Luke GriffissWilliams
“The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity”
ABBREVIATIONS
Acts Acts of the Apostles
ANF AnteNicene Fathers (series)
A.J.
Antiquities of the Jews
b.
Babylonian Talmud
BCE Before Common Era
ca. circa
CE Common Era
Deut Deuteronomy
Isa Isaiah
Judg Judges
Lam Lamentations
LXX Septuagint
LXXa Codex Alexandrinus
LXXb Codex Vaticanus
m. Mishna
Macc Maccabees
Matt The Gospel of Matthew
Menah.
Menahot
MT Masoretic Text
Naz. Nazir
NPNF1 Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, first series
NPNF2 Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, second series
NRSV New Revised Standard Version
Num Numbers
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
Orl. Orlah
Pesach.
Pesachim
R. Rabbi
Sam Samuel
Sheqal.
Sheqalim
t. Tosefta
Zech Zechariah
INTRODUCTION
The Nazarites are not dealt with at length in the Hebrew Bible. An extensive description,
however, of the Nazarite vow occurs at Num 6:121, which consists of a temporary vow of
abstinence from alcohol, not cutting hair, and avoiding contact with corpses. Regulations are
provided for actions to be taken if contact with a corpse occurs, and on sacrifices required at
the completion of the vow. Nevertheless, no Hebrew Bible example exists to back up the
vow’s existence in this form. Samson in Judges provides arguably the only case of a named
Nazarite in the Hebrew Bible and does not conform to the Num 6 requirements.
Existing scholarly work on the subject of Nazarites is limited. S. Chepey provides the
only recent extensive study.1 His work consists of an attempt to present a general survey of the
available evidence for Nazarites in the late Second Temple period covering much of the
relevant LXX, Qumran, JudeoGreek, Rabbinic, and Targumic texts, the Nazarite’s Tomb,2 as
well as “Possible and Tangential Evidence for Nazarites” which covers the New Testament,
Hegesippus, and Plutarch. In the final chapter, Chepey draws together the evidence and
presents a conclusion which, whilst acknowledging the stipulation of certain behaviour with
in Num 6:121, sees actual Nazarite practice as allowing flexibility and personal freedom of
expression.3
Further study is still required to deal more extensively with the Jewish material, and to
assess the understanding of Nazarites among the Church Fathers beyond Hegesippus. This
1 Chepey (2005), Nazarites in Late Second Temple Judaism. All works cited briefly in the notes are found with
full bibliographic information in the concluding bibliography.
2 A tomb discovered on Mount.Scopus, Jerusalem, containing the inscription “Hananiah the son of Yehonatan
the Nazirite”; Chepey, 71.
3 Chepey, 199.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
paper will provide a brief overview and analysis of the Hebrew Bible sources, and the early
Jewish texts, commenting on some of the areas of agreement and disagreement with
Chepey. A survey will then be made of the New Testament sources, followed by the Early
Christian sources. In doing so it will attempt to show the development and variant uses of
the term Nazarite during the late second temple period and the understanding of the term
among the Church Fathers.
I. HEBREW BIBLE SOURCES
Numbers 6:121
Numbers depicts the giving of instructions for the Nazarites vow as part of a conversation
between God and Moses, directly following the procedure for the sotah (a test for adultery).4
Num 6:18:
All the days of their nazirite vow no razor shall come upon the head; until the
time is completed for which they separate themselves to the LORD, they shall be
holy; they shall let the locks of the head grow long.
All the days that they separate themselves to the LORD they shall not go near a
corpse. Even if their father or mother, brother or sister, should die, they may
not defile themselves; because their consecration to God is upon the head. All
their days as nazirites they are holy to the LORD’” (NRSV).
4 The Law of sotah is referred to in Num 5:631. b. Sotah 2a states in the name of “Rabbi” (Yehudah ha Nasi
135219 CE) that the laws of the Nazarite follow the laws of the Sotah to teach that “whosever witnesses a
suspected women in her disgrace should withhold himself from wine” (Soncino translation).
Num. 6:912 describes procedures to be taken if the Nazarite inadvertently comes into contact
with a dead body, whereby the hair becomes defiled. 6:1321 provides details of the procedure
at the end of a Nazarite’s period of separation, including the requirement to bring
their gift to the LORD, one male lamb a year old without blemish as a burnt
offering, one ewe lamb a year old without blemish as a sinoffering, one ram
without blemish as an offering of wellbeing, and a basket of unleavened
bread, cakes of choice flour mixed with oil, and unleavened wafers spread with
oil, with their grainoffering and their drinkofferings (6:1415 NRSV).
In addition to these sacrifices, the hair of the Nazarite is shaved and he “shall take the hair
from the consecrated head and put it on the fire under the sacrifice of wellbeing” (Num
6:18b NRSV), along with any other offerings he is able to afford.
The Septuagint follows the MT closely, with the only notable deviation being the
rending of the vow as a special purity vow in 6:2, 3, 5, and 21, suggesting that the person
making the vow is purified by the vow, not just marked as separate.5 Greekspeaking Jews are
only likely to have known Num 6:121 from the Septuagint text and as such will only have
known of the Nazarite vow as a special purity vow.6
Amos 2:1112
A brief mention is made here of Nazarites within the context of admonishing the people of
Israel for their failure to repent from deficient moral behaviour. Nazarites are describes as
5 Chepey, 2731.
6 Idem, 27.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
those “God raised up” and the people of Israel are described as having given them wine to
drink. This passage reinforces the association between the Nazarite vow and the prohibition
of drinking wine found in Num 6:34. If taken literally, this can be taken to indicate that the
Nazarite vow, while previously seen in high regard, had been debased. This use of the
general moral decay and not referring to actually giving Nazarites wine.
Lamentations 4:78
Lamentations describing the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BCE, expresses former glories
now lost. The Nazarites are described as having been “brighter than snow and whiter than
milk” but having become “blacker than soot” (4:7). The highlighting of Nazarites alongside
compassionate woman (4:10) and the “precious sons of Zion” (4:2) shows the author’s high
regard for Nazarites of both sexes, who provide a sharp contrast between their previous purity
and current degradation.
Judges 13:15, 14; 16:1321
Judges depicts the people of Israel as having been in “the hands of the Philistines” for forty
years” (13:1 NRSV). At the end of this period, Manoah’s wife receives a visitation from an
angel who informs her that although she is barren, she will conceive a son. She is instructed
to abstain from drinking wine or strong drink and from eating any unclean thing and is further
instructed that no razor is to come upon her son’s head, because he is to be a Nazarite from
the womb (13:5). These requirements are repeated at 13:14. 16:17 describes Samson’s belief
that the source of his strength is his hair never being cut. When his hair is finally cut, he loses
his strength, only regaining it when his hair grows again (16:1822)
The depiction of Samson as a lifelong Nazarite, designated as such before his birth
conflicts with Num 6:13, which legislates limited time vows and views the Nazarite vow as
Despite the prohibition in Num 6:9 from contact with a corpse, Samson is described as a
warrior killing a thousand men on one occasion (Judg 15:15).
Exum highlights that the requirements imposed upon the mother to abstain from wine
specifically required to abstain from cutting the hair.7 Despite this, Exum accepts that the text
“intends a relation between the Nazarite status of the child and the prohibitions against wine,
beer, eating of anything unclean, and cutting hair”.8 Samson, however eats unclean food
(honey from the carcass of a lion, Judg 14:89)9 and may have partaken of alcohol as part of
the weeklong wedding celebration mentioned in Judg 14:1020.
The fourthcentury codex Vaticanus (LXXb) varies from the fifthcentury codex
7 Exum (1980), 49.
8 Ibid.
9 Webb (1987), 169, argues that this can be viewed as unclean due to contact with the lion’s cadaver, which
should be forbidden by Num 6:6.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
Alexandrinus (LXXa) and the MT of Judg 13:7 and 16:17 where LXXb renders “Nazarite” as
“holy person”. This variation probably results from the influence of Num 6:5 where a
Nazarite is described as “holy to the Lord”.10
II. EARLY JEWISH SOURCES
The Wisdom of Ben Sira (ca. 175 BCE)11
The Hebrew version of Ben Sira 46:13, refers to Samuel as “a Naz[a]rite of Yahweh in the
prophetic function”.12 Chepey discuses whether this is a generic reference intended to
convincingly concluding that the latter (supported by 4QSama) is the most likely meaning .13
1 Maccabees (ca. late second century BCE)
1 Macc 3:49 describes Nazarites who on completing their “days”, were encouraged to join
Jewish revolutionary forces. This provides evidence that Nazarite vows were sufficiently
common in the midsecond century BCE to recruit Nazarites to join the revolution, and
10 Chepey, 3034.
11 Ben Sira has been dated between 190 and 180 BCE. However, Williams (1994), 563566, convincingly argues
for ca.175.
12 Chepey, 40.
13 Idem, 4142.
provides evidence of the Nazarite vow in its temporary form as described in Num 6:13
Qumran (first century BCE)14
the MT and LXX: “and I will give him [Samuel] as a Nazarite forever” (1:11).16
community that Samuel was a lifelong Nazarite dedicated prior to birth, like Samson.
4Qsama 1 Sam 1:11 does not prohibit alcohol to Samuel, however this prohibition is applied
in LXX 1 Sam 1:11, providing additional evidence that Samuel was viewed as a Nazarite.
Philo (ca. 20 BCE40CE)
Philo describes the Nazarite vow as “the great vow”,19 which shows “an unspeakable holiness,
and a most superabundant excess of a Godloving disposition”,20 albeit one which, like all
vows, is “a request for good things from God”.21
Philo identifies the vow with the Num 6 requirements of abstinence from alcohol,
growing the hair, avoiding contact with the dead, and making sacrifices on completion of the
14 Doudna (2006), 157, examines archaeological evidence that suggest first Century CE dating, and finds it
unconvincing, suggesting that text deposits at Qumran ended in the first century BCE.
15 A Hebrew manuscript discovered among the Dead Sea Scrolls.
16 Chepey, 20.
17 As argued by McCarter (1980), 54.
18 As argued by Pisano (1984), 2122.
19 Philo, The Special Laws, I 45 (Yonge, 557).
20 Ibid.
21 Philo, On the Unchangeabeness of God 19 (Yonge, 87).
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
vow,22 offering explanations (probably of Philo’s own creation)23 for the significance of each
part of the vow, he identifies Samuel with the Nazarite vow.24
Josephus (ca. 37100 CE)
Upon Agrippa I’s return to Jerusalem from Egypt (ca. 41 CE) he ordained, “that many of the
Nazarites should have their heads shorn”.25 This is likely to refer to him paying sacrifices at
the end of Nazarite’s vows, and provides evidence of its popularity in the temporary form.
Josephus says that Bernice, sister of King Agrippa II, visited Jerusalem in 66 CE to
discharge a Nazarite vow, which is said to be commonly entered into by those suffering from
illness.26 The setting of the length of the vow at 30 days in this account is not present in Num
6 but is found in the Mishnah (see below).
Josephus also mentions Nazarites in relation to priestly dues: “When any [one] has
made a sacred vow, I mean those that are called Nazarites, that suffer their hair to grow long,
and use no wine, when they consecrate their hair, and offer it for a sacrifice, they are to allot
that hair for the priests.”27 This reference to allotting the hair to priests is in conflict with Num
6:18 which requires that hair be burnt. Chepey, drawing on m. Orlah 3.3, suggests that
Nazarite hair and that of sheep’s wool were woven together for sacks, representing a variation
22 Philo, The Special Laws, I 4546.
23 Chepey, 47.
24 Philo, De Somniis 47.
25 Josephus, A.J. 19.6.1 (Whiston’s translation).
26 Wars of The Jews 2.15.1 While the term “Nazarite” is not used by Josephus in his description of Bernice, it is
clearly a temporary Nazarite vow that is being referred to, lasting for 30 days, and consisting of abstinence from
alcohol, shaving of the head, and the offering of sacrifices.
27Josephus, A.J. 4.4.4 (Whiston’s translation).
in Nazarite practice.28 This answers what practical value the hair would be to the priests,
however it is possible that the hair was given to the priests for burning as opposed to for their
own gain, and that m. Orlah is a rhetorical argument stating that if you use the hair of
firstlings that are assigned for dedication, for wool, then these must be burnt, in the same way
that if you used a Nazarite’s hair for this (improper) purpose, it would still need to be burnt.
Josephus’ depiction of the birth of Samson29 avoids the word Nazarite, instead
alcohol, whereas the biblical account gives this command to Samson’s mother. The most
likely explanation for this is that Josephus viewed this requirement as being upon Samson in
line with Num 6, viewing Samson as a Nazarite, but avoiding the term to prevent confusion
between the lifelong Nazarite vow of Samson and temporary Nazarite vows as practiced in
Josephus’ time. 30
Josephus’ description of the birth of Samuel follows a similar pattern to that of
Samson, with Samuel dedicated as a prophet, whose hair was not to be cut, and who was to
drink only water.31 The similarity in Josephus’ account of Samuel and Samson and the
depiction of them both as prophets is an indication that Josephus viewed them as having the
same status, probably as lifelong Nazarites (despite avoiding the use of the term).32
28 Chepey, 193194.
29 Josephus, A.J. 5.8.4.
30 Chepey, 68.
31 Josephus, A.J. 5.10.2.
32 Chepey, 6768.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
Mishnah (ca. 200 CE)
dedicated to the subject, and as part of other discussions. Such is the extent of the material
that this paper will only highlight those of particular interest or relevance.
Nazir
Nazarites are introduced in m. Naz. within a discussion on what constitutes a Nazarite vow.33
It identifies four types of Nazarites: 1) lifelong Nazarites who may cut their hair if it
becomes too heavy34 (making the required offerings both when cutting the hair and becoming
ritually unclean)35; 2) Nazarites like Samson, who may not cut their hair, but are not required
to offer sacrifices if they become ritually unclean36; 3) Nazarites whose vows are made up of a
series of consecutive vows, each requiring cutting the hair at the end37; 4) temporary Nazarites
(who make a vow for a set period not less than 30 days).38 The discussion on what constitutes
a Nazarite vow is continued through to m. Naz. 2, including parental vows made on the basis
of God granting the birth of a child.39 This is noteworthy as a contrast to the biblical case of
33 m. Naz. 1.17.
34 A reference to this type of Nazarite can be found in Mekilta deRabbi Ishamael Shiranta 2.6475 where
Absalom is viewed as such.
35 m. Naz. 1.2ef.
36 m. Naz. 1.2gh.
37 m. Naz. 1.4de.
38 m. Naz. 1.3a ; 6.3 a.
39 m. Naz. 2.7a. For example, “I will be a Nazarite if a son is born to me”.
Samson, where the son was vowed as a Nazarite, not the parent.
m. Naz.3.36 concentrates on the requirements for repeating the days of the vow if
uncleanliness is contracted, viewing those who go outside the land of Israel as requiring a
further term as a Nazarite on return to Israel. m. Naz. 7.1 discusses the requirements to deal
with an abandoned corpse and whether a Nazarite or High Priest 40 should defile themselves to
observe these laws. m. Naz. 9.5 ends with a discussion on whether or not Samuel was a
Nazarite.
Pesachim
m. Pesach. 2.5 refers to the Nazarite wafers41 required as part of the offerings at the
completion of the vow42 being sold commercially, suggesting that sufficient Nazarites existed
for such a trade to be viable.
Sheqalim
m. Sheqal. 2.5 states that the surplus of money assigned for Nazarite offerings must be used
for additional Nazarite offerings. The existence of such a fund supports Josephus’ account of
King Agrippa I paying for the offerings of a number of Nazarites.43
40 Contact with corpses are prohibited to high priests in Lev 21.
41 Thin bread made from unleavened flour and oil mixed with warm water and cooked.
42 Num 6:15; 6:19.
43 Josephus A.J 19.6.1.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
Menahot
m. Menah. 13.10 contains a debate on the legitimacy of making Nazarite offerings at the
Temple of Onias in Leontopolis, Egypt, concluding that it was permissible if the Nazarite vow
was made with the proviso that the offerings were to be made at Onias when the vow was
entered into. Nevertheless, this is viewed less favourably than sacrifices made in Jerusalem.
The Tosefta (fourth century CE)
t. Nezirut 4.7 contains an account of Simeon the Righteous (third century BCE) 44 stating that
he only partook in the sin offerings of a Nazarite once,45 when a shepherd who had taken
pride in his hair vowed to shave it. It is unclear whether the shepherd was under a Nazarite
vow prior to vowing to shave his hair, and the reason for shaving it does not fall within the
Num 6 obligation to shave hair arising from the contraction of ritual impurity from a corpse.
Instead it is based on having taken pride in his hair. If the shepherd was not under a Nazarite
vow at the time of his vow to shave his head,46 a case can be made that the term “Nazarite”
44 Some confusion exists as to whether this is Simon I (310291 or 300270 BCE), or Simon II (219199 BCE).
45 The reason for Simeon’s refusal to partake in the guilt offering of Nazarites is unclear. Halivni (1968)
suggests that Simeon object to the motivation of people entering into Nazarite vows generally (239), while
Landman (1990) argues more convincingly that Simeon objected to partaking in a sacrifice which “prepared the
way for a Nazarite to assume a new period of abstention, one which he really no longer wanted” (351).
46 Landman argues that the shepherd was a Nazarite at the time of his vow, his argument is however
unsubstantiated. (350351). Chepey, 123, argues that the shepherd is under a Nazarite vow based on t. Nezirut
4.7: “Evil one! You should not take pride in something which does not belong to you, in something which is
going to turn to dust, worms and corruption. Lo, I take upon myself to shave you off for the sake of Heaven”
(Neusner’s translation in Chepey, 123). However this passage says that his hair is not his because it will turn to
dust—not because it is designated for a sacrifice in fire as required by Num 6.
was used to encompass vows outside the Numbers 6 formula.
Sifre to Deuteronomy (fifth century CE?)
Sifre to Deut 33:16 describes Joseph as a nezir of his brothers, providing evidence of the use
of the word for separation in a general sense, without the existence or characteristic of a vow.
Sifre to Deut 34:8 comments on the period of 30 days, and explains that it was established by
the use of “days” in reference to 30 days for the period of mourning for Moses being applied
to the “days” in Num 6:4. It is unclear whether this was the original basis for the 30day
duration of Nazarite vows, or a latter attempt to explain it.
Genesis Rabbah (fifth century CE)
Genesis Rabbah on Gen 49:26 refers to Joseph as a nezir to his brothers as the Sifre to Deut
33:16 does, but adds to it in the name of R. Levi,47 that for the 22 years of his separation from
his brothers he did not drink wine. This is not present within the biblical account, and may be
justification for the Sifre reference to Joseph as a nezir.
47 A fourthcentury haggadist
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
III. NEW TESTAMENT SOURCES
Mark (ca. 65 CE)
Mark 14:25 depicts Jesus vowing that he shall “never again drink of the fruit of the vine until
that day when I drink it new in the kingdom of God” (NRSV). Chepey argues that this can be
viewed as a Nazarite vow, and suggests a link between Jesus’ vow, the viewing of Joseph as a
Nazarite in rabbinic literature, and mourning rites, suggesting that the Last Supper
represented the beginning of a mourning period with Jesus mourning the separation of
himself and his disciples.48
Chepey assess the different accounts of Jesus refusal or non refusal to drink alcohol
on the cross, showing a development from Mark 15:23 where Jesus is depicted as refusing to
drink alcohol, through Matt 27:34 where he tastes it before refusing, and finally John 19:28
30 where Jesus is depicted as requesting a drink.49 However, a refusal to drink on the cross
does not necessarily support the Nazarite vow, only that Jesus had vowed abstinence of
alcohol. Without a mention of the growing or shaving of hair, a key characteristic of the
Nazarite vow, no firm evidence can be provided that Jesus intended a Nazarite vow. While the
Mishnah does provide rulings for what does and does not consist of a Nazarite vow, there is
no evidence to suggest that Jesus acknowledged any of this teaching.50 Evidence against
Jesus’ vow being a Nazarite vow, or being understood as such can be found in Matthew’s51
48 Chepey, 147151.
49 Idem,148.
50 Jesus is portrayed as being critical of some rabbinic teaching, denying its validity, e.g. Mark 7:114.
51 Or Matthew’s interpreters’ attempt; see below.
attempt to depict Jesus as a Nazarite through his early residency in Nazareth. If Jesus’ vow at
the Last Supper was a Nazarite vow, this could be used as evidence of his Nazarite status,
which may well be implied in Matt 2:23 regarding his temporary residency in Nazareth. The
Church Fathers do not seem to have put forward a connection of the two scenes, or used Mark
14:25 to support a claim of Jesus as a Nazarite, suggesting that they did not understand his
vow as Nazarite.
Matthew (ca. 6090 CE)
Matthew 2:23 describes Jesus as moving to Nazareth after returning from Egypt, viewing this
as a fulfilment of (presumably) a messianic prophecy: “There he made his home in a town
called Nazareth, so that what had been spoken through the prophets might be fulfilled, ‘He
will be called a Nazorean’” (NRSV), however this prophecy does not exist in this form within
Jewish or Christian literature. While “Nazorean” is clearly a reference to an inhabitant of
Nazareth,52 its use in Matthew suggests more than a geographical location.53 Tertullian (155
230 CE) states:
The Christ of the Creator had to be called a Nazarene according to prophecy;
whence the Jews also designate us, on that very account, Nazarenes after Him.
For we are they of who it is written, “Her Nazarites were whiter than snow”
52 The word Nazoraios appears in Matt 26:71; Mark 10:47; Luke 18:37; 24:19; John 18:5; 18:7; 19:19; Acts 22:8;
26:9 in the context of “Jesus of Nazareth”, and in Acts 24:5 it refers to the followers of Jesus as the “sect of the
Nazoraios”.
53 Saunders (1965), 169.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
(Lam 4:7); even they who were once defiled with the stains of sin, and
darkened with the clouds of ignorance.54
He goes on to explain that the term Nazarene was a suitable one for “Christ” on account of
his residing in Nazareth for a time. In this, Tertullian draws a direct relationship between the
words “Nazarite” and “Nazorean” used in Matt 2:23.
offers an argument that its usage is based on Judg 13:5b (LXXa) with the intention of drawing
a relationship between Samson’s and Jesus’ birth accounts.56 Chepey highlights Isa 4:3, “He
shall be called holy” as the closet ideological parallel within the Hebrew Bible, while viewing
Nazorean as having its closest phonological connections (within passages viewed as
messianic) with Judg 13:5,6; 16:17 use of “Nazirite” and Isa 11:1 “A shoot shall come out
from the stock of Jesse, and a branch (Heb. netser) shall grow out of his roots” (NRSV).57 Isa
(NRSV). Since Matthew does not explain the reference, a definitive statement of the author’s
intention is not possible, and a reference to more than one verse may be intended.
54 Against Marcion 4.8 (ANF 3.354).
55 Chepey, 152.
56 Saunders, 171. Judg 13:5 (LXXa) says: “For behold, you will conceive and you will bear a son, and no razor
will come upon his head because the child will be a Nazarite sanctified to God from the womb, and he will
begin to save Israel from the hand of foreigners” (Lahey’s translation).
57 Chepey, 153.
Luke (ca. 6590 CE)
1) Luke 1:525
Luke provides the birth story of John the Baptist, an account absent from the other Gospels.
John’s birth is described as the result of a miraculous intervention by God, resulting in a
barren women becoming pregnant after an angelic visitation. An angel instructs John’s father
that his unborn son must abstain from alcohol from birth. The similarities in the birth
accounts of John to Samson58 and Samuel, alongside the prohibition of alcohol,59 may be
intended to show John as a Nazarite.60 However, the lack of any prohibition on hair cutting in
highlighting John as a prophet, perhaps more so than as a Nazarite.61
2) Luke 9:5960
Luke describes a man requesting permission to bury his father prior to following him, to
which Jesus replies: “Let the dead bury their own dead; but as for you, go and proclaim the
58 McGravey (1914), 911, draws attention to the similarities between Samson and John’s birth story in Luke
1:525 and Judges 13:35 and to the law of the Nazarite in relation to John (without explicitly stating that John
was a Nazarite).
59 Barnes (1949) writing on Luke 1:15 states that the use of wine was forbidden only to the Nazarite, and as
such John was forbidden wine because he was to be a Nazarite.
60 Chepey, 156157, provides some exploration of these similarities, drawing relationships between the angelic
visitations in Luke 1:7, 13, 1 Sam 1:211, the statement in Luke 1:15 that John will be “filled with the Holy
Spirit from the Womb” (NRSV) and Judg 13:7 (LXXb): “for the child will be a holy one of God from the
womb.”
61 Chepey, 158159.
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
kingdom of God.”62 Tertullian explains that Jesus’ statement prohibiting someone from
burying his parents, was an indication of Jesus’ desire that he be marked for a “Nazarite and
the priestly office”.63 This seems unlikely, as shown by FletcherLouis, who highlights that
“the taking of what is normally a temporary Nazarite to follow Jesus fits ill with the wider
character of discipleship and the immediate context in Luke.”64
Acts of the Apostles (ca. 6590 CE)
1) Acts 18:1822:
After staying there for a considerable time, Paul said farewell to the believers
and sailed for Syria, accompanied by Priscilla and Aquila. At Cenchreae he
had his hair cut, for he was under a vow. When they reached Ephesus, he left
them there, but first he himself went into the synagogue and had a discussion
with the Jews. When they asked him to stay longer, he declined; but on taking
leave of them, he said, “I will return to you, if God wills.” Then he set sail
from Ephesus. When he had landed at Caesarea, he went up to Jerusalem and
greeted the church, and then went down to Antioch (NRSV).
Since the only vow of the period requiring cutting of hair seems to be the Nazarite vow, this
passage almost certainly is a reference to a Nazarite vow undertaken by Paul.65 Some conflicts
62 Luke 9:60 (NRSV). This conversation is also found in Matt 9:2122.
63 Against Marcion 4.7 (ANF 3.386).
64 FletcherLouis (2003), 46.
65 Barrett (1998), 877, suggests that the Greek is unclear and could refer to Aquila being shaved not Paul.
However, in a letter to Augustine (Letters of St. Augustine; Letter 75 9) in 404 CE, Jerome discuses the possible
motivation of Paul in having his hair shaved and entering into the vow in Acts 21:1726. He views this as “the
honourable exercise of a wise discretion” in honouring the practices of the Jews, as opposed to as an act of fear
of the Jews where he would otherwise be unwilling to enter into such a vow (Letter 75 9; NPNF1 1.337). Jerome
is further supported by Chrysostom’s Homily 40 on Acts which views Paul as having his head shaved (NPNF
111.245 ). These two ancient biblical scholars add significantly to the strength of the argument for Paul, not
Aquila, being the subject of the sentence.
may be found in Paul’s practice and that described by m. Naz.3.36, which requires that a
Nazarite entering Palestine from abroad reobserve his vows before discharging them, and m.
Menah.13.10, which favours the temple in Jerusalem to that at Onias, but in any case offers no
option for discharging Nazarite vows in Corinth.
A number of possible solutions to this apparent conflict are discussed by Chepey, who
dismisses this possibility that Paul was following the m. Naz.3.36 practice because his hair is
cut in Cenchrea rather than in Jerusalem, and Acts says nothing of his reobserving his vow
for 30 days when reentering Palestine.66 A possibility not consider by Chepey, which I find
more likely, is that Paul undertook a Nazarite vow which concluded with the cutting of hair
referred to by Acts 18, and only on reentering Palestine, on the advice of James, Paul shaved
his hair as impure to mark the beginning of a reobservance of his Nazarite vow. Chepey
concludes that this episode provides evidence that the Nazarite vow was observed in the
Diaspora, albeit in a liberal form.67
2) Acts 21:1727
66 Chepey, 160.
67 Idem, 164165.
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Luke GriffissWilliams
Paul is described as visiting James the Just on his arrival in Jerusalem (ca. 57 CE).68
James celebrates the success of Paul in his work with the Gentiles,69 but raises the
concerns of some who suggest that Paul is teaching that Jewish converts can disregard
the Law of Moses.70 As a solution to this James suggests:
What then is to be done? They will certainly hear that you have come. So do what we
tell you. We have four men who are under a vow. Join these men, go through the rite
of purification with them, and pay for the shaving of their heads. Thus all will know
that there is nothing in what they have been told about you, but that you yourself
observe and guard the law. But as for the Gentiles who have become believers, we
have sent a letter with our judgment that they should abstain from what has been
sacrificed to idols and from blood and from what is strangled and from fornication."
Then Paul took the men, and the next day, having purified himself, he entered the
temple with them, making public the completion of the days of purification when the
sacrifice would be made for each of them. When the seven days were almost
completed, the Jews from Asia, who had seen him in the temple, stirred up the whole
crowd. They seized him” (Acts 21:2227 NRSV).
The reference to this group of men who are under vows and require the shaving of their
heads is almost certainly a reference to a group of men under temporary Nazarite vows.
The nature of the rite of purification is not completely clear, but the most likely
explanation is that this relates to Num 6:910 which requires that if impurity through a
corpse is acquired, the head is shaved on the seventh day of cleansing. It is possible that
this requirement of seven days purification had been expanded to all completing their
contracted some form of impurity. For Paul, this could simply have been that he had
returned to Israel after a period in a Gentile area.
68 Acts 21:17.
69 Acts 21:20.
70 Acts 21:21
As mentioned above, it is possible that there is a relationship between Paul’s
involvement here with the purification and Nazarite sacrifices and his discharge of a vow
13.10 that that those who made their offerings in the temple of Onias had not discharged
their obligation, and were still required to make offerings and have their heads shaved in
may be advising Paul to follow a more stringent practice than he had intended while
discharging his vows outside Jerusalem. If this is the case, then Paul, taking the advice of
James, made additional offerings and financially supported four others in discharging
their vows to show his loyalty to the Jewish Law72 and to conclude his previous vow.
71 Acts 21:21
72 The practice of paying for others’ Nazarite sacrifices is shown by A.J. 19.6.1, which details Agrippa I
following this practice as detailed above.
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IV. EARLY CHRISTIAN SOURCES (CHURCH FATHERS)
Hegesippus (d. 175189 CE)
Hegesippus’ account concerning James’ Nazarite status survives in Eusebius’ Church History
which details the life and death of James. He is described as having charge of the Church, and
being known by the name “Just” and “Oblias”.73 He is characterised with the traits of a life
long Nazarite from birth:
He was Holy from his mother’s womb; and he drank no wine nor strong drink,
nor did he eat flesh. No razor came upon his head; he did not anoint himself
with oil, and he did not use the bath. He alone was permitted to enter in the holy
place; for he wore not woollen but linen garments. And he was in the habit of
entering alone into the temple, and was frequently found upon his knees begging
forgiveness for the people, so that his knees became hard like those of a camel,
in consequence of his constantly bending them in his worship of God, and
asking forgiveness for the people.74
Hegesippus goes on to describe the concern among some Jews, Scribes and Pharisees that
people were coming to believe in Jesus as the Christ through the testimony of James; as such
they asked James to put the people right and persuade them that Jesus was not the Christ.
James responded by preaching that Jesus was the Christ, and as a result he was thrown from
Eusebius’ account, while containing the features of a Nazarite, describes elements
that may be consistent with priests (the wearing of linen and entering into the holy place) and
to the Essenes (the avoidance of anointing with oil).76 The priestly connection is however
based on the assumption that the “holy place” refers to the Holy of Holies entered into only
by the priesthood. This may refer simply to the temple, “alone” implying that either other
followers of Jesus were prohibited from the Temple, or part of the temple.77 Schaff views this
description as the creation of Hegesippus possibly derived in part from the Ascents of James
and other Apocryphal sources, and views the description of James as a Jewish Priest and
Nazarite saint as at odds with the biblical James whom he sees as Pharisaic and legalistic
rather than Essene and ascetic.78 The description of James “alone” being permitted to enter
in the holy place is at least an exaggeration; however, Lahey points out that whether or not
James was a practicing priest, he may have had access to the temple of the priestly class due
to a possible Levite heritage suggested by his relative being Elizabeth (John the Baptists’
mother) and her husband being a priest.79
75 While the circumstances of James’ death are not of importance to our understanding of Nazarites, it does
provide some evidence of the reliability, or otherwise, of Hegesippus’ account. Josephus, A.J. 20.9.1, describes
James as having been tried by the Sanhedrin who found him guilty of transgressing the Law and delivered him
up for stoning; this was not popular among those who were strict in observance of the Law. While Josephus’
account provides evidence that James was respected among observant Jews and shares common factors with
Hegesippus’ account, some caution is merited in areas where the sources vary.
76 Josephus, Jewish War 2.119161.
77 So Dr. Lawrence Lahey of Tulane University, who supervised this paper, in correspondence with the author.
78 Schaff (1858) 1.268.
79 Luke 1:8.
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Luke GriffissWilliams
Scott, like Schaff, finds Hegesippus’ account unconvincing. Assessing a wide range of
material on James, he suggests that Hegesippus drew from earlier sources that were
influenced by a desire to see James as an eschatological priest “like Aaron”80 in relation to
Jesus, who was viewed by some as “a prophet like Moses”.81 Scott suggests that the accounts
contain both exaggeration and additions. While this is probable, James’ suggestion that Paul
participate in a Nazarite vow82 shows James as at least partial to Nazarite vows.83 Therefore it
is possible that James was a Nazarite in his later life,84 and that this was developed into the
account provided by Hegesippus.
PseudoClement of Rome (first half of the third century)
The second of the two epistles On Virginity ascribed to Clement the late firstcentury bishop
of Rome85 uses Samson’s fall at the hands of a woman to support the separation of men and
woman. It argues that as Samson “a Nazarite, and consecrated to God, and who was gifted
with strength and might” was “brought to ruin”86 by a woman, and that even sitting with a
married woman should be prohibited. This prohibition is held to apply even more so to living
in the same house as a woman—even one who has taken a vow.87
80 Lahey, idem, finds this explanation unconvincing, as he does not see Hegesippus as consciously moving in
an Aaronic direction.
81 Scott (1982), 331
82 Or reobservance of such, as discussed above on Acts 21:1726.
83 Lahey, idem.
84 Ibid.
85 For a discussion on the authorship of these Epistles, see ANF 8.5354.
86 On Virginity 2.9 (ANF 8.63).
87 Ibid. (ANF 8.64).
In the first letter, there is a vow of virginity applying to “a daughter of the convent”. 88
A similar vow of chastity existed for men described as the “blessed virgin brothers”.89 Thus
the relationship drawn between the weakness of a “model” Nazarite and hence the
vulnerability of all to woman, even those under vows, may suggest a link between those under
Nazarite vows, and those under other vows. Since the position involving Nazarites is just one
of many arguments put forward for the dangers of contact with woman, and at no point does
the author directly equate the Nazarite vow with a vow of celibacy, a direct link between both
might not be assumed here. However, when viewed in light of Methodius, Basil, and Gregory
Nazianzen (below), an intended link is more likely.
Methodius90 (d. 311 CE)
Methodius describes the Nazarite laws “as teaching how we should abstain, and how to
advance to virginity”.91 Num 6:14 is quoted, and explained as showing that those who had
devoted and offered themselves to “the Lord” must not consume alcohol, abstinence from
which is seen as a requirement on those who have taken a vow of virginity.92 Methodius
introduces additional biblical passages in an attempt to contrast those who choose Jesus as the
88 Footnote to ANF 8.61.
89 On Virginity 1.1 (ANF 8.55).
90 Greek Church Father, Bishop of Olympus.
91 Methodius, The Banquet of the Ten Virgins 5 (ANF 6.327).
92 Idem, 6 (ANF 6.328).
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Luke GriffissWilliams
mutually exclusive, and choosing not to refer to Jesus’ transformation of water into wine at a
wedding.95
Ephraim Syrus (306373 CE)
Ephraim mentions Nazarites in two of his surviving hymns. A somewhat confusing reference
to Nazarites is made thus:
May fire triumph over thy pate, as thou didst mock: the two heads of
http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/ highlightNazarites, sons of the barren! May fire
make mock of thy head, for mother and daughter triumphed over John’s head, when
thou didst madden them! Flame triumphed over thy head, O Evil One: for on the
charges thou didst triumph, over John’s head.96
The description of John the Baptist in the hymn is clear, but that statement “the two heads of
Nazarites, sons of the barren” suggests that there was another Nazarite who was beheaded.
This person is not named within the hymn. Acts 12:2 states that James, the brother of John
was put to death with the sword, this indicates beheading, but there is no indication in the
New Testament that James was a Nazarite. It is possible that Ephraim is confusing the death
of James the Brother of John, with James the brother of Jesus who was described by some as
93 John 15:1 ,5.
94 Deut 32:3233.
95 John 2:111.
96 Ephraim Syrus, The Nisibene Hymns 57 3132 (NPNF2 13.211).
a Nazarite.97
The other reference to Nazarites in Ephraim’s hymns is found in the line “Samson the
Nazarite shadowed for a type of Thy work. He tore the lion, the image of death, whom Thou
didst destroy, and caused to go forth from his bitterness the sweetness of life for men.”98 This
line shows that Samson was viewed by Ephraim as a type for Jesus, but adds little to the
understanding of Nazarites since the typology is referred specifically to Jesus tearing the
image of death, not his Nazarite status.
Basil (d. 379 CE)
Basil in a letter to a lapsed Monk asks the question “How is the Nazarite, brighter than gold,
become dark above pitch? How has the son of Sion become an unprofitable vessel!” 99 Basil’s
use of Nazarite to describe the monk points to a general association between monks and
Nazarites, and provides further evidence that the word Nazarite was seen as suitably applied
to anyone under a vow of separation.
97 See Hegesippus above.
98 Ephraim Syrus, Hymns on the Nativity of Christ in the Flesh 8 (NPNF2 13.242).
99 Basil, Letter 44 (NPNF2 8.147).
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Gregory Nazianzen (ca. 325389 CE)
In a funeral oration for Basil, Gregory refers to those who “separated themselves from the
world and consecrated their life to God” as “the Nazarites of our day”.100 Gregory viewed
Basil as the chief of this group, and describes Basil as having presided over monastic
communities, and as founding one of his own.101
Chrysostom (347407 CE)
Chrysostom’s Homilies on The Acts of the Apostles contain three sermons relating to Nazarite
practice. In Homily 40 on Acts 18:18 Chrysostom states it is an indication not of the continued
place of the Jewish Law, but evidence of the break up of the Law. The silence of Acts 18:18
on the sacrifices required for a Nazarite vow102 is seen as evidence that Paul did not offer
them.103 Chrysostom’s linking of the vow in Acts 18:18 and Acts 21:26 shows that he viewed
both passages as related, and his understanding of the need for sacrifices in both cases
accompanied by head shaving shows that he viewed these as Nazarite vows, albeit with Acts
18:18 representing a reduced form.
Chrysostom expounds Paul’s defence before Felix, but adds little to assert or deny
Paul’s involvement in a Nazarite rite. Chrysostom repeats Paul’s own words that “they found
me in the course of purifying in the Temple” and asks how could Paul have been in the temple
100 Gregory Nazianzen,Oration 43, Funeral Oration on S. Basil the Great 28 (NPNF2 7.405).
101 Idem, 2829 (NPNF2 7.405).
102 Num 6:14, 17.
103 Chrysostom, Homily 40 on Acts (NPNF1 9.245).
to profane it, while at the same time purifying himself and worshipping?104 This argument he
repeats in Homily 50 on Acts 23:3133.105
CONCLUSION
Numbers 6:121 gives a liturgical set of procedures which set the basis of what a Nazarite
vow is, with the following key features: 1) it is temporary, 2) abstinence from alcohol, 3) not
cutting the hair during the vow, 4) avoiding corpse impurity, 5) offering of sacrifice at the end
of the vow. Amos and Laminations both provide evidence for the high regard with which
those entering into Nazarite vows were viewed, but in both cases some suggestion is made
Nazarite. If Samson sets the standard, the lifelong Nazarite varies from the temporary in not
requiring the avoidance of corpse impurity, and possibly not requiring abstinence from
alcohol. In all forms, the Nazarite vow is identified with a requirement not to cut the hair,
with the requirement to cut the hair in the case of temporary Nazarites after ritual impurity
indicating a recommencement of the Nazarite period.108
The conflict between the different types of Nazarite vows is addressed by m. Naz.
104 Idem, Homily 41 on Acts (NPNF1 9.278).
105 Idem, Homily 50 on Acts (NPNF1 9.298).
106 4QSama 1 Sam.1:1122; Ben Sira 46:13; Philo, De Somniis 47, and Josephus A.J. 5.8.4 all provide later, but
consistent, interpretation of Samson as a Nazarite.
107 Judg 13:15, 14; 16:1321.
108 m. Naz. 1.2ef makes an exception if the hair is to heavy in one type of lifelong Nazarite, however the
general principle even in this case, is that hair is cut due to discomfort but the ideal is for it not to be cut.
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Luke GriffissWilliams
which attempts to explain, to harmonize somewhat, and to legislate for the four types of
Nazarite vows it identifies (two of which relate to lifelong Nazarites).109 In the case of lifelong
vows, the miraculous birth stories110 accompanying such Nazarites make it likely that they
were low in number, and as such the discussion on them in m. Nazir can be viewed as
primarily academic. The setting of a minimum period of 30 days for Nazarite vows,111 is
shown to have been followed in 66 CE at least in the case of Bernice, sister of King Agrippa
II.112
But 1 Macc.3:49 provides the earliest evidence of the temporary Nazarite vow actually
been practiced, this along with Philo’s view of the vow as one undertaken as “a request for
good things from God”113 (supported by Josephus114) is significant in providing a rational for
the vow. It is further supported by the lifelong vows made by the mothers of Samson, Samuel,
and John the Baptist on behalf of their unborn children as a request for miraculous
intervention with barrenness. Josephus,115 the stories in Acts about Paul and James,116 and m.
Pesach. 2.5 provide additional evidence for the popularity of the Nazarite vow in its
temporary form in late Second Temple Judaism.
109 m. Naz. 1.2ef.; m. Naz. 1.2gh.
110 The account of James, while not accompanied by a miraculous birth story, is not conclusive, and may be
associated with the miraculous birth stories of Jesus and John as their relative.
111 m. Naz. 1.3a ; 6.3.
112 Josephus, Wars of The Jews 2.15.1.
113 Philo, On the Unchangeabeness of God 19 (Yonge, 87).
114 Wars of The Jews 2.15.1.
115 A.J. 19.6.1.
116 Acts 18:1822; 21:1727.
t. Nezirut 4.7 may indicate that the term Nazarite was applied to vows of separation in
more general terms than is understood through the Numbers account; however, the presence
of sacrifices, and the shaving of hair conform to the pattern of the Nazarite vow. The
discussion on the location where Nazarite vows might be discharged in m. Menah 13.10
provides evidence of some variation in practice, and lends support to the possibility of Paul
having discharged a vow depicted in Acts.18.1822.
Luke’s account of John the Baptist may be intended to depict him as a lifelong
Nazarite modelled on Samson, and Samuel, especially since the birth account of John draws
heavily on Samson and Samuel traditions, and attempts to draw parallels between them and
John. It is clear that the Lukan account is intended to at the least depict John as holy and
separate, whether a full relationship to the Nazarite is intended remains unclear. Research of a
greater depth than facilitated by this study is needed in this area.
Evidence of a direct link between Jesus and the Nazarite remains uncertain; the
existence of any such link is based primarily on wordplay on Nazir in Matt.2:23.117 Although
this connection is created only in Matthew, it can be seen as influencing the claiming of the
term Nazarite as applicable to Christians in general,118 which may have contributed to the use
of the term in reference to celibacy and monastic vows.
The opinion of James that partaking in this vow119 would show Paul’s high regard for
117 As shown above, Jesus’ vow to abstain from wine at the “Last Supper” (Mark.14:25) cannot convincingly be
shown to depict a Nazarite vow.
118 Tertullian, Against Marcion 4.8.
119 Or adhering to a stricter ruling on it than he had followed by discharging the vow in Acts.18:1822
The Nazarite in Second Temple Judaism and Early Christianity
Luke GriffissWilliams
the Law of Moses supports the esteem with which the vow was held, as does Hegesippus’
account of James. The question as to whether James was a Nazarite remains unanswered and
requires further study (the dismissal of this possibility by Schaff and Scott appears somewhat
hasty). However, Hegesippus’ account, and the repetition of this by Eusebius120 provide
evidence that the Nazarite vow was viewed in fairly high regard by the early church, a case
perhaps made with even greater strength if the association between James and the Nazarite
vow was a creation with the intention of displaying him favourably.
Methodius’ description of the Nazarite laws “as teaching how we should abstain, and
advance to virginity”121 and his instruction on abstaining from wine122 provides a foundation
for Basil’s description of a monk as a Nazarite.123 This, when combined with Gregory’s
description of those in monastic communities as the “the Nazarites of our day”124 shows that
the term was adopted by Christians as a reference to those who had taken vows of separation,
despite those vows being different in nature to the Num.6:121 requirements. The association
of vows, particularly those requiring virginity and the Nazarite are evidenced, albeit in a less
developed form at the start of the third century.125
120 Eusebuis, Church History 2.23.56.
121 Methodius, The Banquet of the Ten Virgins 5 (ANF 6.327).
122 Idem 6 (ANF 6.328).
123 Basil Letter 44 (NPNF2.8.147).
124 Gregory Nazianzen,:Oration 43, Funeral Oration on S.Basil the Great 28 (NPNF2 7.405).
125 On Virginity 2.9 (ANF 8.63).
The Nazarite vow finally was primarily intended as a temporary vow within Judaism, but
was developed to encompass lifelong vows. The term was then adapted by Christianity as one
referring to monastic vows, and may have even influenced their creation.
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