The Daughters Take over?: Female Performers in Randai Theatre Author(s): Kirstin Pauka Source: TDR (1988-), Vol.

42, No. 1 (Spring, 1998), pp. 113-121 Published by: The MIT Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1146649 Accessed: 12/02/2010 04:43
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The

Daughters Take

Over?

Female Performers in Randai Theatre

KirstinPauka

Sumatran randaitheatre, similar to Indian kathakalior Japanese kabuki, has been, until relatively recently, an all-male performance art form with female impersonators playing women's roles. Unlike the other all-male forms, however, randai has begun to integrate women, initially as singers, then as actresses and musicians, and most recently also as performers of the martial arts dance integral to the form. Randai theatre is a composite dance-drama in which acted scenes alternate with martial arts dances that are accompanied by songs and flute music. Both acting and songs function to deliver the stories, which are mostly taken from local legends and folktales of the Minankabau-the largest ethnic group in West Sumatra. Randai is performed in a circle. The martial arts dances (galombang) are performed in a circular formation by about 10 to I6 performers with two singers and one flute player positioned in the center of the circle. For the scenes, the actors (who are often also dancers), replace the singers and flutist at the center. The dancers who are not in the scene seat themselves in a circle around the actors until, on cue at the end of the scene, they perform a new galombang to a new song. The galombang dances are derived from the movement repertoire of the indigenous martial art silek. Two of the most striking features of the galombang are its low-to-the-ground, yet fast and energetic movement style and a unique percussive technique that employs the slapping of the fabric of the dancers' loose pants. The alternation of dances/songs and scenes typically goes on for three to four hours per night; occasionally, a complex story is performed over several nights. The main reason that randai theatre traditionally has been all-male is that it developed out of the local martial art, silek, and the storytelling tradition, sijobang,both predominantly male activities.' In the matrilineal Minangkabau society, martialarts training was considered an integral part of boys' education.2 Once boys left their mothers' houses, they moved into a communal men's house, the surau.The surau was the locale of a tight male community in which silek, storytelling, and later the teaching of Islam went hand in hand. The surau setting was the birthplace of randai, where it developed around the turn of this
The Drama Review 42, 1 (T157), Spring 1998. Copyright ? 1998 New York University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

II3

1 4

Kirstin Pauka

1. The female dendang

singersin this Randai performanceweartraditional ceremonial Minangkabau

dress. West Sumatra, 1994.

(Photocourtesy of Kirstin Pauka)

century out of martial arts and storytelling into a complex dance-drama.3Until the beginning of the I96os female roles were enacted by males. Chosen for their beauty and grace, these actors became known as bujang gadih ("boy girl" performers),several of whom were famous beyond their immediate home area. What triggered the introduction of female actressesin an art form where female impersonation by male actors had been well established as an integral part of the performance style? The following developments functioned as catalystsin the process. First, female performers had long been popular as folk singers in a separate folk art known as saluang jo dendang(flute and song). When this art form was first integrated into randai theatre, the saluang jo dendang female singers joined the randai groups, replacing or complementing the male storytellers/ singers and bringing with them their repertoire of melancholic love songs. Once women were part of the theatre troupe, the rehearsals often shifted away from the male-dominated surau to a different location in the community, or else the surau hesitantly opened its doors to women. Having established themselves as singers cherished by audiences-and therefore accepted by the randai performers-the women singers eventually took over acting the female roles, becoming the first female randai actresses.4 Secondly, this development was, if not openly welcomed, at least quickly accepted by the religious leaders (alim-ulama)who had been opposed to the phenomenon of the female impersonator bujang gadih. Female impersonation was viewed as a perversion since cross-dressingis condemned by the teachings of Mohammed (hadith)(Phillips 198I:7).5 Interestingly, public performancesby women were similarly condemned by the Islamic leaders.6 However, female singers had always been popular despite this prohibition, and actresseswon the favor of audiences and replaced the female impersonatorsin many troupes.

Randai Theatre

15

A third reason for the advance of women in randai was the establishment by the new Indonesian government, after the attainment of independence in 1949, of academies for the performing arts throughout the archipelago. In West Sumatra, these schools, which were open to both male and female students, began teaching regional folk arts, including randai. For the first time, women were allowed and encouraged to learn and practice all aspects of randai. Government directives and regulations aimed at achieving equal treatment for men and women contributed further to the acceptance of female randaiperformers. The process of integrating women, however, was gradual. The change that began with a few pioneers in the mid-Ig60s was slow to catch on with the majority of randai groups throughout West Sumatra. Margaret Kartomi, writing in 1981, acknowledged that by the late I970s female randai actresses and singers did indeed exist: "In most villages, however, women do not take part in randai performances; men still normally play all the female roles" (I98I:23). Since then this has changed dramatically.By I994, less than 20 years later, all but a very few groups featured female performers; there were almost no allmale groups left. It appearsto be a dying tradition, as audiences have grown to expect female actresses and as younger male performers refuse to learn female 2. The bujang gadih, a roles.7 Performances of bujang gadih are laughed at and mocked, especially female impersonator, playwhen a troupe performs outside of its own region. In a troupe's home village, ing Siti Nurina in afight such negative audience reactions are rare, probably because the spectators are a play with the scenefrom still familiar with this artistic form and also are less likely to criticize members same against name, defends of their own community. This derision of the bujang gadih is a striking rever- a robber's attack.Tanjung sal of their former popularity and also contrary to the ongoing popularity of Emas, West Sumatra, female impersonators in other Southeast Asian theatre forms such as the Thai May 1994. (Photocourtesy likay, for instance. A possible explanation for the decline of their popularity of KirstinPauka) might be a strengthening of the Islamic belief that cross-dressing is indecent and unnatural, an explanation given by several group leaders. Another reason might be an increased exposure to "realism" in Western media and the growing expectation of "real"women in the randai setting. The changes in randai did not stop with women taking over as singers and actresses, however. Today almost half of all troupes include female performers in the galombang (see plate 3). For this, female members are required to be proficient in silek, to wear costumes identical to those worn by male performers, and to perform the same movement repertoire as the men. This development came about after local silek schools began to accept female practitioners, permitting them to learn the movement skills necessary to perform in the galombang. Randai groups themselves started to actively recruit female galombang performers, a growing trend in the I99os. Today, a few groups even have an all-female galombang cast. Some actressesperform combat scenes in which they display their silek skills, although these roles are exceptional. How has the inclusion of female performers affected randai? Are there noticeable changes in the performance style or repertoire? Unfortunately, due to the rapid disappearance of all-male groups, it is impossible to compare their

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Kirstin Pauka -l---

performance styles to those of mixed groups, and it is difficult to judge if and how female impersonatorsinfluenced the acting style now used by female performers. Comparing the few remaining female impersonators with contemporary actresses, one can see that they do perform the female roles in a similar manner. According to the recollections of older randai artists,acting in the I96os and '70s was less realistic and had a stronger connection to silek and f- ^ .Il 'storytelling. Steps and gestures were taken from silek movements and appeared more stylized, and the vo_ :..i: i cal delivery was closer to the particularregional style of storytelling. Highly emotional moments were conveyed more often through rhapsodic songs than through realistic crying, screaming, or laughing. However, this was true for both male and female f. roles; the emergence of realism seems to be a parallel development rather than a consequence of the inclusion of actresses. Evidence of possible changes in performance style is more likely found in the randai dances since there are more groups left that still feature an all-male galombang cast. However, when I compared the performance style of all-male dance groups to galombang casts with male and female performers, there appeared to be no marked difference. Both male and female performers execute the martial elements vigorously and include similar attack-defense sequences (jurusan)as part of the dance. Some groups with women comprising more than half of the 3. Femalegalombang dancers engagein an attack- galombang dancers feature a more lyric dance style with more elaborate hand drill defense partner gestures, but so do some groups with only male dancers. This seems more de(jurusan) as part of the pendent upon regional differences in the martial arts and dance styles than on martial arts-based the gender of the performers. dance. The narrative content of randai plays also remains generally unchanged by Kayutanam,West the increased presence of female performers. Male charactersin the stories reSumatra, 1994. (Photo main more powerful in decision making and are more active than female courtesy of KirstinPauka) characters.Women's roles are still smaller than men's, given less stage time in individual plays. An exception might be the recent reemergence of a particular play with a strong female heroine, Sabai Nan Aluih (The Genteel Sabai). The play's popularity has increased, and more and more groups are including it in their repertoires as requests from the community for its production increase. Recent performances of this play also show a new emphasis on the heroine instead of on her male adversary. The story of Sabai is based on an historical event. A young unmarried girl, Sabai, is sent out by her mother to look for her brother. On the way, Rajo Nan Panjang (The Tall King), a powerful and evil ruler from the neighboring nagari (district) and an infamous womanizer, catches sight of Sabai and instantly lusts after her. He sends his underling to make his marriage offer to her father, Rajo Babandiang, who rejects the proposal politely with the excuse that he considers Sabai too young to marry (actually, he dislikes Rajo Nan Panjang). That night, Sabai has a bad dream and in the morning warns her father not to go to a gambling festival in the neighboring village because she fears for his safety. He does not listen to her and leaves with his servant, Bujang Salamaik. At the cock fights, the father is attacked by Rajo Nan

Randai Theatre

117

Panjang for rejecting the marriage proposal. They engage in a long verbal dispute and finally start fighting. When the father is about to win, he is shot in the back by one of Rajo Nan Panjang's underlings, and they leave him to die. A shepherd finds the dying man and runs for help. Sabai is shocked to hear the news and follows the shepherd to the scene of the crime. She finds her father mortally wounded, taking his last breath. Delirious, he calls for his son, not for her, and Sabai feels bitter and sad. When her father expires, she vows revenge. She returns home to inform her mother, asks her permission to avenge her father's death (since her brother is a good-for-nothing coward), takes the rifle that her mother tearfully hands her, and sets out to search for the evil assassin.When she finds Rajo Nan Panjang she pretends to be willing to marry him and asks about her father. When he lies about the incident, she challenges him and they begin to fight. After several minutes of combat, Sabai conceives of a trick. She offers to become his bride if he is able to shoot off her ear ornament. If he misses, it is her turn: if she can shoot off the tip of his hat, he must vow to retreat forever. He agrees to the deal, takes the first shot, and misses. Now it is Sabai'sturn and she shoots to kill. The play is special in that it features a woman in the role of the active hero. Because her brother is incapable of fulfilling the family's obligation to avenge the father's murder, Sabai sees that the only solution is to take action herself. According to prevailing Minangkabau customs (adat), it is improper for a female to behave as Sabai does.8 She is supposed to stay in the house with her mother and leave revenge to a male relative. However, in the play Sabai is portrayed sympathetically as the virtuous daughter who is driven to extreme behavior by unfortunate circumstances. Of exceptional character, Sabai is clearly different from other female figures in most randai plays, who tend to be objects of rivalry between men, or sources of concern for parents and relatives who have to find husbands for them. An older play relating the Sabai story illustrates how the heroine was typically portrayed before female performers were commonplace in randai. This version of SabaiNan Aluih weaves a different tapestryof events and focuses far more on the male charactersthan on the female ones. Sabai is portrayed as less active and courageous than in the newer version. The play begins in the house of the evil and greedy Rajo Nan Panjang, Sabai's adversary.He summons his guards for some illegal undertaking and displayssocially unacceptable behavior.

in a randai 4. This actress fightingscenehas liftedher it into sarong and tucked herbeltto better executethe martial artsstepsin the West choreographedfight. Sumatra,1994. (Photo courtesy of E. Utama)

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Kirstin Pauka

5. In a scenemfrom Sabai Nan Aluih, Sabaihas receivedthe mfle from her to kill he fathe's mother Sabai'h, murdererbilities.. PayakumRajo
West Sumatra, 1994.

Nan Panjang has also lost his hunting dog and comes to

(Photoby Khirstin Pauka) In the meantime, Sabai's father, the good-natured and fair ruler Rajo Babandiang,preparesto organize a collective pig hunt to protect the harvest of the community. During the pig hunt many hunting dogs are injured or lost, and this fact is discussed extensively by the male participants, creating chaos among them as they debate how to solve the problems and share the responsibilities. Rajo Nan Panjang has also lost his hunting dog and comes to Sabai's house to blame her father and claim compensation. This is the first time Sabai actually appears in person in this version of the play (she is only mentioned briefy in the opening song). She sits in the house weaving cloth for her fiancg Sutan Barido when Rajo Nan Panjang sees her and demands that she give him the beautiful cloth. Through this demand, he synbolically asks her to become his wife.9 When she politely turns him down, he leaves, enraged. Sabai'sfather returns home and lectures her about the correct behavior for a fiancf. They girl who is becoming a woman. A few days later, Sabai meets her exchange polite phrases and decide to wait a little longer before she gives him the cloth (i.e., marrieshim). In the meantime her father receives a letter asking him to join a pig hunt in Rajo Nan Panjang'sdistrict and is obliged to accept the invitation. Sabai has a bad dream and warns him not to go to the hunt, but he leaves anyway, accompanied by her fianc6 Sutan Barido. Both die at the hands of Rajo Nan Panjang. Sabai, alerted by a shepherd, finds both dead and encounters the murderer at the scene of the crime. She challenges him to a o nervous that he drops his rifle accidentally s shooting competition. He gets and is killed when the gun dischargesas it hits the ground. Clearly, this older version focuses more on the male characters and elaborates on activitykthe an exclusively male pig hunt--which leads to the conflict between the two district rulers and then the meeting of Sabai and Rajo Nan Panjang. In the newer version, Sabai is rather active and outgoing: she leaves the house to search for her brother; she later goes off again to take care of her dying father; and she willfully deceives and kills her adversary. In contrast, the older version portrays Sabai as fundamentally passive: she stays inside the house and is met there by the evil king; she has a fianc&(a fact not mentioned in the newer version); she is clearly more domestic in nature; and finally, although indirectly responsible for the murderer's death, she does not intentionally kill him as in the newer script.

Randai Theatre II9 Interestingly, the newer play about Sabai is closer to the historical event as recorded in Minangkabau oral literature." The older, more traditional script reflects a trend prevalent in many typical randai scripts: shifting the emphasis onto male charactersand relegating female charactersto the periphery, even if the women were central in the original Minangkabau legend or folktale (see Harun 1992; Zulkifli I993). The dominance of male charactersin randai is attributable to the genre's origins and early development. As an initially all-male art form based on an all-male martial art, randai logically focuses on malemale relationships, male conflicts, and male decision making. Consequentially, male characters resolve many conflicts through physical combat. The general absence of influential and powerful female figures in randai plays does not reflect the traditional Minangkabau matrilineal and matrilocal social structure of the extended family, but rather the patriarchalpower structure with the father as leader, enforced by Islam.12 This has been strengthened by the "modernization and progress" (kemajuan)of society promoted by the government of Indonesia, which also promulgates a nuclear family structure that weakens the traditionallystrong position of Minangkabau women. In conclusion, I would suggest that the integration of women into the formerly all-male randai has had less effect on changes in its overall style, aesthetics, and story content than other, parallel sociocultural developments. In my opinion, randai theatre has changed more from the general tendency toward realistic acting, the advances of technology, and the integration of government propaganda into the scrpts.'3 The inclusion of women is rather a result or parallel development of the other sociocultural changes that have directly influenced randai. If and how randai performance styles and narrative content will change in the future as young women become more and more established as performers and as group leaders is a matter of speculation. Older scripts might be rewritten to highlight female characters or altogether new scripts could emerge, eventually leading to new acting styles. Judging from the re-emergence of the Sabai story, one can expect interesting developments, especially once women start writing randai scripts. Whether or not this will lead to further changes in the performance style remains to be seen. Notes I. For detailson silekand its role in the Minangkabau society see Alexander(1970); Cordes(I990); Draeger(1972); and Pauka(I996b). For an analysis of sijobang, the
storytellingtradition,see Phillips ( 98I).

2. The Minangkabau havea matrilineal andmatrilocal socialstructure. Matrilineal means that the familypossessions are passedon from motherto daughter. (harto pusako) Matrilocal hasmeantthatthe mother is the headof the household andher traditionally femaledescendants live in herhouse(rumah Hersonstraditionally moveto the gadang). the men'shouse,once theyreach the ageof puberty. structure surau, Today,thisfamily is no longer intact in the more urbanareas;only in the heartland of West (darek) canone stillfindtraditional Sumatra de Jong 1980; Kato (seedeJosselin family settings
1978; Metje I995).

aroundthe turnof the century.The firstfull-fledged 3. This development originated theatreform thatfeatures instrumental music,song, dance,martial arts,acting,and Fora comprehensive discussion of the development andperformance feastorytelling.
tures of randaisee Pauka ( 995; i996a). randaiperformancewas recorded in 1932 (Nor 1986:17). Randai today is a composite

one of the mostfamous randai actresses andsingers andnow the leader of 4. IbuErnilitis, the troupeRambunPamenan in Sungayang, TanahDatar,beganher careerin this wasin 1966; she claims to havebeen one of the first way. Her firstrandai appearance womenrandai actresses.

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Kirstin Pauka 5. Impersonating humans-in other words, acting-is generally condemned by Islamic teachings. This seeming paradox of the Islamic prohibition of human portrayaland a thriving theatre tradition exists all over Indonesia as well as in other Islamic Southeast Asian countries. 6. Making women a public spectacle is prohibited by the Koran (Phillips 1981:7). Nighttime and outdoor performances are especiallyscrutinized. 7. I personallysaw only three such groups during nine months of field researchand heard about one additional group. I did my fieldwork in West Sumatrafrom February1994 to November 1994. Of I80 groups participatingin the "V. Festival Randai Sumatera Barat" (Fifth West SumatranRandai Festival) in August 1994, only one was all-male. The main reasongiven is a lack of young men who are willing to learn the female roles as the older bujang gadihactorsretire. 8. Despite being a matrilineal society, the Minangkabau follow behavioral codes for women that are dominatedby Islamicdogma. 9. The cloth is used symbolicallyon two differentlevels in this scene. First, according to Minangkabauadat, the cloth woven by the woman for her fiance is a symbol of their agreement to marry;second, Rajo Nan Panjanghints at a Muslim proverb that advises spouses to be like clothes for each other. His demand for the cloth is a very rude and disrespectfulstatement in the context of Minangkabauadat and shows clearly that he lusts after her. 10. Pig hunts in Minangkabauare an all-male social activity held on a regularbasisby large groups of men dressed in ragged clothes and stylish hats, accompanied by expensive dogs and loud noise (ErringtonI984:I46ff). I . This orally transmittedstory has recently been recorded and written down, along with many other folk tales (see Manggis 1993). 12. For instance, many randaiscriptsfeaturea powerful fatherfigure, although accordingto adat a man has little influence as husbandand father but is instead more responsiblein his capacity as uncle (mamak) for the education and upbringing of his sister'schildren. For a discussion of adat and Islam in the Minangkabausociety see Abdullah (1966) and Metje (I995). is a recent addition to the scriptsof randai.These plays aimed 13. Government propaganda to educate the audience about numerous government programs,the most popular topics being the benefits of birth control and the evils of gambling.

References Abdullah,Taupik "Adat and Islam: An Examination of Conflict in Minangkabau." Indonesia 1966
2:1-24.

Alexander,H.C., et al. Silat: The Indonesian Art. Rutland, VT: Tuttle. Pentjak 1970 Fighting Cordes, Hiltrud Pencak Silat: Die Kampfkunstder Minangkabauund ihr kulturellesUmfeld. I990 PhD diss., Univeritat Koln. Dobbin, Christine Islamic Revivalism in a Changing Peasant in Central Sumatra 1983 1784-1847. Economy London: Curzon. Draeger, Donn F. andFighting Artsof theIndonesian I972 Rutland, VT: Tuttle. Weapons Archipelago. Errington,Frederick Mannersand Meaning in West Sumatra.New Haven, CT: Yale University I984 Press. Frey, KatherineS. to the Landof the EarthGoddess. Grahmedia. 1985 Journey Jakarta: Harun, Chairul Kesenian Randaidi Minangkabau. Grahmedia. 1992 Jakarta:

Randai Theatre de Josselin de Jong, P.E. 1980 Minangkabau and Negri Sembilan: Socio-Political Structure in Indonesia. Nijhoff. S'Gravenhage: Kartomi,Margaret J. "Randai Theatre in West Sumatra:Components, Music, Origins, and Re1981 andMalayAffairs15, 1:1-45. cent Change." Reviewof Indonesian Kato, Toshiro 1978 "Change and Continuity in the MinangkabauMatrilinealSystem." Indonesia 25:1-16. Manggis, Rajo Mudo SabaiNan Aluih. Bukittinggi:PustakaIndonesia. 1993 Metje, Ute Marie bei denMinangkabau uberGeschlechterbe-ziehungen Die Starken Frauen:Gesprdche 1995 in Indonesien. Frankfurt: CampusVerlag. Nor, Mohammed Ahis Scores. KualaLumpur: Sumatra with Labanotation RandaiDanceof Minangkabau 1986 Departmentof Publications,University of Malaysia. Pauka,Kirstin "Conflict and Combat in Performance:An Analysisof the RandaiFolk The1995 atre of the Minangkabauin West Sumatra."PhD diss. with CD-ROM, University of Hawai'i. "A Flower of MartialArts: The RandaiFolk Theatre of the Minangkabauof I996a West Sumatra,Indonesia."Asian TheatreJournal 13, 2:I67-9I. "Silek: The Martial Arts of the Minangkabauin West Sumatra."Journalof I996b Arts6, 1:62-79. AsianMartial Phillips, Nigel
1981

2I

London: CambridgeUniverSijobang: Sung Narrative Poetryof WestSumatra. sity Press. "Randai Sebagai Teater Rakyat Minangkabau di Sumatera Barat Dalam Dimensi SosialBudaya."Unpublished thesis. ASKI:PadangPanjang.

Zulkifli, A. 1993

Kirstin Pauka is currently Assistant Professor in Asian Theatre at the University of Hawai'i. Her specializations include martial arts, theatre and dance of Southeast Asia, and multimedia technologyfor theatre education.