/, accessed 28 Feb. 2009. Williams, Raymond. 1977. Marxism and literature. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Yamamuro Shinichi. 1993. Kimera: Manshkoku no shz [Kimera: A portrait of Manzhouguo]. Tokyo: Chokronsha. ______. 2001. Shiso kadai to shite no Ajia: Kijiku, rensa, toki [Asia as a question of thought: Axes, series, and projects]. Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten. Yanagida Izumi. 1942. Kaiy bungaku to nanshin shis [Literature of the seas and ideas of southward expansion]. Tokyo: Nippon Hs Shuppakykai. ______. 1961. Nihon bungaku ni okeru Jose Rizal [Jose Rizal in Japanese literature]. In Jose Rizal to Nihon [Jose Rizal and Japan], ed. Kimura Ki, 5072. Tokyo: Appolon-sha. ______, ed. 1967. Nany no daiharan [Storm over the South Seas], Meiji seiji shsetsu sh [A compilation of Meiji political novels]. Tokyo: Chikuma Shob. ______. 1968. Suehiro Tetch kenky [Studies on Suehiro Tetch]. In Seiji shsetsu kenky [Studies on the political novel], vol. 2, 319544. Tokyo: Shunjsha. ______. 2005 [1934]. Seiji shsetsu kenky [Studies on the political novel]. In Suihitsu Meiji bungaku [Essays on Meiji literature], vol. 1, 40830. Tokyo: Heibonsha. Young, Louise. 1998. Japans total empire: Manchuria and the culture of wartime imperialism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Zhou Nanjing. 1993. Feilbin duli zhanzheng y Zhongguo renmin [The war of Philippine independence and the Chinese people]. In Feilbin y huaren [The Philippines and the ethnic Chinese], ed. Wu Wenhuan [Go Bon Juan], 3346. Manila: Feilbin Huayi Qingnian Lianhehui.

region, forging an empire. In Pan-Asianism in modern Japanese history, ed. Sven Saaler and J.

Victor Koschmann, 118, 24652. London and New York: Routledge.

Saniel, Josefa. 1968. Rizal and Suehiro Tetcho. In Rizal: Contrary essays, ed. Petronilo Bn. Daroy and

Dolores Feria, 2437. Quezon City: Guro Books.

KK Global: Hau

______. 1998. Japan and the Philippines 18681898. 3d ed. Manila: De La Salle University Press.

Schmid, Andre. 2002. Korea between empires, 18951919. New York: Columbia University Press.

Shimizu Hiromu. 2007. Imagining the Filipino Revolution 100 years ago. In Junctions between Filipinos

and Japanese: Transborder insights and reminiscences, ed. Arnold Azurin and Sylvano Mahiwo,

4967. Quezon City: Kulturat Wika.

Shin, Gi-Wook. 2005. Asianism in Koreas politics of identity. Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 6 (4):

61630.

Shiraishi Takashi. 2000. Umi no teikoku [Empire of the seas: The making of a region]. Tokyo:

Chokronsha.

______. 1997. Japan and Southeast Asia. In Network power: Japan and Asia, ed. Peter J. Katzenstein

and Takashi Shiraishi, 16994. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Shiraishi Takashi and Caroline Hau. 2009. Ajia-shugi no jubaku wo koeteHigashi-Ajia kydotai saik

[Overcoming the curse of Asianism: Revisiting the East Asia Community]. Chokron [Central

Forum] (Feb.): 16879.

Stites, Richard. 1989. Revolutionary dreams: Utopian vision and experimental life in the Russian

revolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Suehiro Akira. 1995. Keizai sai-shinshutsu he no michi: Nihon no tai-Tonan Ajia seisaku to kaihatsu

taisei [Road to economic re-advancement: Japans Southeast Asia policy and developmental

regimes]. In Sengo Nihon: Senry to sengo kaikaku [Postwar Japan: Occupation and postwar

reform], ed. Nakamura Masanori, Amakawa Akira, Yoon Keun Cha, and Igarashi Takeshi, 21152.

Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten.

Suehiro Tetch. 1886. Setchbai [Plum blossoms in the snow]. Tokyo: Hakubund.

______. 1887. Hanama no uguisu [Nightingale among flowers]. Tokyo: Hakubund.

______. 1889. Ksetsu-roku [Stork prints on snow]. Tokyo: Hakubund.

______. 1889. Oshi no ryok [Mutes travels]. Tokyo: Aoki Kozand.

______. 1891. Nany no daiharan [Storm over the South Seas]. Tokyo: Shunyd.

______. 1891. Arashi no nagori [Remains of the storm]. Tokyo: Aoki Kozand.

______. 1894. Unabara [The big ocean]. Tokyo: Shunyd.

Sun Ge. 2007. How does Asia mean?, trans. Hui Shiu-Lun and Lau Kinchi. In The Inter-Asia Cultural

Studies reader, ed. Kuan-Hsing Chen and Chua Beng Huat, 965. London and New York: Routledge.

Szpilman, Christopher W.A. 2007. Between pan-Asianism and nationalism: Mitsukawa Kametar and

his campaign to reform Japan and liberate Asia. In Pan-Asianism in modern Japanese history:

Colonialism, regionalism and borders, ed. Sven Saaler and J. Victor Koschmann, 87100, 25862.

London: Routledge.

Takeuchi Yoshimi. 1998. Nihon to Ajia [Japan and Asia]. Tokyo: Chikuma.

59
PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009) HAU & SHIRAISHI / ASIANISM AS NETwoRk AND fANTASy 387

386

KK Global: Hau
Caroline S. Hau is associate professor at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University, 46 Shimoadachi-cho, Yoshida, Sakyo-ku, Kyoto 6068501, Japan. She is the author of On the Subject of the Nation: Filipino Writings from the Margins 1981 to 2004 (2005) and Necessary Fictions: Philippine Literature and the Nation, 19461980 (2000). <hau@cseas.kyoto-u.ac.jp>

Takashi Shiraishi is an executive member of the Council for Science and Technology Policy,
Cabinet Office, 311 Kasumigaseki, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 1008970, Japan. Among his English-language publications are An Age in Motion: Popular Radicalism in Java, 19121926 (1990); Network Power: Japan and Asia (1997, coedited with Peter J. Katzenstein); and Beyond Japan: The Dynamics of East Asian Regionalism (2006, coedited with Peter J. Katzenstein). <takashi.shiraishi@cao.go.jp>

388

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 57, No. 3 (2009)

60

Anda mungkin juga menyukai