Northeastern Political Science Association

Towards the Prison Notebooks: The Evolution of Gramsci's Thinking on Political Organization 1918-1926 Author(s): Walter L. Adamson Source: Polity, Vol. 12, No. 1 (Autumn, 1979), pp. 38-64 Published by: Palgrave Macmillan Journals Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3234381 . Accessed: 21/04/2013 20:30
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Towards thePrison The Evolution Notebooks: ofGramsci's on Thinking Political Organization 1918-1926 L. Adamson Walter
University Emory

has been theobjectof growbased on Marxistprinciples Politicaltheory theeconomicto the The in recent times. interest shift of focus from ing and British has led Marx's American of teaching implications political one the Antonio to thethought theorists Gramsci, of of the founders of Prison the to the ItalianCommunist Notebooks, best party, especially For a his known of theNotebooks of writings. properunderstanding thedecand turns to Gramsci's Adamson politicaltheory practiceduring to his 1926 and seeks arrest in his ade preceding disentangle changing on political educaand theeffect organization ofpolitical conceptions in Gramsci's showstheshifts tion.A tablein thearticle politics priorto 1927. in the is assistant L. Adamson,a politicalscientist, Walter professor His at Arts the Liberal Institute Graduate EmoryUniversity. maininof is in and research terest in teaching politicalideologies.He has con-

andSociety. andTheory ofPolitics toTheReview articles tributed

in thepolitical of interest thepastfive theory yearsa growing During in Italy since the late whichhas swelledsteadily Antonio Gramsci, North and finally acrossFrance, England, 1940's,has swept suddenly imof thetheoretically are various:thedemise The reasons America.'
Biography(London: MerlinPress, 1977); MartinClark, AntonioGramsciand thatFailed (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1977); the Revolution Marxism(London: Pluto Press,1976); GwynA. Williams, Carl Boggs,Gramsci's Order(London: Pluto Press,1975); and articles by ThomasR. Bates, Proletarian in Italy,"Societas4 (Winter1974): "Antonio Gramsciand theSovietExperiment
mention: books by Alastair Davidson, Antonio Gramsci: Towards an Intellectual

of at least are worthy studiesthe following 1. AmongrecentEnglish-language

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L. Adamson 39 Walter of the eastern New Left,the widelyevident poverished bankruptcy theapparent and theinterest emer"roadsto socialism," surrounding cometo mind. sudden However, genceof a unique"Eurocommunism," and fashions of thissortruntheriskof haphazard intellectual analysis workon Gramsci has not avoidedsuch reconstruction; unsystematic pitfalls. oftheItalian certain havecompounded features studies the Moreover, and reconstruction of Gramsof therediscovery The pattern problem. ciantheory was inverted andled to distortions. It beganwith an edition Notebooks of thePrison as much in with accordance arranged political critical Difficulties ofinterpretation led to thepublicaas with concerns. of thecrucial midtionof theearly andonlyrecently to those writings, in roles of the Italian the dle period whenGramsci played key politics The process had comefull Communist party (Pci) and theComintern. oftheNotebooks in 1975.2 was published circle whena critical edition
of the PCI," Journalof Con39-54, "AntonioGramsciand the Bolshevization History11 (July 1976): 115-133, and "Gramsciand the Theoryof temporary Journal of theHistory of Ideas 36 (April-June 1975): 351-366; Paul Hegemony," Piccone,"Gramsci'sMarxism:BeyondLenin and Togliatti," Theoryand Society AnContradictions: 3 (Winter1976): 485-512; Jerome Karabel,"Revolutionary Politicsand Society6 (Spring tonio Gramsciand the Problemof Intellectuals," in the Thought 1976): 123-172; JosephFemia, "Hegemonyand Consciousness of Antonio PoliticalStudies23 (March 1975): 29-48; Perry Anderson, Gramsci," New Left Review 100 (Nov. 1976-Jan. "The Antinomies of AntonioGramsci," 1977): 5-78; AlastairDavidson,"The VaryingSeasons of GramscianStudies," PoliticalStudies 20 (December1972): 448-461; and ChantalMouffee and AnneS. in Franceand Italy," Sassoon,"Gramsci Economyand Society6 (February 1977): of earlywritings have appeared:Pedro Caval31-68. In addition two anthologies canti and Paul Piccone, eds., History,Philosophyand Culture in the Young Gramsci(St. Louis: Telos Press,1975); and Quintin Hoare, ed., Selections from 1910-1920 (New York: International the PoliticalWritings, Publishers, 1977). A of recent Frenchand Italianliterature on Gramsci can be found good bibliography in thearticle and Sassoon. byMouffe 2. The six volumesof thefirst edition of theNotebooksappearedbetween1948 and 1951; the writings of Gramsci'sworkercouncil period, L'Ordine Nuovo (1919-1920), came out in 1954, followedby ScrittiGiovanili (1914-1918) in 1958, Sotto la Mole (1916-1920) in 1960, Socialismoe fascismo(1921-1922) in 1966, and La Costruzione del PartitoComunista(1923-1926) in 1971. These workswill be abbreviated in citations below as O.N., S.G., S.F., and C.P.C. rewill be made to the English However,wherever possible,reference spectively. The as H.P.C. and S.P.W. respectively. editions,cited in note 1, abbreviated critical edition-Valentino ed., Quadernidel Carcere,4 vols. (Turin: Gerratana, EditoriEinaudi, 1975)-will be cited as Q.C. Wherepossiblethe EnglishSelectionsfromthePrisonNotebooks, ed. Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith Publishers, 1971) willbe citedas S.P.N. (New York: International

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40 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Organization Thinking In addition, workwas used like thoseMarx studies which Gramsci's the classic texts to refashion them as for vehicles reappropriate only has debates. This led both to selective contemporary readings political intoa comparison with someone else (often also Trotsky Lenin, keyed of particular examination or AmadeoBordiga)and to isolated periods theleitmotiv or "rhythm of thethought as it dethat or themes ignore velops." a in theEnglish Thus faults All toooften, literature. these arerepeated on the1919-1920period4 or thePrison somehavefocused exclusively connections to the Notebookperiod exploring 5 without sufficiently crucial locate a the whole to others have whole; only surveyed larger or in 1920 to in 1918 to establish a non-Leninist "break," perspective6 have simply or Bordigan establish a Leninist7 one;8 and stillothers in theshifts in Gramsci stressed the"continuity" underplaying thereby and his revolution in he made on organization, political Italy, judgment which haveunfewstudies Worst of all are those allegiances.9 political wholein of as a kind "Gramscism" taken immediately given critically is dialectical Gramsci's of its utter thought political qualities.'x disregard a movement in itself of in theprocess becoming fixed butalways never it. Moreover, thepastwithout and transcends that repudiating englobes to whichall and practice of theory the unity reflects the movement as hedid. as fully few haveachieved butwhich Marxists aspire of theevolution when be fully understood willonly Gramsci's politics reconand impartially is systematically and practice hispolitical theory to sucha reconstruction hereis to contribute structed. by My purpose relationthe on to 1926 1918 from his perspectives examining shifting To makethis education. andpolitical organization political shipbetween Gramsci's will involve changing political probing intelligible relationship
to the intellectual historian; 3. This was Gramsci'sown chief admonishment S.P.N., 383. Gramsci. 4. Clark,Antonio 5. Femia, "Hegemony";Bates, "Gramsciand Hegemony";and earlier,in an JohnMerrington, excellent otherwise "Theoryand Practicein Gramsci's article, The SocialistRegister (London: MerlinPress,1969), pp. 145-176. Marxism," Gramsci. 6. Davidson,Antonio AntonioGramsciand the Originsof Italian Communism 7. JohnCammett, to S.P.N. Cal.: Stanford Press,1967); and the introduction University (Stanford, byHoare and NowellSmith. Order. Proletarian 8. Williams, Marxism. Gramsci's 9. Boggs, in SouthernItaly 10.An example is Sidney Tarrow's Peasant Communism Press, 1967), chap. 5, wherea Gramsci (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University in 1944. frozen with a Togliatti in 1920 is compared frozen

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L. Adamson 41 Walter outlook in general, willbe placedon the 1919-1920peyetemphasis which is the most and the1923-1924period, which riod, controversial, is perhaps themostimportant and certainly theleastunderstood. Behind this ofcourse, liesthecomplex ofpostwar Italian evolution, history and international can onlybe alluded which to here."1 Yet this politics, willbe sufficiently reconstruction to facilitate a reading ofthe concrete Prison Notebooks that is responsive to Gramsci's to solve many attempts hisarrest. to thePrison before However, problems posedbefore turning it mayprovehelpful to outline, albeitbriefly, whatmost Notebooks, commentators in as the such issues a reconstruction. perceive principal Thereis,first of all,thequestion ofGramsci's relation to Lenin.Was he a "Leninist," and if so in whatsenseand beginning when?This strikes me as a spurious the Those at issue. or, least,badlyposed very whodenyGramsci's Leninism a strict then definition and adopt simply showthat he never if his own admission such even views, parroted by he was greatly influenced The more features. by at leastsomeof their this Leninism as advocates of viewsee Gramsci's a creasophisticated of theclassicalLenin.Real political tiveand critical extension issues in this butitis notvery to pursue controversy, maybe involved helpful form insurrogate as Gramsci studies. them If thepolemical behind the"Leninist is to insist on intent Gramsci" who hisrevolutionary credentials to support thePCI), those (and often stress his"Croceanism" seekto present himas a socialdemocrat. They was a no "Crocean" what one doubts-that Gramsci twist prior subtly with to 1918 andthat he had a passionate affair Crocein the love/hate what under Notebooks-toproduce doubt:that Gramsci labored many will not a generic bent.My argument or superstructural "culturalist" to that turned focus in passing Gramsci on thisissue,butwillindicate becauseof some of his political in the Notebooks Croce (critically) new theory of "Western concerns after1923, and thatthe strikingly in this was byno means socialdemocratic. revolution" heoffered period is theissueof the "Bordiganism," which somehave there Thirdly, to to Gramsci. Werenot his politics attributed tainted by allegiance in thelatter halfof 1920 or at leastin 1921-1922?If so, Bordiganism stalwart" of"Gramsci as Comintern doesthis theview notdiscredit (and
contextof treatment of the historical 11.The best and most comprehensive in particular is Paolo Spriano's, and Gramsci's Italiancommunist politics generally Storia del Partitocomunista italiano,5 vols. (Turin: Einaudi, 1967-). Volume Readerslimited deals withthe periodunderdiscussion. I, Da Bordigaa Gramsci, to Englishmight on the periodup to 1921 and consultClark,AntonioGramsci, The Seizureof Power: Fascismin Italy,1919-1929 (London: AdrianLyttleton's and Nicolson,1973) forthe1921-1926period. Weidenfeld

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on Political ofGramsci's 42 TheEvolution Organization Thinking clear antiof Gramsci's Whatis the meaning therefore "Leninist")? of interare in These which 1923? keyproblems begins Bordiganism, reconthe historical course of and will in the be confronted pretation below. struction the between relation theissueofthegeneral haveraised Finally, many be to worker councilism How is his early and "late"Gramsci. "early" which Is theearly on theparty? with hislater reconciled party, emphasis as thelater and function the samein structure he supported, roughly I shallprowhere one?I willtakethese up in theconclusion problems orof political forthesuccessive phasesof his theory pose a schema ganization. I. of 1917 was the Revolution thattheBolshevik It is widely recognized establife.Whatwe must in Gramsci's influence decisive early political withtheItalian blended of thisevent is how his perceptions lishfirst to transcend and allowedhimultimately of his earlypolitics sources in 1919.12 he of them inthe organization adopted theory political tookshapein theyears outlook intellectual Gramsci's justprior early movements unrelated otherwise to WorldWar ii whenmany political an increasaround in Italyhad coalesced tendencies and philosophical For with the dissatisfaction strident post-Risorgimento. Gramsci ingly on these influential. wereparticularly tendencies ofthese four Reflecting in Crocean as "rather his outlook he characterized prison, yearsfrom and residues antiposiidealist and there are certainly many tendency," be so described. that in theearly statements tivist Among might writing of a culas theformation construction them werean imageofpolitical of theimportance and an appreciation socialtotality, integrated turally inthecreation moment" and the ofhuman "ethical/political self-activity ofhistory.13
of Gramsci'searlypoliticalideas and theirpracti12.The bestfulldiscusssion is that containedin Davidson, Antonio cal and philosophicalunderpinnings Gramsci, pp. 1-157. 13. Q.C., 1233. On the formertheme,see for instanceH.P.C., pp. 20-23, whatculturalintegration precisely 44-45, and 29-33 (a passage whichdescribes Paul Piccone has is not); on the lattersee H.P.C., pp. 9-12 and 18. Recently of theseHegelian and "culturist" emphasesin an intriguing offered exploration and without his Croceanism on making it Gramsciwithout making dependonly Piccone triesinsteadto assimilateGramscito a native him a social democrat. here is rootedas far back as the 1820's. The difficulty Italian Hegeliantradition remains givenhis of Gramsciin this"tradition" thatthe inclusion problematical

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Walter L. Adamson 43 Yet as a Sardinian, Gramsci was also strongly to Sardinian attracted nationalism and thepolitics of the "Southern as Question," especially His pro-Southern werenotso analyzed byGaetanoSalvemini.14 politics as hisCroceanism, butthey couldbe reconciled in two coolyrationalist For Gramsci a pro-Southern stance also implied respects. antipositivism becauseofthetendency ofsomepositivists toexplain thebackwardness of theMezzogiorno in terms of thebiological of theinhabiinferiority tants.15 And Salvemini couldbe assimilated to Croceanism his through on organizing a politics ofeducation fortheSouthern masses. emphasis Gramsci was concerned with theless vociferous of currents Thirdly, whatErnstNoltehas called the "rejuvenation movement" in prewar thatis, thetrans-ideological towards direct culture; European impulses and Two action, nationalism, futurism, complementary tendencies.1" of themoreimportant currents forhimwerethe syndicalism of Georges Sorelandtheromantic moralism ofRomain In thejourRolland.17 Italy nal La Voce,to which Salvemini was the contributed, frequently literary beaconof themovement, and Gramsci was strongly attracted to it; apit evenled himto a brief flirtation with "activist Mussolini's parently 18 neutralism." there wastheinfluence ofMarxism this andsocialism, Finally, though is subtler andlessobvious than one might While Gramsci had an expect. aboutMarxand had studied of his early"intellectual curiosity" many works at theUniversity ofTurin in 1915-1916,19 hiswritings paidlittle attention to Marxism before1918; even his interest in the workof Antonio Labriolaseemsto havebeenbasedmainly on itsantipositivist
lack of self-consciousness about it and his relativelack of attention to these sources.See Paul Piccone,"FromSpaventato Gramsci," Telos 31 (Spring1977): 35-65. 14. By 1918, however, Gramscihad become quite criticalof Salvemini(S.G., he neverlost his passionforthe southern cause. pp. 272-275), although 15. Ibid.,p .140. 16. ErnstNolte, ThreeFaces of Fascism,trans.Leila Vennewitz (New York: andWinston, Holt,Rinehart, 1966), p. 150. 17. On Rolland,see H.P.C., p. 21; and S.G., pp. 33 and 194. On Sorel, we have no directevidencethatGramsciread him until 1920 (O.N., p. 154), but the tenorof some of his discussions to "social myths," H.P.C., (e.g. the reference that he read him much earlier.Furthermore, he was an avid p. 37) suggests readerof the syndicalist dispress like II ViandantewhereSorel was regularly cussed;see s.g.,p. 28. 18. S.P.W.,pp. 6-9. 19. Cf. the letter to Giulia (24 March 1924) in GiansiroFerrataand Niccolb 2 vols., (Milan: II Saggiatore, Gallo, eds., 2000 Pagine di Gramsci, 1964), 2:33; also Davidson,Antonio Gramsci, pp. 80-81.

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44 TheEvolution on Political ofGramsci's Organization Thinking all joined His tiesto socialism seemstronger-he had after leanings.20 theItalian Socialist were at 1914-but ambivalent, they party (psI) by a first and becauseoftheperceived between socialism antagonism protenor of Southern andreformist becauseoftheeconomistic later stance, the mainstream Serrati and FilippoTurati.Gramsci led by Giacinto found it difficult to reconcile hisowncomplex with anyof the politics Psi tendencies. on the need Like Bordiga's he insisted "intransigents," fora politics of proletarian Yet thebourgeois state. autonomy vis-a-vis hispreoccupation with will"through a politics a "collective organizing of education was repugnant to the "intransigents" and superficially 21 toSerrati's "maximalism." closer in Gramsci's The result was a bifurcation On the political practice. as massparty one hand,he was committed to an internally democratic not an the and theorganic of, on, proletariat.22 expression imposition are "The socialists of a proletarian are notthecommanders army, they 23 a partof theproletariat he could not abandon the Thus itself." PsI. led himto On theother hisCrocean and Salveminian hand, allegiances the on thepolitics ofproletarian he believed that focus While education. alsoserve as "theorgan ofeducation should andelevation" party forging in this into"culture," he found thePsi woefully "criticism" inadequate As a consequence out a separate he felt to carry respect.24 compelled an "after on hisown.25 was necessarily educational Thisactivity politics from affair situation and entailed thelearning hours" anydiasevering workers' lectical with and the other organizations interplay proletarian lives. daily that the one might had undertaken Giventhissplit, Gramsci suppose Salvemini of which he was "cultural messianism" of by accusing politics Notebooks as the"EnlighteninthePrison 1918 andwhich he chastised
Labriolaas earlyas 1911thathe and Gramsci had studied 20. Togliatti reports con Togliatti, ed. Marcella and MaurizioFerrara(Milan: 1912; cf. Conversando Cultura sociale,1953), p. 27. withthe resultthatsome see 21. This ambivalence has been poorlyunderstood Gramscias embracing "intransigence" (cf. Paggi, Gramsci,p. 52) while others sharetheviewsof the thateven at its inception, "Gramsci did not fully recognize but failedto be preciseabout the difference (for example, faction," intransigent Antonio Gramsci, Cammett, p. 58). 22. S.G., p. 259. 23. Quoted in Paggi,Gramsci, was originally made in II p. 131; the statement Gridodel popolo, 15 September 1917. 24. H.P.C., pp. 15 and 22. 25. The main effort in thisrespect was his Club di Vita morale;cf. Gramsci's letter to GiuseppeLombardo-Radice, in Rinascita21 (7 March 1964): reprinted 32.

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L. Adamson 45 Walter ment"error of "professional intellectuals" that"a 'clearidea' opporwillbe internalized with thesame'ordering' effects" tunely propagated of thesocialclassinvolved." Yet Gramsci was already fully regardless the"Popular he had criticized Universities" of suchdangers; cognizant injustthese it was only terms.27 If he risked intothesameerror, falling is the mostimportant because"theproblem of education class probdid notyetsee howto linkhis theoretical inlem."28Gramsci simply to socialist He a lacked unified and coherent of sight practice. theory would that reconcile and political organization party pedagogical politics. Thislacunapersisted until he wasunsuccessful 1919,andeventhen infully hisconception. realizing The impact of theRussianRevolution was decisive forGramsci in a how coherent on could be built his illuminating political practice princi"livetheMarxist that never is dies,which ples.The Bolsheviks thought the continuation of Italianand German idealistic that"sees thought" 29 This economic as thesupreme in history." factor man,notbrute facts, world-historical showed howtherevolutionary Gramsci pageant energy and imagination commonto syndicalism, Salveminian Lavoceanism, and Rolland's of thewill," couldbe orpedagogical politics, "optimism For "theessential and disciplined. factof theRussianRevoluganized tionis theinstallation of a newtype of state:thestateof thecouncils councils had finally demonstrated 30 The Russianworkers' [soviets]." howan essentially economic institution couldtranscend itsformal purfora reconstruction of the political pose to serveas the foundation in proletarian Thisfusion ofeconomics terms. andpolitics also process ideal terrain a for in which education "criticism" provided proletarian become "culture." might Gramsci was notimmediately ableto translate thetheoretiHowever, cal advance soviet into Turinese He represented bytheRussian practice. filled the 1918 issueof II Gridodel popolowith hisfirst dissustained
26. Q.C., p. 33. This chargehas been made by Davidson,AntonioGramsci, p. 270; and withgreater clarityin his, "Gramsciand Lenin, 1917-1922," The SocialistRegister (London: Merlin Press,1974), pp. 126-128. 27. H.P.C., pp. 16, 22, 44, 97. In the last passage,Gramsciexpresses the need to "integrate intoone organof culturalactivity." politicaland economicactivity 28. Sergio Caprioglio,ed., Scritti1915-1921 (Milan: II Corpo, 1968), p. 23 (hereafter S.). 29. H.P.C., p .123. 30. O.N., p. 374. The validity of thisjudgment is not here in question;suffice it to say thatit was commonto most of the reports in the Western, left-wing pressGramsciread. Note also thatwhileGramscioftenused the words"soviet" and "council"interchangeably, he did recognize thatthe latter, in the grounded was only the incipient basis for the former, workplace, organizedterritorially.

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ofGramsci's on Political 46 TheEvolution Organization Thinking ofsocioeconomic cussions andorganization before on the policy settling I shalldiscuss formulation What he did howsee immediately, shortly. was that classstructures andRussiashared andsocioeconomic ever, Italy ofsufficient to allowtheir tobe waged revolutions backgrounds similarity in identical Bothhad largepeasant terms. masses which had remained forlack of commercial feudal townand country. development linking bothpeasantries had beenprofoundly the radicalized Moreover, during war and werereadyfora tactical While alliancewith theproletariat. bothhad produced or attracted theseproletariats wererelatively small, the classesthatwerepotentially intellectual since,unlike revolutionary buRussia nor had a of Western neither states Europe, Italy developed tocoopt them.31 strong enough reaucracy Unlike therevolutions Russiaalso showed thewayin another respect. theBolshevik in Germany and Eastern that had failed example Europe, seithemoments of preparation, ofgrasping up theimportance pointed as a single unified revoofa neworder andestablishment zureofpower, haveto Even ifBolshevik might ultimately practice lutionary process.32 with Gramsci as two-stage, use of thesoviets be characterized provided seizure of power a dramatic illustration forhis viewthata successful effort ofcultural critical be "preceded must penetration." byan intense 33 of ascension as a steady nowenvisioned was revolution WhatGramsci ofthe within thevery heart a mass, socialist culture, "developing already which of for the seizure the dominated class," power society by capitalist in therelations of a "neworder theclimactic actguaranteeing is merely and production distribution." 34 II. as proletarian culwillbe organized How thencouldsucha collective crisis became In thespring of 1919, as Italy'spostwar ture? political demands fora new amidstrikes, foodriots, moreintense and strident a new and three friends launched Gramsci constituent journal, assembly, for a vague "a vague L'Ordine Nuovo.After sixissues passion expressing
31. Cf. II Gridodel popolo, 19 October1918,quotedin Paggi,Gramsci, pp. 74been 75. See also S.P.W., pp. 83-87; and O.N., p. 52. This pointhas sometimes cf. Boggs,Gramsci'sMarxism,p. 19 wherehe missedin the Englishliterature; 1923. theviewGramsci and after conflates had of Russiabefore 33. H.P.C., p. 21; S.P.W.,p. 308. in 1916, in whichmany 34. S.P.W., p. 305. For Gramsci'sview of revolution see S. pp. 21-22. elements of thisvisionhad alreadybeen articulated,
32. S.P.W., p. 306.

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L. Adamson 47 Walter to serve as a platinJune Nuovobegan culture," proletarian 35L'Ordine committees." of thefactory form of "theproblem fora fullanalysis 36 L'Ordine inFrance, inRussiaorHenri Clart" LikeProletkult Barbusse's bea "gathering Nuovowas to be an organ ofpolitical education, point andpracin which tween theworking classandtheintellectuals" theory the to launch Butitslarger was instrumental: ticecouldfuse.37 purpose 38 "neworder." council nucleus" oftherevolutionary worker as the"first be on a work-place wouldbe "elected Thesecouncils basis,"therefore and be "linked ofparty to all workers affiliation, regardless responsible and a to form nation.39 eventually system encompassing city flexibly" which their for serve the would purpose pedagogical Internally they intellectuals suited. structural location madethem (the Factory uniquely wouldtogether of theNotebooks)and workers intellectuals" "organic ofknowledge forms seeka dialectical oftheir (techrespective synthesis to in the referred the that Gramsci nicaland intuitive) into higher unity of an alternative moral as an "intellectual Notebooks bloc,"thenucleus of the Russiancase, this based on Gramsci's knowledge Although and one maywelldoubtthe was formulated rather abstractly, project on proletarian effort so much wisdom ofconcentrating pedagogy political thatmoreattention laterconceded himself at theplantlevel.Gramsci in 1919.41 Yet evenat the should havebeenpaid to party organization relations.42 The countime he had notentirely neglected council/party state"and of the "model were the he had cils, proletarian suggested, in therevolution. Parties institution be thecentral and dominant must could "in the of arisen andunions, democracy," sphere bourgeois having and "the direct role as a to agents responsible hope playonly secondary
35. O.N., p. 146. 36. O.N., p. 148. 37. O.N., p. 494. of thesecouncils, intricacies of the organizational 38. For a usefuldiscussion Antonio see Cammett, Gramsci, pp. 77-83. 39. S.P.W.,p. 91. whichhe developedonly after 40. Gramscidoes not yetuse thisterminology, of the intellectual (cf. note31 above; and O.N., pp. 55, 61, 1923,buthis concepts moralbloc (O.N. pp. 55-56; S.G., pp. 144-145,and and 146-154), of intellectual (S.P.W., pp. 78, 91, and 146; S.G., p. 339; O.N., pp. 77 239), and of hegemony in theearlywritings. and 493; and S., p. 127) find striking anticipations to AlfonsoLeonetti 41. See, for instance, C.P.C., p. 500; and Gramsci'sletter La formazione del gruppo in PalmiroTogliatti, of 28 January diri1924,reprinted italianonel 1923-1924 (Rome: Riuniti,1962), pp. gentedel partitocomunista 183-184. 42. See, forinstance, S.P.W., pp. 65-66, 75, 82, 90, 92, 133-134,and 142-146.
40 "hegemony."

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48 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Organization Thinking forthe successive acts of liberation." theirsignificance 4 Ultimately the role of the as a was an imporhowever, revolutionary "agent" PSI tant and to it well theparty would haveto be substantially one, perform Itsmass-democratic transformed. andopen, hadmade style undisciplined sensein 1918 when theparty alonehad beenresponsible fororganizing thecollective willof theItalianworkers. Now thattheprimary mass wouldfunction outside theparty and include organization manynonthePsi would conhaveto "embody thevigilant socialists, revolutionary sciousness" of theproletariat.45 Thiswas an educational rolein a passiveandrepresentational itwas a military role: sense. Moreimportantly, theparty wouldguidetheproletariat to theseizure of power.It could therefore no longer afford ofnew to an invasion to"throw openitsdoors members whoare notaccustomed to theexercise of responsibility and This had been the Social Democrats mistake of the German discipline." thecouncils net their ownrecruitment and casting who,in dominating too widely, had "shackled therevolution anddomesticated it."4" WhatGramsci nowsawwas that ifcouncil andparty wereconceived as autonomous butfunctionally of an interlocking complementary parts levels ofproletarian and revoorganizational totality, higher democracy Deas wellas worker couldbe achieved. education lutionary efficiency itwould itinthecouncils be increased would because bybasing mocracy linked be much all workers, and be directly include more participatory, also would be because to everyday life. control enhanced Revolutionary theparty socialist would include dedicated militants, giveup itsimonly oractivities of all task to coordinate the of proletarian possible trying with worker consciousness and and therefore ganizations, inspire guide a singular purpose. an implicit itsformulation (and by 1920 an exAlthough represented was of Serrati's newconcept oftheparty plicit)critique PSI,Gramsci's with of an theformation either. was obsessed Bordigan Bordiga hardly outwhat was eselitesteeling itself forthetaskofcarrying all-powerful ridiculed sucha party as "a from above.Gramsci a revolution sentially .which makes the use of collection ofdogmatists orlittle Machiavellis .... theFrench to imitate massesforitsownheroic Jacobins." attempts 47 "a society wouldfadeentirely sincetherevolution would orgaproduce 44In themeantime, nizedon themodelof a largeengineering works."
44. S.P.W.,p. 263. 45. S.P.W.,p. 191. 46. S.P.W.,pp. 66 and 143. 47. S.P.W.,p. 309. 43. S.P.W.,pp. 100 and 260-261.

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L. Adamson 49 Walter

Hisconception is poised ofthe between and party delicately popularism

To "embody it must consciousness" be composed elitism. revolutionary of dedicated an elite.But militants and,in thisbroadsense, exclusively theparty willnot"make"therevolution; rather itis to provide thetactical leadership forthecollective willformed in thecouncils, thedominiant oftheneworder.48 mass-based newintegrated institution Gramsci's ofpolitical must be grasped as a dialectical relation theory organization between theformation of critical in thecouncils consciousness and the tothe entrusted andmilitary guidance symbolic party.49 for to the resemblance actual Psi borelittle Unfortunately Gramsci, was with this and difficult in its to accordance terms. conception reshape In 1919he relied on thehopethat theparty be "renewed" would mainly from belowbytheenergy of thecouncils. of sucha reIn theabsence newalBordiga to his secthe might gaincontrol, narrowly adapt party tarian and isolate it from with theworking contact outlook, anycreative masses. When thelaborstruggle to escalate in late1919 andearly began Gramsci becamemoreopenly of the party.50 critical 1920, however, As therevolutionary unfolded thenext tenmonths, panorama during his critique distinct three he proposed passedthrough phases.At first workers should within increase their the militancy onlythatcommunist to it to from the party "prevent petit-bourgeois opportunists reducing
48. S.P.W., p. 307. Williams, Proletarian thisdelicatebalOrder,characterizes ance verywell whenhe writes but a party (p. 231) thatit was nota "massparty" to create "mass conditions" for a revolution. striving Generally,however,this accuses Gramsciof an unsysMarxism, pointhas been missed.Boggs,Gramsci's tematic of a "seemsto be in the direction analysisof the partywhich,however, broad-basedmass party" (p. 95). Thus he mistakenly concludesthat Gramsci that its always advocatedthe same mass party (p. 12), insteadof recognizing of structure and composition were to varyaccording to the overallrequirements in 1914-1918 fromwhat it was in It therefore differed politicalorganization. whichin turn differed theparty of 1923-1926. from 1919-1922, oscillatesbetween thatGramsci(p. 134) Davidson,AntonioGramsci, arguing "had come over to Bordiga'spositionon the party"(by April 1920) and that view of the role the new partywould (p. 137) "he had a muchmore restricted results fromhis failureto recognize play than Bordiga."Perhapsthisconfusion thatGramsci's"fundamentally and radically new" partyarose in connection with his councilism and thusbecamearticulated not in May 1920 (p. 135) but in June 1919. The only substantial in May 1920 was the proposalto changeintroduced redefine socialist militant as "communist." 49. This organizational division of labor was already clear in June1919 (S.P.W., it is also commonly Cf. Bates,"Gramsci misunderstood. pp. 66-67); nonetheless, and theSovietExperiment," fortheviewthatGramsciwas contradictory pp. 47ff., in thispassagesincehe maintained thatboththeparty and councilweresupreme butin different powers. Theywereindeedbothsupreme respects. 50. See, forinstance, S.P.W.,p. 154.

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50 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Thinking Organization levelof so many in thislandof Pulcinella." parties 51By May,he had losthisfaith in theeffectiveness ofsuchprodding ofthePsI's as a result refusal to support the massive in strikes metallurgical just concluded Turin. He nowthreatened tocreate "another buthisthinking was party" limited at first to a revised version ofthe"renewal" below image-from as always thecouncils butnowalso from aboveby excluding through noncommunists from theparty.52 Gramsci hadbecome involved Clearly, in a delicate andsubtle The problem washowto crecontest. three-way ate a morepowerful a party of communists, revolutionary leadership, while to an fast of mass-based revolution. maxiSerrati's holding image malism debilitate the its movement control but might through passivity, wouldweaken it fatally it intotwo.So, while by Bordiga by dividing critical call of Serrati, Gramsci referred at thesame timeto Bordiga's fora separate as irrelevant communist an "hallucination." party 53 in Julyduring These tensions weresomewhat the Second reduced sinceboth and Serrati were forced to comComintern Bordiga Congress third mitthemselves to a newCommunist phasenowbePsI. Gramsci's the formation of a "communist he endorsed hesitation, gan. Without of the Pst,"which"mustbecomein nameand in deed the fraction " and made conciliatory movestowards Communist Partyof Italy," ofcourse, of in the the Psi realized, Everyone hope uniting Bordiga left.55 to become an communist still refuse thattheSerratians openly might For Gramsci in January. such refusal at the Livorno Congress party was of butthis ofhischerished would meanthedefeat image "renewal," revolutionto takein order to builda truly a risk he was nowprepared did indeedback off, he was already Whenthe Serratians ary party. to a committed newPCI. wholeheartedly drawn from these conclusions are commonly Two mistaken changing is that drawn Gramcommitments. Cammett, One,notably byJohn party a "Leninandhadbecome therenewal sci abandoned bylateJuly image he assumed as justsuggested, that ist"by September.56 Whileitis true, that in thethird theevidence indicates therisk of a PSI/PCI phase, split
51. S.P.W.,p. 157. 52. S.P.W.,pp. 193-194. out of it by of thispassagetakesthesting 53. O.N., p. 137. Hoare's translation theword"hallucination"; S.P.W.,p. 307. compare omitting 54. S.P.W.,p. 338. 55. The main move was a "communist education Bordiga'sfacgroup"linking remnants of thenowbadlysplitOrdineNuovo movement. theGramscian tionwith AntonioGramsci, 56. Cf. Cammett, pp. 110-111 and chaps. 5-6, but especially nelli,1973), p. 149.
122-123. Cf. also Giorgio Bonomi, Partito e rivoluzione in Gramsci (Milan: Feltri-

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Walter L. Adamson 51 he was continuing to pinhishopeson renewal 24 57 as lateas October them until December and thathe did notopenly The relinquish 18.58 citesto deny thisinterpretation, which a new passageCammett pictures a phoenix-like from theashes"ofthePsI,seems to suggest party "rising claimthat a "LeninCammett's hadbecome rebirth. Gramsci Moreover, ist"is left and theevidence citedis limited to completely undeveloped, one quotation, which does notmention Leninand which was delivered in theheatof the September Whatis historically factory occupation. is that certain from 1921 late to 1922 Gramsci early publicly supported intheir overPcI policy. andthus Lenin, Bordiga, opposed many disputes it is thisfactthathas prompted theinterpretation that Apparently, or at the Gramsci had becomea Bordigan mid-1920 latest very by by is complex. The problem intoa he had beenpushed Certainly 1921."9 he was corner of 1920in which thechoice bythepolitical maneuverings to makebetween forced Serrati and Bordigawas made in favorof once committed to a PcI led by Bordiga, he had Moreover, Bordiga. stoodby thisdecision with characteristic resolve. His belovedOrdine andmany ofthethemes forwhich Nuovonowbecame theParty daily, famous were ithadbecome theyear Moreover, eclipsed. during partially to a view and a halfof its existence, Gramsci used it rarely express This and criticized he never his Bordiga openly opposed, leadership.6o united front was true the evenwhenBordiga opposed proposed by the Davidson Alastair Gramsci Comintern. as out, Indeed, correctly points but championed not onlyfailedto challenge it.61 Bordiga'sposition in thecontext be understood ofhisown hispractice must Nevertheless, histhetheassumption it doesnotjustify that intellectual development; was ory alsoBordigan. histheory ofpolitical from realized What organization being prevented of the and lassitude thealoofness in theItalyof 1920 was,he believed,
57. O.N., p. 421. Gramscihad said muchthe same a week before;cf. S.P.W., p. 352. 58. S.P.W.,pp. 363-365. Proletarian 59. Cf. Williams, Order, pp. 177, 184, 188, 191, and 290, who seems of 1920, at least as regards"an into wantto push the date back to the spring of Davidson,note48 above. Cf. also thediscussion fusion of Bordiga's style." 60. The only apparentexceptionwas Gramsci'ssupportfor the "arditi del to meetwith instance-hisunsuccessful attempt popolo" (S.F., p. 542). In another D'Annunzioat Gardonein April 1921-he surelywentagainstBordiga'swishes, to make commoncause withD'Anbut it is by no meansclear thathe intended nunzio. 61. Davidson,AntonioGramsci,pp. 176-177 and 197ff. Boggs's view on this Marxism, p. 82) is mistaken. point(Gramsci's

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ofGramsci's on Political 52 TheEvolution Thinking Organization effort endedin failure and as theTurinworkers met PSI. As his every after defeat he could but not become embittered towards defeat, help thePSI.Thisappears to haveled him, bythefallof 1920,to an obsessionwith theneedfora properly But constituted revolutionary party.62 this is nottosayhebecame a Bordigan. Forwhile hadlongheld Bordiga a newcommunist to be a self-evident Gramsci viewed party necessity, it as a likely source ofdivision itwashisonly eventhough choicegiven thefailure ofthePSI.Moreover, while viewed thenewparty as Bordiga self-sufficient in carrying out itsrevolutionary continued task,Gramsci to treat it as justone,ifa very in hisorganizational element important, in 1920 the councils had been defeated program. Though thoroughly andcompletely he continued to their destroyed byApril1921, emphasize after is no well and there evidence to that that, importance suggest his of to in this worked He changed theory organization period.63 simply in his to the that have led institution view would the councils perfect in 1920 and which was nowtheonlyviableinstitution left. success of the"revolution One other contributed to Gramsci's factor analysis in Turin, had failed." and effective that extensive The councils, though in significant or to theItaliancounnotspread to other numbers cities in 1924,"We didnotcreate As he confided to Alfonso Leonetti tryside. nortry to organize itthroughout forfear ofbeing a fraction called Italy In arrivistes had and careerists." Gramsci truth, proposed peasant 6" for councils both North andSouth in 1920,and strongly insisted on the of the had not acted on he importance organizing Mezzogiorno, though Now of such action was driven home either the by importance matter.65 acrosstherural thefascist were roving squadswho,bylatein theyear, North. areasofthe
62. See especiallyS.P.W., pp. 347-349; also S.P.W., pp. 328, 330-39, 352, 356-359,363-365,and O.N., pp. 350 and 421. 63. On the defeatof the councils,see Clark, Antonio Gramsci,p. 194. On for of organization Gramsci's forthem(and thegeneral continued support theory whichtheywere the centerpiece) see S.F., pp. 57, 83, 91, and 499-519 (espeto supportworkercouncils in cially 512). Even after1922 Gramscicontinued of the assessment principle(C.P.C., pp. 21 and 464), and while his historical workercouncilexperience in Turin remained largelypositive(C.P.C., pp. 344became the more modestone of creating 348), in practicehis goal necessarily "workerand peasant committees" (C.P.C., p. 511). In 1930, while continuing to uphold the ideal of soviets,Gramsci proposed a constituent assembly;cf. AthosLisa, Memorie:In carcerecon Gramsci(Milan: Feltrinelli, 1973), pp. 8788. 64. Togliatti, La formazione, p. 183. 65. Cf. S.P.W.,pp. 83-87, 147-149,and 375-377; O.N., pp. 88-91.

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L. Adamson 53 Walter III. the firm foothold in Italyjust after Fascismsecured its first political of Turin the factories was and the defeated before occupation just PSI In retrospect thesignificance of fascism forItalian split up in Livorno. is obvious, butGramsci was one ofthefewcommunists to take politics it seriously before theMarch on Rome.""66 as Late in 1920 he saw itonly the"latest offered 'performance' bytheurban silently petty bourgeoisie" directed classand Giolitti's Like D'Anby thecapitalist government.67 nunzio's Fiumeadventure, a kind oflastgasp-"the itseemed "pathetic" mostimportant dissolution episodeof inner by this beingexperienced classoftheItalian after the new fascist however, people." Shortly year, 68 assumed an unprecedented that violence Gramsci intensity convincing was the closer Over next three months full the needed. study complexity offascism to dawn:first, an anarchic itsinternal between divisions began and violent ruralwing and Mussolini's moreorganized then, elements; theinternational dimensions of ofthis reaction"; next, "system capitalist thestrength ofitstiesto therural in thePo bourgeoisie especially petty in the its inter-class character or what, Valleyand Piedmont; finally, of "histhe would have a called he terminology Notebooks, reactionary torical bloc."69 By mid-summer Gramsci was evenconceding thepossia successful that thefascists launch colpodi stato."m bility might All of thishad an enormous farmore on Gramsci's tactics, impact thanon Bordiga's and others' in thePcI, as Trotsky laterrecognized.71 offascism inthetwoyears official before theMarch Bordiga's conception on Romewas that ofa simple "classreaction" ofthebourgeoisie which, in destroying of formal dehad no interest the appearance however, The social was the formation of a real democratic mocracy. danger govin contrast, as an antifascist front.72 ernment united deGramsci, posing as historical of fascism the a much culmination deeper analysis veloped
of fascismhas not 66. A full scholarly of Gramsci'sinterpretation assessment yet been made. Perhapsthe best discussionremainsthat of Alfonso Leonetti, Note su Gramsci(Argalia: EditoriUrbino,1970), pp. 45-56. Davidson,Antonio someperceptive remarks. Gramsci, pp. 161 and 185-197offers 68. Ibid. 69. S.F., pp. 35-36, 101, 117, 150-151,276-279,and 298. 70. S.F., pp. 257-259. 71. Cf. the quotationfromTrotsky(made in 1931) in Massimo Salvadori, "Gramscie la questionemeridionale," in Gramscie la culturacontemporanea, 2 vols. (Rome: Riuniti, 1969), 1:417n4. La Forma72. Cf. Gramsci's and analysisof thisview in Togliatti, description zione,p. 199.

67. S.P.W., p. 372.

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ofGramsci's 54 TheEvolution on Political Organization Thinking ofthecharacteristically Italoftransformismo. post-Risorgimento politics ian liberalregimes he concluded, the like Giolitti's, had subordinated to and the industrial with bourgeoisie urban, interests, agrarian petty sovversiof thewar,thishad led to the"reactionary socialdislocations A on vismo" alliance of thepetty classes.73 social-democratic bourgeois was likely in another form and "acto repeat liberalism's error theleft thefascist with his hatred of thePSI celerate coup."" This,combined aid Angelo forthedefeats of 1920 andhisfear ofanymovethat might front led himto opposetheunited as didBorTasca and thePCIright, of a governfront theunited posedthedanger diga.Yet ifforBordiga of hasten thatit might the advent mental Gramsci feared take-over, fascism. of their resemblance After theMarchon Romethesuperficial posiInternational at theFourth A month wasunmasked. later tions Congress, of the front and a "fusion" to accepta united was persuaded Gramsci had been reasons For he faction of health the with Psi. the terzini PCI first and love his where he courted in RussiasincelateMay Giulia, only Therehe Comintern as thePCI'spermanent and served representative. andthesources oftherivolufascism about toreflect hadan opportunity of theinner as wellas to gaina first-hand zionemancata knowledge factors-his three these oftheInternational. analyses Together workings himto in theComintern-led and his experience of 1920 and fascism on several in new directions and to strike out himself reverse drastically 1923. in a new shifts these fronts; problematic organizational produced of full to the now came Gramsci First, importance prolerecognize The detachment as symbolized tarian internationalism bytheComintern. self-criticism to have Russia in his spawned appears acquired by sojourn dea to attributed he whose ofhisPCIpolitics major single shortcomings dimension of theproleof theinternational fect. He had losthisvision to effort in hissingle-minded and had become tarian parochial struggle, was to this limited to buildup thePCI.His commitment rectify project of fascism seemedto have of 1920. But nowthevictory themistakes hadbeenself-defeating. ofhisproject thenarrowness himthat convinced assessment Lenin's famous was this realization for thereason Perhaps at Fourth the communism ofthehalfdecadeof international Congress. the to sympathize with did he begin as I mentioned before, Onlythen,
La includedin Togliatti, thisview in a 1922 fragment 73. Gramsciexpressed of the 1921-1922 period. Cf. Formazione, p. 102, as well as in manywritings citedin note69; and S.F., pp. 23-24, 55-58, 76S.P.W.,pp. 372-374; thearticles 80, 140-141,191-192,204-205,226,246-247,and 257-259. 74. Cf. Leonetti, Note,p. 42.

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Walter L. Adamson 55 of a united front. Whatis certain is that had strategy by 1923 Gramsci to in letters and others on criticize to Togliatti begun Bordiga mainly the that not And in his was grounds Bordiga sufficiently internationalist.75 for its written in his notes he criticized party attitudes June, "equivocal towards while formal theComintern: thevalueofmaximizing discipline . ., [theparty's] is affirmed oftryactions leavetheimpression verbally. to avoidtheorders laiddown ingtodo everything possible bytheExecutive Congresses." "6 was intensified this new sense of commitment Quite possibly by Gramsci's with theSoviet emotional identification which, Union, strong as a 1924 letter to Zino Zinisuggests, had becomehis onlysourceof " Yet it wouldbe a misand its "about our future." optimism country turned dedicated himone-sidedly as the"leftist taketo portray Comin78 His study himgoodindependent offascism had also given tern man." as ranks with forclosing reasons theInternational and against Bordiga, in the to revolution of theobstacles nature he reassessed thepeculiar West.79 oftheir renations in terms So longas Gramsci exclusively compared considered to international lation Russiaand Italycouldbe capitalism, himin 1919The parallel similar intheir guided potential. revolutionary backward"relative 1923in stressing after Italy's 1920,andhe persisted nor eventhe crucial thewholestory ness."80 But thiswas no longer in Gramsci's Whatfascism demonstrated, view,was partof thestory. the between also in thelight ofrelations that had to be compared states a Russian-style In 1919-1920he had foreseen stateand civilsociety. in whicha preparatory revolution process"would,at "revolutionary be subwhich would in then a somepoint, act," "revolutionary explode couldbe envisaged within of"moments" sumed theprocess.81 The series thatthepreparatory moas continuous,82 expected clearly yetGramsci
La Formazione, 75. Cf. Togliatti, pp. 196pp. 64-66, 135-136,and especially 197. 76. C.P.C., pp. 456-457. 21 (April25, 1964): 32. 77. Cf. Rinascita because 78. Bates,"Gramsciand Bolshevization," goes too far in thisdirection of a narrowfocuson the 1923-1925 period,and is unable to explainGramsci's later turnagainstStalin,whichbeginsto be apparentin 1926 and is complete (C.P.C., pp. 124-137) and Lisa, by 1930. Cf. his 1926 letterto the Comintern Memorie. reason. ambitions 79. Gramsci's mayalso havebeenan important personal Antonio 80. Cf. Davidson, Grainsci, p. 227; and C.P.C., p. 121-123. 81. S.P.W.,p. 260. 82. S.P.W.,pp. 305-309.

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on Political ofGramsci's 56 TheEvolution Organization Thinking of seizure and themoment forItalywouldbe short ment dominant.83 out.... and worn was "exhausted Giolitti's Onlytheprolegovernment 84 Now in state." and respected a strong is capableof creating tariat misconceived. been had this to conclude that was forced 1924 he image hadfargreater state that thebourgeois Fascism haddemonstrated adapto concede. beenwilling thanhe had previously tivecapacities and the of politics fora theory This had far-reaching implications alin thePrison confronted be fully would which Notebooks, state, only it is outeventhere.85 werenotdefinitively Though spelled though they ofthestate Marxist view thevulgar everaccepted doubtful that Gramsci of theruling instrument as themeredictatorial class,he had believed couldwither thestate thatunder awayintoa soguidance proletarian Now he works." on "a modeled beganto see largeengineering ciety s" and effective farmoresubtle of control that thestatehad instruments was force of such threat that the thandictatorial onlyone of force, in the legal/political and thatvariations of statefunctions, a number in FebHe wrote to Togliatti werehighly ofthestate forms significant.87 1924: ruary themasses anddrove which inRussiawasdirect Thedetermination, in Cenis complicated fora revolutionary intothestreets uprising, cretraland Western superstructures political Europeby all those Thismakestheacof capitalism. atedby thegreater development andtherefore andmore slower ofthemasses tion requires prudent, more tactics and a of therevolutionary altogether party strategy the for were which those than and necessary long-term complex MarchandNovember, between in theperiod Bolsheviks 1917.88 in 1926 morefully are explored of thisanalysis The implications Table states is of a two-dimensional I).89 where (see suggested typology state but Western is (its power backward") ("relatively Italy peripheral of superstruca more has beenextended development complex through
83. S.P.W.,p. 76. 84. S.P.W.,p. 336 the mostelaborateand thistheory, to reappropriate 85. Amongrecentefforts l'Etat(Paris: Fayard, et Gramsci Christine of is that Buci-Glucksmann, interesting 1975). 86. Cf. S.G., p. 230; O.N., p. 379; and S.P.W.,p. 263. 87. As Gramsciwrotein 1926, "This means that even the gravesteconomic in the politicalsphere.Politicsalnot have immediate crisismight repercussions economics" farbehind and follows (C.P.C., p. 121). waysfollows La formazione, 88. Togliatti, pp. 196-197. 89. C.P.C., pp. 121-123.

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Walter L. Adamson 57
of States Table I Classification
WESTERN NON-WESTERN

AdvancedCapitalist Transitional Peripheral

GreatBritain France Italy, Spain

Czechoslovakia? Poland Russia?,

in peripheral nowdiscovered a strucstates Gramsci tures).Moreover, stillfurther for turalidiosyncrasy with politics. implications proletarian "In these andcapitalism countries there extends theproletariat between ownpolia largestratum of intermediate classes"which "conduct their ticswith sections the often of that influence proletariat ideologies large 90 The to the peasantmasses." but whichare particularly suggestive valueofpursuing now seen could more theSouthern be Question clearly. toPriorto 1923, Gramsci had thought abouttheSouthern Question with a callfor this wasmore alliances eventhough gether worker-peasant lack of appeal a Northern matter relative becauseof fascism's directly of the masses.Now he couldsee theimportance amongtheSouthern of its"intermediate Southin terms whoseproletarian classes," support a significant theSouthern massesand to catalyze couldhelpto awaken Here are the"democratic bloc of workers and peasants. counter-fascist andthesource on theSouthern intellectuals" ofGramsci's Question essay in theNotebooks. he develops Other of thetheme implications strategic of thisanalysis had already been anticipated by late 1923, as willbecomeapparent below.

IV.
Gramsci had to conTo return to thetheory of political organization, of thePCIin 1924: when he assumed command sider three newfactors after its policyof tiesto theComintern (1) strong (embracing, July, intheWest, obstacles torevolution (2) theparticular "Bolshevization"), and (3) thespecialfeatures of Italyas a peripheral state.He also recommitted inprinciple tothemass-based, mained (and in this bottom-up a will" sensedemocratic) of collective "political "organization through OrdineNuovo period.As he education" whichhad typified the first within to reproduce wrote in April1924,"Our present ought program in 1919thesituation in the had reached we today, position existing Italy were tothis reallimits Gramsci 1920."91Yet there might parallel. permit and reality, a certain buthe did notconfuse himself nostalgia nostalgia,
90. C.P.C., p. 122. 91. C.P.C., p. 21.

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58 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Organization Thinking modeland program.92 He knew thata spirit of self-creation was necesthe force behind worker council movement and that sarily driving any onecouldnotrevive itfrom above. Gramsci's new theory of political as a defense organization against fascism and potential stabilization" was this: "bourgeois essentially 9" At thecenter of theprojected was to be a massparty,94 organization in tactics95 flexible butfirm in internal Its roots in everyday discipline.96 lifewereto be secured theorganization of cellsat thelevelof through theworkplace as Bordiga and through a (notterritorially advocated)97 cross-class of workers Its function was and membership peasants.9" major to institutionalize "a dialectical in which thespontaneous moveprocess of therevolutionary ment massesand theorganizing and directing will of the center The new in dialectic of education, converge." political other would have to within the rather than words, operate chiefly party and council.99 Thiswas a defensive between measure party by required fascism difficult to implement on the influence given Bordiga's though which remained leveloflocal sections until1926.100 strong At thesametime, three wereneeded.First, complementary policies he againcalledfortheestablishment of "worker and peasant commitas "elective, wouldserveas tees,"which representative organizations" in thefuture, thebasisfor ofworker andat present thecreation councils as a united front of"communists, reunitarians, maximalists, populists, fascist 101 and all the the other in against fight regime." publicans, parties
of the parallel (AntonioGramsci, 92. Davidson's overlyliteralinterpretation over thispoint.While Bates is much closer to the p. 204) glidestoo smoothly the 1920 vs. 1924 mark("Gramsciand Bolshevization," p. 122), he oversimplifies Thereis no question hereof a simrelationship lapsingintotheoppositeextreme. and Bolshevik"totalitarianism" ple oppositionof Ordine Nuovo "democracy" it "unwhichrender like a disciplined has elements, party, (p. 116). The former is not only to to call the latter"totalitarian" democratic" by manydefinitions; innocent to a rather Gramscian attachStalinist connotations usage,but also drashis motivation and programwhich retainmany "demoticallyto oversimplify cratic" elements. 93. C.P.C., pp. 177-178;cf.also C.P.C., p. 487. 94. C.P.C., pp. 482, 502,and 503. 95. C.P.C., pp. 299-301,and 502. 96. C.P.C., pp. 67, 97, and 505. 97. C.P.C., pp. 271-273,483, and 525. 98. C.P.C., p. 504. new inof the party's La Formazione, 99. Togliatti, p. 195. For the operation ternal education see C.P.C., pp. 48-62, 102,501,and 504. function, political attackson for Gramsci'spersistent 100.This is no doubt largelyresponsible in thisperiod;cf. C.P.C., pp. 488, 505, and 238-306 passim. "fractionism" 101.Cited in Salvadori,"Gramscie la questionemeridionale," p. 421; cf. also in Spriano, thecitations Storia,1:412ff.

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Walter L. Adamson 59 thepeasants with and other a class alliance he proposed opSecondly, comandpeasant which would outofthe"worker pressed groups, grow a in a nation-wide and culminate mittees" "anti-parliament" cementing oftheliberal, Aventhe"nullism" massbasefor revolution andexposing front thattheseunited he suggested tineopposition.102 Finally, politics in a dailypapermanaged front on thejournalistic be actualized jointly of and focused on the "problem editorially by thePCi and theterzini relations.'03 worker-peasant elaboto his arrest, Gramsci thethree years during prior Gradually His 1924 attack these thetheoretical of rated proposals. underpinnings that had to he the on theVatican begun recognize nesuggests already hold of andpetty of bourthe bourgeois cessity undercutting ideological This the the masses.'" intellectuals on masses, geois particularly peasant at time Lenin's death that was is confirmed his contention the of it by which hadbeenthesource ofhis"political "theideaofhegemony" origelaborated atsome 1926atLyons, Gramsci thepoint 105 In early inality." And by thetime a publicconfrontation with length during Bordiga.106 "will oftheessay on theSouthern he argued that theproletariat Question to breakup the intellectual succeed... according to its capacity bloc bloc."107 which forms theflexible butvery armor oftheagrarian resistant thisimplied two things. like First,"top intellectuals" Strategically, of and Benedetto Giustino Fortunato Croce-"the twogreatest figures and exposed.108 This theItalianreaction"-would haveto be attacked did not in theNotebooks, butGramsci becamea majorpreoccupation he did it What examine was a second the pursue yet. strategy, organizationof"democratic in therural as Pci-Chrisintellectuals" areas,either in with as alliances ex-servicetiandialogues in theNorth the or, South, 109 for and support "smalland medium reviews." men'scommittees In the attention a mass base one sensesthe he gave to cultivating Ordine Nuovomind at work, evenifordinovismo itself is only remotely
103.Cf. the Rivistastoricadel socialismo6 (Jan.-April, 1963): 115-123; or Rinascita21 (8 February1964): 25, each of whichreprinted of Gramsci'sletter in thefoundation 12 September of L'Unitc. laterresulted 1923,which 105.Cf. the citationfromL'Ordine Nuovo, 3rd Series (March 1924), Feltrinellireprint 1966), p. 3. (Milan: Feltrinelli, 106.C.P.C., p. 484. 109.C.P.C., pp. 151-153. It is interesting that nearlyall the intellectual alliin the sucances and affiliations Gramscinow advocatedhad been instrumental cessful of power. fascist conquest

102.C.P.C.,pp.464,206.

104.C.P.C., pp.523-525.

107.C.P.C.,pp.139-140. 108.C.P.C.,p. 150.

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60 TheEvolution on Political ofGramsci's Organization Thinking translatable Thereis a formal intothenew circumstances. parallelas which as Gramsci thestrucwould become even clearer well, analyzed In earlier and ofhis"modern in the both the ture Notebooks.110 prince" he as later the thetotality ofproletarian organization periods, conceived a relationship ofthree At theapex stoodtheinstiinterconnected parts. of revotution with overall tactical theinitiation coordination, charged of proletarian and the exemplification consciousness, action, lutionary oftheOrdine In thescheme notwith education though directly. political comnowitwas to be thecentral Nuovothis was thedisciplined party; within Belowtheapex was the"intellectual/moral mittee a massparty. theworkers' council in theearwith education: bloc"charged political levelcadres"(organic of "middle lierperiod, or now therelationship massbase. In thelatter and theparty's case, especially, intellectuals) of class alwas to be expanded themethods thisrelationship through mentioned above. liance in a denotbe takentoo far."Ordinovismo Yet thisparallel must ordinovismo. new The no is in somerespects longer fensive situation" comblocoverseen is notonlyan intellectual/moral by a central party centralized "a party oftheComintern, It is a "bolshevized" mittee. organ to bend Gramsci To tried be and internationally." sure, nationally 111 and he often and purposes, to his ownprinciples directives Comintern thecentral But he couldnotavoidinvesting did so quitecreatively.112 to have was never that the with an ultimate committee party authority it not from which to a pedestal became elevated had in 1920.The party of the controlled entire but oversaw pracpolitical range significant only with becamecongruent in effect boundaries tice,and itsorganizational in Gramsci state."Interestingly, thoseof the "potential suggested the for of its was"democratic" this that Notebooks (because "openchannels differis a this but the theruledto enter ruling very clearly group"); workers' thatpracticed from ent sortof democracy by self-governing
councils.113
from 30 of theLyonsTheses 110.S.P.N., pp. 152-153. It is apparent paragraph at thisstructure. arrived he had already (C.P.C., p. 505) that 111.C.P.C., p. 55. For thisreasonas well as foritsnew role as a politicaleduhis plan by Gramsciforthisperiodis quiteunlikeeither cator,thePCI fashioned of the Pci in 1921-1922. Several recent for the Psi in 1919-1920 or the reality made the former writers have nevertheless claim;cf. Davidson,AntonioGramsci, Proletarian Order, p. 231. pp. 136 and 208; and Williams, of theComintern translation slogan"worker 112.A good exampleis Gramsci's and committees of worker-peasant into the strategy and peasant government" class alliance aimed at a "federalrepublicof workersand peasants."Cf. also Antonio Gramsci, pp. 220 and 236. Davidson, in liberal seemsanalogousto the distinction 113. Q.C., p. 1056. The difference of democracy. and "elite"theories between discussions "participatory"

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L. Adamson 61 Walter situation" leads to in a defensive "ordinovismo Moreover, inevitably 1919-1920and 1924-1926 contradictions. A comparison ofGramsci's and their which lookedonlyat institutions might relationships, politics, that the welllead to theconclusion, in theabsence ofworkers' councils, had undergone Yet paradoxidimension a marked decline. prefigurative to be thecrucial understood thisdimension 1923 Gramsci cally,after in theWestwhere of the element fora strategy thepower ofrevolution is deeply with state and inextricably connected thecomplex superstrucis nota retures of civilsociety. of theworkers' councils The decline that ofhislessening in them butof an historical flection interest tragedy has forced to a at the"modern struggle a prince" uphold prefigurative suchexpression wouldbe ignominiously crushed. timewhenanyother as a effort class alliance Fromthisperspective, prefigurative appears shares to forge an "historic bloc"in which theproletariat power political all the whileto makeit prewithothersocial forces seeking though of proletarian values.The difficulty thecarrier hereis that dominately to all the thatclass alliancesbe extended Gramsci seemsto require and the classes"(peasants, "intermediate bourgeoisie, nonmonopopetty whilehe is stressing thevalueof a listic of thebourgeoisie) segments of absorpIs the proletarian politics.114 possibility "counter-hegemonic" a which "historic bloc" thelogicallimit tionintoa proletarian against exOr class be should alliances class alliance must be tested? potential in order to build can permit tended further thanproletarian hegemony beGramsci was fascism? arrested an effective coalition Though against became to such questions answers werenecessary, foredecisive they and of thePcI under Togliatti againin thepolitics important critically continue to spark andthey his"Eurocommunist" successors, controversy ofthe Gramsci's andthose between abouttherelationship politics today
current PCI. V.

omism, he never ceased to strivefor a politicsof the masses which

114.Cf. C.P.C., pp. 122-123and 483-484.

theoretical ofGramsci's Thisconcludes ourreconstruction changing proto askhowits we need But before of closing organization. gram political we must to be conceived. various And,moregenerally, phasesought "breaks" on this have what consider possible understanding bearing might inhisintellectual development. of within Gramsci's ofcontinuity there are elements theory Certainly, selfthat was a From starting point philosophical political organization. and econof determinism dialectical and avoidedall forms consciously

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62 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Thinking Organization a highpriority to a self-active education and theauassigned political tonomous of a Yet culture. as we have organization proletarian political of hisdialectic reveals a panoply of difseen,a moreconcrete analysis commitments and practices. Faced withthis ambiguity, most fering of Gramsci students have assumed someform of periodization of his whether or notthey conpolitical activity acknowledge any"essential Thus Boggsdistinguishes four"stages"-1916-1919, 1919tinuity." five: 1920, 1921-1926,and 1926-1937-whileBonomidistinguishes 1914-1918,1919-1920,1921-1923,1924-1926,and 1927-1937.115 to intuitive Whilesuchperiodizations correspond suspicions usually aboutwhich inGramsci's what events aredecisive intellectual biography, is rarely madeclearis whether uniform andvalidcriteria used arebeing in identifying thevarious find Thus Davidson to stages. purports only one "rupture" in Gramsci's intellectual to two development, yetrefers of his thinking in 1919-1920,concedes Gramsci that separate "stages" a "newproblematic" in 1921,andrecognizes a change beganto develop ofheart aboutBordiga's in 1923.11' he doesnotidenMoreover, politics fortheone "rupture" between he acknowledges-that thegrounds tify of the cultural of 1917-1918 and the worker messianism councilism had 1919-1920.Davidson's most that Gramsci direct statement suggests moved from thenotion that "themainsocialist taskwas one of education-to teachwas to lead-" to thenotion that"menwouldhave to wastolead."117 to understand Yet this theworld it-to organize change is certainly Gramsci had stressed an over-simplification. theimportance ofpolitical he had lackedwas a wayto before 1919; what organization eduwith andpolitical hispreoccupations socialist integrate organization cation. After 1918 he was moresuccessful, meansthat yetthishardly his concern withpolitical was retreating. Ratherit became education in thenew first intheworkers' of 1919-1920, later councils concretized, characteristic classalliances, andlinks intellectual between party, groups ofthe1924-1926period. we couldthink of"rupture" Of course simply we must but locate in terms then of shifting allegiances, organizational in 1926 when in 1921, 1923,and possibly Gramsci other breaks began togrow of more Comintern leadership. skeptical of to avoidaltogether thelanguage My ownviewis thatit is wiser with "breaks" in Gramsci's intellectual and developdealing "ruptures"
Gramsci'sessentialcontinuity; 115.Both Boggs and Bonomi affirm cf. Boggs, Gramsci'sMarxism,pp. 12-15; and Bonomi, "La teoria della rivoluzionein AnnaliFeltrinelli 1973 (Milan: Feltrinelli, Gramsci," 1974), p. 1276. Antonio 116.Davidson, Gramsci, pp. 242, 270, 155,160,xiii,and 202ff. 117.Ibid.,p. 270.

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L. Adamson 63 Walter inthe ofOrganization and Phases Table II Stages Theory

STAGES PHASES

(1)

(2)

Shift awayfrom idealist resonances whenfull of the meaning RussianRevolutionis internalizedforItaly.

1914-1918

(1) The splitbetween cultural messianism and PSI intransigence. worker (2) Ordinovismo: councils and disciplinedparty. (3) Obsessionwith PCI to combuilding pleteordinovismo. (4) Antifascism: political education within class almassparty; liances;and unquesto tioning allegiance theComintern. (5) Same as (4) butwith increased skepticism

1919-1920

Shift awayfrom ordinovismo as a RussianRevomodel lutionary towards a full of recognition thedifferences between Russia (3) and Italyrelevantto a Western revolution.

1921-1922

1923-1925

1926-1937

ment. thisdevelopment thatapproaches discloses the Certainly nothing structuralist notion of a coupure I wouldproInstead epistimologique. setsof criteria forcoming to terms with thetwists pose twoalternative andturns ofhistheory/practice dialectic. First of all,we mayuse theshifts in Gramsci's of orfocus principal alliance to establish his In five of ganizational "phases" activity. May, from an allegiance thePSIand private divided between 1919,he shifted to an open embrace withcouncilism; in January pedagogical politics 1921 he rededicated himself to thenewPcI as thesuperior disciplined to oversee in 1923 he closedranksbehind councilism; party required theComintern to developnew al(June) and began (by September) tothebattle andfinally inOctober, fascism; legiances against appropriate with toregard theComintern This 1926,he began skepticism. increasing division intophasesis helpful theempirical in ordering of complexity Gramsci's butbyitself it cannot intothe penetrate politics, very deeply inhistheoretical changes problematic. A secondsetof criteria is moreuseful: Gramsci's concepchanging tionsof Italianrevolution. Fromthese, in his theory of three "stages"

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64 TheEvolution ofGramsci's on Political Thinking Organization Priorto 1919 he had conpolitical organization maybe distinguished. ceived revolution theRussian andhad only indirectly through experience notyetinternalized it forItaly.Nonetheless, he had already it grasped as a series ofmoments in thedevelopment ofa mass-based socialist culturewhich transcended of pre-and postrevoluanysimple dichotomy In thesecondstage, andpractice thetheory of worker tionary periods. councilism was used to makethisimageconcrete and visible. The aswas that councilism would as brief serve a moment sumption preparatory in a Bolshevik-style of power seizure rendered inculminating virtually evitable the of to the recast itself as a successful by inability bourgeoisie classin themidst of thedislocations offour of war. ruling years Of course, theassumption unwarranted whenthe ultimately proved of this in the floundered and died revolutionary politics stage occupation of theTurinfactories. In seeking to resurrect turned in Gramsci them, withthe new PcI, whichin the end proved partto a preoccupation as he himself a But he also attempted counterproductive, recognized. ofthepractical reassessment oforganizing theMezpositive importance when confirmed ofbourgeois accommozogiorno, which, byhisanalysis under dation thebasisfora newand more fascism, produced complex ofWestern in 1923.In this was revolution third revolution theory stage, conceived as a longdrawnout on thecultural ofbourassault interstices to ofthePrison (the"warofposition" Notebooks'18) geoiscivilsociety be waged first antifascist defensive alliances but through ultimately theconstruction of autonomous, alternative institutions as the through basisfora new"historic bloc."The parallel which inwith had Russia, the second was now discarded. spired stage, entirely that Gramsci's theories ofpolitical followed organization Recognizing from and in turn the or of lack reinforced validity validity dialectically of his latter twoconceptions of revolution, it becomes to acpossible count moreprecisely forhis shifting For exallegiances. organizational evenifone takes about"resomeofhis 1924 statements ample, literally to thepolitics of 1919-1920,institutional commitments like turning" workers' councilstake on new meaning and require new affiliations within whenreordered theorganizational totality by an imageof exin civilsociety. tended Gramsci's warfare considerable ideological pohimto transform intoconcrete litical allowed suchreorderings acumen this eventhough, in suchdifficult could circumstances, political practice notsucceed.
118.S.P.N., pp. 229-243. For similarimagesin the Lyons Theses,see C.P.C., pp. 500, 509,and 512.

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