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WACKEN.HUT
Por David P Beiter
Data: ter 19 dez 1995 22:33 CST De: SNET l EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: snet-l@world.std.com TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Assunto: A Corporao Wackenhut (fwd) - [04/01] ---- ---- Forwarded De: Orlin Grabbe Grupos de notcias: alt.conspiracy Assunto: A Corporao Wackenhut Data: Tue, 12 dez 95 23:30:48 -0500 Message-ID: DENTRO DA CIA SHADOW por John Connolly SPY Magazine - setembro 1992 - Volume 6 ================================================== ========================== O qu? Uma grande empresa privada - um com um conselho de ex-CIA, FBI e Autoridades do Pentgono, um encarregado de proteger de armas nucleares instalaes, reatores nucleares, o oleoduto do Alasca e mais de um dzia de embaixadas americanas no exterior; um com uma longa ligao com um organizao anel de asa-radical, um com 30.000 homens e mulheres com menos de braos - secretamente ajudaram o Iraque em seu esforo para obter sofisticados armas? E alimentou a rebelio na Venezuela? Isso tudo enredo de uma nova best-seller de suspense, certo? Ou os delrios de alguns superaquecido buff conspirao, certo? Certo? ERRADO. No inverno de 1990, David Ramirez, de 24 anos de idade, membro da Diviso de Investigaes Especiais da Corporao Wackenhut, foi enviado por seus superiores em uma misso incomum. Ramirez um ex-Marine Corps sargento com sede em Miami, foi dito para voar imediatamente para San Antonio juntamente com trs outros membros da SID-uma unidade, conhecida como fundador

presidente George Wackenhut do "FBI privado", que forneceu executivo proteo e realizou investigaes sigilosas e sting operaes. Assim que chegaram, alugaram duas Taurinos cinza e Ford levou quatro horas para uma cidade desolada na fronteira mexicana chamada guia Pass. L, apenas depois do anoitecer, eles se encontraram dois motoristas de caminho que havia sido vindo de Houston. Dentro de um armazm nas proximidades foi uma roda de 18 trator-reboque, que os dois motoristas de caminho e quatro Wackenhut agentes em seus carros alugados deveriam transporte para Chicago. "Minha instrues foram muito claras ", lembra Ramirez." No olhe para o trailer, fix-lo, e certifique-lo com segurana chega a Chicago. "Foi

sem dizer que ningum deveria olhar no reboque, tanto, razo pela qual os homens estavam armados com Wackenhut totalmente carregado Remington 870 bomba-ao espingardas. O comboio dirigiu por 30 horas seguidas, parando apenas para o gs e alimentos. Mesmo assim, um dos agentes Wackenhut tinha que ficar com o caminho, p por um dos carros, seu tronco aberto, com fcil acesso a shotgun alcance. "Sempre que paramos, eu comprei um copo com o nome do cidade sobre ele ", lembra Ramirez." Eu tenho culos de Oklahoma City, Kansas City, St. Louis. " Um pouco antes das 5:00 da manh do terceiro dia, entregaram a reboque para um armazm nos arredores de Chicago praticamente vazia. Um homem corpulento que estavam esperando por eles na doca de carregamento disse-lhes para decolar as fechaduras e ir para casa, e foi isso. Eles estavam em um avio de volta para Miami naquela tarde. Mais tarde superiores Ramirez disse a ele, como disseram outros agentes SID meia-noite semelhante corre-que os caminhes contido US $ 40 milhes de vale-refeio. Depois de considerar o sigilo, a maneira como o time foi montado e as ordens para no parar ou abrir o caminho, Ramirez decidiu que ele no acreditava que a explicao. Ns tambm no. Uma razo simples: A Secretaria da Agricultura oficial simplesmente nega que o vale-refeio so enviados dessa forma. "Algum est soprando fumaa ", diz ele. Outra razo que, aps seis meses investigao, no curso da qual falamos com mais de 300 pessoas, acreditamos que sabemos o que o caminho continha equipamentos necessrios paraa fabricao de armas qumicas e onde ele estava indo: para Saddam Iraque Hussein. E o Wackenhut Corporation-uma empresa de capital aberto com fortes ligaes CIA e contratos federais de US $ 200 milhes por ano foi certificando-se de Saddam seria geting seu equipamento intacto. O questo por qu. Em 1954, George Wackenhut, ento um ex de 34 anos O agente do FBI, se juntou com outros trs ex-agentes do FBI para abrir uma empresa em Miami chamado Agente Especial Investigadores Inc. A parceria no foi nem sucesso nem harmoniosa-George bateu uma vez parceiro Ed Dubois inconsciente para acabar com uma divergncia sobre a direo a empresa tomaria-e em 1958, George comprou a seus parceiros. Detetives Wackenhut no entanto capaz pode ter sido em seu trabalho, George Wackenhut tinha dois atributos pessoais que foram fundamentais na o crescimento da empresa. Primeiro, ele se dava excepcionalmente bem com polticos importantes. Ele era um aliado prximo do governador da Flrida Claude Kirk, que o contratou para combater o crime organizado no Estado, e tambm foi amigos com o senador George Smathers, um ntimo de John F. De Kennedy. Foi Smathers que forneceu Wackenhut com sua grande chance Quando a empresa do senador lei ajudou a empresa a encontrar uma brecha na Pinkerton lei, o estatuto federal que 1893 tivesse feito um crime para uma funcionrio de uma agncia de detetives particulares para fazer o trabalho para o governo. Smathers empresa montou uma subsidiria integral da Wackenhut que desde guardas s no, os detetives. Pouco tempo depois, Wackenhut recebeu milhes de dlares de contratos do governo para guarda do Cabo Canaveral eo local de teste nuclear Nevada-bomba, o primeiro de muitos extremamente lucrativo contratos federais que tm sustentado que a empresa neste dia. A segunda coisa que ajudou a tornar George Wackenhut bem sucedida foi a de que ele era, e , um linha-dura de direita. Ele foi capaz de lucrar com suas crenas atravs da construo de processos sobre as norte-americanos

suspeitos de serem Comunistas ou simplesmente de esquerda "subversivos e simpatizantes", como ele coloc-lo e vender as informaes para os interessados. Conforme Frank Donner, o autor de "Age of Surveillance", o Wackenhut Corporao mantido e atualizado seus arquivos, mesmo aps a macarthista histeria ebbed, acrescentando os nomes de manifestantes anti-guerra e dos direitos civis manifestantes sua lista de "tipos depreciativa." Por volta de 1965, Wackenhut foi ostentando a potenciais investidores que a empresa arquivos mantidos em 2,5 milhes suspeitos dissidentes e um em 46 americanos adultos, ento, viver. em 1966, depois de adquirir os arquivos privados de Karl Barslaag, um ex-agente do Comit da Cmara sobre Un-American Atividades, Wackenhut poderia manter confiante que, com mais de 4 milhes de nomes, que tinha o maior arquivo privado sobre as suspeitas dissidentes na Amrica. Em 1975, aps o Congresso investigou empresas que tinha arquivos privados, Wackenhut deu seus arquivos para a agora extinta anti-comunista da Igreja League of America de Wheaton, Illinois. Que organizao tinha trabalhado em estreita colaborao com os esquadres da vermelha da polcia da cidade grande departamentos, especialmente em Nova York e Los Angeles, espionar suspeitos simpatizantes; George Wackenhut era amigo pessoal com o da Liga lderes, e foi um dos principais contribuintes para o grupo. Para ter certeza, depois de dando a Liga dos seus arquivos, Wackenhut reservava o direito de us-los para seus clientes e amigos. Wackenhut tinha ido pblico em 1965; George Wackenhut manteve 54 por cento da empresa. Entre seu salrio e dividendos, a sua anual compensao abordagens $ 2 milhes por ano, suficiente para ele viver em um castelo $ 20 milhes em Coral Gables, Flrida, com um fosso e 18 funcionrios em tempo integral. Hoje a empresa a terceira maior empresa de segurana de investigao no pas, com escritrios em todo o Estados Unidos e em 39 pases estrangeiros. No possvel exagerar a Wackenhut relao especial goza com o governo federal. Est perto. Quando se trata de questes de segurana, Wackenhut em muitos aspectos, * * o governo. 1991, um tero da empresa de US $ 600 - milhes de receita veio do governo federal, e outra grande parte de empresas que se trabalhar para o governo, como a Westinghouse.

Em

Wackenhut a maior empresa nica fornecendo segurana para EUA embaixadas no exterior; vrios dos 13 embaixadas que guardas foram em focos importantes de espionagem, como Chile, Grcia e El Salvador. Como tambm protege a quase todas as instalaes do governo mais estratgicos no os EUA, incluindo o oleoduto do Alasca, o Hanford nuclear de resduos instalao, a fbrica de plutnio Savannah River e do Petrleo Estratgico Reserve. Wackenhut mantm uma relao especialmente prxima com o governo federal governo de outras formas tambm. Enquanto placas iniciais de diretores includos, tais personalidades proeminentes do direito poltico como capito Eddie Rickenbacker; General Mark Clark e Ralph E. Davis, John Birch Sociedade lder, os membros atuais e recentes do conselho tm includo grande parte do pas recentes de segurana nacional diretoria: o ex-FBI diretor Clarence Kelley, o ex-secretrio de Defesa e ex-vice-CIA diretor Frank Carlucci: o ex-diretor de Defesa Agente de Inteligncia General Joseph Carroll, o ex-Servio Secreto dos EUA diretor James J. Rowley, o ex-comandante Marinha PX Kelley, e presidente em exerccio da Estrangeiros de inteligncia do presidente Bush conselho consultivo e ex-CIA vice-diretor Almirante Bobby Ray Inman. Antes de sua nomeao como CIA de Reagan diretor, o falecido William Casey estava fora do Wackenhut

assessoria jurdica. pagamento.

A empresa tem 30.000 funcionrios armados em sua folha de

Queramos saber mais sobre essa relao especial, mas o governo no se concretizou. Repetidos pedidos para o Departamento de Energia para uma explicao de como uma empresa tem os contratos de segurana neariy para todas as instalaes mais estratgicos dos Estados Unidos ter ido sem resposta. Da mesma forma, os esforos para obter o Departamento de Estado para explicar se contratos embaixada foram concedidos de forma arbitrria ou atravs competitiva licitao foram infrutferas, essencialmente, o Departamento de Estado disse: "Alguns dos ambos. "Wackenhut os concorrentes-que, compreensivelmente, pediu para no ser citado pelo nome-tm sua prpria verso. "Todos os contratos;", disse um empresa de segurana-executivo, "so apenas uma outra maneira de pagar para Wackenhut sua ajuda clandestinas. E qual a natureza dessa ajuda? " conhecido em toda a indstria ", disse o agente especial do FBI aposentado William Hinshaw ", que se voc quer um trabalho sujo feito, chamada Wackenhut." Ns nos conhecemos George Wackenhut em seu ostentoso, muy macho escritrios em Coral Gables. O os quartos so revestidos em um escuro, rosewood ricos, acentuados com cinzaazul pedra. O escritrio principal dominada pela secretria Wackenhut de 12 metros de comprimento e um par de cadeiras em forma de elefantes "cadeiras republicanas", ele chama-complete com presas real, que, diz o velho com algumas de diverses, tendem a se ater a seus visitantes. O destaque do costume coleo de fotos e prmios o presidencial republicano apresentar: uma foto autografada de Wackenhut apertando as mos de George Bush (quem Wackenhut, de acordo com um ex-associado, usado para chamar "Que pinko"), bem como fotos emolduradas dos Presidentes Reagan, Nixon e Bush, cada um acompanhado por uma nota manuscrita. O presidente parece cada polegada do septuagenrio Florida confortvel. O dia em que falou, sua vesturio variou em todo o espectro de cor de azul beb para beb luz azul, e ele usava uma iot de relgio-jia de ouro em uma grande grossa de ouro banda, dois grandes anis goid. Mas Wackenhut era, em 72, rpida e dura em suas respostas. Perto do fim dos nossos dois-e-um-meia hora de entrevista, quando perguntado se sua companhia era um brao da CIA, ele retrucou: "No!" Claro, isso pode ser apenas uma questo de semntica. Ns temos falado com diversos especialistas, incluindo agentes e ex-CIA e analistas, agentes atuais e antigos da Drug Enforcement Administration e Wackenhut executivos atuais e antigos e empregados, os quais tm disse que, em meados da dcada de 197O, Atter do Senado Comit de Inteligncia do revelaes de secretas da CIA e, por vezes ilegais no exterior operaes, a agncia e Wackenhut cresceu muito, muito perto. Aqueles revelaes forou a CIA a fazer uma faxina, e tornou-se CIA poltica de que certos tipos de atividades no seria mais oficialmente realizada. Mas isso no significa sempre que a necessidade ou o desejo de realizar tais operaes desapareceu. E a que veio Wackenhut pol Nossas fontes confirmam que Wackenhut teve um relacionamento de longa data com a CIA, e que se agravou na ltima dcada ou assim. Bruce Berckmans, que foi atribudo estao da CIA na Cidade do Mxico, deixou a agncia em janeiro de 1975 (supostamente) para se tornar um Wackenhut internacionais operaes vice-presidente. Berckmans, que deixou Wackenhut em 1981, disse SPY que viu uma proposta formal George Wackenhut submetidos CIA para permitir que a agncia usar escritrios Wackenhut

todo o mundo como frentes para as atividades da CIA. Kichard Babayan, que diz que ele era um funcionrio contratado da CIA e atualmente na priso espera de julgamento por fraude e extorso, tem cooperado com investigadores federais e do Congresso olhando para transferncias ilegais de armas nucleares e qumicas de armas de tomada de suprimentos para o Iraque. "Wackenhut tem sido utilizado pela CIA e outras agncias de inteligncia h anos ", ele SPY disse. "Quando eles [a CIA] precisa cobrir, Wackenhut est l para fornec-la para eles. "primeiro-ministro canadense Pierre Trudeau foi dito tm rejeitou o esforo Wackenhut na dcada de 1980 para comprar uma arma fabricante propelente em Quebec com a observao "Ns s se livrou de CIA-que no queremos de volta. "Phillip Agee, a esquerda ex-CIA agente que escreveu uma "exposio sobre a agncia em 1975, nos disse:" Eu no tenho a menor dvida de que a CIA e Wackenhut sobreposio. " H tambm testemunhos de pessoas que no esto condenados, ou renegados Canadenses. William Corbett, um especialista em terrorismo que passou 18 anos como CIA analista e agora um consultor da ABC News com base na Europa, confirmou a relao entre Wackenhut e da agncia. "Durante anos Wackenhut esteve envolvido com a CIA e outras organizaes de inteligncia, incluindo o DEA ", disse ele SPY." Wackenhut permitiria que a CIA ocupar posies dentro da empresa [a fim de realizar] clandestinas operaes. "Ele tambm disse que iria fornecer inteligncia Wackenhut agncias com a informao, e que foi compensada por isso "em um quid pro quo arranjo ", diz Corbett com contratos com o governo no valor de bilhes de dlares ao longo dos anos. Temos descoberto evidncias considerveis de que Wackenhut realizado da CIA gua no combate ao avano comunista na Amrica Central na 1980 (isto , durante a administrao Reagan, quando a CIA diretor foi o ex-advogado Wackenhut William Casey, o falecido SuperPatriot que tinha uma inclinao para extralegais e ilegais anti-comunista operaes encobertas, como o Ir-Contras). Em 1981, Berckmans, o agente da CIA ligado Wackenhut vice-presidente, juntou-se com outros executivos snior Wackenhut para formar Projetos Especiais da empresa Diviso. Foi esta diviso que ligava-se com John homem ex-agente da CIA Phillip Nichols, que tinha assumido a reserva indgena em Cabazon Califrnia, como descrito em um artigo anterior ["Badlands", abril 1992], em busca de um esquema para a fabricao de explosivos, gs venenoso e armas biolgicas e, em seguida, em virtude da situao da tribo como um nao soberana, para exportar as armas para os contras. Esta manobra foi projetada para escapar proibies do Congresso contra os EUA governo est ajudando os contras. De fato, em uma entrevista com SPY, den Pastora, o contras 'Comandante Zero famoso, que tinha sido manchado em um teste de alguns culos de viso noturna em um campo de tiro perto da Cabazon reserva na companhia de Nichols e um executivo Wackenhut, offhandedly identificou que executivo, Robert A. Frye, como "o homem de CIA. "(Em uma conversa posterior, ele negou conhecer Frye em tudo; claro, em que falam mesmo que bastante incrivelmente negou ter alguma vez sido um contra.) Alm de fornecer armas tentou, Wackenhut parece ter sido envolvidos na Amrica Central em outras maneiras. Ernesto Bermudez, que foi Wackenhut diretor de operaes internacionais de 1987 a 89, SPY admitido que, durante 1985 e 86 correu operaes de Wackenhut em El Salvador, onde foi responsvel por 1.500 homens. Quando perguntado o que um , 500 homens estavam fazendo para Wackenhut em El Salvador, Bermudez respondeu timidamente, "Coisas". Pressionado, ele explica: "Coisas que voc no gostaria que sua me para conhecer. " importante notar que Wackenhut anual

receitas de contratos com o governo - a recompensa alegada para a cooperao clandestinas em atividades do governo aumentou em 150 milhes, um Salto de 45 por cento, enquanto Ronald Reagan estava no escritrio. "Voc fez um enorme quantidade de pesquisa, George Wackenhut me disse que eu estava saindo. "Como voc gostaria de executar todas as nossas operaes New York?" Se esse era o ponto de possvel envolvimento em uma Wackenhut tentativa de agncia do governo para contornar a lei, ento podemos descartar como uma nota interessante para o superaquecimento, cowboy anti-comunista Dcada de 1980. No entanto, a Procuradoria dos EUA para o Distrito Sul da Flrida vem realizando uma investigao sobre a exportao ilegal de dupla utilizao tecnologia, ou seja, a tecnologia aparentemente incuo que tambm pode ser usado para fabricar armas nucleares para o Iraque e Lbia. SPY e aprendeu que Nome da Wackenhut surgiu na investigao federal, mas no em apresentar-se como um alvo. Entre 1987 e 89, trs empresas nos Estados Unidos recebeu investimentos de um arquiteto iraquiano chamado Ihsan Barbouti. O colorido Barbouti possua uma empresa de engenharia, de Frankfurt, que tinha um 552 dlares milhes de contrato para construir aerdromos no Iraque. Ele tambm admitiu ter infame projetado Mu'ammar Kadafi Alemo-construdo de armas qumicas planta em lbios esto, na Lbia. De acordo com um advogado de um dos empresas em que investiu Barbouti, o arquiteto de propriedade 100 milhes dlares no valor de imveis e equipamentos de perfurao de petrleo no Texas e Oklahoma. Ele tambm pode estar morto, h relatrios sendo que ele morreu de insuficincia cardaca no Hospital em Londres, em 01 de julho de 1990, seu aniversrio de 63. Barbouti, no entanto, tinha falsificado a sua morte uma vez antes, em 1969, aps o Ba'ath aquisio no Iraque que levou Saddam Hussein ao poder como o segundo em comando. Naquele tempo, Barbouti escapou Iraque; resurfacing alguns anos mais tarde no Lbano e Lbia. No h relatos de que ele est a viver na Jordnia ou, de acordo com outros relatos, em uma casa segura CIA na Flrida. Esses relatrios podem ser considerados no melhor do que rumor, o que segue, no entanto, fato. Conforme relatado no ABC "Nightline" no ano passado, as trs empresas em que Barbouti foram investidos TK-7 de Oklahoma City, que torna um combustvel aditivo; Pipeline Sistemas de Recuperao de Dallas, que faz uma anti-corrosivos qumicos que preserva tubos e Ingredient produto Technoiogy de Boca Raton, o que torna aromas alimentares. Nenhum destes empresas estava procurando fazer negcios com o Iraque; Barbouti procurou-los para fora. Por que ele estava interessado? Porque TK-7 tinha frmulas que poderiam alargar o leque de aeronaves a jato e msseis de combustvel lquido, como o SCUD, porque Recovery Pipeline sabe como tubos de revestimento para torn-los utilizvel em reatores nucleares e de armas qumicas plantas, e porque um dos subprodutos em fazer aromatizante de cereja ferrocianeto frrico, um qumico que usado para a fabricao de cianeto de hidrognio, que pode penetrar mscaras de gs e roupas de proteo. Cianeto de hidrognio foi usado por Saddam Hussein contra os curdos durante a guerra Ir-Iraque. Barbouti era mais do que um investidor passivo, e logo ele comeou a pressionar as empresas a enviar no apenas seus produtos, mas tambm a sua fabricao de tecnologia para empresas que possua na Europa, em que,

, disse o empresrio, seria enviado para a Lbia e Iraque. Em fazer assim, Barbouti foi tentar violar a lei. Primeiro, os EUA proibiu o envio de qualquer coisa para a Lbia, que foi embargado como terrorista nao. Em segundo lugar, os EUA especificado que o material deste tipo deve ser enviado para seu destino final, e no a um local intermedirio, onde o EUA correriam o risco de perder o controle de sua distribuio. Conforme ex-funcionrio da CIA Richard contrato Babayan, no final de 1989 conheceu Barbouti em Londres, com Ibrahim Sabawai, o irmo de Saddam Hussein e meia O diretor europeu de inteligncia iraquianos, que cresceu animado sobre o trabalho Recuperao Pipeline estava fazendo e chamou para a tecnologia da empresa para ser levado s pressas para o Iraque, para que ele pudesse estar em vigor at incio de 1990. Eo proprietrio do TK-7 jura que Barbouti disse que ele estava desenvolvendo um tomo dispositivo para Qaddafi que seria usado contra os EUA em retaliao 1986 para o ataque areo dos EUA contra a Lbia. Barbouri tambm queria que o ferrocianeto de ingrediente do produto. Auxiliar Barbouti com esses investimentos foi New Orleans exportador Don Seaton, scio de negcios da Richard Secord, de direita do Exrcito dos EUA general virou guerra aproveitador que estava to profundamente mergulhado na Ir-Contras affair. Foi Secord que se conectaram com Barbouti Wackenhut. Barbouti reuniu-se com Secord na Flrida, em vrias ocasies, e registros de ligaes telefnicas mostram que vrias chamadas foram colocadas a partir de Barbouti escritrio para nmero privado Secord em McLean, Virginia; Secord tem reconhecido saber Barbouti. Atualmente, scio de Washington empresrio James Tully (que o homem que vazou de Bill Clinton draft-esquivar carta ao ABC) e Jack Brennan, um ex-Marine Corps coronel e assessor de longa data de Richard Nixon, tanto na Casa Branca e no exlio. Brennan voltou Casa Branca, onde ele funciona como um diretor de operaes administrativas no escritrio do presidente Bush. Ele se recusou a devolver os repetidos apelos da SPY. Curiosamente, Brennan e Tully j havia se envolvido em um negcio de 181 milhes dlares fornecimento de uniformes para o exrcito iraquiano. Estranhamente, eles arranjaram para que o uniformes fabricados na Romnia de Nicolae Ceaucescu. Os parceiros que tratam eram ex-procurador geral dos EUA e criminoso John Watergate Mitchell e Sarkis Soghanalian, um cidado turco nascido em libanesa. Soghanalian, que foi creditado como sendo de Saddam Hussein lder procurador braos e com a introduo do demonaco armas inventor Gerald Touro para os iraquianos, est cumprindo uma sentena de seis anos em federais priso em Miami para a venda ilegal de 103 helicpteros militares Iraque. Segundo o ex-agente Wackenhut David Ramirez, a empresa Soghanalian considerado "um cliente muito valioso." Infelizmente para Barbouti, nenhuma das empresas em que ele fez investimentos estava disposto a enviar os seus produtos ou tecnologia para sua Divises europeias. Que, no entanto, no significa necessariamente que ele no ter algumas das coisas que ele queria. Em 1990, 2.000 litros de ferrocianeto foram encontrados para estar faltando na fbrica de aroma de cereja-in Boca Raton. Onde foi um mistrio; Peter Kawaja, que era o chefe de segurana para todos os investimentos Barbouti nos EUA, disse SPY: "Fomos nunca assaltada, mas essas coisas no saem por si s. " O que tudo isso tem a ver com Wackenhut? Lotes: De acordo com Louis Champon, o proprietrio de Tecnologia ingrediente do produto, foi Wackenhut que guardava a sua Boca Raton planta, fato confirmado por Murray Levine, um Wackenhut vice-presidente. Champon tambm diz, e tambm Wackenhut

confirma, que a segurana para a planta consistia em uma desarmados guarda. Enquanto um porta-voz Wackenhut sustenta que essa foi a nica trabalho que estavam fazendo para Barbouti, ele tambm diz que eles nunca foram pagos, que Barbouti stiffed-los. Isso no parece verdade. SPY obteve quatro cheques de Barbouti para Wackenhut. Todos foram escritos dentro de 10 dias em 1990: uma em 27 de maro para 168,89 dlares, uma em 28 de maro por US $ 24,828.07; outra em 5 de abril de $ 756, a ltima em 6 de abril por US $ 40,116.25. Pedimos Richard Kneip, O vice-presidente Wackenhut snior de planejamento corporativo, para explicar por que um nico guarda valia 66.000 dlares por ano; Kneip estava em uma perda para o fazer. Ele foi similarmente em uma perda para explicar um cheque quinta, a partir de outro Barbouti empresa para diviso Wackenhut de viagem de servio em 1987, quase dois anos antes Wackenhut reconheceu proporcionar segurana para a Boca Raton planta. Dois agentes da CIA, separadamente entrevistados, tm o explicao. Charles Hayes, que se descreve como "um trunfo da CIA" diz Wackenhut estava ajudando produtos qumicos navio Barbouti para o Iraque, "Fornecimento de Iraque era originalmente uma boa ideia ", sustenta ele," mas depois ficou fora do mo. Wackenhut era apenas nele para o dinheiro. "Richard Babayan o empregado contratado ex-CIA, confirmou conta Hayes. Ele diz que Wackenhut relacionamento com Barbouti existia antes da Raton Boca fbrica foi inaugurada: "Barbouti foi colocado nas mos de Secord pela CIA, e Secord chamado Wackenhut para lidar com segurana e de viagem e proteo para Barbouti e seus planos de exportao. "Wackenhut, diz Babayan estava trabalhando para a CIA em ajudar Barbouti o navio-qumico e-nuclear-armas de tomada de primeiro equipamento para o Texas, em seguida, para Chicago, e depois para Baltimore para ser enviada para o exterior. Tudo o que faz com que o histria da viagem de comboio da meia-noite de David Ramirez, contou ao incio deste artigo um pouco menos misterioso. SPY aprendeu que este envio agora o alvo de uma investigao USDA-aduaneiras conjuntas. Quando perguntamos George Wackenhut que estava sendo enviado de Eagle Pass para Chicago, o presidente, afiado simples primeira alegaram que estavam proteger um executivo sem nome. Ele ento dirigiu um assessor para voltar para mim. Dois dias depois, Richard Kneip fez, repetindo o conto que tinha foi passado para David Ramirez-que os caminhes contidas vale-refeio. Dissemos a ele que tnhamos falado com um funcionrio do Departamento de Agricultura, que nos informou que os selos de alimentos so enviados de Chicago para perifricas reas, nunca o contrrio, e que o vale-refeio, ao contrrio do dinheiro, so usados uma vez e depois destrudas. Todos os Kneip diria ento foi: "Fazemos no revelar os nomes dos nossos clientes. " Wackenhut conexo com a CIA e outras agncias do governo levanta vrias questes preocupantes: Primeiro, a CIA usando Wackenhut a realizao de operaes que tem sido proibidos de realizar? Segundo, a Casa Branca ou alguma outra parte no Poder Executivo trabalhando atravs Wackenhut a realizao de operaes que ele no quer saber sobre o Congresso? Em terceiro lugar, tem de Wackenhut relao acolhedora, com o governo deu uma sensao de segurana ou pior, um conhecimento imediato de sensveis ou embaraosas

informaes que permite a empresa a acreditar que ele pode realizar -se como se fosse acima da lei? Uma investigao do Congresso em atividades Wackenhut no caso Alyeska novembro do ano passado comeou a lanar alguma luz sobre Wackenhut maneira de fazer negcios; claramente que hora para o Congresso para investigar o quo longe Wackenhut de outros tentculos estender. Reportagem adicional de Erzc Reguly, Sloan Margie e Wendell Smith ** Fim do artigo **

Data: Seg 05 de janeiro de 1996 01:43 CST De: Moderador da conferncia justice.polabuse EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: bwitanek@igc.apc.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Assunto: Wackenhut De: Bob Witanek Postado nessie@sfbayguardian.com qui 04 de janeiro 12:00:02 1996 From: nessie@sfbayguardian.com Assunto (nessie): Fwd (2): mais em Wackenhut (pt. 1) PARTE 1 DE 2 PEAS Este foi publicado originalmente no BEM: Pagar o seu dinheiro, pegue a sua chance Enquanto ns nos recusamos a nos proteger e uns aos outros, estamos merc de um sistema legal cuja prpria empresa crime, e um negcio lucrativo que . Por este ponto da histria, mas a todos os mais ingnua de ns paramos esperando policiais, pblicas ou privadas, a todos se comportam como escoteiros. Houve simplesmente demasiado difcil prova em contrrio. Nessa zona cinzenta escura onde a lei sobrepe-se a execuo com o crime organizado, um imprio subterrneo surgiu. um mundo onde o chamado "War on Drugs" muitas vezes uma guerra contra os traficantes de drogas rivais, e sempre uma guerra contra os pobres. um mundo onde a "segurana nacional", crimes de guerra e desculpas genocdio uma mercadoria. um mundo onde a justia est venda e policiais esto para alugar. Policiais, rent-a-policiais, em particular, variam muito em qualidade. Um negcio de famlia, Wackenhut Corp foi fundada em 1954 por um tempo FBI homem George R. Wackenhut. Seu filho Richard, um Citadel ps-graduao, presidente e CEO. A famlia imediata detm mais de 50% do estoque O resto dividido entre apenas 1.100 acionistas. Wackenhut aes so negociadas na New York Stock Exchange. Comprar um partes, e voc receber um folheto fascinante. Da empresa receita cresceu de apenas US $ 300.000 em 1958 para quase meio bilhes hoje. uma das maiores empresas de segurana privada em existncia. Wackenhut especializada em contratos de segurana. Contratos com o governo so os melhores, claro, e um notvel crescimento da empresa devido grande parte, relao de George Wackenhut para certos funcionrios do governo. Sua primeira grande chance veio quando ele conseguiu uma

contrato para vigiar de msseis Titan em quatro estados. Desde ento, segurana e funes de segurana pblica tem se mostrado um lucrativo foco. Wackenhut fornece seguranas para tal de alto risco instalaes como gasodutos trans-Alaska, aeroportos importantes, tanto nos Estados Unidos e no exterior, barragens e o local de teste nuclear em Nevada. Ele tambm dono de uma empresa de resseguros vtima, uma viagem servio, e uma companhia area de servios. O Departamento de Energia fornece 25% do total bruto de Wackenhut. Seus agentes tambm servir os amigos do governo dos EUA. e Big Oil (como o fugitivo X do Ir), no exterior, bem como em casa. Pessoal Wackenhut guarda da nao Reserva Estratgica de Petrleo Sites na Louisiana e Texas. De tempos em tempos, eles podem ser vistos em torno dos complexos, jacars esquivando-se, trocando e laser tiros com soldados, a polcia local e os assistentes do xerife. Este apenas a prtica de se preparar para problemas reais, como terroristas. Wackenhut touts suposto anti-terrorista percia. * James P. * Davis, que administra o site do contratante do governo Boeing, declara: "Tenho pena qualquer um que tenta invadir aqui . seria mais difcil do Fort Knox. "Isso discutvel. O governo se admite que a segurana pode ser reforada. Mas o analogia para Fort Knox montagem. H ouro aqui, tambm, apenas ele preto. Nunca se esquea da Regra de Ouro: ". Regras de ouro" Wackenhut frequentemente recruta ex-policiais e militares que no requerem uma verificao de antecedentes fresco. Cortar este canto (a 30.000 dlares a US $ 40.000 cada) tem permitido o emprego de uma srie de personagens repugnantes, incluindo infame espio da Marinha John Walker. Quando agentes Wackenhut foram pegos recentemente em pblico spotlight por alegaes tribunal de vigilncia ilegal, Associated Relatos da imprensa que estavam firmemente defendida por seu empregador no caso, o presidente da Alyeska Pipeline Service Co., James B. Hermiller. Alyeska um consrcio de sete empresas de petrleo incluindo Exxon Corp, proprietria do Exxon Valdez. Eles tambm so Wackenhut clientes de longa data. Durante o derramamento de segurana da indstria, montada uma armada "patrulha urso" para "manter grizzlies de rolar no a areia contaminada. "Mantiveram testemunha potencial do vazamento cena. Alyeska fica a cerca de limpar. Estudos tm confirmado Estado que os contaminantes - incluindo substncias cancergenas, como benzeno e materiais txicos, como metais pesados - so terminando no guas e sedimentos de Port Valdez. Jantar feliz, amantes do caranguejo. Alyeska tambm mentiras sobre o contedo cancergeno da atmosfrica poluio que infligem aos seus vizinhos. Respirao profunda, Valdez. Algumas das suas vtimas so surpreendidos por mais tempo que o leo Big mentiras. Documentos internos para o efeito (e pior) foram divulgados pelo Empregados Aleyska a longo tempo voar gad-indstria, profissional tanker corretora Charles Hamel A delao funcionrios foram medo de deixar seus nomes fossem usados. Charley Hamel no era. Pelo menos uma ao regulatria, uma multa $ 20.000 propostos pela EPA em August, 1992 against Alyeska for illegal waste-water dumping, is attributable to information provided by Hamel. One former employee, Robert Scott, has filed a complaint with the US Labor Department charging that Alyeska illegally fired him for leaking information that detailed problems with vapor-emission. "This is not a knock down and kill you problem," says Riki Ott, a marine toxicologist and president of the Oil Reform Alliance, a coalition of fishing and environmental groups in Alaska. "

more like a 20 year from now cancer problem." Cancer is not the only problem in this case. This is more about lies than it is about cancer. Disinformation is cancer in our body politic. It has so saturated our culture that it is no longer the social norm to take a stranger at his word on such basic information as his name. Can Wackenhut's public relations department be trusted to tell the truth? Their track record, and that of their clients, tell the tale. Company officials claim that Alyeska is committed to operating in an environmentally sound manner. But environmentalists, state and even federal officials and other observers differ. Privy employees concordar. Alyeska has been a major source of water, air and soil pollution in Alaska. Wackenhut Corp. has been, at the very least, a witting accomplice, both during and after the fact. They have worked to conceal disturbing truths from Congress, law enforcement, and the public at large. They have perpetuated dangerous, sometimes fatal lies. They hired Wackenhut to help cover them up. Wackenhut certainly gave it a hell of a try. Wackenhut blew it. Fortunately for us, many Wackenhut operatives are incredibly lame. As disturbing as the cover-up itself, allegations have surfaced in court that Alyeska has pursued an aggressive campaign of spying and covert operations aimed at ferreting out internal whistle-blowers and silencing outside opponents. Their main tool in this undertaking has been Wackenhut Corp. Three of five dissident Wackenhut employees allege that even Rep. George Miller (D-California), chairman at the time of the House committee that oversees environment and resource development issues was targeted for "dirty tricks" when he began investigating alleged environmental wrongdoing by Alyeska, according to sources and sworn court statements. Miller became incensed to the point of subpoena. His committee quickly began investigating the possibility that Wackenhut may have obstructed Congress, as well. Alyeska, as well as Wackenhut, denies any wrongdoing. But for some, the alleged black-bag operation conjures up disquieting echoes of the past, and uneasy foreboding about the future. Um honest (and prudent) cop, Rafael Castillo, a thirty year veteran of city, county, state, and federal police work left Wackenhut rather than expose himself to the possibility of criminal prosecution and a ruined career. Twice he had confronted superiors on the matter, to no avail. He had no honorable choice but to quit, which he did, reputation intact. It's too bad that all cops aren't Rafael Castillo, but they're not. Sworn court statements and interviews with sources familiar with the probe, portray a conspiracy of electronic surveillance, lies, phony offices, burglaries and similar behavior aimed at silencing critics. With one side of it's mouth, Alyeska has denied the charges. With the other side, Alyeska assigned Wackenhut the task of rooting out the sources. Wackenhut began by attempting to backtrack from Hamel. In a sworn statement in US District Court in Houston one former Wackenhut employee stated that the company's special investigations division conducted illegal electronic surveillance of Hamel's home, searched his garbage, obtained his telephone records and attempted to furnish him with large amounts of cash. The employee, whose name was blacked out in the court file, said Wackenhut agents also masqueraded as news reporters and environmentalists. They also steal garbage. Charley Hamel caught them on video tape stealing his. They also got a parking ticket

while inside bugging his house. These are not exactly what you could call rocket scientist types. They were beaten at their own game by an amateur armed with little more than a camcorder and a realistic estimation of the degree of privacy he enjoyed. It can be done. Wackenhut also set up a phony environmental group, called Ecolit, with offices near Hamel's home. This was part of a 17 person "special investigation unit" created by Wayne Black. Black described it in an interview with the Washington Post as a "private FBI." Black had once been a criminal investigator for the Dade County prosecutor. According to the Anchorage Daily News, he had been suspended for illegally conducting a wire tap and pressuring witnesses. Despite, or perhaps because of, the efforts of a special prosecutor, he managed to squirm out of the charges. A month later he went into private practice. In 1989 his firm was purchased by Wackenhut. He's their kind of guy. He told Hamel his name was Dr. Wayne Jenkins, a staff researcher for Ecolit. At one point, Hamel was told that real estate tycoon Donald J. Trump was on Ecolit's board of directors. For a while, Hamel fell for it. Then his garbage started disappearing. His suspicions aroused, he set a trap with his trusty camcorder. Funcionou. On occasion, Wackenhut also delivers garbage. One operative, identifying herself as an environmental journalist, tried to "befriend" Hamel in an Anchorage hotel bar in March, 1990, and later on an airline flight. Her aim was to discover Hamel's sources and also to "compromise him" in some way, court statements afirmou. No funcionou. Wayne Black was not a loose cannon. According to Castillo, Black kept Wackenhut security chief, and former head of Alaska's State Police Pat Wellington abreast of his progress. Black has since been promoted. He is now vice-president of investigations for Wackenhut. Alyeska President James B. Hermiller said the company would cooperate fully with Miller's committee, but he has denied that Alyeska targeted Hamel for investigation. Hermiller declined to comment on the specific allegations in the court documents. Mas he did say, "Wackenhut is probably the premiere security firm in the world, and they do not do anything illegal. They conduct programs in a very professional and legal way." Premier? Professional? Legal? Dificilmente. In service to other less influential clients Wackenhut operatives have appeared, on numerous occasions, to be the premier bunglers of the trade. Ainda they can, on occasion, appear deadly efficient and, in fact, downright sinister. Wackenhut performs a wide variety of services with widely varying efficiency. Some are scarier than others. One such service is union busting. The firm provides a comprehensive strike-breaking service. It includes armed protection, bedding, bath facilities and a catering service for scab labor. Clients of this particular service range from the Greyhound Corp. to Capital Cities. Capital Cities (owner of ABC) was founded by the reputedly deceased Director of Central Intelligence, William Casey. Casey is the alleged mastermind of the "October Surprise" and convenient scapegoat of the Iran-Contra affair, as well as being a Knight of Malta. The Knights are no friends of labor. The Wackenhut Corporation boasts widely of the sophistication of its "strike service." Potential clients also take note of other, more objective, versions. A poignant vignette of Wackenhut labor relations is found in SPOOKS The Haunting of America- The Private Use of Secret Agents Author Jim Hougan recounts the dilemma of a certain Muldoon, hired by Wackenhut to guard publisher Katherine

Graham and other executives of the Washington Post during a dispute with the pressmen. About twenty of Muldoon's spooks were given plainclothes assignments that placed them round the clock in the executive's living rooms. Muldoon remembered the awkwardness of the situation. "It was uncomfortable," he said, "These were really nice homes. The family would eat dinner, the kids would be playing-and there, sitting on the couch would be me or some other guy from the agency -- big, you know, and checking his gun. Foi sorta tense. We didn't really fit in. I'll tell ya: some of those people were real shits about it. Katherine Graham wouldn't even let us in. She wanted my man to sit outside on a cot in the cold toda a noite. I wouldn't let him. I mean, who the hell does she think she is?" Meanwhile the pressmen bothered Muldoon even more. One morning he came home to find his car filled with garbage and a threat painted on his hood. Muldoon was furious. He "called a friend in New Jersey who's very well connected to both the unions and, well, organized crime. And I told him that I had a list of twelve union leaders here in Washington. If anyone fucked with me or my family or anything of mine, I was going to take out three of the bastards at the exact same time. As a warning. If anything else happened, I was going to hit the other nine - all at once. I told him I didn't care if those guys were responsible or not. I was holding them responsible and he'd better get the word out. I was not bullshitting either. I would have done it. I know guys inside the Agency, and guys who left, who could do that. And they would, too. I offered, as a demonstration, to abduct three of the union people and hold them for an hour -- just to show I was serious. Mas ele took the hint. Nothing ever happened after that." Muldoon, smiling, admitted that such an abduction would have been "embarrassing" to the Post's publisher. Ele deu de ombros. "What the inferno? If they can hit my car, they can hit my family." Employing Wackenhut placed the liberal Katherine Graham in some very strange company indeed. The immense private intelligence service relies on dossiers of the Church League of America, a right-wing think tank whose massive intelligence files on the "left" surely included volumes about Mrs.*Graham herself. In 1971, six executives of Wackenhut, Pinkerton's, and Burns were found guilty of bribing New York City policemen to obtain confidential records of would-be employees of American and Trans-Caribbean Airlines. One wonders why they needed to resort to bribes at all, since, as Rand Corporation reports, Wackenhut and Pinkerton's (never mind Burns) have dossiers on more than four million Americanos. Wackenhut sells what it calls "protection" to more than just media moguls. A look at how well they deliver presents a telling appraisal of their skill level and intent. Far from "premier," they instill little confidence in their ability to protect even themselves against bunglers, turncoats, and law enforcement, let alone serious terrorists. Still less does Wackenhut's consistent corner cutting inspire confidence in it's ability to protect the lives and property of ordinary clients. I'd hire the Keystone Kops first, if I was you. Wackenhut has repeatedly proven to be incapable of protecting the Nevada Nuclear Test site from the intrusion of pacifist protesters in peace time. They perform better in the brochure than they do on the ground. They're not the only ones. The "premier" track record of Wackenhut's much vaunted and ballyhooed "protection" business has been repeatedly exposed, even by America's routinely lapdog press. Some things are just too big to ignore. Durante o

recent Gulf War, Wackenhut's impotence was driven home by terrorists. February 6, 1991 the Los Angeles Times reported that "guerrillas opposed to the US role in the Persian Gulf War" blew up a car outside the offices of Pesevisa, the Peruvian subsidiary of Wackenhut. Pesevisa is under contract to provide security for the US and Canadian embassies in Lima. Three security guards were killed, and seven other people were seriously injured, authorities said. In a drive-by attack, assailants threw at least 22 pounds of dynamite and fired machine-gun bursts at three diplomats' cars parked in front of the company, police said. O explosion left a large crater and blew out windows outside the escritrio. Leaflets condemning American involvement and attributed to the pro-Cuban Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement were left at the cena. A US Embassy spokesman in Lima said the attack was directed at Pesevisa, though Tupac Amaru guerrillas also attacked the US Embassy twice that week and dynamited the North American Cultural Institute the previous November. Wackenhut guards have also died on the job in El Salvador. The "premier" protection business seems hard pressed to "protect" themselves, let alone clientes. What would Muldoon say? In fairness, it must be emphasized that in 1986, when Wackenhut Corp. announced the creation of an anti-terrorism division headed by former agents of the FBI, CIA and State Department, the director of the new division did state specifically that it would not provide "rent-a-commandos" but would instead provide what it called "training" on how to survive a terrorist attack. O anti-terrorism and crisis management division would be for hire to "advise" corporations or governments, said Richard R. Wackenhut, "This is a new corporate division to deal (sic) not only with the threat of terrorism but with a major industrial accident, hostage taking or any other crisis facing an organization," The LA Times reported that in 1985, the increasing fear of terrorism had boosted the already growing security business significantly, citing a 25% increase in 1984 of clients for Wackenhut's executive protection division, provision of bodyguards and "other" security services in 28 countries. Revenue was up 16% said Matt Kenny, director of corporate communications. The greater the number of terrorist incidents, what ever their source, the greater the demand is for "protection." One can not help but wonder if some incidents are covert operations by private security operatives, aimed at drumming up business. "We are aiming at some US government contracts," said Conrad V. Hassel, the director of the new division. Hassel had previously served as chief of special operations for the research unit of the FBI for part of his 23-year career with that agency, and so presumably knew where to peddle his wares. Hassel foresaw embassy security as one potential marketplace, adding that Wackenhut already posted guards at five US embassies. "There's no way we're going to be rent-a-commandos," Hassel said, "We're not going to put a force together to storm any airplanes." Instead Hassel predicted the new division would provide "training" for clients and their families who might be targets of terrorism. "We will try to instruct them how to survive over there, but we're not going to train them how to become 'Rambos' and kick their way out of a room," he said. Training would include discussions by former hostages, and focus on psychological preparedness, such as teaching potential victims to humanize themselves in the eyes of their captors. "The terrorists are reacting against a symbol of what they are fighting against," he said. "Once you become human,

it becomes damn was marketed to base of clients unnamed foreign

hard to kill you." This bit of Wackenhut wisdom customers from among the company's 15,000 member as well as to the United States and certain governments.

Date: Sat Jan 06, 1996 1:47 am CST From: Moderator of conference justice.polabuse EMS: INTERNET / MCI ID: 376-5414 MBX: bwitanek@igc.apc.org TO: * David Beiter / MCI ID: 635-1762 Subject: Re: Wackenhut From: Bob Witanek Posted nessie@sfbayguardian.com Thu Jan 4 11:59:59 1996 Subject: Fwd(2): more on Wackenhut (pt. 2) PART 2 OF 2 Lack of proper training has been a Wackenhut trademark for years. The reduction in cost provided by cutting this corner enables Wackenhut to deliver their admittedly reduced services at substantial savings to organizations who value a penny saved over the lives of their employees and customers, and to individuals who put a price on the life of their families. The spate of terrorist attacks against Americans and their allies, during the Gulf War included some pesky snipers in Saudi Arabia. Was the House of Saud seguro? According to the Jonathan Littman, the Saudi ruling family negotiated (at least) with Wackenhut over a contract for security at Crown Prince Fahd's palace itself. Whether Wackenhut delivered is not for commoners to know. These negotiations took place by way of the tiny (but sovereign) band of Cabazon Indians in Southern California. The Cabazons have also allegedly fronted for Wackenhut's role in the secret (and illegal) Contra supply scam. Both Wackenhut and the Cabazons prefer the term "joint venture." In 1978 the Cabazons hired a certain John Philip Nichols to manage their finances. This self proclaimed "Doctor of Theology" was reputed to be a "premier" obtainer of grants. Once he had obtained the Cabazons' trust, Nichols began proposing an array of projects involving tank cartridges, laser-sighted assault rifles, portable rocket systems, night vision goggles and, most ominously, biological weapons. Many of these proposals grew out of the tribe's partnership with Wackenhut. The Cabazons' sovereign status, and it's accompanying freedom from costly regulation, enables great ease in the bidding process. "I was present at one meeting where Wackenhut people were present. We were told it was part of the security system on the reservation," said Cabazon Joe Benitez. "Later on, I found out they were working to develop munitions. It seemed amazing to me." It is unclear which, if any, of the deals went through. um matter of court record, though, that in 1985, Nichols pleaded no contest to the charge of solicitation to murder. He served 18 ms. His son, John Paul, took over as acting administrator of the Cabazons while his father did time. After his release, Nichols was barred by his felony record from running any of the reservation's gambling operations. His brother, Mark, inherited the position of Cabazon administrator. What, if any, role

Wackenhut plays in Cabazon life today is unclear. Wackenhut denies qualquer. "It turned out that we never got any contracts and, after two years, the venture was canceled," claims director of public relations, Patrick Cannan (1-305-666-5656). Cannan also denied any connection with the so-called "Inslaw case." Wackenhut's name has come up consistently in relation to claims made by Michael Riconoscuito that while a research director for a joint venture between Wackenhut and the Cabazon Indians, he modified a stolen copy of Inslaw's PROMIS software for sale by Earl Brian to the Canadian government. Brian is a crony of Reagan's Attorney General, Edwin Meese. Meese is best known as gutter of the Fourth Amendment, and Wedtech scandal principal. Another former US Attorney, General Elliot Richardson, is the attorney for Inslaw. He has been quoted as saying that Inslaw "is far worse than Watergate." In fact, the Inslaw case does make Watergate look like a small town parking ticket fix. The press has barely scraped the surface of this most sordid of scandals, and not without reason. Among the few honest journalists to poke a nose in this nest of hornets and live to tell the tale is Jonathan Littman. According to Littman, Riconoscuito was a "consultant" for Wackenhut. According to Patrick Cannan, Riconoscuito. was a "hanger on." Toda pessoa tem direito sua prpria opinio. The Inslaw case stems from the alleged theft of software by the Justice Dept. from the Inslaw Corp. It has grown from a title and bankruptcy case into one that includes allegations of sales of the software to foreign governments (such as Canada, Iraq, South Korea, Libya and Israel) by such Iran-Contra figures as Robert McFarlane and Richard Secord. The case attracted more public attention following the apparent suicide death of journalist Joseph D. "Danny" Casolaro on mid-August in a Martinsburg W. Va. motel room. Casolaro had told friends that he had made connections between Inslaw, Iran-Contra and the so-called "October Surprise." (allegations that representatives of the Reagan-Bush campaign team, headed by Casey, had convinced the Iranian government to delay release of American hostages until after the 1980 US elections) Casolaro also allegedly told his brother that, if he was reported to have had an accident, not to be believe it. Elliot Richardson has demanded a federal investigation of Casolaro's a morte. Cannan also denied that William Casey was legal counsel to Wackenhut before joining the government and that former CIA officials Frank Carlucci and Admiral Bobby Ray Inman were Wackenhut directors. Cannan said, "Although Casey's law firm represented Wackenhut, Casey himself never had any connection with ns. Carlucci was a director of the firm -- he is no longer -- but Inman was not. We did have another director with a similar background to Inman, an admiral who was chief of naval operations, and that might have lead to the incorrect rumor." Plausible deniability has been an American tradition at least since the Boston Tea Party. "The Indians did it." Direita. Com certeza. Tell us another one. Operating fronts within fronts, is a standard modus operandi, and not just of Wackenhut. Wackenhut Corp. itself appears on occasion to be the collective front of a variety of scofflaws, felons and pior. They hide behind a wall of omerta excused by "national security" and enforced by an old boy network rooted deep in the intelligence community. Some successful scams are hidden behind the facade of ineptitude projected by their under-trained and under-paid employees. Perhaps they hire a lot of fuck ups to

divert our attention from how slick a few of their operatives actually are. If so, this has proved a somewhat less than successful tactic. The blowback has come from disgruntled former employees. Wackenhut Corp. does not inspire a degree of loyalty up, commensurate with the loyalty down they demand. Instead, they compr-lo. They buy it cheap. Loyalty bought is intrinsically fleeting. Loyalty bought cheap is fleeter still. Consider the degree to which testimony of disgruntled former employees has damaged Wackenhut's reputation in court as well as the press. Then there's the prison biz. Wackenhut operates 10 detention or correctional facilities, in seven states, that house 3,456 inmates. At least, those are the ones we know about. It's first facility, a federal Immigration and Naturalization Services detention center, opened in 1987. Biz burgeoned. Within two years the correctional business generated about $25 million of Wackenhut's $462 million 1989 revenue This is according to the company itself, not to independent auditors. Robert Hennelly reported in the Village Voice, that Wackenhut is also developing and marketing electronic systems for tracking prisoners under house arrest for local, state, and federal authorities. According to the LA Times, Wackenhut does not "operate" any jails in California, but it does "run" a minimum security "correctional facility" for the state in McFarland, where parole violators are housed. This subtle distinction may be lost on those outside the profession. Wackenhut has some serious competition for market share in the prison boom. "Privatization is a slap in the face to corrections officers as professionals," said Jeff Doyle (no relation), a prison guard and California Correctional Peace Officer Assn. vcio president. "It's irresponsible for government to turn this over to the private sector." Although Doyle acknowledged there is an element of self-protection among the state guards who are upset with privatization plans, he emphasized that the Wackenhut guards do not have the same level of training and experience that state corrections officers do. Consider the effect of Wackenhut's level of competence of life in a typical American city, San Diego. While California law prohibits counties from contracting out the management of its jails to the private sector, the San Diego county counsel's office (not a Court of Law) determined that the sheriff could contract for beds in the city's proposed jail. According to correctional officials, the Otay facility would be the first privately owned and operated jail in California. Pete Abrahano, the San Diego manager for Wackenhut, said the guards who will run the Otay Mesa facility, would be better trained than the rest of the company's guards. "They will have the necessary training and experience required by federal law," he said. "These will not be just regular guards." Wackenhut's "just regular" guards are no strangers to informed San Diegans. When the Union-Tribune Publishing Co. brought in the Tennessee law firm King & Ballow to handle its contract negotiations, King and Ballow fired all the Union-Tribune security guards and hired new guards from Wackenhut. Bringing in Wackenhut is standard procedure when King and Ballow enters a newspaper labor dispute. The Newspaper Guild complains that the tactic is meant to intimidate employees. When intimidation fails to do the trick, there's always the courts. Slander is a fact of human life. No one gets through life without ever being slandered. But Wackenhut attorneys have refined

slander to a high art. Consider the case of murder victim Richard Crake, who met his demise in La Jolla in 1981. In 1985 a jury lodged $217,500 in compensatory damages against the Wackenhut Corporation, the security firm that guarded the complex where Crake lived. Before the trial his widow, Kathryn Crake, turned down an offer from attorneys for the Wackenhut Corporation and it's co-defendants to settle the case for $1.3 million. Then Ken Grider, 32, of Los Angeles, alleging to have been Richard Crake's male lover, testified as a witness for the defendants about how much time Crake spent with him daily before he was killed. O defendants' attorneys argued that the Crake marriage was doomed because of the love affair and would not have survived had he lived. Compromising the reputation of their dead client failed to redeem that of the Wackenhut guards who bungled his protection, but it did save the company a right smart piece of change. an aphorism of the trade that "dead clients don't pay." Eles so not the only ones. Wackenhut hires much better trained attorneys than guards. Eles need them. In August 1986 it took a 4th District Court of Appeal ruling just to gain a Los Angeles woman the mere right to sue Wackenhut Corp. and it's co-defendants. Florence Blakely was struck by a passenger gate blown open by a blast from a jet engine at John Wayne Airport, where Wackenhut provided the security. Judge Sonenshine, citing "human error" as a "further complication" found the gate dangerous, despite sworn statements from airport officials that there had been no prior reports of negligence by guards opening the gates. Gates are the business of guards. You'd think they'd know how to work the latch. Fortunately for them, Wackenhut knows how to work the courts. Wackenhut guards are as likely to be brutal as they are to stupid. Consider the case of survivor George Bagwell Jr., who sued futilely for redress in the wrongful death of his father. George Bagwell Sr. had suffered from Alzheimer's disease for years. Ele had driven to Lindbergh Field in January, 1988, thinking his son was due to arrive on a flight. Bagwell wandered into a security area and didn't respond when Harbor Police and Wackenhut Corp. security guards called to him. According to the lawsuit, guards beat and kicked Bagwell, in the course of his arrest. No momento of the incident, Bagwell was wearing a medical bracelet that explained his health problems. He had further details about his condition inside his billfold. Bagwell's son said his father was about 130 pounds and 5-foot-7, hardly a threat. The lawsuit said Bagwell suffered lacerations and injuries to the face, scalp, arms and body, which led to his death in April, 1988. Medical experts testified at trial that the stress of the incident contributed to his death. He did not die in the guard's hands, but died soon thereafter. Bagwell Jr. said the January 1991 verdict was a second disappointment, although the family has no misgivings. While wiser counties such as Los Angeles and Orange use their own deputies to guard hospitalized prisoners at county hospitals, San Diego employs Wackenhut. It was a poor choice. One prisoner escaped in a wheelchair, kidnapping his guard in the process. You'd think if Wackenhut was so "premier," a guy in a wheelchair wouldn't be too much for them to handle. One of the reasons San Diego County Sheriff's Department uses Wackenhut is economics, said Sgt. Bob Takeshta, public affairs officer with the Sheriff's Department. "It's a pure fact of dollars and cents." Sheriff's deputies are paid an average of $12

to $16 an hour for their services. Peter Abrahano, area manager for Wackenhut. declined to say how much his guards made per hour, except to say that they are paid less than sheriff's deputies. To Takeshta's knowledge, the escape was not highly unusual. "Este is not an isolated incident; there have been others," he said. Earlier that month, a narcotics suspect escaped by jumping out a fourth floor window. Hospital guards are unarmed and do not wear uniforms, said Sheriff's Lt. Sylvester Washington, a shift watch commander at County Jail downtown. The Sheriff's Department ". . . prefers it that way," he said, "The guards don't have adequate training to be armed." Wackenhut also works for private companies and, in some instances, its guards are armed. Washington said it's a wonder hospital escapes aren't more common. "We've been lucky, very lucky," he said. "There's no reason for guards to be armed," said Abrahano. don't really think (prisoners) are going to go anywhere." "Voc

Not really thinking seems to be an ongoing problem at Wackenhut. Consider case of the 27-year-old fugitive from Colorado who escaped from custody at UC San Diego Medical Center ten days later, the third such escape from a hospital room in less than six semanas. In each case the inmate had been guarded by Wackenhut Corp., under contract to the San Diego County Sheriff's Department. Wackenhut cost the Sheriff's Department $410,000 that year, according to county officials. The prisoner, who jail officials had considered to be an escape risk, eluded two Wackenhut security guards but was arrested after crashing a stolen truck into a tree across the street from a San Diego Police Department substation. Clearly this was no rocket scientist either, but it is equally clear that he was smarter than his guards. According to police, the escape occurred about noon when, with one of the guards apparently out to lunch, the prisoner asked the other guard for permission to take a shower. He then asked for shampoo and, when the guard left to get it, escaped from his 10th floor room by taking a stairway that leads outside. Bem, duh! The growing privatization of the ever expanding prison industry places ever greater demands on the public for "raw material." Wackenhut operates 10 detention or correctional facilities in seven states that house 3,456 inmates. It's first facility, a federal Immigration and Naturalization Services detention center, opened in 1987. Within two years the correctional business generated about $25 million of Wackenhut's $462 million in 1989 revenue This is according to company spokesman, not independent auditors. Robert Hennelly reported in the Village Voice that Wackenhut is also developing and marketing electronic systems for tracking prisoners under house arrest for local, state, and federal authorities. Never in my life did I even imagine that one day I would be sticking up for a screw, but by golly there folks, this Doyle guy is right, at least as far as he goes. If we the public want to be perceived as members of a just society we can't buy justice from any body, least of all the lowest bidder. It makes us look real bad. It also aint justice. If we want actual justice, and not just the perception, we have to participate in the process. History has proven conclusively that prisons are no solution to the problem of crime. If they were, it would have happened by now. Only a complete restructuring of society can even begin to address the

problema. The problem of crime is structural. Victimless crimes are nothing more than a cash cow for the state. Crimes against property are political offenses, and almost always the result of drug prohibition. There's also the ever sticky problem of definition of property. The sanctity of personal property is respected near universally. Public property and private property are a little harder to define, at least without sufficient arms. This leaves violent crime, a tiny minority of all crimes. Violento criminals should not be imprisoned, per se, but offered asylum, on a purely voluntary basis of course, where they could seek treatment for their mental disorders, and protection from the rest of us. If they decline asylum, kill 'em and be done with it. No hire somebody. That's totally gutless. It doesn't work very well, quer. If it did, violence would have subsided by now. Faz-lo si mesmo. If you need help, don't hire; inspire. If you can't inspire, you're living wrong; change. Don't oppose the death penalty. The death penalty is good. Oppose its monopolization by the state. The only truly effective defense against violence is effective self defense. Collective self defense benefits from the economy of scale. History has proven conclusively that courts, prisons, and cops (both public and private), are useless. Eles have failed, miserably, to cure the problem. In fact, they made it worse, much worse. Worse still, they use the power we grant them against us. Then they have the unmitigated gall to charge us money for the service. Then they don't even deliver. How much worse does it have to get before we wise up? It doesn't matter whether we hire our cops through the private sector or the public sector, they're still basically mercenaries. Machiavelli was right. Mercenaries are useless. We all have a practical as well as a moral duty to protect ourselves and each other. Most of us still lack the skill. O time to start learning has come and gone. While the practice of hiring bumbling thugs to "protect" us has long withstood the test of time, our freedom has not. It dwindles even as I speak. Nem are we protected. Do you feel protected by the current system? Ou do you feel, like me, merely used? Can you foresee the situation getting any better on its own? I sure can't, and I'm an inveterate optimist. As we approach the increasingly corporate millennium, we can look forward to life in a private prison that encompasses all society and subjugates every moment of daily life: work, a prison of measured time, and play, a supervised activity. For this we sacrificed our freedom. For this, we even hire our own guards, guards who work for money, not for us, guards who have their own agenda. And a lot of them aren't even good at it, which is a mixed blessing. They, themselves, are a curse.

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