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Sources Adelaar, W. F. H.2006 Quechua. In Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics. Pp. 314-315. London: Elsevier Press. Alconini, Sonia 2008 Dis-embedded

centers and architecture of power in the fringes of the Inka empire: New perspectives on territorial and hegemonic strategies of domination. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 27(1):63-81. Alden, John R., Leah Minc, and Thomas F. Lynch 2006 Identifying the sources of Inka period ceramics from northern Chile: results of a neutron activation study. Journal of Archaeological
Science 33:575-594. Arkush, Elizabeth and Charles Stanish 2005 Interpreting Conflict in the Ancient Andes: Implications for the Archaeology of Warfare. Current Anthropology 46(1):3-28. Bauer, Brian S. 1992 Ritual Pathways of the Inca: An Analysis of the Collasuyu Ceques in Cuzco. Latin American Antiquity 3(3):183-205. Beynon-Davies, Paul 2007 Informatics Management 27 306318. Bray, Tamara L., et al. 2005 A

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and rate of erosion inferred from Inca agricultural terraces in arid southern Peru. Geomorphology 99(1-4):13-25. Lupo, Liliana C., et al. 2006 Climate and human impact during the past 2000 years as recorded in the Lagunas de Yala, Jujuy, northwestern Argentina. Quaternary International158:3043.
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A New Tradition in Archaeology Timothy R. Pauketat People have always had traditions, practiced traditions, resisted traditions, or created traditions. Archaeologists cannot avoid dealing with the concept. Broken potsherds, stone tools, and the remains of houses, farms, and fields virtually scream tradition! But this seemingly simple concept is not as straightforward as one might assume. Power, plurality, and human agency are all a part of how traditions come about. Traditions do not simply exist without people and their struggles involved every step of the way. This book reexamines that human involvement by analyzing a series of historically divergent and yet interrelated traditions from one macroregional tradition: the American Southeast (see fig. 1.1). In everyday parlance, tradition means something learned from the

past, something persistent or unchanging, or something old-fashioned. As commonly understood, traditions impede change by constraining what can be done by the people living with them. Believing this, an earlier generation of archaeologists isolated different traditions and attempted to explain why they were where they were (see Caldwell 1958; Haury 1956; Willey and Phillips 1958). A later generation of processual archaeologists adopted a more utilitarian view; traditions, as learned ways of doing or making things, allowed a group to survive (see Binford 1965). The earlier generations theories of cultural change and those of the processual archaeologists, not to mention time-honored methods of sequencing cultural remains, rest on taken-for-granted notions of tradition (cf. Marquardt 1978). Sometimes stated, but often unstated, they adhere to a deeply engrained view that ideas, cultures, or styles change gradually and slowly while political and economic spheres change rapidly. For them, traditions are conservative and cultures are seen to lag behind the times, retaining vestiges of earlier periods. This adherence, which cannot be assigned to a specific school of thought, is increasingly called into question

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