The Founding of the Primate Station, Tenerife, Canary Islands Author(s): Marianne L.

Teuber Source: The American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 107, No. 4 (Winter, 1994), pp. 551-581 Published by: University of Illinois Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1423000 . Accessed: 17/02/2011 17:08
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History of Psychology
RAND B. EVANS, EDITOR

East Carolina University

The founding of the Primate Station, Tenerife, Canary Islands

MARIANNE L. TEUBER

Council for the Arts, Massachusetts Institute of Technology The PrimateStationon Tenerife in the CanaryIslandsis knownfor Wolfgang Kthler's experiments (1914-20) on the intelligent behavior of anthropoid apes. The Station wasfounded in 1912 by Max Rothmann,neurophysiologist at the University of Berlin, and sponsored by the Royal PrussianAcademy of Sciences. The present article describes the circumstances and sudden appointment of Eugen Teuber as director. In addition to setting up the Station in 1913, Teuber observed the "affectivecalls" of chimpanzees;their "gestural language" led him to conclude that one might communicatewith them by means of gestural signs like those used by deaf-mutes. His findings are compared with discoveries made 50 years later. Photographs taken by Teuber illustrate his tenure. He left a well-functioningStation to Wolfgang Kihler whose first intelligence experiment of December 31, 1913, he recorded. The Primate Station on Tenerife Island, off the northwest coast of Africa, became famous when Wolfgang Kihler (1887-1967) carried out his crucial experiments there in 1914 on the intelligence or insightful behavior of chimpanzees. Kihler's experiments were first published as "Intelligenzpriifungen an Anthropoiden I" by the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin (Kihler, 1917) and released in book form as Intelligenzpriifungen an Menschenaffen(Kohler, 1921/ 1963) to be translated into English as The Mentality of Apes (Kohler, 1925/1957). Kohler arrived at the Station late in December 1913. However, the Station, the first of its kind, had been in existence for nearly a year before that. This article tells the story of the founding of the Tenerife Primate Station and of observations planned and made in 1912 and 1913, the period before and shortly after Kohler's arrival. What follows is largely based on documents and photographs, originally belonging to Eugen Teuber (1889-1958), the first director of
AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PSYCHOLOGY Winter 1994, Vol. 107, No. 4, pp. 551-581 ? 1994 by the Board of 'rustees of the University of Illinois

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the Primate Station, and collected by him in a large folder (Teuber Folder).' Creation of the Primate Station

The idea of founding a station for the observation of anthropoid primates was the brainchild of Max Rothmann (1868-1915), physician and neurophysiologist at the University of Berlin. Rothmann was primarily interested in the functions of the central nervous system; he specialized in comparative studies of brain physiology and neuroanatomy. In his research with chimpanzees, however, he encountered difficulties in maintaining them in an artificial laboratory setting, particularly in a northern climate. Because of this, as Rothmann reported later, "plans were made to establish a research station in a more favorable climate, closer to the natural territories of anthropoid primates. It was immediately agreed that experiments in brain physiology should take second place and that, instead, psychological observations and experiments on the behavior of apes-so close to to be the first order of systematic investigations" humans-were (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 3). Rothmann hoped that the behavior of the chimpanzee, gorilla, orangutan, and gibbon would be studied and compared, permitting a better evaluation of these animals on an evolutionary scale. He recognized early the danger of their gradual extinction and called for nature preserves. It was his expectation that the "precious animals" would be observed in surroundings resembling as closely as possible their natural habitat (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, PP. 3, 5). Rothmann submitted an application to the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, Berlin, as early as February 27, 1910 (Rothmann, 1910),2 in which he emphasized these hopes and suggested Tenerife Island as a suitable setting because of its climate, and closeness to Cameroon, then a German colony, where apes could be captured. Tenerife Island also offered easy access for investigators from many countries because tourism and the hotel industry had begun to flourish on Tenerife (cited from Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, pp. 3-4). This initial application was rejected, but when Rothmann reapplied in 1912, he was successful (Rothmann, 1912). He immediately paid a visit to Orotava, inland from Puerto de la Cruz on the northern coast of the volcanic island of Tenerife, largest of the Spanish Canary Islands (Figure 1). He found the climate optimal for anthropoid primates (though not necessarily for the human experimenter); temperatures varied between 16?C and 22 C in the shade (60 F to 80 F); but the humidity was constantly 72% to 80%. As Rothmann noted, a compromise had

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Once the Foundation was established in 1911, Waldeyer (who was permanent Secretary of the Physical-Mathematical Section of the Academy) appointed distinguished members of the Prussian Academy to the Board, including the physicist Max Planck, the anatomist Hans Virchow, the neuroanatomist Hermann Munk, and the psychologist Carl Stumpf. Because of the planned emphasis on behavioral observations, Stumpf (1848-1936) played a major role in the selection of the director of Rothmann's proposed Primate Station. In 1912, Stumpf considered Wolfgang K6hler for the position, and Max Wertheimer and David Katz as further possibilities. Kbhler had obtained his doctorate under Stumpf at the University of Berlin 3 years earlier. But Kohler had no experience in animal research. Stumpf's first choice for director of the new Station was Oskar Pfungst (1874-1932) who had received considerable notice for his critical review of von Osten's "Clever Hans," the horse that could supposedly count and calculate (Pfungst, 1907/1965). Stumpf was particularly taken with Pfungst's careful observations that had brought out the fact that the horse was responding to just noticeable signs by its master, von Osten, such as a slight nod of his head, leading the horse to calculate correctly by scraping its hoof each time there was a nod. Pfungst had also published research on anthropoid primates in the Berlin Zoo. Stumpf and Pfungst stood for a qualitative, descriptive approach to animal behavior, opposing animal training as a basis for studying animal intelligence. Rothmann opposed animal training as well, but questioned animal observations made in zoos (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, pp. 5-6). Pfungst hesitated to accept the position, however, because he had recently been severely bitten by one of the apes in the Berlin Zoo. By November 1912, a director of the Station was urgently needed. Eight young chimpanzees had been confined in narrow transport cages since September on the grounds of the Hotel Martianez at Puerto de la Cruz. Seven animals had been captured and shipped from the southern regions of Cameroon, and one young chimp, Konsul, had been purchased from aboard a ship as early as July 1912. Rothmann and Waldeyer, chairmen of the Committee on the Primate Station, feared for the lives of the chimpanzees who, by November, had been confined to their cages for 3 to 5 months. Waldeyer proposed that Eugen Teuber, then a 23-year-old student (cand. phil.) in philosophy and psychology at the University of Berlin, go to Tenerife and set up the Station. Teuber's name was most likely brought to Waldeyer's attention by Rothmann, because a family friendship existed between the Rothmanns and the Teubers (H.-L.Teuber, 1966, p. 307, 1967, p. 6). Carl Stumpf interviewed Eugen Teuber toward the end of Novem-

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ber. From the correspondence between Stumpf and Waldeyer, we know that Stumpf gained a good impression of the candidate but was concerned about his inexperience in animal psychology and the fact that he had not published anything. Waldeyer insisted that time was of the essence and that a director had to be appointed. Stumpf, unhappy because there was no time to consider any of his other candidates, Kohler, for instance, told Waldeyer that he did not wish to have his name associated with any publications of the future Station, lest the conclusion be drawn that he had recommended the director (Ash, 1982; Jaeger, 1988, p. 97, n. 53). Teuber, who did not know anything about the exchange of letters between Stumpf and Waldeyer, believed all his life that Rothmann and Stumpf had sent him to Tenerife. On December 17, 1912, Teuber signed the contract to become director of the yet to be established Station. Eugen Teuber grew up in Berlin; he was educated there at the College Franqais, a Gymnasium founded by French Huguenots in 1689. He spoke French fluently, and as a gifted linguist, he soon spoke Spanish as well. He had studied with Wilhelm Wundt at the University of Leipzig and was continuing his studies in psychology and philosophy at Berlin University (H.-L. Teuber, 1978).3 Highly musical and an accomplished pianist, Eugen Teuber was asked before his departure for Tenerife to record folk melodies on the Canary Islands and elsewhere for the "Tonarchiv" (Phonogram Archive) of the Berlin Psychological Institute.4 Eugen Teuber sets up the Primate Station On January 8, 1913, Eugen Teuber and his young wife, Rose, who became his assistant, arrived at Tenerife. Teuber had contracted to serve as director for only one year, at a salary of 3,000 German marks. As later with Kohler, the contract stipulated that every 6 weeks, Teuber was to send a report on the Station and on his observations to the Prussian Academy. The 10-point contract also required that in the event of a German military mobilization (apparently considered a possibility late in 1912) or of life-threatening illness, Teuber and his wife were to leave the island at once (Teuber Folder, 1912a). On his arrival at Tenerife, Teuber had planned to purchase or rent land on which a research station would be built; he actually brought with him professionally drawn architectural plans for such a Station, including a small playground for the animals (Teuber Folder, 1912b). The design in the style of a Bavarian mountain chalet (featuring hearts carved into the wooden shutters) fortunately was never carried out. Teuber assessed the real estate situation soon after his arrival. In

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an urgent memorandum to the Academy in Berlin, dated January 22, 1913, he summarized his findings: 1. The purchase price of land was unusually high because of the valuable banana plantations. 2. Building a new station would take time; he was eager to get the chimpanzees out of their confining cages and into a freer environment as soon as possible. 3. He therefore thought it best to rent a small country estate (a "Sitio") with house, garden, and land. He had inspected four such sites and found one especially suitable, the country house "La Costa" of Don Melchior Luz y Lima, several times the Alcalde (mayor) of Orotava. The monthly rent would be 94 German marks for house and land, a third of the amount budgeted for these items. La Costa was 90 meters above sea level and was protected from the winds, a site judged to be most favorable for the chimpanzees (Teuber Folder, 1913a). Speed in freeing the chimpanzees from their cages and giving them a fairly natural environment was Teuber's major consideration. The animals had developed colds in the shady location where their cages had been placed at the Hotel Martianez. A rumor had spread that they had been injected with tubercle bacilli for experimental purposes (Jaeger, 1988, p. 98, n. 53). Although the animals were cared for during their long confinement by Richard von Hertwig, professor of zoology at Munich University, who resided temporarily on Tenerife (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 4), and by George Perez, a local physician, one of the female chimpanzees, who had been ill, died 3 days before Teuber's arrival (Teuber Folder, 1913b). The trustees of the Samson Foundation approved Teuber's proposal (Teuber Folder, 1913b), and on February 19, 1913, a 7-year lease was signed (toward the end of that period, the animals would reach sexual maturity). The caged chimpanzees were immediately brought to their new location. La Costa became the home and study of the director (Kohler lived there with his wife and children, 1914-18). Next to it, a large playground of about a quarter of an acre was set aside for the animals to roam. The terrain was fenced in and covered with wire netting supported by a tall pole, approximately 15 ft high. In this way, the chimpanzees could not escape but had a large territory to themselves (Figures 2, 3). At least one-half of the playground was covered with tall grass and shrubs. A jungle gym was placed in the center; there were also two banana plants and a tree. The chimpanzees immediately demolished the banana plants and robbed the tree of all its leaves. It was this tree that would become famous, when Kohler used it for his first crucial experiment, the "Fruit Basket Experiment,"

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Figure 2. Large playground, ape house and laboratory, pole supporting wire netting of roof, tree, jungle gym; Rose Teuber, left; caretaker and chimpanzees, right

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558

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that would usher in his series of Umweg or detour experiments (cf. Figs. 2 and 10). In this new environment, the chimpanzees regained their health. Perez continued to take care of the animals' medical needs in exchange for an annual contribution by the Samson Foundation to his hospital. Teuber dismissed his first animal caretaker when he found him untrustworthy and demanding too high a salary. He then hired Manuel Gonzales y Garcia (1888-1976), an illiterate, but reliable, skillful handyman, and a fearless, kind caretaker of the animals. Gonzales remained with the Station until it closed in 1920. An ape house with an open-air runway was built on one side of the playground (Figure 4); the ape house had four sleeping chambers, each accommodating several young chimpanzees, for the gregarious animals preferred to sleep in groups-always consisting of the same chimps. Figure 5 shows chimpanzees huddling on a ladder, after they had become used to their new home. The long period in cages had made all animals timid at first. However, an older female chimpanzee called Tchego (she was a Tchego-type chimpanzee) had become vicious, and had to be housed separately, with her own playground. Slowly, Teuber gained her confidence (Figure 6). Although Teuber had no formal training in animal care, his empathy with the chimpanzees and recognition of their natural needs aided their adjustment to the new surroundings. A laboratory was attached to the ape house including facilities for photography, filming, and phonographic recording (Teuber Folder, 1913c). These facilities were used by Teuber, and also later by K6hler in his detour experiments when he photographed and filmed the "intelligent" behavior of the chimpanzees: their tool use, stacking of boxes, swinging on doors to reach a goal, etc.5 Beginnings of research on chimpanzees The differences in approach between the first year (1913) under Teuber and the following years under Kohler were striking. K6hler would devise specific experimental situations to elicit the chimpanzees' ingenuity and "insightful" behavior. Teuber, however, had the task of letting the animals adjust to a new, relatively free environment, of studying their physical condition (Figure 7), and observing and recording their spontaneous, inherent behavior. Physical condition. In a letter of May 15, 1913, Rothmann reminded Teuber to observe the physical development of the chimpanzees carefully (Teuber Folder, 1913d). Teuber ascertained their approximate ages. Five of the animals were from 5 to 6 years old, for they were beginning to acquire their permanent teeth (Rothmann &

Figure 4. Ape house with open-air runway

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Figure 6. Eugen Teuber with Tchego

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Teuber, 1915, p. 8). Teuber also interviewed the personnel of the ships that had brought the chimpanzees to Tenerife, to make sure that they had come directly from the wild, did not have any prior training, contact with civilization, or illness (aeger, 1988, p. 98). Spontaneous behavior. Teuber observed and recorded the chimpanzees' spontaneous behavior in groups, with Sultan, the intelligent young male, in the lead during the first few months. (Sultan later would gain fame in Kohler's experiments.) Teuber described the animals at play. They played "catch" around the center pole. They encircled one of the ubiquitous lizards, kept it from escaping by chasing it back to the center, until finally one chimp jumped aside and let it out (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 9). Such teasing behavior was typical of the chimpanzees. With bits of food, the chimpanzees would lure chickens to the outside of their enclosure, but as soon as they arrived, they would poke them with sticks through the wire fence and watch them flutter away, cackling noisily (see also Kohler, 1925/ 1957, pp. 77-79, for similar observations). Kohler commented on the chimpanzees' rambunctious behavior, saying they acted "like street urchins" (letter of July 15, 1914; in Jaeger, 1988, p. 48). Kohler would be less permissive with the animals than Teuber had been. In addition, Teuber described the chimpanzees' so-called dances and their upright gait: "It was a remarkable sight to see two chimpanzees walk along, arm in arm like children." Local people said that the chimpanzees acted "like a Cristiano," when they seemed to behave like humans (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 17). Further observations were made on the animals' handedness (right-handedness could not be noticed), on their social behavior, spontaneous use of tools, and ability to differentiate colors, to name but a few items (Teuber Folder, 1913e). However, the most far-reaching observations by Teuber have to do with what may be called the gestural language of chimpanzees as a precursor of language. Teuber had attended the lectures of Wilhelm Wundt at Leipzig University in 1909-10, at a time when Wundt's central concern was no longer physiological psychology but "V5olkerpsychologie" [folk psychology, or a comparative psychology of culture]. Wundt's influence would become apparent in Teuber's observations of the chimpanzees, on the Language of Gestures particularly ideas from the Vilkerpsychologie (Wundt, 1911/1973).6 and "language" Rhythmic dances as communication. Teuber reported especially on the rhythmic foot stamping in chimpanzee "dances." He observed a three-part rhythm: two beats done by stamping one foot, then the Questions of communication

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other, the third by hand. Occasionally, these rhythms, if clapped by the experimenter, released the dance in the animal. The rhythmic dances were performed primarily by Sultan in front of the female chimps. While dancing, he often chased a young female around the sleeping quarter. Rothmann and Teuber (1915, pp. 9-10) thought the dances functioned as sexual communication. Such rhythmic qualities of animal and "primitive" dances had also been noted by Wundt in the first volume of his Vilkerpsychologie (1911), entitled Die Sprache [Language]. Wundt considered the rhythms of dance both in animals and so-called "primitive" human cultures one of the preverbal origins of language (Wundt, 1911, pp. 276ff.). Teuber owned the first volume of Wundt's Vblkerpsychologie on language. Chimpanzee vocal utterances as expressions of affect. Teuber recorded the chimpanzees' vocalizations on the Edison phonograph. He noted their accompanying gestures and facial expressions by photographing and perhaps filming them, as the Rothmann-Teuber Working Plan had suggested: "the vocalizations to be recorded with the Edison Home Phonograph, and the accompanying gestures, facial expressions and postures illustrated with the movie camera" (Teuber Folder, 1913f). A repeated, short o, o, o was a sign of greeting and happiness; a short, sharp ae, ae, ae was a warning; repeated, high ee, ee, ee designated fear,7 u sounds marked sorrow or rage. Teuber concluded that all these were expressions of affect rather than language (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, pp. 13-14). In keeping with Wundt's ideas, Teuber stressed the emotional quality of sounds in his chimpanzees. High-sound qualities were the natural sounds of excitation; deep (low) vowels (like u) denoted depressed, sad feelings. They are not yet language, Wundt and Teuber maintained, but an emotional protolanguage. Similarly, Wundt had stated that interjections like oh or ah in human language interrupt structured sentences and provide emotional coloring (Wundt, 1911, pp. 319-322). To evaluate Teuber's early findings, it is worthwhile to consider similar observations and more sophisticated experiments made decades later. Detlev Ploog, at the Max-Planck Institute for Psychiatry, Munich, systematically recorded sounds and calls of new-world primates, with striking results (Ploog, 1981). Ploog found that the centers for the production of species-specific sounds and calls of the squirrel monkey (similar to the calls uttered by the Tenerife chimpanzees) are not located in the neocortex (as is human speech) but in an area adjacent to the limbic system of the old brain, with its capacity to elicit moods. The notion of "species-specific" behavior in animals was not yet current in 1913, though Rothmann and Teuber speak of "inherent behavior" (Eigenleistungen) of anthropoid primates (see

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Schiller, 1957). In this connection, it is remarkable that Rothmann and Teuber (1915, p. 19) ask the question of whether the sounds uttered by the chimpanzees are produced subcortically or are dependent on specific neocortical centers. Gestural language and the paradigm of deaf-mute hand signals. Along with the recording of sounds, Teuber made notations and photographed the chimpanzees' facial expressions and gestures. A begging gesture involved the pursing and opening of the lips, as well as expressive gestures, such as the outstretched arm and, often, the upturned open hand. Figure 8 shows Sultan begging for cocoa. Teuber thought that the gestural language of chimpanzees was particularly well developed. He, therefore, considered the sign language of deaf-mutes far more suitable than vocalized language for communicating with chimpanzees, and he was optimistic regarding the success of teaching sign language to chimpanzees. A passage in which Teuber considers a proposal "to teach the chimpanzees a gestural language of the kind used by deaf-mutes with definite hand signals for definite objects or activities," also shows a note handwritten by Teuber saying: "Consider this rather likely" (Teuber Folder, 1913g). In this connection, the link with Wundt's treatment of "gestural (1911) is apparent. Wundt illustrated language" in his Volkerpsychologie North American Indian and Neapolitan hand signals as an alternative to spoken language (pp. 173-197). What is more, Wundt devoted entire sections to the "Gestural Language of Deaf-Mutes" (pp. 145152, 216-223; 1973, pp. 57-63, 114-120). He noted that spontaneous gestures eventually develop into conventions in groups of institutionalized deaf-mutes; he stressed, in particular, the facial expressions accompanying certain gestures.8 Teuber predicted that teaching chimpanzees hand signals would be far superior to teaching them verbal language. The much later research by Allen and Beatrice Gardner rediscovered many of the phenomena that Teuber recorded on Tenerife. They confirmed in their experiments with Washoe, the infant female chimp, Teuber's idea of the value of communicating with chimpanzees through gestural sign language (Gardner & Gardner, 1969). Teuber planned to write a report on the spontaneous gestural language he had observed when chimpanzees communicate with each other and with familiar human beings. These observations did not center on teaching and learning, but on gestural communication developed freely by the chimpanzees themselves. Teuber planned to compare the expressive gestures of chimpanzees with similar "primitive" human gestures, often illustrated in works of art. Hans-Lukas Teuber, Eugen Teuber's son, related one such observation: Chim-

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Figure 8. Sultan begging for cocoa panzees have a caressing gesture of stroking another chimpanzee with their fingers under the chin; this gesture also occurs between human beings, portrayed for instance on Greek vase paintings. Note that Eugen Teuber is using exactly that gesture to befriend Tchego (Figure

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6). He had intended to write an essay on these observations after he returned to Berlin in 1914. It was never completed because he volunteered and entered military service in World War I (see also Jaeger, 1988, p. 98, n. 53). Instead, Teuber concentrated on the more urgent task of putting together his reports on the first year of the Station and on the observations he had made. These reports became part of the 1915 article by Rothmann and Teuber for the Prussian Academy, with a note reading, "Since Mr. Teuber is at present at the front, the following is based on his reports, supplemented by information from Mrs. Teuber, who assisted her husband on Tenerife" (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 4, n. 2). Communicating via a visual sign language. Rothmann and Teuber were also interested in a language of visual symbols (Figure 9). They asked: "Can one teach chimpanzees certain signs to represent certain objects, such as signs for banana, orange, sugar, rice, and blanket?" (Teuber Folder, 1913h). We do not know the outcome, only the program, like other tests primarily designed by Rothmann. Premack (1971) and Greenfield and Savage-Rumbaugh (1991) would demonstrate the value of such visual sign language in their much later research. Teuber considered it "quite improbable" (Figure 9, point 3) that chimpanzees would learn certain sounds as "names" for objects (e.g., oho for banana). He thought it "equally improbable" (Figure 9, point 4) that the animals would learn how to draw signs for banana, orange, etc. (Teuber Folder, 1913h). In summary, it should be emphasized that Rothmann and Teuber thought that the vocal utterances of chimpanzees were "affective calls." They considered it inappropriate to teach a vocal language to chimpanzees. The fact that they could not observe any hand preference contributed to their suspicion that the chimpanzee vocalizations were "subcortical," that they were not, like humans, equipped with cortical speech areas. This was recognized more than half a century later, independently of Rothmann and Teuber's observations (Ploog, 1981). Teuber noticed the chimpanzees' "gestural language" which he thought might well form the basis for teaching them hand signals like those of deaf-mutes. That idea has become the method of choice in communicating with chimpanzees. If one waits long enough, ideas and findings recur! Teuber's indebtedness to Wundt is clearly expressed in a later report: "In any case, one should point out again how felicitous the theory of Wundt is to derive language from sounds of affect and expressive gestures and not merely from intentions to communicate" (Teuber Folder, 1921).

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The Station in full operation

In August 1913, Rothmann visited the new Station. He was well satisfied with the good health of the seven animals (Sultan, Rana, that will be found Chica, Grande, Konsul, Tercera, Tchego-names in Kiohler's publications and Teuber's notes). He praised the circumspect planning in setting up the Station and Teuber's sensitive handling of the chimpanzees. In the fall of 1913, Robert H. Yerkes (18861956) wrote to Max Rothmann inquiring about the "planned" Station. Letters by Rothmann and Teuber assured Yerkes that the Station was no longer in the planning stage but in full operation. As is well known, Yerkes hoped to join the Tenerife Station during his sabbatical year of 1915. He would have been one of the international scientists Rothmann wished to attract. The outbreak of World War I destroyed these plans.9 Wolfgang Kiihler's arrival and goal-oriented "insight" experiments The dissimilarities between Teuber and Kohler could not have been greater than in the area of language. None of Kohler's experiments dealt with finding a substitute for language. Kohler noted that language and planning for a long-term future were distinguishing marks of human beings and not found in apes. Instead, Kohler stressed "language-free" experiments of goal-oriented behavior that demonstrated "insight" or thought. The goal was usually a desirable piece of food that was visible, such as a banana, but could only be reached by a "detour." After the animal had time to "survey the situation," insight came as a flash; the chimpanzees resorted to detour behavior and tool use (another detour) to reach the goal. Kohler arrived at Tenerife in the last week of December 1913. He came from Frankfurt am Main, where he was Privatdozent (similar to assistant professor) at the Psychological Institute headed by Friedrich Schumann. There, as is well known, Kohler was a participant with Kurt Koffka in Max Wertheimer's first Gestalt-theoretical experiments starting in 1910/1911. Kbhler brought Gestalt-psychological ideas discussed with Koffka and Wertheimer to the Tenerife Primate Station. First version of fruit basket experiment, December 31, 1913. The earliest recorded experiment done by Kohler, assisted by Eugen Teuber (Kohler, 1925/1957, p. 14), was the fruit basket experiment (Figures 10, 11).'1 With a familiar person like Teuber present, the animals would be more at ease, at first. Kohler started promptly after his arrival. He believed that he had only the one year, 1914 (for which he had committed himself), to do his experiments. According to Teuber's notes (Teuber Folder, 1913i; Figure 11), the

Baum

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Figure 10. Tree with fruit basket experiment. Drawing by Thekla Achenbach KOhler (from KOhler, 1921/1963; courtesy Springer Publishers, Berlin, Heidelberg).

Figure 11. First f Eugen Teuber, De

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fruit basket experiment was done for the first time on December 31, 1913. Sultan, the bright young male chimpanzee, was the subject. Kohler and the two Teubers were the observers. Teuber's report on the first fruit basket experiment is more detailed than Kbhler's and includes information about Sultan's initial "restless" behavior during the first exposure to the problem. The "gestation" period before Sultan had his "insight" and found a sudden solution to the problem is described more thoroughly. Kbhler repeated the experiment several times in 1914 and later, leading to a routine performance by Sultan in which not all of the initial behavior was included (Kohler, 1925/ 1957, pp. 14-16). From Teuber's account we also learn how much time it took Sultan to complete the first fruit basket experiment (about 10 min). Time is not mentioned by Kbhler because of the later repetitions. My translation of Teuber's description of the experiment follows: Intelligence Behavior Experiment with Sultan, XII. 31., 13., 10 a.m., before the feeding. In the playground, a small basket with three pieces of Arrangement: banana and half an orange is hanging on a thin unobtrusive string at about 2 meters above the ground. The string runs through an iron ring fastened to the wire mesh roof of the playgroundand from there leads to the tree, about 3 meters away; the string ends in a wide loop that is hooked over the stump of a branch at the top of the tree [Figure 10]. From there, the basket can be moved. In addition, there is a pole on the ground, at some distance from the basket; the pole is familiar to the animal as a tool; with it, he might just barely reach the basket. Observersare Dr. Kohlerand both T. [Teubers],who are hiding outside the playground and use their hands to cover their faces. The other animals are in the ape house, hence not visible, but one can hear their noise. Sultan is led into the playground; he startles and looks up at the unusual arrangement. Then fear [crossed out in the manuscript]restlessness seems to set in-that he is left alone. He runs around in the playground;his excitement expresses itself in loud cries and foot stamping. The animals in the ape house respond; S. [Sultan] climbs on top of a post to be able to look into the ape house through the skylight. His gaze seems to go in that direction; it is uncertain whether he also looks from above into the small basket. He climbs down and resumes his agitated running to and fro. He runs over to Tchego's quarters, jumps up to her window and drums on her door. He glances several times briefly at the observers, but since they remain indifferentand he does not see T. [Teuber], he continues undisturbed. Quite suddenly, he is sitting high up in the tree, looks briefly at the arrangement,and then, without hesitation, pulls in the string hand over hand, so that the

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basket rises quickly to the ceiling. As the basket hits the wire roof, it tilts and a piece of banana falls to the ground. S. lets go of the string, the basket slides into its old position; S. jumps down from the tree and grabs the piece of banana. He expresses his pleasureby uttering sounds and by walking upright. After he has eaten, he again looks in the direction of the observers, then quiets down and climbs the tree again; he pulls on the string. One of the observers laughs, S. looks around but is undisturbed.He pulls, and this time so vigorouslythat the basket breaks off and falls to the ground. He climbs down, puts some of the food into his mouth, holds the rest in one hand and the basket in the other; in this way, he walks upright around the playground, several times. Then he sits down and eats. He did not try to lift the loop off the branch; he did not notice the pole at all. Duration of the entire experiment, about 10 minutes. 31.12.13. Kohler noted that in all repeat experiments with the fruit basket, Sultan perseverated in pulling vigorously on the string to make the basket fall. Sultan did not vary his behavior by, for instance, carefully lifting the loop of string off the tree and gently lowering the basket, which would have been the best solution (Kohler, 1925/1957, pp. 15-16). Kohler and Teuber were concerned that isolating individual animals, as had to be done with Sultan during the fruit basket experiment, was unnatural and made the animals fearful (Kihler, 1925/1957, pp. 14-15, p. 23, n. 1). In most of his later intelligence experiments of box stacking, pole use, etc., Kohler saw to it that Sultan had companions (as the illustrations in Kohler, 1921/1963, and Kohler's films of the experiments demonstrate). Teuber stated several times that in the first year, while the animals were adjusting to their surroundings, he avoided "intelligence experiments," because in most of these situations the animals had to perform in isolation (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915, p. 15). Teuber emphasized the gregarious nature of the chimpanzees, their living and acting in groups, their need to huddle together, to touch and groom each other (Rothmann & Teuber, 1915). " Teuber's descriptions of Sultan, as he enters the playground to do the fruit basket experiment for the first time, reflects these concerns; chimpanzee group behavior is also discussed by Kohler in "Zur Psychologie der Schimpansen" (Kohler, 1921, 1922). For Kohler, the important point of the fruit basket experiment was Sultan's unhesitating continuous action via the detour of the tree to reach his objective, the fruit basket. Insight and the resulting action "takes place as a single continuous occurrence," Kohler wrote (Kohler,

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1925/1957), pp. 21-22). The fruit basket experiment was followed by K6hler's well-known detour experiments, involving box stacking, pole use (including pole vaulting), tool making and tool use, swinging on top of doors to get to the food, and so forth. Most of these experiments are dated from January through May 1914. Only the fruit basket experiment has no date in Koihler's text (because of the repetitions). Toward the end of the first half year, Kohler began his comparative detour experiments, involving hen and dog as well as his one-yearold daughter. Ash (1982, pp. 384ff.) in his highly informative account of the Primate Station, proposes that Kohler began with detour experiments involving creatures higher and lower in the evolutionary scale and then turned to the chimpanzees. This would have been the logical sequence. But the date of the fruit basket experiment, coming as it does before all the rest, argues against this position. Kohler recognized the heuristic value of the comparative detour experiments with hen, dog, and child, and therefore placed them in his book between the fruit basket and the other detour experiments with the chimpanzees. Kohler's letters to Geitel, recently published by Jaeger (1988) confirm that the comparative detour experiments were done in mid-1914 and later. Teuber and Kohler came to their research from different theoretical backgrounds; the findings of both add to our understanding of chimpanzee behavior. Teuber and Rothmann's published (1915) and unpublished observations anticipate recent neurophysiological and behavioral research. Kohler's situational thought experiments (proving insight on the part of the animals) point forward to Max Wertheimer's lifelong concern with Productive Thinking (1945) and to the work of Wertheimer's student, K. Duncker (1935/1945), who cites Kohler's Tenerife experiments repeatedly. With his language-free experiments, Kohler demonstrated how animals and humans (small children and, potentially those with aphasia, cerebral palsy, etc.) can display their intelligence spontaneously, without training, conditioning, or the use of language. The Teubers leave the Primate Station and return to Berlin12 Eugen and Rose Teuber had originally planned to return to Berlin during the last week of December 1913 (Teuber Folder, 1913j). However, they delayed their departure until mid-January 1914, to introduce Kdhler and his family to the workings of the Station and to the chimpanzees, and to participate in Kohler's first experiments (Teuber Folder, 1914a). Before leaving, Teuber gave most of his books and journal articles to the Station, among them Darwin's Descent of Man

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and The Expressionof Emotionsin Man and Animals (!), Munk's Functions and Clara Stern's Kinderof the Cortex-all in German-William sprache [Children's Language, 1907] (Teuber Folder, 1914b, 1914c). The Teubers traveled via Spain and Italy to Berlin (Teuber Folder, 1914d). On August 1, 1914, Germany declared war. Until 1918, Teuber served as communications officer on the Eastern front. He would not see Rothmann again. In 1915, Rothmann, despondent over the death of his son, Otto, who had volunteered in the early days of the war, took his own life (Teuber Folder, 1914e). Waldeyer paid tribute to Max Rothmann as the founder of the Primate Station: "It was he who conceived the plan and saw to it that it was carried out" (WaldeyerHartz, 1917). After the war, Teuber returned to his studies at the University of Rostock; he completed his doctorate in 1921 under Emil Utitz, professor of philosophy and aesthetics, with a dissertation on the artistic philosophy of the Abbe Jean-Baptiste Dubos (Teuber, 1924; Utitz, 1932).'3 Eugen Teuber did not enter an academic career, however, and did not return to animal research. Having lost his small family a inheritance in the German inflation, he decided to join ADREMA, German business machine company, as scientific director. He remained in Germany until the rise of Hitler. In 1938 his firm sent him to Denmark as director of exports. He, his wife, and younger son became Danish citizens. Eugen Teuber died in 1958 at the age of 68. The Primate Station on Tenerife after Teuber Eugen Teuber passed on to Kbhler a well-organized primate station and a group of healthy chimpanzees, uncontaminated by any prior training, to do the carefully thought-out and revealing intelligence experiments that would gain Kbhler much of his early fame. Kohler appreciated Teuber's prior work in planning and setting up the Station. In his first letter to Waldeyer, K6hler wrote, "I must say that I do not know many persons who would accomplish that much under often difficult circumstances ... his handling of the animals and careful method of observation are exemplary" (Jaeger, 1988, p. 98, n. 53, letter dated January 4, 1914). Halfway through Kohler's first year at Tenerife, Germany declared war. On August 3, 1914, 2 days after the declaration, K6hler "left the Station because of the general mobilization in Germany," as the contract demanded of the director of the Primate Station. However, neither Kohler nor the other 60 Germans of military age could find neutral ships to take them from Tenerife past the British fleet. On August 12, 1914, the German Consul-General in Barcelona ordered

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everyone who was subject to military service to remain on the island. January 18, 1915, at the beginning of his second year, Kohler wrote to Waldeyer saying that he would be willing to direct the Station as long as the present situation obtained (aeger, 1988, p. 99, n. 56). The Prussian Academy sanctioned Koihler's continuing directorship in the spring of 1915. In 1918, however, the owner of La Costa decided to sell the house and land to the British shipping firm Yoeward Brothers of Liverpool, despite the rental contract which was still in force until December 1920. Kohler had to move the Station to a new location, "El Cipres," in the fall of 1918. El Cipres was one of the four sites Teuber had considered in 1913. The sale of La Costa may have been politically motivated at that time, the last year of the war (Jaeger, 1988, p. 109, n. 77; Waldeyer-Hartz, 1919). The Station was formally closed in October 1920. To this day, however, the La Costa terrain is called on Tenerife "huertas de las machangos" [gardens of the monkeys] (Jaeger, 1988, p. 98, n. 53). Kohler returned to Germany in May 1920. Stumpf, who was ready to retire because of illness, asked Kohler to take on the directorship of the Psychological Institute at the University of Berlin, starting November 19, 1920. Kbhler held an interim appointment as full professor at the University of Gottingen, a post that had been vacated when G. E. Muller (1850-1936) retired. On April 1, 1922, Kbhler officially became the successor to Stumpf and full professor of philosophy (and psychology) at the University of Berlin (for details, see Jaeger, 1990).14 Recently, assertions have been made that the Primate Station was used for espionage during World War I (Ley, 1990). The foregoing information clearly indicates, however, that the Station was established for scientific purposes. Rumors of espionage were current even before the war. On July 15, 1914, Kohler wrote in one of his delightful and frank letters to Hans Geitel, his physics professor at the Gymnasium in Wolfenbiittel: "Not a Spaniard, but an Englishman has managed to spread the rumor that the apes are only a pretense for us to engage in espionage. Perhaps a Zeppelin could land here! In the meantime, nobody takes this seriously and we enjoy the special protection of the local government here, thanks to the commendations of the Foreign Office in Berlin" (Jaeger, 1988, p. 47; Pastore, 1990). Kbhler made fun of the rumor. He certainly would not have mentioned this situation if he had really been asked to spy. Ronald Ley, the author of A Whisper of Espionage, has been taken in by prewar and wartime rumors. Ley admits that he found no confirmation anywhere "of a psychologistturned-spy," but he wants to leave us with the suspicion. Ley tried to

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bolster his argument by leading us to believe that an antenna at La Costa proves that Kohler was intercepting and sending messages about the movements of British ships. What might look like an antenna in Thekla Kohler's drawing of La Costa (Figure 12) was actually the utility pole that connected the Station in the spring of 1914 with the recently built electric power plant at Orotava (S. Jaeger, personal communication, Berlin, June 29, 1992). The supply of electricity to La Costa had been negotiated by Eugen Teuber in 1913, prior to Kohler's arrival. A photograph of La Costa (Figure 13), showing the same view as in Figure 12, was taken in 1986 by Renate Jaeger; it features the utility pole in the place where it was in Kohler's time. Spying may still be going on at La Costa! When Kihler returned to Berlin in 1920, he arranged for the Tenerife chimpanzees to be housed in the Berlin Zoo. Eugen Teuber and his young son Lukas, then 4 years old, often visited the chimpanzees at the zoo. As they approached -although 7 years, and more, had passed since the Tenerife days-the animals would come to the fence, grab it and shake it vigorously, uttering the staccato o, o, o of joy and greeting on spotting Teuber in the crowd. Notes A briefer version of this article was presented in 1987 at the 19th Annual Meeting of the Cheiron Society (International Society for the History of Behavioraland Social Sciences).I am grateful to the MaryIngrahamBunting Institute, RadcliffeCollege, Cambridge,MA, where I was a Fellowin 198687 while preparing the first version of this article. In particular,I wish to thank SiegfriedJaeger of the PsychologicalInstitute, Free UniversityBerlin; we exchanged information before and after the publication of his book (Jaeger, 1988). Photographs,taken by Eugen Teuber at the Primate Station in 1913, and quotations from the Eugen Teuber Documents are by permission of the American PhilosophicalSociety, Philadelphia, PA. The editorial skills of Rand B. Evans greatly improved this article. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to M. L. Teuber, 215 CrosbyStreet, Arlington, MA 02174. Received for publication October 20, 1992; revision received March 8, 1993. 1. The Teuber documents and photographs remained in the possession of the Teuber family until 1988 when they were given to the Manuscripts Collection of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia,where the papers of Wolfgang K6hler are deposited. References throughout the text to materials in the Teuber Folder are given in a chronologically arranged list (1912-14, 1921) preceding the references. 2. Horst Heinecke (University of Jena Center for the Maintenance of Experimental Animals) recently discovered Rothmann's 1910 application (see Heinecke & Jaeger, 1993, pp. 217-218).

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Figure 12. La Costa, residence of the director of the Primate Station. Drawing by Thekla Achenbach Kohler. Note the utility pole for electricity installed in 1914 (in Jaeger, 1988; Ley, 1990; from Kohler, 1963, courtesy Springer Publishers, Berlin, Heidelberg).

k..

S.

Figure 13. View of La Costa, taken in 1986. Note utility pole as in 1914 (courtesy Renate Jaeger, photographer).

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3. Hans-Lukas Teuber, son of Eugen Teuber, wrote (1978, p. 879), "My father still listened to Wundt['s lectures]." Whether Carl Stumpf, critical of Wundt for many years, privately objected to Teuber's studies with Wundt, we shall never know. 4. The Tonarchiv was in the care of Erich von Hornbostel and Otto Abraham: the latter, a piano virtuoso, was a friend of Eugen Teuber. Starting in 1912, the Phonogram Archive was also supported by the Samson Foundation. The wax cylinders of the Tonarchiv recordings were destroyed when they melted in the intense heat during the bombing of Berlin at the end of World War II. 5. Copies of Kihler's films, "to convince the doubters" as Kohler wrote (Ash, 1982), are preserved in the Archives of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia. One film version, arranged by Kohler, is available through the American Psychological Association, Washington, DC. 6. Wundt's The Language of Gestures (1973) is a translation of chapter 2 (1911). The ("Die Gebardensprache") from volume 1 of his Vilkerpsychologie work contains an introduction by A. L. Blumenthal and two essays by G. H. Mead and K. Bihler. 7. I have "translated" these sounds into English; the high ee, ee, ee is i, i, i in the German text. 8. Around the early 1900s a standard sign language for deaf-mutes (like the later American Sign Language) did not exist. There was a finger alphabet. But the gestural language that Teuber had in mind and observed included spontaneous arm-hand signals and facial expressions that were repeated and could become conventions in "conversations"-the way Wundt described the activities of deaf-mutes living together (Wundt, 1911, 1973). 9. Yerkes then conducted his own experiments in 1915, primarily on an orangutan, at a station set up by Yerkes's student, G. V. Hamilton, on the McCormick estate in California (at Montecito, near Santa Barbara). In 1916, Yerkes published his Mental Life of Monkeys and Apes: A Study of Ideational Behavior. Kohler later wrote: "Mr. Yerkes also believes that insight must be attributed to his experimental animal" (Kihler, 1921, p. 194, postscript; not in Mentality of Apes, 1925/1957). It might be noted that Stanley McCormick, an industrialist (International Harvester) and a graduate of Princeton University, with his wife, Katherine, who was a 1904 graduate in biology of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, had the interests and means to support the Hamilton/Yerkes Station. 10. The drawing reproduced in Figure 10 was done by Thekla Achenbach Kohler, as were all the other drawings in "Intelligenzpriifungen an Anthropoiden" (1917) and in subsequent book editions (Kohler, 1921/1963, 1925/1957). She was a painter and sculptor, the granddaughter of the landscape painter Andreas Achenbach of the neo-romantic Diisseldorf School. She assisted her husband in several experiments. Kohler acknowledged her collaboration specifically in his first Academy publication (Kohler, 1915). 11. The need of monkeys and apes to live in groups, to touch each other, has been stressed especially by H. F. Harlow and M. K. Harlow (1962); in

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"Social Deprivation in Monkeys," the Harlows describe rhesus monkeys, not chimpanzees. H.-L. Teuber remembered his father's reports when the Biology Panel of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) planned a space flight by a single monkey, prior to that of man. As members of the NASA Biology Panel in the 1960s, H.-L. Teuber and H. F. Harlow warned that a single monkey sent into space might die because of the stress of isolation. Teuber suggested that control capsules with individual monkeys be set up on the ground during the very period when the monkey was being sent into space. Several of the animals on the ground died, as did the monkey sent into space. 12. In the early fall of 1913, Teuber had been asked to stay on as director of the Station, but he declined. He wanted to comply with his military service requirements and finish his university studies. 13. When discussing the philosophy of art of Jean-Baptiste Dubos, Utitz refers to the "treatise of my student Eugen Teuber" (1932, p. 25). 14. Kohler's interim appointment at Gottingen finds an explanation in most the custom that a full professor at the University of Berlin-the before a full elsewhere in to hold professorship Germany-had prestigious he could be appointed at Berlin (Jaeger, 1990, pp. 23-24). Teuber Folder (1912-1914, cited in this article 1912a 1921): List of documents and materials

Copy of unsigned contract and letter from Waldeyer, dated December 8, 1912, discussing several points of the contract before it was signed on December 17, 1912; original contract in Academy Archive. Professionally drawn ground plans and elevations of a Station, designed by Erich Levy, architect. A contract (dated December 20, 1912), signed by Teuber, Levy, and Waldeyer, stipulated that there would be no obligation to carry out the construction if the building were not commissioned by April 1, 1913. A rough sketch of the Levy plan and building is in the Academy Archive. Carbon copy of memorandum, dated Orotava, January 22, 1913; original memorandum in Academy Archive. Letter, dated February 11, 1913, from the Academy of Sciences, signed by Waldeyer, states that "the chimpanzee corpse" prepared by George Perez according to Waldeyer's instructions and sent to the Anatomical Institute, University of Berlin, had arrived in good condition in a zinc box filled with formalin alcohol. In this letter, Waldeyer accepts Teuber's plan to rent' the country house and land. A copy of the February, 11, 1913, letter is also in the Academy Archive. Copies of financial statements (periodically submitted throughout 1913) list building materials; the expenses for fruit, cocoa, bread,

1912b

1913a 1913b

1913c

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and rice for feeding the animals, for straw and sleeping blankets; the cost of apparatus, such as a movie camera with attachments, an Edison Home Phonograph, a stopwatch, salaries for the caretaker and the construction workers, etc. (originals in Academy Archive). 1913d 1913e Letter in longhand, May 15, 1913, from Rothmann to Teuber. Carbon copies of two typed programs: "Arbeitsplan" [Working Plan, 2 pages] and "Die Untersuchung der Schimpansen" [The Investigation of the Chimpanzees, 4 pages] contain a program of observations to be made (primarily drawn up by Rothmann); originals in Academy Archive. There are also numerous handwritten notes by Teuber of his observations and thoughts; some of this material would later be published in Rothmann and Teuber (1915). Arbeitsplan [working plan], page 1, point 3. The investigation of the chimpanzees (see 1913e), page 4 and note 1. Sign language [Bilderschrift]. The investigation of the chimpanzees, page 3 (see Figure 9). Report entitled, "Intelligenzhandlungen, V. [Versuch] mit Sultan, am 31.XII.13., 10 Uhr, vor dem Fittern" [Intelligence Behavior, Experiment with Sultan, December 31, 1913, 10 A.M., before the feeding]; 5 pages, in Teuber's handwriting. The first page is reproduced in Figure 11. Letter, December 15, 1913, from German Consul Jakob Ahlers to Teuber, regarding travel arrangements for the return trip of Eugen and Rose Teuber to Berlin. I wish to thank S. Jaeger for determining the date, January 15, 1914, when Teuber left the Primate Station. Sketch of a letter by Teuber to R. v. Hertwig, Munich, written on the way home from Naples, Italy (no date). Teuber relates how swiftly the last few weeks had passed while he was introducing Kohler to the Station and the chimpanzees. Carbon copy of typed list of books and a few journal articles given by Teuber to the Station; list also in Academy Archive. In a letter, dated February 1, 1914, from the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, Waldeyer acknowledged Teuber's gift of books and inquired about what books K6hler might need. In this letter and one dated May 11, 1914, Waldeyer wrote that he had been informed of Teuber's outstanding and "exemplary" (Kohler's phrase) administration of the Station, and expressed his thanks. The Teubers visited the Alhambra, Granada (see the Spanish guidebook of the Alhambra in the Teuber Folder). They traveled

1913f 1913g 1913h 1913i

1913j

1914a

1914b 1914c

1914d

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to Sicily, Naples, Rome, and Venice before returning to Berlin (photographs taken by Eugen Teuber at Syracuse, Pompei, Rome, Venice, etc., in the spring of 1914, are in the Teuber family collection of photographs). 1914e A ribbon commemorating the death of Otto Rothmann early in World War I (1914) was kept by Teuber among his notes on the primate station. It should be noted that it was known that Max Rothmann suffered from depression which ran in the family. Report on Missie, With Some Observationsby Liebetreu(the caretaker at the Berlin Zoo). In Berlin, several animals were renamed (e.g., Rana, who gave birth to a male chimp, was renamed Loca). Missie may be the former Tercera.

1921

References
Ash, M. G. (1982). The emergenceof Gestalt theory:Experimental pyschologyin Germany, 1890-1920. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Duncker, K. (1945). On problem solving (L. S. Lees, Trans.). Psychological Monographs, 58(5). (From Zur Psychologiedes produktivenDenkens [On the psychology of productive thinking]. Berlin: Springer-Verlag. Original work published 1935 and reprinted 1966) Gardner, R. A., & Gardner, B. T. (1969, August 15). Teaching sign language to a chimpanzee. Science, 165, 664-672. Greenfield, P. M., & Savage-Rumbaugh, S. (1991). Imitation, grammatical development, and the invention of protogrammar by an ape. In N. A. Krasnegor, D. M. Rumbaugh, R. L. Schiefelbusch, & M. StuddertKennedy (Eds.), Biological and behavioral determinants of language development (pp. 235-258). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Harlow, H. F., & Harlow, M. K. (1962, November). Social deprivation in monkeys. Scientific American, 207, 136-146. Heinecke, H., & Jaeger, S. (1993). Entstehung von Anthropoiden-Stationen zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts [Establishment of anthropoid research stations in the early 20th century]. Biologisches Zentralblatt, 112, 215223. Jaeger, S. (Ed.). (1988). Briefe von WolfgangKohler an Hans Geitel, 1907-1920. Mit zwei Arbeiten Kihlers "Uber elektromagnetische Erregung des Trommelfelles" und "Intelligenzprilfungen am Orang" im Anhang [Letters of Wolfgang K6hler to Hans Geitel, 1907-1920. With two essays by Kohler "On electromagnetic stimulation of the eardrum" and "Intelligence tests on the orangutan" in the appendix]. Passau, Germany: Passavia University Press. Jaeger, S. (1990). Gestaltpsychologie-Wolfgang Kihler und seine Zeit [Gestalt Kohler and his time]. Berlin: Free University, psychology-Wolfgang University Library. Kiihler, W. (1915). Optische Untersuchungen am Schimpansen und am Haus-

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