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American Academy of Political and Social Science

Culture and Inequality: Identity, Ideology, and Difference in "Postascriptive Society" Author(s): Maria Charles Source: Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 619, Cultural Sociology and Its Diversity (Sep., 2008), pp. 41-58 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of Political and Social Science Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40375794 . Accessed: 14/05/2013 04:34
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Cultureand Inequality: Identity, and Ideology, in Difference

How haveconceptualizations of"culture" been incorporatedintosociological studies ofclass,racial/ethnic, and This articlefirst reviews the develgenderinequality? on social inequalities opmentof American scholarship the past halfcentury and the role of cultural during It goes on to consider analysisin this development. culture-related to threecentral in responses questions the subdiscipline and closes withan examination of contentious issues.Likely future currently developments includemovement toward morefluid, concontextually ofclass,race,andgender and tingent conceptualizations an increasing of analyses thatexplorethe prominence between individual, interactional, dynamicinterplay and institutional ofinequality. processes class; gender; Keywords: culture; race; ethnicity; inequality

"Postascriptive Society"
By MARIA CHARLES

article considers hownotions ofculture have influenced Americansociological and gender analysesof class, racial/ethnic, since the of the middle twentieth inequality to Attention is restricted century. scholarship is in somesenseculturally even that informed, iftheterm culture is notexplicitly used.While for anappreciation cultural isfar from processes universal social researchers, among inequality aboutthe cultural causes and consetheories havestrongly influenced quencesofinequality subfield. of this development

Maria Charles is a professorof sociology at the Santa Barbara. Her research of California, University and explorespatterns processesof social inequality, attention tocross-national in with variability particular andfamilialroles.Her women's economic, educational, The Worldwide coauthored Ghettos: book, Occupational of Womenand Men (Stanford University Segregation Press 2004) received the Max Weber Award for in 2005. Scholarship Distinguished NOTE: Direct correspondenceto Maria Charles, of California, Departmentof Sociology,University mcharles@soc.ucsb.edu. CA 93106-9430, SantaBarbara, An earlierdraft was presented at the Second Annual of California,San Culture Conference,University to conference orgaDiego, May5, 2006. I am grateful and especially and colleagues, nizers, myUCSD friends valuablecomments. and Kwai Ng,for MaryBlair-Loy
DOI: 10.1177/0002716208319824

2008 ANNALS,AAPSS,619, September

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"Cultural aredefined heretoreference arguments" unfolding broadly processes at different andsometimes culture levels of Atthemicro level, multiple analyses. are refers to deeplyinternalized or which traits, attitudes, values, personality in economic invoked to explain differences Wilson or socialsuccess (Kohn1977; and to broader macro-level 1987;Keister 2008). Other usagesrefer phenomena or socialprocesses. For example, the stratifying somescholars haveconsidered that effects of and such as those collective equalizing ideologies representations, meritocratic or race-based allocation or perpetuate support occupational genderinmodern distinctions societies Others have described Bobo (Parsons 1970; 2000). institutionalized of that action and structures of repertoires cognition maydiffer and acrosssocial-group Willis (Anderson 1976; 1977; Fenstermaker categories meanWest the diverse of have 2002).Increasingly, sociologistsinequality explored that andgroups construct oradoptto interpret their life ings persons experiences ortocreate orthings or moral boundaries between of symbolic categories persons refer to the term culture (Lamont 1992;Young 2004;Ridgeway 2006).Finally, may reliinstitutions of such as and science, "specific knowledge creativity language, of andliterature" areofconcern to scholars film, (Gusfield 2006,43),which gion, insofar their boundas or use creates creation, dissemination, inequality symbolic obfuscates ornaturalizes andAdorno thestatus aries, inequality, quo (Horkheimer andWysong These ofculture 1972;Gans1999;Perrucci 2003). conceptualizations areneither exclusive nor exhaustive. mutually Thisreview inthree is organized ofdevelsections. The first offers a summary in middle U.S. on since the (aka,"stratification")1 opments scholarship inequality ofthetwentieth and the in The role of cultural this century analysis development. secondsection culture-related to three that presents questions figure responses in U.S. scholarship on inequality: (1) How do personscome to prominently distinctions (2) How aresocialgroup occupy unequalsocialpositions? generated andmaintained? and (3) How is inequality The a closeswith legitimated? article brief discussion ofcontemporary controversies that reflect theinfluence ofculinthis tural subfield. Theseinclude debates abouttheongoing salience sociology ofclassdistinctions in industrial the usefulness of disunidimensional societies, in analyses tinctions ofsocialinequality and thestability ofclass,race,and genderidentities across timeandspace.

Culturein Social Inequality Research


intellectual exist scholars ofinequality with to Significant cleavages among regard howthey the nature and direction of the between culture conceptualize relationship and society. Whereas functionalists haveemphasized beneficial broadly integrative effects ofideology conflict theorists have tocultures rolein (Parsons 1970), pointed and Parkin (Mills1956; 1979;Wright 1997).2 obscuring legitimizing exploitation Within theconflict-theoretical a further distinction canbe madebetween tradition, who (likethefunctionalists) offer a conceptualization of culture as neo-Marxists, derivative and and more (Perrucci 2003), largely Wysong Weberian-inspired

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whotreat culture as an independent causalforce that bothreflects and scholars, Collins material relations Even more (R. 1979; Esping-Andersen 1999). shapes at oddswith materialist views are analyses who scholars, bypostmodernist sharply and as in describe forces modern values, identities, ideologies primary generative andWaters stratification (Hall1992;Pakulski 1996). systems The following two sections of influential providebriefreviews empirical oninequalities basedoneconomic status andonother research affilsocial-group iations, respectively. status and class reproduction Socioeconomic the1970sand 1980s, for preeminent During quantitative approaches studying of socioeconomic to the transmission status from their children (aka, parents were analysesof occupational social reproduction") class "intergenerational Whiletheir andpathmodels ofstatus attainment. considerable mobility descripof are widely each these traditions has been tivecontributions acknowledged, a close correspondence between cultural forpresuming criticized values,ecorewards. Such a be in and social nomic presumption may rooted requirements, of accounts the social stratification which hold functionalist system, midcentury ofmodern economies valueorientathat corerequirements giveriseto societal and reward structures and Moore 1945; (Davis tions,allocational processes, and Smith Treiman 1974). 1970;Inkeles ofintergenerational for Historical andcomparative instance, mobility, analyses ofindustrial theegalitarian effects influenced werestrongly byideasabout developform theprecise functional oftherelationship, about ment. While early disagreeing that economic modernization researchers commonly presumed mobility-table value at leastinitsinitial changes, rejecspecifically phases leadsto egalitarian in favor basedones(Lipset criteria ofachievement allocational tionofascriptive 3 citizens of advanced and Zetterberg 1959; Blau and Duncan 1967). Although cultural views to express societies are indeedmorelikely industrial egalitarian bases fordiscrimination characteristics as direct theuse of ascribed and reject that classmobility increases is little evidence and Norris 2003),there (Inglehart and Goldthorpe modernization economic with (Erikson advancing continuously and Smeeding 2006). 1993;Osberg Patrick Horanarguedin his to status attainment Withregard pathmodels, scaleofoccupational on a unidimensional "success" that 1978critique measuring or inferiorevaluation ofthesuperiority consensual or prestige status presumes A presumed of roles. ofoccupational (i.e.,"functional homology importance") ity intheearly status is indeedevident outcomes valuesandsocioeconomic cultural TheAmerican from inthefollowing as exemplified attainment literature, excerpt Structure: Occupational
a rigidclass structure the wasteof humanresources cannotanylongerafford Society ofmodern havepenetrated Universalistic entails. society deep intothefabric principles in response to thisneed. (Blau and and givenriseto highratesofoccupational mobility Duncan 1967,431)

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Blau and Duncan(1967) didpoint Functionalist notwithstanding, predilections cittoblack cultural universalistic tothefailure ofAmericans toextend principles for been izens.Theirlinear moreover, have, applied many modeling approaches et al. 1996; ofthestatus scholars critical quo (Fischer strongly years byinequality and et al. Okamoto 1999). 1972; England Jencks andqualitative both A related research, matter, quantitative through long pursued are and economic which mechanisms concerns the"cultural" inequality poverty by School" 'Wisconsin was out line carried of research One influential by reproduced. ofparental effects whodemonstrated scholars, expectations, mediating important andpersonal social-psychologiaspirations byintroducing membership, peer-group and Portes intothebasicBlau-Duncan cal variables Haller, pathmodel(Sewell, on the work of tradition in is a this Also notable 1969). qualitative regard long of and values as characteristic norms treats cultural of which "(sub)culturepoverty," Lewis Oscar The was coined term rather than individuals. byanthropologist groups inhis1965report (1959)andwassubsequently Moynihan adopted byDanielPatrick urban black in of on the to President reproductionpoverty predominantly Johnson and sources structural the both Lewis and While Moynihan emphasized ghettos. lost on was nuance this norms and of attitudes, adaptive qualities "dysfunctional" read was and and the at the academics Report widely Moynihan public large, many thevictims").4 as a moral indictment ofthepoor(i.e.,"blaming

In the ofthe furor following publication somescholars ofpoverty Moynihan Report, structuralist cametofavormorepurely attention whichturned accounts, awayfrom and valuesandfocusedon internalized norms in housing, past and present inequities and education. employment,
of In thefuror oftheMoynihan somescholars Report, following publication more which turned attention came to favor structuralist accounts, poverty purely internalized normsand values and focusedon past and present awayfrom inhousing, andeducation. thecorrespondence inequities employment, Although interbetween to be debated,5 values and economic outcomes continues personal est has been growing in understanding subculthedynamic between interplay tural traits andstructural inthegeneration forces ofeconomic (Wilson inequality andZhou 1993;Mayer 1987;Portes 1997;Duneier1999;MacLeod2004).

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inthe influence ofPierre Bourdieu A related thestrong trend, likely reflecting to an inherent of is a decreased for field, functionality tendency analysts presume of an inherent lower-class elite cultural culture). (and inferiority dispositions middleandupper-class cultural conWhilescholars capital generally agreethat of the effects such fers capital advantages, productivity-enhancing competitive This distinction in Annette is evident takenforgranted. are todayless often ofclass-specific s (2003)description Lareau childrearing practices:
offer of naturalgrowth intrinsic and the accomplishment Both concerted cultivation are and their children. thesepractices benefits Nevertheless, (and burdens)for parents social institutions. There are signsthat social values by important accordeddifferent withconcerted thoseassociated cultural somefamily cultivation, give notably practices, do not.(P. 241) cultural thatother children practices advantages

as arbitrary, and values anddispositions ofelite s depiction Bourdieu exclusionary, on the a large hasspawned to economic unrelated bodyofresearch productivity of"cultural and effects 1990; nature, (DiMaggioand Ostrower capital" origins, Dumais 2002). 2001; Kingston on ecoliterature debatesin the sociological theoretical Some long-standing "classes" lines exist between clear whether concern nomic and, dividing inequality treatments for are located. ifso,wheresuchboundaries categorical Justification often as opposedto "gradational" (i.e., "relational" hinges conceptualizations) cultural location and class economic between articulation of the degree upon and/or con"class"predicts to which tastes, lifestyle, (e.g.,theextent practices individuto are affiliations these whether and meaningful group sumption) upon orclassaction). classawareness alsinvolved they generate (e.g.,whether race,and ethnic Gender, inequalities the andgender ofrace, Becausesociologists rarely dispute inequality ethnicity, not is surit sociocultural of these nature distinctions,6 categorical fundamentally with thanare classscholars are less concerned that demonstrating they prising is attention Much scholarly boundaries. of "real"social-group the existence mainteand construction the historical toward instead directed understanding thedistinctive and documenting boundaries and ethnic nanceof race,gender, thesecategories arisewithin that subcultures intersections). (orat their somehistorhasnonetheless on ascriptive undergone inequalities Scholarship and socioecoon class research tothose similar icaldevelopments characterizing direct on the more often focused work earlier the nomicinequality. Again, attributes in differences of static effects 1943; (Child personal group stratifying identiofgroup nature evenstrategic oftheadaptive, Rossi1984).Recognition then traits 1988;Waldinger tiesandsubcultural 1975;C. Epstein (Patterson grew andcultural structural between the to attention as did 1996), interplay dynamic and to the and Shauman Xie Waters 2003) 1999; 1989; (Hochschild processes Sim and Harris Collins identities of 2002). 2000; (P. multiplicityascriptive

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and stereotypAttention to processes ofdiscrimination, cultural devaluation, The renewed has also been of Hunt late 2006; 2007).7 ing increasing (Ridgeway wave oflaborain "new and a recent theories of manifested interest, prejudice" been and attitudinal has audit, studies, by scholarly arguments tory, sparked advanced industrialunder a "declining ofraceandgender positing significance" is that discrimination ism(Wilson and 1978;Jackson 1998) bypublic perceptions disand that a of Research the findings suggest stereotyping largely thing past.8 continue to be majorsocial crimination based on race,gender, and sexuality of for liberal even while most Americans forces, principles support express strong procedural equality. blurtheconventional accounts ofascriptive Moredeeply cultural inequalities ofculeffects between distinction microandmacro-causal bypositing processes these turalstereotypes on individual identities and dispositions. accounts, By and legitimate aboutessential themselves beliefs perpetuate groupdifferences interactional and actions, aspiraexpectations byshaping inequality bycreating and evenbodies(Goffman 2006). The foltions, 1963; Steele2003; Ridgeway this integrative of "doing gender"exemplifies lowingclassic description multilevel approach:
but thatfora It is not simply thathouseholdlaboris designated as "women's work," the"essenwomanto engagein itand a mannotto engagein itis to drawon and exhibit theactivity and artitialnature" ofeach.Whatis produced and reproduced is notmerely and husbandly roles. . . . factofdomestic butthe material embodiment ofwifely life, and subordinate Whatare also frequently are the dominant producedand reproduced statuses ofthesexcategories. 1987,144) (Westand Zimmerman

individuInsofar as cultural beliefs are presumed to influence aboutdifference als' dispositions, these accounts also blurdismoral and evaluations, cognitions, tinctions between and structural Culture becomes"structural," cultural effects. as illustrated in Stephen Cornells (2000) analysis:
Panethnic identitiesoften are discovered identitiesin just this sense, occasioned by the schemes and actions of others. . . . This fact [of classificationby others] classificatory has consequences because the new categoryusually becomes an active compotypically nent of the categorizers' worldview. It organizes their actions. Consequently ... it begins to organize the experience of categorymembers as well. (P. 99)

It should be notedthat similar divide and ofstrucofthemicro-macro blurring tural andcultural can be in found less (albeit processes frequently) thecontemliterature on class formation and 1984;Lamont porary identity (e.g.,Bourdieu 1992;Sayer 2005).

Three Sociological Questions


The following inthecontothree paragraphs present key questions responses literature on social the and temporary inequality. Although questions responses

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this exercise should ofcultural arenotexhaustive, givesomesenseas totherange within thesubfield. influences 1. How do persons cometo occupyunequalsocialpositions? areallocated Theprocess social haslongbeenofinterest to bywhich positions scholars. The frameworks draw different analytical inequality following upon ofculture. notions allocational (a) The mostcommonapproachto understanding inequality and aptitudes on personal attitudes that are presumed to makepersons focuses anddifferentially success status woror socialgroups differentially equippedfor of thus described individual "status attainment" Scholars have processes thy. ofclasssubcultures (Bourdieu 1984;Lareau (BlauandDuncan1967)andeffects Wilson and socialized subcultures urban 1968; 1987), (Rainwater 2003), ghetto Williams and Bales and 1955; 1989).A promi(Parsons masculinity femininity Melvin Kohn socialization is offered nent account ofclass-specific (1977),who by work leads to value conforof their the nature that working-class parents argued to value self-direction: middle-class in children and parents mity their
forperpetuating Atlowerlevels as a mechanism The family, then,functions inequality. to be ill-equippedand oftenwill be illof the stratification order, parentsare likely class levels.Othersocial in the skills needed at higher theirchildren disposedto train - can counteract - notably, this influence, formal educationalinstitutions institutions do so to onlya smallextent. butthey 200-1) (Pp.

the lines,Douglas Masseyand NancyDenton(1993) described Alongsimilar urban blacks. and attitudes of on the behavior ofresidential effects segregation andisoto adaptto thepoverty in attempting that dwellers, ghetto Theyargued an "oppositional" culture todevelop arelikely socialenvironments, oftheir lation thevaluesofmiddle-class at oddswith is sharply that society. in studtraits havealsobeeninvoked ofpersonal aggregations Group-specific that for Chodorow ies of gender (1978), suggested example, Nancy inequality. on effects mothers has with their identification personality enduring early girls' for women that caretaking: equipanddispose
withmothering Women,as mothers, capacitiesand the desireto producedaughters women as mothers. . . produce sons whose nurturant mother.... By contrast, This prepares and repressed. curtailed capacitiesand needs have been systematically in theimperlaterfamily less affective menfor their role,and for participation primary worldofworkand publiclife.(P. 7) sonalextra-familial

interas deeply traits therelevant todescribe a tendency share Theseanalyses influence the to are presumed of inequality Structures nalizedand enduring. stable in turn which and opportunities, of interactions nature groupgenerate individual between feedback and attitudes. outlooks loops Reciprocal specific of thenresultin the perpetuation outcomes and socioeconomic dispositions

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across and individual lifetimes. Accounts differ, however, inequality generations in howthelink is conbetween subcultural traits and socioeconomic outcomes of a While some scholars treat the as natural outgrowth ceptualized. relationship thetechnical others describe of 2001), 1977; requirements jobs (Kohn Kingston class differential of cultural traits as arbitrary biasesofthedominant valuation andPasseron andWysong (Bourdieu 2003). 1970;Perrucci 1 considers ofprejudice andcultural toquestion effects (b) A second response in for which create unlevel fields devaluation, playing competition jobsandother In a newly allocational socialresources. stream of research, invigorated persistent have of been linked to discrimination, stigmainequalities widespread practices minoriofwomen, andracial/ethnic andstereotyping andlesbians, tization, gays ties. Through a seriesof laboratory Benard,and Paik Correll, experiments, for what to be documented (2007), example, widespread wagediscrimiappears and nation recent audit studies but not fathers. Results from mothers, against and to racial moreover, ongoing Quillian survey analyses point, prejudice (Pager ofgays andlesbians 2001),despite 2005)andpersistent (Loftus prostereotyping to fessedadherence to egalitarian and a growing publicreluctance principles widerestrict civilliberties of thesegroups. Lawrence Bobo (2000) described inAmerica: effects ofracial ranging prejudice
There are strongreasonsto believe that the modern-day of African disadvantages in the labor market, in the housingmarket, in politics, in the educational Americans arena and in myriad of interpersonal withwhitesare strongly forms social interaction linked to modern forms ofracialprejudice.(P. 196)

2. How are socialgroupdistinctions and maintained? generated Attention toprocesses social boundaries aredefined andreproduced bywhich hasbeengrowing, with werepreto distinctions that especially respect ascriptive taken for as ordained. viously granted naturally literature ofcommon focuses on thesignificance life (a) Anexpanding experihistorical and of in thegeneraacts resistance ences, powerrelations, collective tionofsocial-group theemergence ofclass-specific describe categories. Analysts cultural Giddens and the formation ofidentities (Bourdieu 1984; 1973) practices basedon race/ethnicity and Winant Cornell andsexu(Omi 1994; 2000),gender Bourdieu and of difference (Kimmel 2006; 2001), ality intersecting categories andWaters Winant (Pakulski 1996;P.Collins 2000).Howard (2004),for example, described theconstruction ofracialidentities in theUnited States as an historical process subordinate have"banded to defend their bywhich groups together" in thefaceofexclusion, interests and "evenoutright exterminadiscrimination, A similar tion." is depicted Waters ofhow (1999)inheraccount process byMary theexperience ofbeing"black" in America transforms identities of Caribbean immigrants:

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with Blackimmigrants from theCaribbean cometo theUnited States a particular identity/ the structural culture/worldview. . . . Ultimately, realities of American race however, to the of West . . . relations culture the Indians. Race as a master status begin swamp in the UnitedStatessoon overwhelms and theirchilthe identities of the immigrants are seen as blackAmericans. dren,and they (P. 8)

in organizations and The construction and reproduction ofgroup distinctions and social movefamilies, schools, states, institutions, workplaces, including studiedas well (Grusky and S0rensen have been widely 1998; Taylor ments, 2006; S. Epstein2007). JulieBettie(2003),for 1999; Karabel2005; Skrentny in of multidimensional, situational identities the formation example, explored sort themselves race/ethnicthat She found schools. along increasingly girls high in school and behavior attitudes, expectations, ityand classlinesand thattheir them." as for like what see normative in "girls they depend largepartupon of about the more made a Charles (1998) incorporation argument general Tilly into distinctions exterior organizations: group
and ethnicsuchas race,gender, exterior However are institutionalized, categories they of create that members the extent interior to become widelyrecogorganizations ity the and represent enact defining and actors, nized names forthe boundaries rituals, devices. (P. 80) explicit bysymbolically categories

inthe theroleofconsumption considers lineofresearch related (b) A closely class boundaries(DiMaggio and socioeconomic of symbolic construction influenced and Simkus Ostrower 1992).Theseanalyses, 1990;Peterson strongly describe Pierre and Veblen of Thornstein the Bourdieu, stratifying writings by ofhigh and/or command ofdifferential effects manners, practices, consumption culture.
. . . as byitsbeing, as muchbyitsbeing-perceived A classis defined byitsconsumption ofproduction in the relations as muchas byitsposition (evenifit is truethatthelatter theformer). (Bourdieu1984,483) governs

andconsumption classlocation between ofarticulation Butthedegree objective of as is thedistinctivenessconsumption ofongoing is a matter debate, practices in economic terms are notdefined that within socialgroups (e.g.,race, entirely foundthatthe Michele Lamont(1992), forinstance, nationality).9 gender, in thatthey variescross-nationally particular, boundaries of cultural strength in France. than States in theUnited weaker are much effects ofbeliefs 2 focuses ontheself-fulfilling toquestion (c) A third response of difference this difference aboutgroup account, (or similarity). ideologies By even andbehavior that ofselfand others create shapeinteractions expectations individual-level or direct constraints structural in theabsenceofanyimmediate effects on "chartering" in research hasbeendescribed Thisprocess socialization. and stereoofgender credentials ofeducational 1977);on effects scripts (Meyer andon"stereoCorrell and 2004); 2003; 1994; (Thorne Ridgeway Blair-Loy types ofracial 1963; andthereproduction (Goffman threat," inequalities stigma, type

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ofsuchself-fulfilling areoffered Ogbu 1994;Steele2003). Examples prophesies several in their collective to Herrnstein and by Berkeley sociologists response The Bell Curve (1994): Murray's
in the racialcastesystem, oftheir their Youngpeople understand positions irrespective families' education or wealth.Some adoptthe resigned ofthem, some stanceexpected rebelagainst is thesamewhatever thereaction: aboutit.One result it,all probably worry Poorerthanexpected in school.(Fischeret al. 1996,199,201) on tests performance

CeceliaRidgeway to gender, with (2006) madea similar argument respect arguin that beliefs fundamental and innate difference cause ing confirmatory gender in self-assessments shifts in turn andtaskperformance, which reinforce societal and essentialist expectations reproduce gender ideologies.

createexpectations of [Ijdeologiesofdifference thatshape interactions and selfand others behavior evenin theabsenceofanyimmediate structural constraints or direct individuallevelsocialization.

3. How is inequality legitimated? The mechanisms socialinequalities cometo be taken for as bywhich granted natural orjust are also a central concern ofinequality whohavelong scholars, theimportance ofthis to thelong-term ofstratificarecognized process stability tionsystems. - and sometimes thisstability the com(a) Fromone scholarly perspective, of social in subordinates their own domination reflects plicity powerdifferentials and unevencapacitiesforpersonsand social groupsto impose their of socialreality definitions and Passeron (R. Collins1979; Bourdieu preferred is exemplified in a neo-Marxist account 1970). Such a perspective by Robert Perrucci and EarlWysong that theconsciousness ofaverage (2003),whoargued is "colonized" citizens a culture that disseminates ideas by industry promoting eliteclassinterests and thusperpetuating their domination. s (2001) Bourdieu of the of the order also to a of analysis legitimation gender points process "sym- inthis bolic social structures casemale domination violence," bywhich arbitrary cometo be perceived as natural:

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Far from ofbiological thenecessities the symbolic reproduction determining organizaoflabour . . . , itis an arbitrary construction tionofthesexualdivision ofthemaleand in biological female ofitsuses and functions, whichgives body, especially reproduction, view of the divisionof sexual an apparently naturalfoundation to the androcentric oflabourand so ofthewholecosmos.(P. 23) labourand thesexualdivision

is also commonly of the modernstratification (b) The legitimacy system - either differential contributions tothecollective welfare topersons' attributed Froma functionalist a consensual, meritocratic realor presumed. perspective, of of the industrial out valuesystem (Parsons 1970). exigencies production grows in worldwide that Treiman (1977),forexample, similarity occupational argued sharedby all complex arisesout of functional imperatives rankings prestige - namely, to a common setofintrinbe allocated that societies persons rationally Bell made similar claims roles. Daniel hierarchical (1973) occupational sically in workers social of the to with standing knowledge postindustrial rising respect societies. one stepfurther takethesearguments Neoinstitutionalists bytreating egalito theexirather thanresponses constructions as cultural tarian valuesystems industrial Soysal, (Meyer1977,2001; Ramirez, production genciesof modern to is legitimate, discrimination and Shanahan 1997).Credential-based according about cultural institutionalized of because (2001), ideologies deeply Meyer John andbecauseoftaken-foreducation offormal effects theproductivity-enhancing educational for in rewarding interest aboutthecollective beliefs persons granted sensecultural areinthis theories Functional investments. paradigms:
in such as the schooledprofessions, of manygroups, The highstatusand importance in world modern the from cultural arise modern stratification (which ideologies systems dom"real"interactive as muchas from offunctional taketheform theories) commonly inanceand dependence.(P. 883)

and allusions liberalism howabstract considers lineofscholarship (c) A third and "equal opportunity" to "individual "effort," choice," persishelplegitimate tentascriptive 1993; Bobo 2000; Feagin and McKinney (Orloff inequalities are easilyreconciled liberalegalitarian 2003). By these accounts, principles andinterests. in skills, differences aboutessential beliefs with attitudes, Groupas longas theseare understood are deemedlegitimate outcomes differentiated Charles In Occupational choices free to reflect Ghettos, agents. byautonomous cultural but of "different role the described andGrusky (2004) principles equal" sexsegregation: ofoccupational in thelegitimation
different to have rather men and womenare presumed In the contemporary context, differthat such to ensure works and liberalegalitarianism tastesand aptitudes, merely in a fair can thenbe pursuedor expressed be generated, ences,however theymight form is notjustanother contest.... In thisregard, inequality gender (gender-neutral) towither destined ofascription bythe distinguished specialform away . . . , buta very ofitsessentialist (Pp. 308-9) legitimation. durability

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indiOtherscholars, such as EduardoBonilla-Silva (2003), pointto similarly "colorblind" of in vidualistic racial rights, interpretations disparities post-civil regimes:
. . . white The UnitedStatesdoes notdependon Archie Bunkers to defend supremacy. of the past or on the language Modernracialideology on the ugliness does notthrive and tropestypical of slavery and JimCrow. . . . Today mostwhitesjustify keeping Whites minorities from the good things of lifewiththe languageof liberalism. having believe minorities have the opportunities to succeed and that,if theydo not, it is because they do nottry hard.(P. 181)

Contested Issues in Contemporary Social Inequality Research


This article issuesin the closeswitha brief discussion of somecontentious is a meaningful socialcatsubfield. Theseinclude debates aboutwhether "class" in usefulness ofunidiadvanced industrial about the societies; egory analytical mensional and about the such as and stability "gender" "race"; ascriptive categories and ofrace,class, time andspace.Cultural andgender identities across concepts in cultural are central each these debates. of processes and socialsalienceof classdistinctions cultural Disputesaboutthe ongoing ofclassical sociunder are in somerespects reminiscent advanced industrialism debates the of These have definition class. ological inspired concerning questions ofindimuch research on theextent towhich classlocation shapesother aspects viduals' cultural lives, attitudes, values, tastes, including practices, consumption and political and behavior and Lareau1988;Hout,Brooks, education, (Lamont Manza 1993; Pakulski and Waters Critics of conventional class 1996). analysis a decoupling ofsociocultural from economic due to the status, suggest practices character ofcontemporary stratification the fundamentally gradational regimes; salience of social on movements and cultural identities based growing political and sexual the ethnic, national, affiliations; increasing religious, gender, volatility and contextual ofindividual and/or theemergence ofan identities; contingency mass culture. homogenizing A secondpoint ofcontention concerns theempirical andtheoretical justificationforunidimensional of social MaxineBaca distinction. conceptualizations and MichaelMessner for Zinn,Pierrette (2005,2) argued, Hondagneu-Sotelo, that in women as a united its victimization instance, "treating group bypatriobscures differences in "toonarrow women andresults a focus on archy" among theexperiences andperspectives ofwomen from more social privileged groups" that socialdistinctions interact (see also P. Collins 2000).A growing recognition in important has of a on literature ways helpedspurdevelopment burgeoning social groupslocated at the intersections of multiple classification systems At the same time,limited for women).10 (e.g., blackmiddle-class justification unidimensional what Barbara Risman called "a both/and (i.e., [2004] analyses

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in work that and ethnic distinctions can be found describes as gender strategy") For discussions of "constructed fundamental. example, culturally primordiality" as a socialstructure" 2004) are basedon 1994)and "gender (Risman (Griswold andabout about shared identities essential differences thenotion that beliefs group Cornell socialconsequences and have significant themselves 2006; (Ridgeway Leslie and Bradley McCall Hartmann (2005) 2007;Charles forthcoming).11 proreview ofanalytical andmethodological videdan excellent approaches emerging ofsocialidentities. for to account multidimensionality versus ofcategorical concerns thefluidity A closely related question stability that and accounts of Asdiscussed identities. above, race/ethnicity gender emphainflusocialization havebeen losing or early childhood difference sizebiological ofadaptive, encein favor Significant contingent conceptualizations. contextually social thedegreeto which standard remain, however, regarding disagreements in or and attitudes behavior observable differences onto boundaries map group at the indiare internalized such differences to which the extent any regarding ofclass-specific Bourdieu's level.Forexample, vidual (1984)account dispositions to thefluandinsufficiently attentive deterministic as overly hasbeen criticized Lamont behaviors and of identities contextual and 1992; (Hall contingency idity between those be found can A similar 2000). 1992;Kingston advancing cleavage and Hartmann viewsofethnicity constructionist versus (see Cornell primordial of heatedmanifestation themost ofthisliterature). a review [2007]for Perhaps of essentialwhere on gender thisdebateis in theliterature charges inequality, feminists" "difference ismhavebeen leveledagainst 1978;Hartsock (Chodorow as and attributes for 1998) describing uniquely experiences belonging particular "voice" or "standpoint" thata distinctive forclaiming and/or to menor women actiis variable and situationally Critics work.12 informs their gender arguethat that distinctions the to create on difference that and vated, very helps emphasis Risman ofwomen's areat theroot 2004). 1988; (C. Epstein oppression debates theseintellectual as towhat at theobvious we arrive question Finally, Two research. inAmerican trends aboutfuture foretell developments inequality toward of a movement is continuation The first seemlikely. fluid, contextually This implies of class,race,and gender. growing conceptualizations contingent and theirvariable axes of distinction and intersecting to multiple attention between a balance willbe tostrike andspace.The challenge time across salience oversigfocus without to retain and glossing analytical generalizability specificity to attention In Bordo's distinctions. social or nificant (1990,139)words, symbolic that all mechanical to "the not translate should coercive, requirement specificity ofrace,class,and gento 'theintersection attend feminist projects enlightened is toward der'"(see also Risman 2004). A secondlikely increasing development between the which multilevel ofdynamic explore interplay analyses, prominence Such inteof stratification. institutional and interactional, individual, processes "macroand "micro-" between boundaries to erase promise approaches grative but differences observedindividual-level level" research seriously by taking structural with as cultural them properties. products treating

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Notes
1. The term socialdistinctions arecategorical, is favored for whomtherelevant "inequality" byscholars whereas"stratification" is moreoften used bythoseadvancing hierarchical) (i.e., continuous, gradational I use theterms here. ofinequality. conceptualizations interchangeably decades ofthe 1950sand 1960s, 2. American functionalism saw itsheyday the stablepostwar during that followed theriseofthecivil whileconflict theories theturbulent rights years gainedprominence during and antiwar of modemstratification movements. Conflict theorists have questioned the functionality sysin intothecultural traits rewarded temsbypointing to unequalopportunities forpersons to be socialized themarketplace constructed and/or and bytreating theprizedattributes as culturally arbitrary. 3. An associated holdsthatU.S. ratesofmobility backat leastas faras Tocqueville, argument, dating Bellahet al. are exceptionally ofa strong ofequal opportunity. See, forexample, highas a result ideology cultural (1996) on American exceptionalism. - ifnotthe 4. Conservative ofpoverty" havein factfrequently invoked the"culture concept analysts - in their term itself ofurbanpoverty 1970; Murray 1984). (Banfield analyses of the 5. Newman(1999), forexample, workethicthatdrivessome members describedthe strong and dead-endjobs. and persevere in low-wage working poorto shunthewelfare system 6. Attempts ofsexand gender to advancecontinuous, rather thancategorical, (e.g., conceptualizations scholars. evenbysome feminist Fausto-Sterling 2000) are stillconsidered quiteradical, 7. LincolnQuillian(2006) reviewed and prejudice. recent on racialdiscrimination scholarship 8. These publicperceptions, influence of neoconservative to the growing attributable voices, partly are discussed in recent booksby Bonilla-Silva (2003) and Winant (2004). 9. See reviews byLamontand Lareau (1988), DiMaggio (2001), and Lamontand Molnar(2002). - most 10. Observations have promptedother scholars about the multidimensionality of identity - to rejectanysortofclassifithoseworking within and poststructuralist traditions notably postmodernist cationexercise because oftheir and potentially effects. reifying stratifying 11. Susan Bordo (1990) and Judith useand analytical Butler(1999) discussedthepotential strategic fulness of universality as perforclaimsforfeminist activism. of universality Butlerdescribedassertions a reality forconvergence of thatdoes not yet existand holdingout the possibility mative, "conjuring cultural horizons thathavenotyetmet"(pp. xvii-xviii). 12. Judith Lorber(2005, 306) used the term"difference to describethosewho "arguethat feminist" - woman." theexperience offemale "Gender bodiesand sexuality and stableidentity producesa common in contrast "contendthatsex, sexuality, in everyday interaction and genderare constructed feminists," within theconstraints ofsocialnorms" (p. 305).

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