Towards Race Equality:

a Liberal Democrat Approach

First report of the Liberal Democrat Task Force on Race Equality: Race Equality in Education and Employment

Foreword

Equality under the law and equal opportunity is at the heart of Liberal Democracy. The preamble to the Liberal Democrat constitution states: Upholding these values of individual and social justice, we reject all prejudice and discrimination based upon race, colour, religion, age, disability, sex or sexual orientation and oppose all forms of entrenched privilege and inequality. This commitment to equality underpinned the agreement that set up the Coalition Government in 2010. As we said in that agreement The Government believes that there are many barriers to social mobility and equal opportunities in Britain today, with too many children held back because of their social background, and too many people of all ages held back because of their gender, race, religion or sexuality. We need concerted government action to tear down these barriers and help to build a fairer society. Our party has a proud history of involvement in the fight against racism and, in earlier years, Apartheid. Indeed, some party members joined the Liberal Democrats and our predecessor parties in order to play a part in this aspect of the partys work. The commitment has been carried out at every level of the party, locally and nationally. It is clear, however, that although 36 years have passed since the 1976 Race Relations Act came into being outlawing racial discrimination in every public function and service and setting up the Commission for Racial Equality race discrimination remains a problem in modern Britain. This report is absolutely right to focus on education and employment. I want to thank all those involved in drawing up this report for their hard work in doing so, and for their heartfelt commitment to race equality. I believe that the Liberal Democrats are the party of education, because just as there can be no freedom without opportunity, so there can be no real opportunity without education. The ideas in this report are not Government policy or Liberal Democrat policy, and I dont necessarily agree with every individual recommendation in these pages. But the questions, challenges and issues that this report raises are important ones for all Liberal Democrats that share my goal of ensuring that we build a fairer society in a stronger economy enabling everybody to get on in life.

Nick Clegg MP Leader of the Liberal Democrats and Deputy Prime Minister

Contents
Executive Summary Terms of reference Part one: Race Equality and Education Early years 9 9 9 12 18 21 24 26 28 31 31 33 36 37 37 39 42 42 43 46 48 51 Section one: Pupils, students and their families Primary and secondary education Punishment and exclusions English as a second language Further and higher education Apprenticeships Section two: the teaching profession Primary and secondary schools Further and higher education Part two: Race Equality and employment Pay Occupational segregation Race discrimination? Skills and training 7 4

Gypsy, Roma and Irish Traveller (GRT) communities

Access to capital for business

Contrast between public and private sector progress Equality and Human Rights Commission Conclusion: A new Liberal Democrat approach Appendix: List of recommendations

Executive summary
The Task Force focussed on education from the point of view of both the pupils and their families, and the teaching staff. The Task Force acknowledged the importance of good quality childcare in aiding a young childs emotional and social development, but evidence suggests that BAME groups are less likely to use registered childcare services. One contributing factor is that 46% of all BAME families in the UK live in London where childcare costs are up to one-third higher than elsewhere in Britain so high that they are unaffordable for many. The Task Force endorsed the proposals to make the free childcare entitlement more flexible to improve the chances of gaining employment for unemployed parents. While BAME educational achievement has gradually improved and for some ethnicities the achievement gap on first sight has disappeared, Black Caribbean and Pakistani pupils remain below average. Gypsy, Roma and Traveller children are a long way behind. There are many factors at play, including class and poverty, and the Task Force is concerned about the incorporation of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant into the Dedicated Schools grant and the weakening of schools requirements to address equality and community cohesion as a result of changing the Ofsted school inspection criteria. The Task Force believes that this is allowing cash-strapped schools to divert the money for other purposes. One key recommendation in this section was for the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant to be maintained and that schools should be made transparently accountable for their EMAG expenditure in order to give schools the freedom to use the money for its intended purposes, in the manner the school determines. The Task Force endorses calls for all communities to feel included in the national narrative by ensuring that the school curriculum reflects the diversity of its population, both to raise levels of engagement and attainment of BAME pupils and to promote a positive view of racial equality and cultural diversity to all pupils. Parents are concerned that some teachers have lower expectations of BAME pupils and stereotypical assumptions about their abilities. The Task Force was extremely concerned at the high rates of exclusion of Black Caribbean boys, and the Dept for Educations own statistical evidence showing that these pupils are more likely to be excluded from schools where they are a small minority, and less likely when they are in greater numbers. The Task Force noted that exclusion is used far more frequently in Britain than it is in mainland Europe. The key Task Force recommendations here were that the Department for Education should implement the conclusions of the Childrens Commissions report into the prevention of and positive alternatives to exclusion from school. It should also reinstate the right of appeals panels to order that children illegally or unjustly excluded from school have the right to be returned to that school. 4

The Task Force found that in order to address successfully BAME exclusion and institutional racism it requires a focus on cultural diversity and race equality during the training of childcare providers and teaching staff. It also recommended that ethnic monitoring was key to measuring progress and to ensuring accountability. On Gypsy, Roma and Traveller children the key Task Force recommendation was for a new creative national campaign to address literacy and increase positive aspirations, led by these communities with government, local authority and school support, to increase these communities participation in secondary education. The Task Force also recommended that key to delivering successful change within education was the necessity for ethnic monitoring to measure progress and ensure accountability. Turning to higher education, the Task Force found that while there has been a rapid growth in the number of BAME students at university, they are concentrated in the post-1992 universities and very few attend Russell Group universities 8% of all Black university students compared to 24% of all white students. This has a substantial impact on their future employment prospects. In addition students from some ethnic groups are far less likely to leave university with a first or upper second degree in 2008/9 nearly seven out of 10 white students achieved this compared with just under four out of 10 Black students. The Task Force recommends requiring all universities to be fully transparent about all the selection criteria used to evaluate student applications, including for example, which A-level subjects are likely to count for or against a candidate. It recommends that the Equalities and Human Rights Commission ensure that FE and HE institutions are complying with race equality legislation and that colleges and universities should adopt a zero tolerance policy regarding racist behaviour, and increase focus on social inclusion and the student experience both within and outside the classroom. On apprenticeships, in 2009-10 just 7% of all apprentices in England were from an ethnic minority compared with 14% of the total working age population. Again, the Task Force recommended ethnic monitoring of apprenticeships, particularly in relation to application success rates, and action be taken accordingly. The Task Force was concerned at underrepresentation of BAME teachers and that their success in number and career progress was concentrated in schools with very diverse populations, with teachers reporting difficulty in securing posts in less diverse schools. BAME teachers have reported that discrimination was a barrier to career progress. It recommends targets for the recruitment of BAME teachers and, again, equality monitoring undertaken systematically and transparently so that progress can be monitored. The Task Force noted with concern that no matter what progress achieved at school and university, the BAME workforce faces discrimination. Two-fifths of people from ethnic minorities live in income poverty, twice the rate for white people, and nearly all groups have hourly pay less than white British men. Even those groups with higher pay are not free from discrimination: although Chinese men are one of the highest paid groups, they are paid 11% less than would be expected allowing for their qualifications. 5

 Further, there is occupational segregation with BAME groups over-represented in some areas and under-represented in others. The Task Force notes that the ONS data showing that out of economically active 16-24 year olds, 55.9% of Black men and 39.1% of Black women were unemployed, compared with 23.9% of white men and 17.2% of white women. The Task Force considers this to be a situation that will devastate that community unless it is addressed with supreme urgency. The Task Force acknowledges a DWP study into whether discrimination was a significant factor affecting labour market outcomes, which concluded that ethnic minorities had to send 16 job applications for one call to interview compared to nine for white applicants. Further, they found that 4% of public sector employers were likely to have discriminated on grounds of race compared with 35% of private sector employers. The Task Force endorsed the commitment of the Coalition equality strategy to lift the barriers faced by ethnic minority businesses in accessing finance. Acknowledging that progress in the private sector lags far behind that of the public sector, the Task Force recommends that government uses contract compliance with private sector companies to promote workplace equality. Further, the Task Force recommends that all companies and third sector organisations in receipt of funding, grants, licences or other benefits distributed on behalf of the public, be required to carry out detailed equality monitoring and send it to their funder, regulator or commissioner which in turn is required to publish this data for each company or licence, by name, annually. The government should ensure that quangos, regulators and other public bodies accept that equality is part of their remit and that enforcement, on behalf of the public, of compliance and real accountability on the part of the recipients is a key part of their role on which they will be measured. The evidence indicated that the adoption of the holistic approach to equality combined with a move away from addressing the particular sets of issues faced by each equality strand has been at a cost to the ethnic minority population which collectively has been and continues to be the target of sustained discrimination on the grounds of their race. Indeed, Labours approach to equality appears to have left ethnic minorities employment situation, particularly in the private sector, little better than it was when Labour took office. The Task Force concluded that there is a long way to go before there could be any justification for proposals to weaken the Equality Act and the budget of the EHRC. The Task Force recommends that Liberal Democrats oppose all proposals that would weaken the Equality Act, and that the party should demand full implementation of the Act, including the adoption of all statutory codes of practice, as envisaged when the Liberal Democrats in Parliament voted for its passage into law. It further recommends that the EHRC maintains its current remit and noting also the concern of the United Nations that Britains national human rights institution is losing its independence that its budget be maintained at 2010 levels, that action is taken to ensure its independence from government, and that meaningful resources are allocated to each equality strand within the EHRC. 6

Terms of Reference
The Liberal Democrat Task Force on Race Equality, set up by Liberal Democrat leader and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg early in 2012, was charged with identifying effective measures to tackle inequality, discrimination and under-representation affecting Black , Asian and Minority Ethnic (BAME) communities and individuals looking for tangible outcomes that bring fairness and equality to BAME communities. The members of the Task Force are: Baroness Meral Hussein-Ece (chair), Baroness Floella Benjamin, Duwayne Brooks, Merlene Emerson, Issan Ghazni, Lester Holloway, Anuja Prashar and Ruwan Uduwerage-Perera. In determining the focus of its first report, the Task Force shared the view of Liberal Democrat leader and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg that exclusion begins at the earliest age. It also agreed with Equanomics UK that there can be no social inclusion without economic inclusion; no social integration without economic integration and no justice without economic justice. The Task Force concluded that the first focus of its work, tying in with the social mobility strategy, should be education and employment two crucial areas of life that are intrinsically linked. This report, therefore, begins with preschool education, reviews the education system and key issues associated with it, also studying the situation facing BAME teachers, and then moves onto the career path. The Task Force took evidence and consulted widely both inside and outside the party. It also took account of the policy paper on broader socio-economic inequality drawn up by a working group chaired by David Hall-Matthews and adopted by the partys annual conference in September 2012. This resulting report will be presented to the Federal Policy Committee, Parliamentary Party and Federal Executive. It is hoped that a motion arising from this report will be debated at the Spring 2013 Federal Conference and accepted by conference as party policy. The members of the Task Force would like to thank the following organisations and individuals for their time, support and suggestions throughout this process: o Dr Nicola Rollock, Visiting Research Associate & Associate Editor UK Race Ethnicity and Education, Educational Foundations & Policy Studies, Institute of Education, University of London o Professor Augustine John, Chairman and Principal Consultant, Global Development Strategies UK Ltd, Honorary Fellow and Associate Professor, Institute of Education, University of London Director/Team Leader, Global Development Strategies Ltd o Jane Lane, Advocate Worker for Racial Equality 7

 The Task Force also wishes to thank Adam Pritchard, Beth Yamamoto-Knight and Janice Turner for their assistance with research and preparation. We were unable to incorporate all the evidence provided to us in this paper, but it all informed our thinking and was gratefully received. The aim of this paper from the beginning was to implement actions which will achieve not only equality of opportunity but also fairness of outcomes.

o Patrice Lawrence, Leader on Equality for the Early Childhood Unit of the National Childrens Bureau o Meryl Shepherd, Visiting Lecturer, Roehampton University o Dr Brian Alleyne, Senior Lecturer, Goldsmiths, University of London o Barbara Nea, ROTA Race on the Agenda o Anita Bey, Early Years Trainer and Former Practitioner o Claire Herbert, Senior Policy Adviser, Equality Challenge Unit o Karen Chouhan, Director, Equanomics o Professor Ian Law, Director, Centre for Ethnicity and Racism Studies, University of Leeds o Gary Loke, Head of Policy, Equality Challenge Unit o Dr John Coxhead, the European Gypsy, Roma and Traveller Research Cluster (EGRTRC), University of Derby o Jamie Saddler, Political Adviser and Parliamentary Researcher o Vicki Butler, Public Affairs Manager, Runnymede Trust

Part 1: Race Equality and Education

As Professor Gus John1 told the Task Force, education is a fundamental human right. It is not a privilege to be granted on the basis of social class, racial or ethnic origin, wealth, religion and belief, age, sex or physical ability. Education is not just for acquiring high grade examination results, equipping people with skills for the workplace, or for positioning the nation to be high up in the global league table of economic competitiveness. It is for developing in people the skills and competences to take control of their own lives and to function as responsible social citizens, demanding and safeguarding their own rights, having due regard to and respect for the rights of others, and embracing their responsibilities to themselves, their families and to society. In state-funded primary schools 27.6% of pupils (of compulsory school age and above) are classified as being of minority ethnic origin, an increase from 26.5% in 2011. In state-funded secondary schools 23.2% of pupils (of compulsory school age and above) are classified as being of minority ethnic origin, an increase from 22.2% in 2011. In this section, the Task Force looks at education from two perspectives: the pupils and students and their families, and the teaching staff.

Section one: Pupils, students and their families

Early years
The first five years of a childs life are the foundation that shapes their future, including their learning achievement at school and beyond. Liberal Democrats acknowledge the importance of good quality childcare in aiding a young childs emotional and social development. By ensuring high quality early years education for our children, we are setting them up to manage the transition to school and to make better progress at primary school than would otherwise have been the case. The period of early years education provides an invaluable opportunity for education professionals to observe the lines along which friendship groups are drawn and to encourage better integration amongst young children of different ethnic backgrounds. The Day Care Trust states that for children from non-English speaking families it also offers a chance to learn English. Pupils at risk of under achievement, including refugee and asylum
1

Professor Augustine John, Chairman and Principal Consultant, Global Development Strategies UK Ltd, Honorary Fellow and Associate Professor, Institute of Education, University of London

seeker pupils, can benefit most from access to childcare and support during the early years of a childs life.2 The Early Years Foundation Stage profile looks at the percentage of children in England who are reaching a good level of development at the age of five. It covers childrens physical, intellectual, emotional and social development. The proportion achieving a good level of development on this measure varies between different ethnic groups: Irish, Indian, White British and mixed white/Asian pupils were above the national average compared with all pupils, while those from Black and Pakistani ethnic groups did not perform so well. Pupils eligible for free school meals used as a rough measure of parental low income and social class did not perform as well as those who were ineligible (35% to 55%). The Task Force believes that access to high quality childcare is a key issue. BAME groups are less likely to use registered childcare services.3 While it must be acknowledged that some women actively choose not to work when their children are very young, the cost of childcare is nevertheless a major factor: 46% of all BAME families in the UK live in London, where childcare costs are up to a third higher than elsewhere in Britain, so high that they are unaffordable for many parents.4 The Task Force heard evidence that the Sure Start programme had had a positive impact in deprived communities. It had been set up to deliver better childcare, early education, health and family support in those areas that most needed it. There was an emphasis on outreach and community development. The Sure Start childrens centres were set up in these communities and open to all families living in these areas, and there are now more than 3,000 in existence. The Task Force was concerned that funding cuts are reducing the effectiveness of these centres: some are merging to save money and services are being reduced. Staffing cuts appear to be reducing the effectiveness of some centres in reaching the families they were set up to assist. The Task Force heard anecdotal evidence that in some inner city areas middle class parents and even nannies were taking children to these centres, while fewer working class children were participating. Childrens Trusts are another positive development local partnerships bringing together the organisations responsible for services for children, young people and families in a shared commitment to improving childrens lives. The Trusts develop a strategy most appropriate to local circumstances and can focus on particular issues. Surveys of BAME parents into their experiences of childcare have indicated that they have had negative experiences with childcare providers and been left with a perception that they were not welcome5. The Task Force heard evidence indicating that it is extremely important to raise the standards and qualifications of those working in the early years workforce. Early
2

http://www.daycaretrust.org.uk/data/files/Projects/London_project/BAME_briefing_formatted_14910.pdf The Experience of Black and Minority Ethnic Communities with HMRC Services. A Study Conducted for HM Revenue & Customs Ipsos MORI, 2010. p.10 http://www.hmrc.gov.uk/research/report116.pdf 4 http://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/Tackling%20childcare%20affordability%20-22%202%20MW.pdf 5 http://www.daycaretrust.org.uk/data/files/Projects/London_project/BAME_briefing_formatted_14910.pdf
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Years Trainer Anita Bey stated that hardly any work was done to prepare people for the international world we are living in, and that equalities training had entirely fallen off the agenda. Patrice Lawrence, Leader on Equality for the Early Childhood Unit of the National Childrens Bureau, voiced support for the Black Voices Network whilst encouraging people to create focus groups so experiences regarding issues could be voiced. Meryl Shepherd, Visiting Lecturer, Roehampton University, felt that training in equality needed to be implemented across all fields and not just in the school curriculum. There have been improvements: early years training has been given professional status which has allowed early years staff to obtain better qualifications, but there needs to be more training and teaching promoting skills and integration skills. Jane Lane, Advocate Worker for Racial Equality, pointed to the work of Lambeth Council in creating groups integrating those with qualifications with those who have experience but not the qualifications. She emphasised that ethnic monitoring is imperative to gauge the success over time of any changes and to do this suggested working with carers and parents. There was a strong view that working groups at government and council level should be representative of those they are trying to assist. Increasing a familys income through employment helps to reduce child poverty: children living in poverty are more likely to be in poor health, struggle at school and live in poverty as adults. It is therefore important that those BAME families that live in inner cities on low to middle incomes are provided the advice and the support necessary to ensure that they have access to childcare and early years education and that childcare provision is accessible in these localities. In particular the Task Force welcomes the recent announcement by Nick Clegg of changes to the free entitlement to childcare, particularly that the entitlement can be taken over a minimum of two days per week rather than three, as this could offer a better solution for working parents and those prevented from working by current childcare hours. The Task Force also welcomes Nick Cleggs announcement of 100m to support the extension of free childcare to 130,000 of the most disadvantaged two-year-olds from September 2013, rising to around 260,000 (about 40% of two-year-olds) in September 2014. Recommendation 1 Noting that the first five years of a child's life shapes his or her future, it is essential to ensure adequate provision of affordable and accessible childcare including through: Further training for those wishing to enter the Early Years Workforce, this training should include a clear focus on cultural diversity and race equality and on the need to ensure that the more disadvantaged communities have equal access. Supporting changes to the free childcare entitlement to create a more flexible offer that in turn could improve the chances of BAME parents of obtaining employment.

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Primary and secondary education

In state-funded primary schools 27.6% of pupils (of compulsory school age) were classified as being of minority ethnic origin, an increase from 26.5% in 2011. In state-funded secondary schools 23.2% of pupils (of compulsory school age and above) were classified as being of minority ethnic origin, an increase from 22.2% in 20116. There has been substantial progress over the last 10 years towards closing the achievement gap and achievement gaps for some ethnic minorities have disappeared. However, there are differences in achievement levels for different ethnic groups. Those that tended to do well and perform above the national average include those from mixed white and Asian, Indian, Irish and white British backgrounds. Pupils from Black or Pakistani ethnic groups performed badly in comparison. Girls significantly outperformed boys for all ethnic groups. 7 The national level, and the percentage of white British pupils achieving 5 A*-C grades including maths and English, is 58%. This compares to around 45% in 2006/07. Chinese students are the highest attaining group, with 78.5% achieving 5 A*-C grades including maths and English. This compares to 70% in 2006/07. Indian students are the second highest attaining group, with 74.4% achieving 5 A*-C grades including maths and English. This compares to around 62% in 2006/07. Bangladeshi pupils now have a slightly higher attainment rate than white pupils, with 59.7% 5 A*-C grades including maths and English. This is a massive improvement given that only around 40% achieved this 2006/07, which was 5% less than white pupils and the national level. There has also been an improvement for Black African pupils, with 57.9% achieving 5 A*-C grades including maths and English, compared to just over 40% achieving this in 2006/07. A similar level of improvement can be seen for mixed white and Black African pupils. However, Pakistani and Black Caribbean young people still have lower attainment levels compared to the national level, with 52.6% and 48.6% respectively achieving 5 A*-C grades including maths and English. This has, however, improved from around 35% for Pakistani and 34% for Black Caribbean pupils in 2006/07. Travellers, Gypsies and Roma are still the lowest achieving groups, with 17.5% of Irish Travellers and 10.8% of those from Gypsy or Roma backgrounds achieving 5 A*-C grades including Maths and English. This has improved from 2006/07 when only 5% of these groups combined achieved the required grades.8 English Baccalaureate attainment Inequalities are more pronounced when looking at those who achieved the English Baccalaureate measure of attainment. This requires 5 A* - C grades in GCSE maths; English; two science subjects; a foreign language; and either history or geography. The 2010/11 data is as follows: 34.6% of Chinese students and 25.8% of Indian students achieve the English Baccalaureate
6 7

http://www.education.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s001057/index.shtml http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf 8 http://www.education.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s001057/index.shtml

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15.4% of White students achieve the measurement 11.2% of Black African and 11.1% of Pakistani pupils achieve the English Baccalaureate The rate is 9.9% for Bangladeshi pupils and 7.6% for Black Caribbean pupils Traveller and Roma/Gypsy pupils have the lowest attainment, with 2.2% and 0.5% respectively achieving the measurement.9 Data from the Equality and Human Rights Commission found that Achievement is higher for those pupils whose first language is English when compared to pupils who have English as an additional language. 54% of pupils whose first language is English achieve a good level of development compared to 42% of pupils for whom English is an additional language.10 Poverty The EHRC also reports that the gap between students from different socio-economic backgrounds remains wide, with students eligible for free school meals only half as likely to have good GCSE results as those who are not. The combination of being eligible for free school meals and being part of another group with a lower probability of obtaining good qualifications leads to extremely low results. The Task Force welcomes Nick Cleggs establishment of a Child Poverty and Social Mobility Commission. The Task Force also recognises that the Coalitions flagship policy, the Pupil Premium, which brings a school a specific additional amount of annual funding per child on FSM, is a crucial intervention given the link between class and the lower achievement of some ethnic groups. The 2012-13 allocation per child is 600. Schools are free to use this money as they see fit. The Task Force notes that Ofsted11 has criticised some schools for failing to disaggregate the Pupil Premium from their main budget: in some schools it was clear to inspectors that the spending was not all focussed on the needs of the specific groups for whom it was intended. The Head of Ofsted, Sir Michael Wilshaw, has said it was a real worry if cash was being diverted to tarmacking playgrounds. A further Ofsted report published in February 201312 was more upbeat. While the same criticism was made of school that were less successful in spending the funding, the report also highlighted many examples of where well-thought-out targetted approaches were making a difference. Ofsted stated that many of the success stories were concentrating on the core areas of literacy and numeracy to break down the main barriers to accessing the full curriculum. This situation has been made more difficult by ending the ringfencing of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant (EMAG), the origins of which date back to 1966, and which has provided an important incentive for schools to buy back resource-intensive Ethnic Minority Achievement and English as an Additional Language services from local authorities. Local authorities have taken a leading role in the provision of these services.
9

http://www.education.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s001057/sfr03-2012.xls http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf 11 http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/pupil-premium 12 http://www.ofsted.gov.uk/resources/pupil-premium-how-schools-are-spending-funding-successfullymaximise-achievement

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The decision by the Dept for Education to incorporate the EMAG funding, from 2011/12, into the Dedicated Schools Grant has given schools complete freedom to decide the use of this money and ended the requirement on schools to ensure that the funding is in fact used for supporting the needs of BAME pupils or those for whom English is a second language. This new method of disbursement direct to each school instead of via the local authority has also in practice resulted in less local coordination of action under the EMAG. For example, one school could have a substantial number of non-English speaking pupils speaking the same foreign language, and a school nearby might have just one or two such pupils. Under the previous system the local authority could employ teachers which both schools could hire in to supply appropriate amounts of tuition. Under the current system, the first school may have enough EMAG funding to support a teacher to address the pupils' needs, but the second school would be unable to do this. The Task Force was concerned at reports from the organisation Show Racism the Red Card, the UKs anti-racism educational charity, that these local authority support structures for teachers and schools in promoting equality and tackling racism have been abolished or are rapidly being dismantled. SRRC reported that local authorities Ethnic Minority Achievement Service teams, able to provide expert advice and resources for schools, are now rapidly disappearing partly due to local authority cuts but also due to the changes regarding the EMA grant. Further, as the Task Force was preparing this report, it noted that a consultation on the future of the EMAG itself13 had not yet presented its conclusions. Another factor is the change in Ofsted's school inspection criteria which has weakened the requirements to address race equality. Under the arrangements from 2009 school inspectors had to give particular priority to "assessing how well schools promote equality of opportunity, and how effectively they tackle discrimination".14 Inspectors were to make eight main judgements relating to the effectiveness of the leadership and management of the school, and the framework stated: "Where a school is judged to be inadequate in relation to the quality of the schools procedures for safeguarding and/or the extent to which the school promotes equality and tackles discrimination, inspectors treat these as limiting judgements and the schools overall effectiveness is also likely to be judged inadequate." Another of the eight judgements was the effectiveness with which the school promotes community cohesion. This changed with the new framework from September 2012. There is no longer any priority given to assessing how well schools promote equality of opportunity. Inadequacy in promoting equality is no longer a limiting judgement it would no longer result in the likely judgement of a school as inadequate and there is no longer a judgement on the effectiveness of the school's promotion of community cohesion.15
13

http://www.cambridgeassessment.org.uk/ca/digitalAssets/200053_brief_summary_of_Government_policy_i n_relation_to_EAL_Learners.pdf 14 The Framework for School Inspection in England under Section 5 of the Education Act 2005, from September 2009, Ofsted 15 The Framework for Inspecting Schools in England under Section 5 of the Education Act 2005 (as amended) Dec 2012, Ofsted

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This means that in practice a school could be judged good or outstanding, with greater numbers of pupils achieving five good GCSEs, even if its black pupils were falling further behind. The Task Force is concerned that all these changes, at a time of severe pressure on funding, will undermine the progress on closing the achievement gap. The Task Force noted that, due to the efforts of Liberal Democrat peers during the passage of the Education Bill, there remains a duty on schools to cooperate with their local authority and act in accordance with the Local Children and Young People's plan drawn up by the local authority. Recommendation 2: The Task Force recommends that Ofsted continue to monitor expenditure of the Pupil Premium to ensure that it is used for the purposes for which it was intended and that all schools are properly and transparently accountable for its use. The Task Force further recommends that in order to prevent a reverse of the progress made in recent years towards closing the ethnic minority achievement gap, the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant is maintained, that schools are held transparently accountable for its expenditure and that the Ofsted inspection framework be revised to reinstate the requirement to judge schools on their promotion of equality of opportunity and community cohesion. The Task Force believes that local coordination of action is essential and in the best interests of children in local communities with regard to the use of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant. It therefore recommends that if this inter-school coordination is lacking then local authorities utilise their powers under the Local Children and Young People's plan to ensure that proper coordination takes place. Other issues We all want the best for our children, and want to make sure their education experience is as enjoyable as possible while ensuring they are able to reach their full potential. Evidence shared with the Task Force suggests that BAME parents have several concerns regarding the mainstream education experience of their children. Research by Ian Law and Sarah Swann16 states: The UK experience shows that despite significant achievements in developing integrated, non-discriminatory educational systems persistent patterns of hostility, segregation and inequality remain. This research also challenges any connection between ethnicity and low educational aspirations, apart from the case of Gypsies, Roma and Travellers where high dropout and high levels of disaffection with school are particularly marked.
16

Law, Ian and Swann, Sarah Ethnicity and Education in England and Europe, gangstas, geeks and gorjas, Ashgate 2011

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Inclusion of all communities in the curriculum The Task Force discussed the role of the curriculum in ensuring that children from all communities feel a part of the national narrative. The Dept for Education itself has published a report on good practice which underlines the effectiveness of such teaching, and the Black Manifesto 2010 also calls for the school curriculum to reflect the diversity of the school population, both to raise the levels of engagement and attainment of minority ethnic pupils and to promote a positive view of racial equality and cultural diversity to all its pupils. Recommendation 3 In line with the policy outlined in Black Manifesto 2010, the school curriculum should properly reflect the ethnic diversity of the country. In order to promote understanding, an impartial teaching of the history of cultural diversity in the UK as well as Britains historical global role should be taught. Stereotyping A study by the Institute of Education at the University of London found that one of the major concerns for middle class Black parents was that teachers generally had a predetermined view of the kind of pupils who were capable of academic success. The study suggested that some teachers had lower expectations of BAME students. The identified that there were signifiers that teachers used to ascertain whether a pupil would succeed academically; some of these signifiers are contained in the table below: More likely to succeed Less likely to succeed 17 Girls Boys Conforming to Uniform Standards Adapting Uniform Doesnt partake in Black Culture Partakes in Black Culture Middle Class Working Class Two Parent Home Single Parent Home The report by the Institute for Education found that 52-53% of newly qualified teachers (NQTs) did not feel qualified to teach BAME pupils. Members of the Task Force echoed these sentiments and confirmed that they themselves had also been subjected to low expectations from their teachers. Studies have shown that preconceived notions of how different ethnic groups and genders are likely to perform can influence marking: when Leeds University introduced name-blind marking the scores of Black students and women increased by 12%. This level of difference affects whole careers. The Runnymede Trust states that there is a range of evidence suggesting that school decision making and selection processes about access to course and qualification routes in schools work against the interests of Black students. For example, evidence suggests that Black pupils are more likely to be entered for lower tier exams, meaning that these students
17

Rollock, N. (2007) Legitimising Black academic failure: deconstructing staff discourses on academic success, appearance and behaviour. International Studies in Sociology of Education, 17:3, 275-287

16

are only able to able to achieve a maximum grade of a C or D, and other evidence has found that Black Caribbean and African students are less likely to be indentified for gifted and talented programmes. Evidence also suggests that Chinese and Indian students are more likely to be entered into higher sets. Setting can be problematic given that a pupil's set is decided at a young age, and evidence suggests that teacher assumptions that Black students will achieve poorly and Chinese/Indian students highly may result in children being put in an inappropriate set, and thus effectively pre-determine how high a grade it is possible for them to achieve. There is also a phenomenon in inner cities for some schools to have a far higher proportion of BAME pupils than would be expected from the diversity of the catchment area the Task Force heard of a school with 90% BAME pupils in an area where the BAME community was 30% due to white parents sending their children elsewhere. It is clear that there is a long way to go before race equality in schools is no longer a problem. It is therefore a mistake for the government to have decided not to proceed with the statutory code of practice on the Public Sector Equality Duty and statutory codes of practice for schools and the further and higher education sector, and instead have the Equality and Human Rights Commission issue non-statutory guidance which in practice can be widely ignored. The Task Force agrees with the EHRC that rather than creating a regulatory burden, statutory codes have a valuable role to play in making clearer to everyone what is and is not needed in order to comply with the Equality Act. Recommendation 4 That teacher training should be improved in order to equip teachers to deal with issues of race and help them recognise their own potential unconscious biases. Failure to address issues of race The Task Force regrets that up to this point, the opportunity has not been grasped to address issues surrounding race as a fundamental component of teacher training and that many NQTs are under-prepared to deal with issues involving race. One case highlighted by the IoE report gives the example of a mother whose son was victim to overt racism by his peers at a private school. The school was unresponsive to the situation and fearing for the childs wellbeing, his mother took him out of the school. The report explains that the schools senior management refused to give the mothers complaints any legitimacy, only becoming more entrenched in their position when she explicitly named racism as the cause of her sons problems. 17

Punishment and exclusions

A report by the Centre for Social Justice states that in 2009/2010 there were an estimated 5,740 permanent exclusions, and 331,380 fixed-term exclusions, amongst a pupil population of approximately 8-million.18 The Runnymede Trust states that in 2007-8 the 8,130 permanent exclusions represented approximately 0.11% of all pupils while 5.14% of the school population experienced temporary or fixed term exclusions during the same period. While white boys represented 0.18% of the permanently excluded pupils, Black Caribbean boys represented 0.53%. According to the EHRC, the lowest permanent exclusion rates were among the South Asian community, with five out of every 10,000 pupils being excluded, followed by children with one white and one Asian parent. The highest rates of permanent exclusions among ethnic minority groups were found among Black Caribbean pupils (30 per 10,000 pupils), pupils from Irish Traveller backgrounds (30 per 10,000 pupils) and Gypsy/Roma pupils (who had the highest rate at 38 per 10,000 pupils). Taken together these rates are between three and four times the overall exclusion rate, although caution is needed in using these estimates due to the possible under recording of pupils from the Gypsy/Roma and Irish Traveller groups, and the small population sizes.19 The rate at which Black Caribbean pupils are excluded from school has declined over the past few years. However, the latest figures suggest that Black Caribbean pupils are still three times more likely to be excluded from school than all pupils nationally. The Childrens Commissioner for Englands inquiry into school exclusions requested that the Dept for Education undertake an analysis of the correlation between the proportion of a schools population who come from those ethnic groups which have above-average exclusion rates in the national statistics, and the likelihood of those children to be excluded. The report, published in March 2012, found: Children from the relevant ethnic groups were much more likely to be excluded when they were in a small minority in a school than when they were with larger numbers of children from the same ethnic group as themselves.20 If there was an inherent issue with the behaviour of Black Caribbean pupils, then the more such pupils there are in a school the more exclusions there would be. The statistical evidence from the Dept for Education shows that the opposite is the case. The Inquiry heard evidence to suggest that this related to the reluctance to directly address issues of race in the education system, with either pupils or professionals. The effect on the lives of those excluded is profound. With only 15% of permanently excluded young people reintegrated into mainstream school, exclusion has an enormous impact on the possibility of a students successful transition into adulthood and
18 19

http://www.centreforsocialjustice.org.uk/client/downloads/CSJ_Educational_Exclusion_WEB_12.09.11.pdf http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf 20 They never give up on you - Office of the Childrens Commissioner School Exclusions Inquiry http://www.childrenscommissioner.gov.uk/content/publications/content_561

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employment.21 Being excluded from school has a massive impact on a pupils attainment levels. For example, research by David Gillborn and David Drew found that excluded pupils are four times more likely to finish their education without having gained academic qualifications. Subsequent access to higher education and employment is therefore limited. Furthermore, if a child has lower academic achievement they are more likely to become involved in criminal activity. A problem exists within the education system where, too often, punishment and expulsion are seen as the only course of action. The Centre for Social Justice states that the use of referrals, part-time time tables, managed moves and dual registration should all be taken into account when estimating the exclusion rate as these are not counted in official figures, however they can be used as a proto-exclusionary tactic. The Childrens Commissioners report also states that while exclusion is a sanction used in England, it is not used much in mainland Europe. The inquiry found evidence of illegal activity by some schools in their use of unofficial exclusion, and heard accusations that academies are attempting to avoid scrutiny of their exclusions by external independent appeal panels, and refusing to hear appeals from parents. The inquiry also set out alternatives to exclusion currently in use in schools which included implementing the restorative justice approach, dealing with underlying behavioural issues rather than simply parking them, ensuring curriculum continuity and allowing students to be more easily reintegrated into the mainstream when their issues have been addressed. Belinda Hopkins, the Director of Transforming Conflict, also made the Task Force aware of the work of the Pan-London Back On Track Project and its successful pilot of restorative approaches in Pupil Referral Units. The evidence presented to the Task Force showed strong opinions on the rights given to children who has been unjustly or illegally excluded from school. The Task Force heard a number of examples of children who had essentially been illegally excluded and had no right to appeal or to challenge this decision. The Task Force felt that it is entirely against natural justice for Independent Appeals Panels to be debarred from returning to a school a child who is found to have been unjustly or illegally excluded by that school. While in-school centres are better than sending children to Pupil Referral Units elsewhere, there remains a concern that ethnic minority pupils could be disproportionately referred to these centres just as they already are to the units. Recommendation 5 Noting that exclusion of pupils from school is used far more widely in England than it is in mainland Europe, the Task Force recommends that the Department for Education implement the Childrens Commissioners report into the prevention of and positive alternatives to exclusion. It should also develop guidance on this. The Task Force further recommends that the Education Act should be amended to reinstate the right of appeals panels, when they find that a school has unjustly or illegally excluded a
21

Joseph Rowntree Foundation. School exclusion and transition into adulthood in African-Caribbean communities. http://www.irr.org.uk/pdf/JRF_exclusions.pdf

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child, to have the power to order the childs return to the school from which they were excluded. The Task Force also recommends the introduction of a Schools Ombudsman to deal with issues of discipline and to enforce a proportional response by schools when dealing with all pupils including those from BAME backgrounds. This could be accompanied by more advocates for children in general. Expelled students should also be afforded access to a trained advocate to ensure that they are properly represented. Peer group pressure A study into ethnicity and education in England and Europe stated that more than 70% of pupils from all ethnic groups strongly recognise that education is a key means of improving life-chances and despite widely varying home backgrounds and school experiences aspirations were high. However over a quarter of pupils did not take this view and this educational disaffection across all groups needs addressing.22 There is pressure within certain peer groups for young people to shun the overt prestige of academic achievement and the plaudits that come with it and to instead seek covert prestige by distancing themselves from academic achievement and those that seek it, in favour of being seen to be cool instead of a geek.23 Currently it seems that in some cases peer groups are having more of an influence than teachers on the attitude of children to school: boys are often balancing the desire to do well and satisfying the expectations of peer pressure to be seen as cool and popular, with the epitome of hegemonic masculinity involving hardness, sporting prowess, coolness, casual treatment of schoolwork and being adept at cussing.24 Some young working class people in urban areas harbour daily fears for their safety and even their lives. The national education system has to recognise that attendance and behaviour, to say nothing of future prospects, are secondary concerns to young men and women in this situation. Within the catchment area for some inner city schools there may be several postcode boundaries which serve as indicators of the turf of rival gangs, many of whom are or have been extremely violent. Thus it is important to recognise that where members of rival gangs are attending the same school, the potential for antagonism and conflict must be something teachers are made aware of and trained to deal with.25

22

Law, Ian and Swann, Sarah Ethnicity and Education in England and Europe, gangstas, geeks and gorjas, Ashgate 2011. p. 140 23 Law, Ian and Swann, Sarah Ethnicity and Education in England and Europe, gangstas, geeks and gorjas, Ashgate 2011 24 Sarah Finney, Ian, Law and Sarah Swann Searching for autonomy: young Black men, schooling and aspirations 2012 25 Home Office, 2011. Statutory Guidance: Injunctions to prevent gang-related violence. http://www.official- documents.gov.uk/document/other/9780108511288/9780108511288.pdf

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English as a second Language

Last year statistics released by the Department for Education showed that nearly 1-million students in England speak English as a second language. A recent study found that Punjabi was the most frequently spoken language among pupils who did not have English as a first language. After that the most common languages were Urdu, Bengali, Gujarati, Somali, Polish, Arabic, Portuguese, Turkish and Tamil. Differences in basic skills by ethnic group largely disappear if those whose second language is English are excluded. The low level of the wholly English-speaking Black African/Caribbean population is the main exception to this. The EHRC report concludes therefore that ethnic differences are partly but not wholly related to the significant number of people in ethnic minority groups who speak English as a second language.26 While there has been controversy over the rise in children speaking English as an additional language (EAL), there is data to suggest that the figures reported in the media may be misleading. First, some of the children described as speaking English as a second language come from families which speak fluent English but choose to speak to their children at home in their native tongue. Secondly, data suggests that EAL students go on to outperform those later on in their schooling. Finally, there have been suggestions that those who grow up speaking more than one language successfully go on to learn additional languages later on in their school career27. However, the Task Force recognises that support for English language can be a hugely important tool of social mobility. Currently the Coalition provides extra funding to schools to help them teach children with English as an additional language. Pupils learning EAL are generally taught in the mainstream class alongside their peers. Newly arrived pupils are usually given additional help in learning English by specialist teachers or by bilingual classroom assistants. Much of the cost of this has come from the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant, outlined above. The consultation noted that between 2006 and 2011 the percentage of EAL learners reaching the expected levels at Key Stage 1 had increased from 77.6% to 82% in reading; from 74% to 78% in writing, and from 84.9% to 86% in maths. At Key Stage 2 over the same period the percentage of EAL pupils reaching the expected level in English and maths combined increased by more than eight percentage points, from 61.9% to 70%.28 The Task Force believes that given that the proportion of pupils with English as a second language is increasing, this is not the time to reduce this funding nor to risk earmarked funds being used for other activities. The Government is also supporting English Language courses in Further Education and in March 2012, they announced 10m of extra funding for Further Education colleges to provide English Language courses for non-native speakers. The funding is targeted at helping those who are not in employment and are unable to afford normal course fees. A
26 27

http://www.education.gov.uk/rsgateway/DB/SFR/s001012/index.shtml http://www.cambridgeassessment.org.uk/ca/digitalAssets/200053_brief_summary_of_Government_policy_i n_relation_to_EAL_Learners.pdf

28

http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf

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high proportion of those identified being in need of support are women with children living in areas already facing significant cohesion challenges.29 The Task Force welcomes this funding. Positive action in schools The Task Force heard much evidence that positive role models are vital in a pupils journey through the schooling system and that mentoring can be a valuable support. Role models can provide a valuable service to children from BAME backgrounds: A longitudinal study of young adolescents revealed that students who reported having at least one race- and gender-matched role model at the beginning of the study performed better academically up to 24 months later, reported more achievement-oriented goals, enjoyed achievement-relevant activities to a greater degree, thought more about their futures, and looked up to adults rather than peers more often than did students without a race- and gender-matched role model.30 The Task Force was also made aware of a number of good mentoring schemes for ethnic minority children currently operating throughout the UK, assisting pupils with their schooling and generally raising the level of aspiration amongst pupils from a BAME background. Organisations like Mosaic are setting the standards which other mentoring programmes, nationwide, should follow. The Task Force further welcomes the announcement by Nick Clegg of further funding to secondary schools to enable them to provide intensive catch-up tuition for all Year Seven pupils who start secondary school without having achieved the required levels in English and maths. Only 30% of those not achieving Level 4 in reading at the end of primary school go on to achieve 5 A* to C at GCSE. For pupils on free school meals this drops to 7%. The new catch-up premium is likely to assist almost 110,000 pupils this year. Recommendation 6 Schools should maintain links with ex-pupils and invite successful ex-pupils from across all ethnicities to visit and talk to students. Recommendation 7 The Department for Education should establish a central database of the mentoring programmes operating nationally and create the conditions for communications between the programmes to share examples of best practice. Best practice for mentoring programmes of this nature should stress the importance of providing race- and- gender matched role models for BAME children in the education system.
29 30

http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/communities/pdf/2092103.pdf http://www.mills.edu/academics/faculty/educ/szirkel/02tcr.pdf Sabrina Zirkel, Is there a place for me? Role models and academic identity among white students and students of colour, Teachers College Record, (Vol. 104, No. 2, 2002).

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Recommendation 8 The government should talk to pupils and students about their education experience, they should use these conversations to produce standard language regarding what pupils can expect and are entitled to with regard to their educational experience. This Learners Charter will be the basis by which all pupils can expect to be treated and will have direct feed in from those learners consulted. This document should be updated every couple of years. Recommendation 9 The Government to set aside a certain amount of research funding, from the general education research budget, for research specifically of race issues. Recommendation 10 Monitoring be employed on a national scale to track the success of policies designed to bring about racial equality. Monitoring enables us to identify inequalities in educational practice and to target support appropriately. Recommendation 11 We should celebrate every aspect of British culture and not just the diverse aspects. Being British and celebrating that means celebrating traditional British culture on an equal level as diverse British culture and BAME culture within the UK, creating an equal platform and an area in which all of British culture can engage and communicate. Supplementary schools The Task Force has welcomed the growing acknowledgement by Childrens Trusts, the Dept for Education and other agencies, of the value of supplementary schools31. These schools, set up by voluntary groups, run in the evenings or at weekends and offer a range of learning opportunities, including national curriculum subjects (English, maths, science and others), religious studies, mother-tongue classes, cultural studies and a range of extra activities, such as sport, music, dance and drama. While the roots of the supplementary school began with the traditional Sunday school, many such schools have been set up by minority communities who have felt that the regular school system has let down their children or because they want to ensure that their children maintain linguistic and cultural ties with their heritage. These schools have enabled children to be fluent in their communitys mother-tongue language and culture which has enhanced their identities in positive ways. Bilingualism has also been shown to help childrens learning as it allows them to think about ideas in two different languages. It also gives them an advantage in an increasingly global employment market. These schools can be a very positive influence within communities, particularly when other institutions engage positively with them. Frith Manor Primary School in Finchley, for example, has about 70 Japanese families in the school. It hosts the Japanese school at weekends and its positive and imaginative approach to diversity has led to Frith Manor

31

http://www.continyou.org.uk/what_we_do/supplementary_education/

23

putting Japanese language learning on the curriculum which not only fosters a more closely knit community, but also enhances the education of all pupils. The Task Force welcomes the shift in the approach that the authorities, including childrens trusts, are now taking to supplementary schools and further welcomes the growing partnerships between mainstream primary and secondary schools with supplementary schools.

Gypsy, Roma and Irish Traveller communities (GRT)

The Task Force felt it necessary to put a spotlight on one particular ethnic group whose children have fallen way behind their peers in educational outcomes. The Council of Europe has suggested there were around 300,000 Gypsies and Travellers in the UK in 2002.32 Of all minority ethnic groups discussed, educational take up, especially secondary education, is especially low amongst the GRT communities.33 Educational attainment is lower than the national UK average. In 2011, just 12% of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller pupils achieved five or more GCSEs, including English and Maths, compared with 58.2% for all pupils34. In primary schools, just a quarter achieved national expectations in English and Maths, compared with three-quarters of all pupils. Well over 40% of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller pupils are eligible for free school meals rising to 57.5% in Special Schools. The Coalition Government has announced several policies, such as the Pupil Premium and the free provision of early years childcare, that should be directly beneficial to children from traveller backgrounds. However, more must be done to assess take up, especially from this community. Some local initiatives have shown that entrenched patterns of school non-attendance can be substantially transformed with effective outreach programmes but they remain marginal and insecure and it is vital to build on the success of targeted initiatives such as the Achievement Service programmes and Early Years Outreach teams and also that schools show positive leadership and do not turn away these children due to concerns over absence figures. Empowerment of GRT community organizations, adult mentors and securing involvement of families and parents is also vital in achieving this objective.35 The Coalitions Inter-Ministerial Working Group on Tackling Inequalities in the Gypsy and Traveller Community, led by Lib Dem Race Equality Minister Don Foster MP, has identified
32

McNamara, O et al (2009) The leadership aspirations and careers of Black and ethnic minority teachers TDA/NASUWT: Nottingham 33 Rollock (2009) School Governors and Race Equality in 21st Century schools Runnymede Trust: London www.runnymedetrust.org 34 Source: Dept for Education http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/pupilsupport/inclusionandlearnersupport/mea/improvingachievement/ a0012528/gypsy-roma-and-traveller-achievement 35 Law, Ian and Swann, Sarah Ethnicity and Education in England and Europe, gangstas, geeks and gorjas, Ashgate 2011

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many of the problems affecting this group, particularly in the area of education. We welcome the Coalitions resolve to tackle some of these issues, in particular tackling bullying, exclusion and poor attendance.36 The Virtual Headteachers Pilot Scheme is an innovative project which has potential to be rolled out more widely, and we strongly support the recognition of the Gypsy, Roma and Traveller Community as a vulnerable group under the Ofsted Framework. However, we believe there is still much more work that needs to be done. Recommendation 12 Launch a new creative national campaign to address literacy and generate aspirational capital amongst these communities, led by these communities with government, LEA and school support, in order to increase the participation of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) children in secondary education as they feel particularly disenfranchised from the education system. Recommendation 13 It is vital, when teaching children about tolerance and racial diversity, that Gypsy, Roma and Irish Travellers are included. Any teacher training aimed to improve understanding of cultural diversity must also give a holistic view of the issues surrounding GRT children. The Department for Education should commission a study to see what outreach programmes, for example home visits, have been shown to be the most effective interventions.

36

http://www.education.gov.uk/schools/pupilsupport/inclusionandlearnersupport/mea/improvingachievemen t/a0012528/gypsy-roma-and-traveller-achievement

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Further and higher education

The recording of ethnicity data is compulsory only for UK-domiciled students and so the data used in this section is restricted to British students living in the UK. In the 2008/09 school year, ethnicity data was known for 95% of UK domiciled first-year undergraduates. The proportion of students from ethnic minority groups has been rising fairly steadily over the last 12 years. In the 2008/09 intake, ethnic minorities constituted 20% of all first-year UK domiciled students of known ethnicity studying for their first undergraduate degree.37 According to analysis conducted for the National Equality Panel, all ethnic minority groups have seen a rise in their share of the total student population, with the largest increase being among Black students who rose from 3.6% in 1995 to 5.7% in 2007 of the undergraduate population.38 However, it is important to note the crucial fact that nearly half of all Black, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Indian graduates attended post-1992 universities or former polytechnics, compared to a third of other ethnic groups. This is despite the fact that Indian students are the second highest achieving ethnic group. All minority ethnic groups, with the exception of students from Chinese backgrounds, are more likely to be at new institutions. There are more students of Black Caribbean origin at London Metropolitan University than at all the Russell Group universities put together.39 Students from different minority ethnic groups have different outcomes when studying for their first degree, with students from some minority ethnic groups far less likely to leave university with a first or upper second class degree than others. In 2008/09 White students were most likely to achieve this level with nearly 7 in 10 (67%) compared to just fewer than 4 in 10 Black students (38%).40 Over the past seven years, the percentage of UK-domicile leavers achieving a first class or upper second class honours degree has steadily increased for most ethnic groups. For UK-domicile qualifiers, the difference between the proportion of White qualifiers who obtained a first class or upper second class honours and that of BAME qualifiers (the attainment gap) increased from 17.2% in 2003/04 to a peak of 18.8% in 2005/06 and is now at 18.6% in 2009/10.41 Minority ethnic students, however, are only achieving these outcomes after overcoming additional barriers. A study by the National Union of Students42 states that that a simple explanation for the attainment and satisfaction gap of Black students does not exist; it is a complex issue with a range of causal factors. Although the Black
37 38

http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf ibid 39 Runnymede Trust, 2007 40 http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/triennial_review/how_fair_is_britain_ch10.pdf 41 ibid 42 Race for Equality: a report on the experiences of Black students in further and higher education - NUS

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student population is a highly heterogeneous group, our research identifies and highlights common concerns among Black students, which are clearly linked to their attainment and overall satisfaction yet often overlooked by institutions. However the NUS survey of almost 1,000 BAME students concluded that institutional racism was a key factor, that many students felt alienated and excluded, and felt as if they were invisible to lecturers. 34% stated they felt unable to bring their perspective as a Black student to lectures and tutor meetings. A running theme through both the survey and focus group data was a frustration that courses were designed and taught by non-Black teachers, and often did not take into account diverse backgrounds and views. The report also found that schooling and college education had a direct impact, with BAME students commented that being from a low socio-economic background meant that they did not have access to a high standard of education in their school years and that they did not have the same academic skills, such as study skills and understanding theoretical debate, as their white peers. As reported in the earlier section on schools, some respondents also reported that they had encountered widely held stereotypes based on race and attainment from teachers while at school and college. The Task Force discussed the work of the group Aimhigher in assisting students from ethnic minority backgrounds to attend higher education. Dr Brian Alleyne, Senior Lecturer at Goldsmiths, University of London, told the Task Force that he felt more effort should be focussed on engaging the BAME community with science education. Careers in this field have not historically been undertaken by people from BAME backgrounds, resulting in young people from these communities not viewing those careers as realistic, regardless of whether or not they have the necessary qualifications and falling back into careers they see as more in line with their culture. Which university? A study by the ECU found that post-graduation employment showed wide margins between ethnicities. The study found that in 2009/10, 12.6% of BAME students leaving university, particularly Chinese (14.7%) and Black (14.3%) leavers, were more likely to be assumed to be unemployed than white leavers (6.2%)43 The study explained that Post-graduation employment may be linked in part to the institution students attended (some institutions are more prestigious and appealing to employers than others) and the degree classification that students are awarded. Many graduate jobs, and often funding for postgraduate courses, have criteria that applicants should have a 2:1 or above, which impacts on BAME students as they are less likely to be awarded a 2:1 or above. As stated earlier, the Runnymede Trust has also reported44 that whilst the proportion of
Data source: ECU publication Equality in higher education: Statistical report 2010. Runnymede Trust submission to the Work and Pensions Select Committee Inquiry into Youth Employment and the Governments Youth Employment Contract
43 44

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university places taken by minority ethnic students has increased from 13% of students in 1994/95 to 23% in 2008/09, a figure broadly proportionate to their size in the young population, these students are more likely to attend less prestigious institutions which have lower employment rates. For example, at least 44% of all Black, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and Indian graduates attended post-1992 universities, or former polytechnics compared to 34% of other ethnic groups. In addition, 8% of all Black university students attend Russell Group universities compared to 24% of all White students. In 2009 only one Black Caribbean student was accepted to study on a course at Oxford University. These trends have an impact on graduate employment prospects and earnings. Minority ethnic graduates are more than twice as likely to be unemployed after graduation compared to White students. Many of the universities with the highest minority ethnic populations have the lowest employment rates, and given the currently poor prospects for graduates generally, this is likely to have an adverse effect on minority ethnic employment. Studying at a Russell Group University has been found to boost a graduates earnings by between 3 and 6% compared to studying at a new university. Recommendation 14 Require the Equality and Human Rights Commission to ensure that institutions of further and higher education are enforcing compliance with race equality legislation in further and higher education. Recommendation 15 Require all universities to be fully transparent about all the selection criteria used to evaluate student applications for places, including for example which A-level subjects are likely to count for or against a candidate. Recommendation 16 Colleges and universities should adopt a zero-tolerance policy regarding racist behaviour, incorporate race awareness more effectively into staff training, and increase focus on social inclusion and the student experience both within and outside the classroom. Recommendation 17 The Russell Group universities should improve their outreach to BAME students in order to improve their under-representation in these institutions.

Apprenticeships

The Ethnic Minority British Election Study (EMBES) estimates that unemployment was a key election issue for minority voters. The report points out that half of young Black people are unemployed, as well as 31% of young Asian people45 (See later section on employment). Members of the Task Force are concerned that if unchecked these trends will persist,

45

http://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/EMBESbriefingFINALx.pdf

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thereby creating an ever-increasing racial segregation within the working populations of young people.46 To stamp out discrimination, Liberal Democrats have pledged to ensure that every company that employs more than 100 people should have its pay arrangements examined with a Diversity audit and an Equal Pay Audit. Under these proposals, companies would be required to compare the pay people doing equal work. Any pay gaps identified that cannot be satisfactorily explained would require the company to produce plans to eliminate them, giving everyone a fair deal. The Runnymede Trusts report also found that students who do not have parental connections to industry were less likely to be able to get a work placement, which was essential to progress in a given career. The research found that there are deeply embedded notions of the ideal student and ideal work placement candidate, which favour middle- class, white, male and non-disabled students47 The Trust48 has also noted that ethnic minorities are under-represented on apprenticeship schemes. Data highlighted from the Black Training and Enterprise Group last year showed that: Of all apprentices in England in 2009/10, 7% were from an ethnic minority; 1.6% were of mixed ethnicity, 2.9% were Asian, 2% Black and 0.5% Chinese or other ethnic minority (The Data Service, 2011). In comparison, 14% of the working age population in England is from an ethnic minority. In addition there remains a gap in the information about how many applicants for apprenticeships are from an ethnic minority, and what proportion of these are successful in comparison with overall success rates. The Task Force shares the Trusts concern that government action is not been taken quickly enough to address these concerns and that statements from Conservative ministers appear to be taking a colour-blind approach which in effect means failing to address race issues. For example there appears to be the view that the "Get Britain Working" measures which provide support to all eligible unemployed job seekers according to their needs, irrespective of ethnicity, are an adequate response to the fact that half the economically active black population between 18 and 24 are unemployed. No targeted intervention is deemed to be necessary. Recommendation 18 The government should undertake more ethnic monitoring of apprenticeships, particularly in relation to application success rates.
46 47

http://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/EMBESbriefingFINALx.pdf Data source: ECU publication Equality in higher education: Statistical report 2010. 48 Runnymede Trust submission to the Work and Pensions Select Committee Inquiry into Youth Employment and the Governments Youth Employment Contract

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The government should provide an update on findings and next steps following the completion of its diversity pilots, and should act in response to embed the learning from the pilots to apprenticeships nationally. The governments apprenticeships review should include a focus on increasing the numbers of under-represented groups on apprenticeships schemes. Mentoring and careers advice Some sectors, such as the legal profession, have been taking advantage of mentoring schemes with varying degrees of success for some years. Fields like science and engineering on the other hand have not exploited mentorship to its full and mutually beneficial capacity. Mentorship schemes, especially in areas of misrepresentation are needed, but this needs long-term investment and after potentially exploring the options for local pilots the Task Force believes such a scheme should be rolled out nationally. There has been little research into effective independent careers advice and guidance that young people from BME communities need in order to access a wider range of universities or the labour market on graduation. Work to explore whether careers advice is resulting in some ethnic groups (such as Indian students) choosing less prestigious universities or low paid/over-competitive careers, is needed. Recommendation 19 Create a well structured and financed national mentorship and/or shadowing scheme.

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Section two: The teaching profession

Introduction
In a multiracial society the aim must be to achieve a diverse and integrated workforce in every profession, so that no part of our industry is ever considered off-limits to any community. But achieving this is of particular importance in the teaching profession. Teachers, by definition, collectively have a profound impact on our childrens world vision and on their future progress. It is not an exaggeration to say that the teaching profession shapes the development of our society. A report49 by the teaching union the NASUWT states that the reasons most commonly cited for the importance of representativeness in the teacher workforce in relation to the demographics of the population are: BAME teachers could act as inspirational role models for students with similar backgrounds and thus improve their achievement; that a correspondence between the ethnic composition of the teacher workforce and local community was desirable. Third, that they can help to dispel stereotypical beliefs held by the majority group about the minorities. And fourth, that it is of course a legitimate right of ethnic minorities to have fair opportunities for employment in this profession. So how representative is the teaching profession?

Primary and secondary schools

In 2009, 12.9% of pupils in England were from BAME backgrounds, yet the percentage of teachers from BAME backgrounds was just over 2.4%.50 Almost 20 years ago the Rampton Report expressed concern about the under-representation of ethnic minorities in the teaching population of England and Wales. While there have been major strides towards better representation, the statistics show that there are still steps that need to be taken to address the issue.51 Progress in high BAME representation amongst teachers has been greatest in the areas with the highest concentration of pupils from minority backgrounds and slowest where ethnic minority pupils make up a much smaller proportion of the school population. Fewer than 2% of teachers in the North East and South West are from minority backgrounds, compared
49

The leadership aspirations and careers of black and minority ethnic teachers, Prof Olwen McNamara, Prof John Howson, Prof Helen Gunter and Andrew Fryers, NASUWT and National College for Leadership of Schools and Childrens Services 50 House of Commons Education and Skills Committee. Secondary Education: Teacher Retention and Recruitment. Fifth Report of Session 2003-04. p.18 http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200304/cmselect/cmeduski/1057/1057.pdf 51 http://www.sec-ed.co.uk/cgi-bin/go.pl/article/article.html?uid=42649;type_uid=2

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with around 20% in London schools.52 There are studies which show that whilst those trained in England can find posts in areas with ethnically diverse populations, BAME teachers are deterred from seeking teaching posts in other parts of the country and in higher achieving schools, by real or perceived racist attitudes towards them.53 However, NASUWT consultations with BAME members have found that BAME teachers do apply for jobs in schools with low BAME representation, but often report difficulties in securing posts in these schools. Another concern that was raised by the evidence gathered by the Task Force was the lack of support, training and funding for BAME teachers. In past years, much of this had been tied to organisations and quangos, some of whom have ceased to exist or cut down their activities due to changes in Government policy.54 Dr Nicola Rollock55, previously the Head of Education for the Runnymede Trust as well as the developer of a training programme on engaging with cultural and ethnic diversity in teaching, highlighted statistics about the number of NQTs who felt prepared to teach students from BAME backgrounds. Dr Rollock raised her concerns that over 50% of people did not feel prepared to teach students from BAME backgrounds.56 A report by Show Racism the Red Card, supported by the National Union of Teachers,57 included a questionnaire in which 83% of respondents indicated that they had witnessed racist behaviour amongst their pupils and many felt there were strong racist attitudes amongst the pupil cohort. Racist behaviour was also evidenced amongst teachers, the report stated, from the use of racist terminology and telling of racist jokes to lower expectations of BAME pupils. However, less than two-thirds of respondents had received training on how to tackle racism and only about a third had had training in relation to support the needs of travellers, refugees and asylum seekers. In the 2000- 2001 intake, 6% of primary school teacher trainees and 8% of secondary school teacher trainees were from minority ethnic communities. This is equivalent to 7.8% in total. The national target set for the 2005-2006 intake was 9%. From the ethnic monitoring data collected by various Universities and the Teacher Training Association, it can be estimated that graduates from Black and minority ethnic communities are around three times less likely to enrol in teacher training. 58
52 53

http://www.tes.co.uk/article.aspx?storycode=6055206 https://www.education.gov.uk/publications/eOrderingDownload/RB853.pdf 54 ibid 55 Visiting Research Associate & Associate Editor UK Race Ethnicity and Education, Educational Foundations & Policy Studies, Institute of Education, University of London 56 ibid 57 The Barriers to Challenging Racism and Promoting Race Equality in Education in Englands Schools, Show Racism the Red Card, supported by the National Union of Teachers 58 Runnymede Trust. Black and Minority Ethnic issues in teaching and learning. Briefing Paper. p.5 http://www.runnymedetrust.org/uploads/projects/education/BMEissuesDiscussionPaper.pdf

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The NASUWT 2009 research found Discrimination, my ethnicity, recruitment policies / procedures and attitude of senior colleagues all featured in the overall top ten barriers and were almost all cited by all groups of respondents. Male BAME teachers perceived discrimination as their greatest barrier compared to their female counterparts who ranked it sixth.59 BAME senior leaders were also found to be disproportionately concentrated in urban schools with high proportions of BAME pupils and BAME staff. 70% of BAME teachers and school leaders said they believed it was harder for BAME teachers to secure leadership posts than for other teachers.60 Since 1997 there have been efforts made to attract teachers from BAME backgrounds into the teaching profession. Underlying official discourse in this sphere is the assumption that the targeted recruitment of male or ethnic minority teachers will provide much-needed role models in schools for those groups most likely to experience educational failure and disaffection.61 There is anecdotal evidence to indicate that some BAME teachers feel pigeonholed into working in diversity-related areas rather than having the choice of working in other fields instead. The key message from the NASUWT research was that the profession as a whole is not perceived by the majority of BME teachers to be inclusive. Further concern has been expressed that many academies or free schools out of local authority control which now form the majority of secondary schools have a false understanding of their obligations under the Equality Act, for example assuming that the public sector equality duty under the Equality Act does not apply to them. The NASUWT study reports that ethnic monitoring of the teacher workforce is haphazard and should be undertaken at a more systematic fashion at school, local authority and national levels.

Teaching staff in further and higher education

The proportion of UK national academics who were BAME increased from 5.9% in 2003/04 to 7.0% in 2009/10. The proportion of UK national Black academics who were professors was particularly low (3.6%). UK national Chinese (12.3%), other Asian (11.6%) and white (11.1%) academics were most likely to be professors. A higher proportion of white academic staff earn over 50,000 (28.9%) than BAME academic staff (25.5%). Similarly for professional and support staff, 5.2% of white staff and 3.1% of BAME staff earn over 50,000. UK national BAME academic staff were more likely to be employed on fixed-term contracts (33.5%) than white staff (28.1%). For non-UK national academic staff this difference was

59

http://www.nasuwt.org.uk/consum/groups/public/@equalityandtraining/documents/nas_download/nasuwt _005377.pdf 60 ibid 61 http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02680930305573

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wider, 54.5% of BAME staff were on fixed-term contracts compared with 41.2% of white staff.62 As described above, there was concern expressed by many who submitted evidence to the Task Force on the lack of teacher training and awareness of issues around race, culture and identity. As Anuja Prashar, a member of our Task Force, explained, it is a matter of what she termed cultural dexterity. There remain persistent concerns that teacher training focuses too heavily on punishment as the best way to deal with unruly pupil behaviour, rather than confronting and engaging with the root causes of that behaviour. Concerns were raised within the University of London Institute for Educations report that Black parents are reluctant to raise issues of race with teachers as experience tells them that the term racism is likely to be met with resistance and antagonism by teachers, tutors and school staff. Recommendation 20 That equality monitoring be undertaken at a systematic level at school, local authority and national levels. Particular monitoring should be carried out of BAME teachers progress on the leadership scale. Recommendation 21 Future early year worker and teacher training programmes should ensure that there is proper training on how to deal with students from different ethnic backgrounds and are comfortable with issues such as cultural identity and equal opportunities. The ability to display an understanding of the issues surrounding cultural diversity and race equality should be essential in order to pass teacher training. Ensure that the continued professional development of teachers is geared towards creating a better understanding of issues associated with pupils/students from different ethnic backgrounds and further issues like cultural identity and equal opportunities. Recommendation 22 Based on evidence submitted by the Runnymede Trust, the Task Force recommends that the Teaching Agency should conduct a widespread audit of the needs of all teacher training institutions in the area of race equality. The audit should include the assessing of the needs of those involved in teacher training, including trainers, lecturers and trainers. The Teaching Agency as well as Ofsted will be responsible for oversight of the race equality teacher training. Both bodies will appear before the Education Select Committee to discuss the success of the training programme and to identify areas for improvement. In order to encourage more BAME students to consider a career in teaching, a programme should be developed in which successful BAME educational professionals are encouraged to visit neighbouring schools to tell pupils what it is they love about teaching, how they got into it and the levels of success they have achieved.
62

Equality in higher education: statistical report 2011, ECU

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 Recommendation 23 The Teaching Agency should reintroduce targets to recruit ethnic minority teachers (previously organised by the Training and Development Agency for Schools)

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Part Two: Race equality and employment

Introduction More than 40 years have passed since race discrimination in employment was first outlawed, and no doubt it was hoped perhaps believed back in 1968 that by now this pernicious injustice would have been eradicated. It is therefore shocking that after all this time employment discrimination continues to be of major concern to BAME workers. This concern is supported by overwhelming statistical evidence. The 60/76 report63, published in 2007, was the work of the Business Commission set up by the National Employment Panel under the Department for Work and Pensions. The commission members included top executives from major companies such as those from RBS, Co- Operative Group, ITV, WH Smith, Skanska UK plc and top officials from HM Treasury and the DWP.

Employment rates

Their report quoted Labour Force Survey 2007 data showing that there was a 16 point gap between the chances of ethnic minority workers having a job and those of the white workforce: 60% is the ethnic minority employment rate; 76% is the white employment rate. The report also shows that there are distinct variations between ethnic groups and gender The situation had changed little since 1999: a Cabinet Office report stated that 80% of white men were in employment in 1999 compared with 65% of non-white, while for women it was 70% to 49%64. This is shown in more detail in the Equality and Human Rights Commissions Triennial Review, 201065 in which it quotes Labour Force Survey data showing that the employment rate for men of Chinese heritage was 64%, Indian 78% and white British 79% while for women of Chinese heritage it was 60%, Indian 61% and white British it was 72%. The employment rate was lowest for Black Caribbean men (67%), Pakistani men (66%) and Bangladeshi men (62%). For women the picture was more bleak, with 26% of Pakistani women and 23% of Bangladeshi women in employment.
63

The 60/76 report, the Business Commission on Race Equality in the Workplace a report by the National Employment Panel, published by the Department for Work and Pensions,October 2007, www.dwp.gov.uk/docs/buscommissionreport.pdf 64 Improving Labour market achievements for ethnic minorities in British Society scoping note, July 2001, Performance and Innovation Unit, Cabinet Office 65 How Fair is Britain? Equality, Human Rights and Good Relations in 2010. The First Triennial Review (Equality and Human Rights Commission) http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/key-projects/how-fair-is-britain/full- report-and-evidence-downloads/

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Pay
For those in work, a larger proportion of BAME workers are concentrated in low paid jobs. A report for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation in 2007 stated that around two-fifths of people from ethnic minorities live in income poverty, twice the rate for white people. 66 In particular Among those in working families [families where at least one adult is in paid work], around 60% of Bangladeshis, 40% of Pakistanis and 30% of Black Africans are in income poverty. They state: Low pay is certainly much more prevalent among most minority ethnic groups. For example, up to half of Bangladeshi workers, a third of Pakistanis and a quarter of Black Africans were paid less than 6.50 an hour in 2006 compared with a fifth of the other ethnic groups.

Pay penalties

Another measure of inequality is in the difference in pay. The report by the London School of Economics for the Government Equalities Office, titled An Anatomy of Economic Inequality in the UK67, stated that When employed, nearly all other groups have hourly pay less than white British men Women from nearly all ethno-religious backgrounds have pay between a quarter and a third less than a white British Christian man with the same qualifications, age and occupation. This is echoed in the report Pay Gaps across Equalities Areas68 for the Equality and Human Rights Commission, where it states: All groups of ethnic minority women and men, except Indian and Chinese men, experience pay gaps relative to white British men. The LSE report also makes clear that higher pay does not mean that the relevant group is free of discrimination. It states: Although Chinese men are one of the highest paid groups, they are paid 11% less than would be expected allowing for their qualifications.

Occupational segregation
The Business Commission reports that ethnic communities are concentrated in particular fields of work. These include public administration, health, distribution and hospitality. Outside these sectors they are under-represented in both private and public sectors. Across all sectors many ethnic minority employees feel underemployed given their skills and qualifications. Progress in improving ethnic minority employment rates is the same for public and private sector, although in the public sector promotion prospects are better for people from ethnic minorities.
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Poverty among ethnic groups: how and why does it differ? By Peter Kenway and Guy Palmer, New Policy Institute, for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation http://www.jrf.org.uk/sites/files/jrf/2042-ethnicity-relative- poverty.pdf 67 An Anatomy of Economic Inequality in the UK, The Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, London School of Economics, Report of the National Equality Panel for the Government Equalities Office, 2010, http://sticerd.lse.ac.uk/case/_new/publications/NEP.asp 68 Pay Gaps across Equalities Areas, Simonetta Longhi and Lucinda Platt, Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of Essex, Research Report 9, Equality and Human Rights Commission http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/uploaded_files/pay_gaps_accross_equalities_areas.pdf

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This has been borne out in the audiovisual industries where levels of employment of minority ethnic workers vary depending on sector and on occupation. While there is over- representation in low-paid grades such as cleaners, in other areas there is serious under- representation, particularly in radio broadcast, post-production and film. While this averages out at a figure equivalent to the minority ethnic working age population (7%), half of the industrys workforce is London-based where the percentage of the minority ethnic working age population is 24% and so the disproportionate numbers in the industry are even more evident. 69 Further research70 concluded that minority ethnic-led production companies felt labelled, pigeon-holed or ghettoised into producing programmes and films for minority ethnic audiences or involving minority ethnic writers and actors. BAME actors have left the UK to develop their careers in the USA as they have believed that they would find more opportunity and less discrimination. In the film industry, representation is so poor in film production that at current rates of progress it would take more than a century for the diversity of the London film industry workforce to match that of Londons overall workforce. Management There is a long way to go before Britains diversity is appropriately represented in boardrooms. A report for the Government Equalities Office71 states that only 27 out of the FTSE 100 companies had any ethnic minority directors and there is little ethnic diversity in UK corporations in general. Only 4.7% of FTSE 100 directors were BAME. They find that while disparities are also apparent on boards of directors in the public sector, these boards tend to have better representation. Of about 18,500 public appointments, as of March 2008 about 5.7% were BAME. Overseas-qualified ethnic minority senior staff These figures are however an overestimate of the progress made by the UKs BAME community into top jobs. A further report72 states that a review of the FTSE 100 found that while the 4.7% figure for BAME directorships, an increase, is good news it is heavily dependent on the recruitment of ethnic minority directors from overseas. There are eight BAME women in total on FTSE 100 Boards ... However, all hold non-executive positions and only one woman is a British national. This issue can also be found in the NHS. Health and Social Care Information Centre data indicated that of 39,088 consultants in NHS employment in England in September 2011 about 30% were known to be ethnic minority. But when all those who qualified overseas are

69 70

Move on Up, evaluation, Dr Iona Jones, Imagine Associates Researching the independent production sector: a focus on minority ethnic led companies Emma Pollard, Elaine Sheppard, Penny Tamkin and Robert Barkworth, report produced for PACT and the UK Film Council, http://www.employment-studies.co.uk/pdflibrary/pactukfc.pdf 71 Increasing diversity on public and private sector boards Dr Ruth Sealy, Elena Doldor and Prof Susan Vinnicombe, International Centre for Women Leaders, Cranfield School of Management, for the Government Equalities office 72 Race to the Top: the place of ethnic minority groups within the UK workforce Race for Opportunity, Business in the Community

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taken out of these figures, the number of UK qualified BAME consultants is under 10%73. Of 1,055 Black or Black British consultants only 197 were UK qualified74. Progress? The comparison of recent research and experiences with those of a decade ago or longer shows that the issues identified then are the same as those identified now, and the statistical evidence indicates that insufficient overall progress has been made. There are ominous signs that not only is progress coming to a halt, but the recession is devastating some communities far more than others. This was emphasised in March 2012 by the publication of data from the Office of National Statistics revealing that out of the economically active 16-24 age group 55.9% of Black men and 39.1% of Black women were unemployed compared with 23.9% of white men and 17.2% of white women. For half of a communitys economically active young people to be unemployed will devastate that community for generations unless it is addressed with supreme urgency.

Is this race discrimination?

Is race discrimination really the cause of this inequality? The Department for Work and Pensions commissioned a study75 to collect factual evidence to test the assertion that discrimination is a significant factor affecting labour market outcomes for members of ethnic minorities. The study was a field experiment in which matched pairs of job applications were submitted in response to job advertisements in the public sector and private sector in seven British cities. Ethnic identity was conveyed using names widely associated with the ethnic groups included in the survey. These names were randomly assigned to each application. The employers responses were monitored with the key positive outcome being a call-back for interview. The survey found that, looking at the pairs of applications in which either or both were called to interview, 39% of BAME applicants got through compared with 68% of white applicants. Put differently, 10.7% of the 987 white applications received a positive response compared to 6.2% of the 1,974 ethnic minority applications. They concluded that ethnic minorities had to send 16 applications for one successful outcome compared to nine for white applicants. The difference between the public and private sectors was even more shocking. The survey found that 4% of public sector employers were likely to have discriminated on the grounds of race compared with 35% of private sector employers. The report added: The level of racial discrimination was found to be high across all ethnic groups. Although there was some variation in the level, ranging from 21% for
73 74

excluding dental specialties excluding dental specialties 75 A test of racial discrimination in recruitment practice in British cities research report no 67 Martin Wood, Jon Hales, Susan Purdon, Tanja Sejersen and Oliver Hayllar, National Centre for Social Research on behalf of the DWP http://research.dwp.gov.uk/asd/asd5/rports2009-2010/rrep607.pdf

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Pakistani/Bangladeshi names to 32% for Indian, Chinese and Black Caribbean names, the differences between the groups were not statistically significant. There was a high level of discrimination for applications of both genders, though somewhat higher among male applicants 32% to 26% for women. The survey noted that where the employers own form had been used there was virtually no net discrimination, compared to 38% where a CV had been sent. They comment that this may relate to employer forms often being designed so that personal details could be detached before the sifting process. These measures may also be associated with organisations with dedicated HR functions and well-developed procedures. The survey concludes: The random assignment of names to convey ethnicity in applications in this correspondence test means there are no plausible explanations for the difference in treatment found between white and ethnic minority names other than racial discrimination. It continued: Candidates were denied access to a range of jobs in a range of sectors across British cities as a result of having a name associated with an ethnic minority background. Types of discrimination The authors of the report raised the possibility that a great deal of ethnic disadvantage in the private sector is unintentional and unrecognised by senior management. The Business Commission report concurs with this. It states that discrimination takes one of several forms: - Straightforward racial prejudice at the level of individual managers; - Less specific kinds of harassment or victimisation that drive ethnic minorities to resign or prevent their application; - Workplace cultures that unintentionally result in discrimination. In particular informal, word of mouth recruitment practices including hiring who you know rather than casting the net wider. It is a well-researched phenomenon that people prefer to hire others in their own image, so in the absence of any formal application process diversity is not going to progress. - Stereotyping and preconceived notions about ethnic minorities. The Cranfield report for example noted that employers attributed lack of ethnic minorities at board level to a lack of skills or qualifications to be on boards. The researchers found no evidence that any skills or qualification deficit existed. Stereotyping also serves to exacerbate the concentration of the BAME workforce in certain areas and underrepresentation elsewhere. Informal recruitment practices and stereotyping have been widely recognised in the broadcasting industry for example, and the success of media and entertainment union BECTUs industry-wide Move on Up diversity initiative for example has been attributed to its focus on breaking down stereotypes and cultivating personal contacts for minority ethnic professionals with industry executives. In nine events over 10 years BECTU in partnership primarily with the BBC but also with sector skills council Creative Skillset and a wide range of private sector organisations including ITV, Sky and independent production companies has set up more than 5,000 one-to-one meetings between more than 1,000 minority ethnic professionals and 500 industry executives who had been sent their CVs in advance.

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This has led to many people going on to obtain jobs, programme commissions and other opportunities and boosting their confidence. Hundreds of executives, some of whom had thought that the BAME workforce was very small and overwhelmingly young and underqualified, discovered that the BME workforce has in fact a large cadre of mature, highly experienced and well qualified professionals. The Business Commission also concludes that employers response to this issue has been inadequate. Their survey of 1,000 businesses revealed that 42% could not articulate reasons for their company to take steps to promote race equality; 61% did not recognise a connection between diversity and business performance; 83% did not believe they would face formal investigation of their employment practices or that an employee would ever take them to a tribunal. Among the rationales they heard for why companies were not taking any action was that race equality is not an issue because they do not have any ethnic minority employees; white staff resent measures to tackle race inequality; and that all they want to do is hire the best and in promoting race equality they are being asked to lower standards. Other issues The Task Force endorses the conclusions of the Liberal Democrat working group on inequality which indicate that class is a major factor driving inequality. Class can be seen to be underlying the disparity in employment and income of different ethnic groups: while all minority ethnic groups have been shown (above) to suffer discrimination, the damage is greater, and different, for those where a greater proportion are working class. For example, statistics show that Britains Indian community has higher levels of educational outcome, employment and pay than most other ethnic minority groups. Research76 traces the roots of this to British immigration policy in the mid-20th century and the failure of the education system to train sufficient numbers for the newly expanding NHS. Faced with shortages of doctors, the government recruited professionally qualified personnel primarily from India, which had a health system that mirrored that of Britain and whose qualifications were transferable to the NHS. The emigration of British-trained doctors at one point estimated at 30-50% of medical graduates to other countries where pay was higher than the NHS, increased the inward migration of medical professionals from India and to a lesser extent Pakistan. By 1971 31% of all doctors working in the NHS in England were born and qualified overseas. Half a century later, the legacy for the British-Indian community is to have a larger proportion in the middle class than other minority communities.

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Immigration and the National Health Service: putting history to the forefront by Stephanie Snow and Emma Jones, Wellcome Research Associates in the Centre for the History of Science, Technology & Medicine, University of Manchester, http://www.historyandpolicy.org/papers/policy-paper-118.html

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 The Task Force has identified three other factors affecting ethnic minority employment:

Skills and training

Research has shown77 that workers in the lowest paid jobs have poor access to training, so BAME workers who are concentrated in these jobs are likely to be disproportionately affected. In addition, earlier TUC research78 showed that employees in non-unionised workplaces were far less likely to ever have been offered training than those in unionised areas. 36% of non-union BAME employees have never been offered training compared with just 16% in unionised workplaces. However, further research into participation in adult learning indicates that overall ethnic minority groups are more likely to participate in taught learning than the white population (as opposed to self-directed learning). Black and mixed origin communities have higher rates of participation in adult learning (54% compared with 34% of economically inactive white people) and are more likely to be benefiting from taught learning, and learning towards a qualification. There is anecdotal and other evidence to suggest that many Black students who feel they have been let down by the school system (see above), on reaching adulthood go back into learning as mature students in order to achieve the outcome they had been denied79.

Access to capital for business

The Task Force agrees with the feedback made to the governments Ethnic Minority Advisory Group in 201280 which observed that there is a perception of discrimination/prejudice in decision making; many minority ethnic potential applicants do not believe they will be successful at securing finance; and poor take-up of professional business support, linked with a perception that the business lack cultural understanding. The Bank of England81 acknowledges that some ethnic minority businesses perceive that they are treated adversely, and whether or not discrimination exists, the steps that need to be taken by banks and other finance providers to counteract either actual or perceived discrimination are the same in both cases. The Task Force endorses the commitment in the governments equality strategy to lift the barriers faced by ethnic minority businesses in accessing finance and the work of Liberal Democrat minister Don Foster in taking this forward and urges that this policy is given full support.
77

The EHRC Triennial Review: Developing the Employment Evidence Base Deborah Smeaton, Maria Hudson, Dragos Radu and Kim Vowden, Policy Studies Institute 78 Workplace Training: A race for opportunity, TUC 79 Equality and Human Rights Commission Triennial Review: Education (Lifelong Learning), Participation in Adult Learning Peter Jones, School of Education, University of Southampton 80 http://www.dwp.gov.uk/docs/emag-minutes-190412.pdf 81 The Financing of Ethnic Minority Firms in the United Kingdom: a special report http://www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Documents/financeforsmallfirms/ethnic.pdf

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Contrast between public and private sector progress

The Task Force notes that the level of discrimination faced by BAME workers is substantially greater for those in the private sector than it is in the public sector. The Task Force believes this is due to the greater legal requirements placed on the public sector not only to avoid discrimination but to actively take steps to increase diversity and inclusion. These requirements, set out in the public sector duty enshrined in the Equality Act, are absent in the private sector. The result could be seen from the responses to the Business Commission survey in which almost half were unable to say why they should promote race equality and nearly all assumed that they would never face legal challenge over their employment practices. An additional reason for the greater equality in the public sector is that the greater level of trade union recognition in the sector has allowed unions to campaign successfully for the introduction of fairer employment policies and stronger anti-discrimination measures. Current Conservative proposals The Conservatives moves to weaken key parts of the Equality Act 2010 arise from the belief that aspects of the Act are unnecessary or disproportionate burdens on business. All the evidence leads the Task Force to conclude that this is completely the wrong approach. The proposals, contained within the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill, include repealing the protection from third party harassment. This protection makes the employer liable for repeated racist, sexist or other prejudice-based harassment of staff by third parties, where the employer has failed to take reasonable steps to protect them. The Task Force is well aware of the need for ethnic minority workers particularly in public-facing roles to have this protection. Employers looking after their staff properly should have no reason to oppose this protection. The proposals seek to abolish the new power that enables employment tribunals to recommend that an employer found guilty of unlawful discrimination should take specific steps to prevent others suffering similarly. Surely a government that wishes to prevent unlawful discrimination should be actively supporting this measure rather than abolishing it. They also seek to repeal the statutory discrimination questionnaire procedure which enables an individual who believes they have been discriminated against to seek information from their employer. This legislation has been in place since before the last Conservative government took office in 1979 and has stood the test of time. The government says that it wishes to encourage early settlement in order to avoid the need for tribunals; the use of the questionnaire prevents ill-founded litigation and can promote early settlement. 83% of those responding to the governments consultation opposed repeal including the President and Regional Employment Judges of the Employment Tribunals, stating that this would be a retrograde step. The Task Force notes that the proposals came in the wake of the Red Tape Challenge public consultation which sought to remove burdensome bureaucracy. It also notes, however, that

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the 7,000 responses to the consultation were overwhelmingly supportive of the Equality Act. The proposals are therefore not reflective of the consultation responses. The plans, coupled with the new charges of 250 to initiate a discrimination claim, 950 for a hearing and further fees as the claim progresses, would have the effect of reversing progress towards diversity and integration in the workplace and indeed in society at large and making it more difficult for ordinary people to obtain redress. Of great concern to the Task Force was the plan to review the Public Sector Equality Duty. It should be remembered that the establishment of the Public Sector Equality Duty was the direct result of the Macpherson Inquiry into the Metropolitan Police Services failure to properly investigate and prosecute the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence. The report identified that institutional racism affected the MPS, and it was defined as The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. In 2002 a positive duty was placed on public authorities requiring them to have due regard to the need to prevent unlawful race discrimination, to promote racial equality and to foster good relations in all that they do. It meant that organizations had to take a proactive and collective approach rather than merely reacting to individual complaints of discrimination when they occurred and could be proved. The Public Sector Equality Duty, as shown above, has been particularly effective in ensuring that the public sector does not merely try to avoid discrimination but takes active steps to foster diversity. The DWP 2009 investigation has demonstrated that it has indeed changed attitudes. Liberal Democrats are and should remain committed to upholding the Public Sector Equality Duty. Recommendation 24 The Task Force endorses Nick Cleggs statement that Our equalities legislation is considered the best in Europe and has transformed discrimination in the workplace. The Equality Act is a cornerstone of the UKs culture of fairness. It isnt there for employers to pick and choose from. And it is not going away. We recommend that Liberal Democrats oppose all attempts to weaken the Equality Act, and further to demand full implementation of the Act, including the adoption of all Statutory Codes of Practice, as envisaged when the Liberal Democrats in Parliament voted for its passage into law. These include Statutory Codes of Practice on the Public Sector Equality Duty and on Schools and the Further and Higher Education sector, which are currently set out merely as technical guidance. Recommendation 25 The Task Force endorses Nick Cleggs acknowledgement that there has been insufficient progress in the private sector. 44

 Further, the Task Force notes the recommendation of the Business Commission in 2009 which stated that the government should assess in 2012 whether the private sector has made enough progress in promoting race equality to support the goal of reducing the ethnic minority gap to 12 percentage points by 2015, reports its findings publicly, and if it finds insufficient progress has been made, brings in legislation that obliges private sector employers to promote workplace race equality. The Task Force recommends that the government, through its position as the UKs major purchaser, uses its leverage over, and relationships with, private sector companies to motivate the private sector to promote race equality. This can be achieved through contract conditions to ensure suppliers improve their practices, and we recommend that government establish a public sector-wide procurement policy to use more robust pre-qualification questions and contract conditions to promote race equality in the workplace. It should do this in a way that does not impose undue burdens on small companies. The Task Force believes that our party through its democratic framework should be given the opportunity to debate whether the Equality Duty currently applicable to the public sector should be extended to the private sector as a duty to promote workplace equality, as envisaged by the Business Commission. The Task Force endorses the commitment in the Liberal Democrat 2010 Manifesto requiring name-blind job applications to reduce discrimination in employment, initially for every company with over 100 employees. Transparency The Task Force applauds and endorses the commitments to transparency in the Government Equality Policy: Shining a light on inequalities and giving individuals and local communities the tools and information they need to challenge organisations that are not offering fair opportunities, and public services that are not delivering effectively for all the people they serve. The Task Force is aware of ample evidence to show that equality monitoring, particularly in relation to private sector recipients of public funding and other benefits, is patchy, and even where it is required there has been a tendency to refuse public access to it. The Task Force believes that the public has the right to know how well those in receipt of public money and other benefits are reflecting the diversity of our society. Recommendation 26 The Task Force recommends that all private sector companies and third sector organisations that are in receipt of money, licences or other benefits awarded on behalf of the public whether funding, broadcasting licences or former public sector contracts be obliged to carry out equality monitoring, send this to the funding body, regulator or commissioner

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which in turn shall be required to publish this data for each named company or licence on an annual basis. Increase effectiveness at government level The Task Force endorses the Coalitions commitment Embedding equality: leading by example and embedding equality in everything we do in government as an integral part of our policies and programmes. Recommendation 27 The Task Force recommends the implementation and embedding of this policy into the quasi- non-governmental organizations, regulators and other public bodies. In particular they should ensure that these organizations understand and accept that equality is part of their remit and that enforcement, on behalf of the public, of contract compliance and real accountability through transparency on equality of funding recipients, licencees and contractors is a key part of their role on which they will be measured. Recommendation 28 The Task Force endorses the Coalitions work in setting up the Ministerial Group on Equalities. It recommends that the group assign responsibility for each equality strand to ensure that no strand is left behind and that each strand has its own plan of action. Recommendation 29 The Task Force recommends adoption of the long term policy ambition of eradicating the ethnic minority employment gap within 25 years and to have begun to see a closing of this gap by the next election.

Equality and Human Rights Commission

The Task Force is concerned about proposals currently making their way through Parliament which make changes to the Equality Act and the EHRC. They would remove the EHRCs specific duty to foster good relations in society; end its grants programme without which thousands of victims of discrimination will find it more difficult to obtain legal advice. Its helpline, which has dealt with over 40,000 calls a year, has been privatised. Since 2009 the EHRC has provided 14-million in grant funding to 285 frontline organisations including the Citizens Advice Bureaux, Law Centres, Race Equality Councils and the Disability Law Service. The government is also cutting the budget of the EHRC to such a vast degree that its budget is likely to be lower than that of the former Commission for Racial Equality though the EHRC covers the entire equality remit plus human rights. Regional offices of EHRC are being closed in response to budget cuts which will reduce the quality of service to the public outside London. The swingeing cuts to its budget, coupled with the EHRCs accountability to the Government Equalities Office rather than Parliament, has serious implications for the independence of this body which has a role of standing up to government. The EHRC is recognised by the United Nations as a national human rights institution with the highest A status, but this is 46

contingent upon the EHRC retaining its independence and not being subject to financial control that might compromise its independence. Indeed, the correspondence revealed in October between the Home Secretary and the United Nations indicates that the Conservative Home Secretarys proposals could result in the EHRC losing its top rating and therefore the UK could no longer engage fully in the UN Human Rights Council. The Task Force believes that this new evidence increases the case for the current proposals to be dropped. Recommendation 30 The Task Force recommends maintaining the wider role of the EHRC to enable the organisation to play a leading role in changing attitudes, and we endorse the Business Commission recommendation that the EHRC conduct two sector-based reviews each year, to result in agreed action plans for improving performance in ethnic minority recruitment, retention and promotion. Where companies or sectors who sign up to action plans do not take necessary steps, then as a last resort the EHRC should use its powers to conduct formal investigations. The Task Force further recommends reinstating funding to the EHRC to 2010 levels and that meaningful resources are allocated to each equality strand within the EHRC to ensure that attention is focussed on all strands. The Task Force further recommends that action is taken to ensure that the EHRCs independence from government is upheld and not undermined. Effectiveness of the EHRC is even more important if the duty to promote equality is not extended to the private sector.

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 Conclusion
The Task Force concludes that while substantial progress has been made towards closing the attainment gap in the education system, serious problems remain. The incorporation of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant funding into the Dedicated Schools Grant, coupled with downgrading equality and community cohesion in the Ofsted school inspection critera, creates a danger of the gap widening again. And while race equality legislation brought about some progress within the public sector, the Labour government failed to act to ensure that equivalent progress was made in the private sector. The adoption of the holistic approach to equality combined with a move away from addressing the particular sets of issues faced by each equality strand has been at a cost to the ethnic minority population, which collectively has been and continues to be the target of sustained discrimination on the grounds of their race. The governments equality strategy extends Labours policy, even echoing former Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatchers view that there is no such thing as society in its description of the strategy as one that moves away from treating people as groups or equality strands and instead recognises that we are a nation of 62-million individuals.82 This move has allowed governments to focus on preferred areas of equality. For example there has been a very welcome long running campaign by both the Labour and the Coalition governments to achieve more women in boardrooms. But the Task Force has noted that there has been no similar call for more minority ethnic directors. The governments Equality Strategy aims to ensure that all Englands very diverse communities demographic, economic, social, religious and ethnic can flourish. However, the Task Force is extremely concerned that integration is not allowed to become conflated with the concept of assimilation which insists upon a conformity that negates diversity instead of celebrating it. Liberal Democrats do not believe that multiculturalism is dead as some in the media and other political parties would have us believe. Whilst it is important to unite around the many things we have in common, it remains important to celebrate our different cultures and embrace diversity not smother it. The loss of focus on race, according to the Runnymede Trust, has even led many to believe that that the race issue has been resolved. The Task Force believes, on the contrary, that there is now an even greater need for real action. A new Liberal Democrat approach The Task Force believes that the information presented in this report shows not only the weaknesses contained in the Labour and Conservative approaches, but also that there are

82

The Equality Strategy Building a Fairer Britain HM Government 2010

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overwhelming grounds for a new Liberal Democrat approach which builds on its successful social mobility agenda. The Liberal Democrats exist to build and safeguard a fair, free and open society in which we seek to balance the fundamental values of liberty, equality and community, and in which no-one shall be enslaved by poverty, ignorance and conformity. This creed, set out in the preamble to the partys constitution, goes on to say: We champion the freedom, dignity and well-being of individuals, we acknowledge and respect their right to develop their talents to the full. We aim to disperse power, to foster diversity and to nurture creativity. We believe that the role of the state is to enable all citizens to attain these ideals. In furtherance of this, the Task Forces 30 recommendations are designed to ensure that real action is taken, that in line with the Coalition Agreement public bodies and private and third sector organisations in receipt of money or other benefits awarded on behalf of the public are held to account through enhanced transparency; that quangos, regulators, funding bodies and other arms length public organisations are made to understand that race equality and contract compliance are within their remit upon which they will be measured. In these straitened times it is crucial that within education the funding earmarked specifically to address race equality and the needs of the underprivileged are used for these purposes, ensuring that the decisions on how to use these resources remain local, within the power of schools. It is also clear that urgent action is necessary to address, as quickly as possible, the pressing problems within education such as the under-representation of BAME teachers including at senior level; and what is emerging in some schools as over-reliance on exclusion as a disciplinary tool and the discriminatory use of it against Black Caribbean pupils. The Task Forces recommendations, particularly with regard to employment, build upon the approach of our party leader Nick Clegg who in the Scarman Lecture 2011 referred to another front in the war on race inequality that is too often neglected: economic opportunity. We applaud his recognition that We must not confuse diversity and tolerance with a real level playing field where opportunities are open to all. They are not the same thing. The real lesson from the last 30 years is this: It is not enough for a society to reject bigotry. Because real equality is not just the absence of prejudice. It is the existence of fairness and opportunity too. Greater fairness in the public sector is an important achievement. But it is not enough. Real equality means equality of opportunity across the whole of the economy, the whole of society. Labour tried to compensate for inequality in the section of society they could control rather than trying to eliminate it across the board. Finally, the Task Force acknowledges the estimate by the National Audit Office that the overall cost to the economy from failure to fully use the talents of people from ethnic minorities could be around 8.6-billion annually. 49

 The Task Force applauds the statement by Nick Clegg that If we tapped into the full potential of our Black and ethnic minority communities, just imagine the benefits and prosperity that would bring for society as a whole. If all workplaces and professions were open to Black and Asian ideas and skills. If all Black entrepreneurs and businesses could borrow, compete and grow on equal terms. Our whole economy would grow faster. Jobs would be created in every community. So now is the moment to unleash Black talent, ethnic minority talent, for the good of us all. We must aim for nothing less than real equality of opportunity across the whole of our society, where race does not determine destiny, where you determine your destiny. You have the power and freedom to forge your own path instead.

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Appendix
Recommendations contained within the report are as follows: Recommendation 1 Noting that the first five years of a child's life shapes his or her future, it is essential to ensure adequate provision of affordable and accessible childcare including through: Further training for those wishing to enter the Early Years Workforce, this training should include a clear focus on cultural diversity and race equality and on the need to ensure that the more disadvantaged communities have equal access. Supporting changes to the free childcare entitlement to create a more flexible offer that in turn could improve the chances of BAME parents of obtaining employment. offer that in turn could improve the chances of BAME parents of obtaining employment Recommendation 2: The Task Force recommends that Ofsted continue to monitor expenditure of the Pupil Premium to ensure that it is used for the purposes for which it was intended and that all schools are properly and transparently accountable for its use. The Task Force further recommends that in order to prevent a reverse of the progress made in recent years towards closing the ethnic minority achievement gap, the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant is maintained, that schools are held transparently accountable for its expenditure and that the Ofsted inspection framework be revised to reinstate the requirement to judge schools on their promotion of equality of opportunity and community cohesion. The Task Force believes that local coordination of action is essential and in the best interests of children in local communities with regard to the use of the Ethnic Minority Achievement Grant. It therefore recommends that if this inter-school coordination is lacking then local authorities utilise their powers under the Local Children and Young People's plan to ensure that proper coordination takes place. Recommendation 3 In line with the policy outlined in Black Manifesto 2010, the school curriculum should properly reflect the ethnic diversity of the country. In order to promote understanding, an impartial teaching of the history of cultural diversity in the UK as well as Britains historical global role should be taught. Recommendation 4 That teacher training should be improved in order to equip teachers to deal with issues of race and help them recognise their own potential unconscious biases. Recommendation 5 Noting that exclusion of pupils from school is used far more widely in England than it is in mainland Europe, the Task Force recommends that the Department for Education implement the Childrens Commissioners report into the prevention of and positive alternatives to exclusion. It should also develop guidance on this. 51

The Task Force further recommends that the Education Act should be amended to reinstate the right of appeals panels, when they find that a school has unjustly or illegally excluded a child, to have the power to order the childs return to the school from which they were excluded. The Task Force also recommends the introduction of a Schools Ombudsman to deal with issues of discipline and to enforce a proportional response by schools when dealing with all pupils including those from BAME backgrounds. This could be accompanied by more advocates for children in general. Expelled students should also be afforded access to a trained advocate to ensure that they are properly represented. Recommendation 6 Schools should maintain links with ex-pupils and invite successful ex-pupils from across all ethnicities to visit and talk to students. Recommendation 7 The Department for Education should establish a central database of the mentoring programmes operating nationally and create the conditions for communications between the programmes to share examples of best practice. Best practice for mentoring programmes of this nature should stress the importance of providing race- and- gender matched role models for BAME children in the education system. Recommendation 8 The government should talk to pupils and students about their education experience, they should use these conversations to produce standard language regarding what pupils can expect and are entitled to with regard to their educational experience. This Learners Charter will be the basis by which all pupils can expect to be treated and will have direct feed in from those learners consulted. This document should be updated every couple of years. Recommendation 9 The Government to set aside a certain amount of research funding, from the general education research budget, for research specifically of race issues. Recommendation 10 Monitoring be employed on a national scale to track the success of policies designed to bring about racial equality. Monitoring enables us to identify inequalities in educational practice and to target support appropriately. Recommendation 11 We should celebrate every aspect of British culture and not just the diverse aspects. Being British and celebrating that means celebrating traditional British culture on an equal level as diverse British culture and BAME culture within the UK, creating an equal platform and an area in which all of British culture can engage and communicate. 52

Recommendation 12 Launch a new creative national campaign to address literacy and generate aspirational capital amongst these communities, led by these communities with government, LEA and school support, in order to increase the participation of Gypsy, Roma and Traveller (GRT) children in secondary education as they feel particularly disenfranchised from the education system. Recommendation 13 It is vital, when teaching children about tolerance and racial diversity, that Gypsy, Roma and Irish Travellers are included. Any teacher training aimed to improve understanding of cultural diversity must also give a holistic view of the issues surrounding GRT children. The Department for Education should commission a study to see what outreach programmes, for example home visits, have been shown to be the most effective interventions. Recommendation 14 Require the Equality and Human Rights Commission to ensure that institutions of further and higher education are enforcing compliance with race equality legislation in further and higher education. Recommendation 15 Require all universities to be fully transparent about all the selection criteria used to evaluate student applications for places, including for example which A-level subjects are likely to count for or against a candidate. Recommendation 16 Colleges and universities should adopt a zero-tolerance policy regarding racist behaviour, incorporate race awareness more effectively into staff training, and increase focus on social inclusion and the student experience both within and outside the classroom. Recommendation 17 The Russell Group universities should improve their outreach to BAME students in order to improve their under-representation in these institutions. Recommendation 18 The government should undertake more ethnic monitoring of apprenticeships, particularly in relation to application success rates. The government should provide an update on findings and next steps following the completion of its diversity pilots, and should act in response to embed the learning from the pilots to apprenticeships nationally. The governments apprenticeships review should include a focus on increasing the numbers of under-represented groups on apprenticeships schemes. Recommendation 19 Create a well structured and financed national mentorship and/or shadowing scheme.

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 Recommendation 20 That equality monitoring be undertaken at a systematic level at school, local authority and national levels. Particular monitoring should be carried out of BAME teachers progress on the leadership scale. Recommendation 21 Future early year worker and teacher training programmes should ensure that there is proper training on how to deal with students from different ethnic backgrounds and are comfortable with issues such as cultural identity and equal opportunities. The ability to display an understanding of the issues surrounding cultural diversity and race equality should be essential in order to pass teacher training. Ensure that the continued professional development of teachers is geared towards creating a better understanding of issues associated with pupils/students from different ethnic backgrounds and further issues like cultural identity and equal opportunities. Recommendation 22 Based on evidence submitted by the Runnymede Trust, the Task Force recommends that the Teaching Agency should conduct a widespread audit of the needs of all teacher training institutions in the area of race equality. The audit should include the assessing of the needs of those involved in teacher training, including trainers, lecturers and trainers. The Teaching Agency as well as Ofsted will be responsible for oversight of the race equality teacher training. Both bodies will appear before the Education Select Committee to discuss the success of the training programme and to identify areas for improvement. In order to encourage more BAME students to consider a career in teaching, a programme should be developed in which successful BAME educational professionals are encouraged to visit neighbouring schools to tell pupils what it is they love about teaching, how they got into it and the levels of success they have achieved. Recommendation 23 The Teaching Agency should reintroduce targets to recruit ethnic minority teachers (previously organised by the Training and Development Agency for Schools) Recommendation 24 The Task Force endorses Nick Cleggs statement that Our equalities legislation is considered the best in Europe and has transformed discrimination in the workplace. The Equality Act is a cornerstone of the UKs culture of fairness. It isnt there for employers to pick and choose from. And it is not going away. We recommend that Liberal Democrats oppose all attempts to weaken the Equality Act, and further to demand full implementation of the Act, including the adoption of all Statutory Codes of Practice, as envisaged when the Liberal Democrats in Parliament voted for its passage into law. These include Statutory Codes of Practice on the Public Sector Equality Duty and on Schools and the Further and Higher Education sector, which are currently set out merely as technical guidance.

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 Recommendation 25 The Task Force endorses Nick Cleggs acknowledgement that there has been insufficient progress in the private sector. Further, the Task Force notes the recommendation of the Business Commission in 2009 which stated that the government should assess in 2012 whether the private sector has made enough progress in promoting race equality to support the goal of reducing the ethnic minority gap to 12 percentage points by 2015, reports its findings publicly, and if it finds insufficient progress has been made, brings in legislation that obliges private sector employers to promote workplace race equality. The Task Force recommends that the government, through its position as the UKs major purchaser, uses its leverage over, and relationships with, private sector companies to motivate the private sector to promote race equality. This can be achieved through contract conditions to ensure suppliers improve their practices, and we recommend that government establish a public sector-wide procurement policy to use more robust pre-qualification questions and contract conditions to promote race equality in the workplace. It should do this in a way that does not impose undue burdens on small companies. Recommendation 26 The Task Force recommends that all private sector companies and third sector organisations that are in receipt of money, licences or other benefits awarded on behalf of the public whether funding, broadcasting licences or former public sector contracts be obliged to carry out equality monitoring, send this to the funding body, regulator or commissioner which in turn shall be required to publish this data for each named company or licence on an annual basis. Recommendation 27 The Task Force recommends the implementation and embedding of this policy into the quasi- non-governmental organizations, regulators and other public bodies. In particular they should ensure that these organizations understand and accept that equality is part of their remit and that enforcement, on behalf of the public, of contract compliance and real accountability through transparency on equality of funding recipients, licencees and contractors is a key part of their role on which they will be measured. Recommendation 28 The Task Force endorses the Coalitions work in setting up the Ministerial Group on Equalities. It recommends that the group assign responsibility for each equality strand to ensure that no strand is left behind and that each strand has its own plan of action. Recommendation 29 The Task Force recommends adoption of the long term policy ambition of eradicating the ethnic minority employment gap within 25 years and to have begun to see a closing of this gap by the next election. 55

Recommendation 30 The Task Force recommends maintaining the wider role of the EHRC to enable the organisation to play a leading role in changing attitudes, and we endorse the Business Commission recommendation that the EHRC conduct two sector-based reviews each year, to result in agreed action plans for improving performance in ethnic minority recruitment, retention and promotion. Where companies or sectors who sign up to action plans do not take necessary steps, then as a last resort the EHRC should use its powers to conduct formal investigations. The Task Force further recommends reinstating funding to the EHRC to 2010 levels and that meaningful resources are allocated to each equality strand within the EHRC to ensure that attention is focussed on all strands. The Task Force further recommends that action is taken to ensure that the EHRCs independence from government is upheld and not undermined.

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