Islamic Settlement in North Africa and the Iberian Peninsula Author(s): James L. Boone and Nancy L.

Benco Source: Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 28 (1999), pp. 51-71 Published by: Annual Reviews Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/223388 Accessed: 26/09/2010 10:03
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Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 1999. 28:51-71 Copyright? 1999 by AnnualReviews. All rights reserved

IN NORTH AFRICA ISLAMICSETTLEMENT AND THE IBERIANPENINSULA

New Mexico, 1Anthropology Department,Universityof New Mexico, Albuquerque, 87131, and 2Anthropology Department,George WashingtonUniversity,Washington, DC, 20052; e-mail:jboone@unm.edu;benco@gwu.edu

JamesL. Boone' and Nancy L. Benco2

Key Words:

medieval period, Islam, archaeology, Spain, Portugal, Morocco

* Abstract This article reviews some of the major archeological research and resulting current debates that center around the nature of the formation of Islamic society in the Maghreb and the Iberian Peninsula from the seventh century AD through the later Middle Ages. Over the last two decades, archeology has played an increasingly important role in working out the details of how this great cultural transformation occurred and has led to considerable revision of historical interpretations of the medieval period in the wester Mediterranean region. On a more general anthropological level, research in both regions presents a remarkable potential to contribute to the literature on the archeology of ethnicity, and to research into the impact of changing religion and ideology on such diverse areas of human activity as household organization, gender relations, settlement location and spatial organization, and ceramic production and distribution.

CONTENTS Introduction .................................................... The Maghreb (Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya) .................. Regional SettlementPatterns .......................................... UrbanArchitecturaland Spatial Organization ............................ The Iberian Peninsula ............................................ The GuichardHypothesis ..................... ........................ Archeological Application of the GuichardHypothesis...................... SegmentaryOrganizationRevisited ..................................... Conversion as a Mechanismof Islamization ..............................

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Domestic Material CultureContinuityand Change as Evidencefor Continuityand Conversion......................................

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Conclusion...................................................

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INTRODUCTION
By the late seventh century AD, Arab and Bedouin forces emanating from the Arab capital of Damascus had reached the far west (Maghribal-Aqsa) of North Africa. In AD 711, Araband Berberforces crossed over into the IberianPeninsula and, within a few years, had capturedevery extant city south of the Pyrenees. These initial forays set in motion historical developmentsthat over the next several hundredyears would result in the complete social, political, and cultural of the far western Mediterranean transformation landscape.In both the Maghreb and Andalusia, independentIslamic states developed that combined culturaland ideological elements importedfrom the Middle East as well as indigenous elements. By the end of the thirteenthcentury,Islamic dominanceended in the Iberian Peninsula,but Islam remainsthe dominantreligious and political system in the Maghreb.Although written documentationprovides a broad outline of the main political developments associated with the formation of Islamic states, archeologists have played an increasingly importantrole over the past two decades in working out the details of how this great culturaltransformation actually occurred. This article reviews some of the major archeological research and resultingcurrentdebatesthatcenteraroundthe natureof the formationof Islamic society in the Maghreband the IberianPeninsula.

THE MAGHREB(MOROCCO,ALGERIA, TUNISIA, AND LIBYA)

As the Arabsmoved across NorthAfrica in the seventh and eighth centuries,they encounteredan arrayof indigenous Berber, Romanized Berber, and Byzantine populations living within a complex mosaic of varying social, economic, religious, and political forms. During the next few centuries, the Arabs, serving as catalysts, transformed this disparate landscape into one that was distinctly Maghrebianand Islamic in nature.The process by which this change occurredhas been the focus of a small but growing numberof archeologicalresearchprojects in the Maghreb over the past two decades. This review examines this body of researchin terms of two general researchinitiatives:regional settlementpatterns and spatial organization. and urbanarchitectural Morocco, Algeria, and Geographically,the Maghrebencompassescurrent-day Tunisia. Although technically not partof the Maghreb,Libya is also included in to communicathis review. Physically, the Maghrebpresentsa formidablebarrier tion and settlement.It covers about900,000 km2 wedged between the Mediterranean Sea and the SaharaDesert, stretchingfrom the Gulf of Syrtes on the east to

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the Atlantic Ocean on the west. The region is dominated by rugged mountain chains (the Atlas, Rif, and Kabylie) that run southwest to northeastand cut the region in half. To the northarenarrowcoastal strips,alluvial plains, and highland plateaus. To the south are the steppes and desert. East-west movement across the coast; region is limited to the plateaus, the Taza corridor,and the Mediterranean north-southmovement is restrictedto a few mountainpasses or the Atlanticcoast. In general,archeologicalresearchon the Islamicperiod in the Maghrebis at an early stage of development, unlike that in Iberia (see below) and the Near East (King & Cameron1994). With a few exceptions, the field is still centeredon traditional descriptionsof monumentsand architecture and continuesto be plaguedby a lack of good ceramic and architectural sequences derived from well-controlled excavations. This state of affairs stems largely from a sharpimbalstratigraphic ance in researchefforts duringthe Frenchcolonial period. For most of the twentieth century, French classical archeologists dominated the field-as they do today-directing theirattentionto Romanperiod sites, with researchagendasthat sought parallels between Rome's colonization of North Africa and their own. In recentyears, however, two trendshave emergedthatpromise to improvethe state of Islamic archeology. Classical archeologists interestedin the longue duree are undertakingdiachronic studies of regional settlement patterns, some of which extend into the medieval period (Barkeret al 1996, Dietz et al 1995, Mattingly& Hitchner 1995, Stone 1997). In addition, more Islamic archeologists are being trainedin new nationalarcheologyinstitutes(e.g. in Morocco), which promisesto infuse the field with new energy and ideas.

Regional Settlement Patterns

Studiesof Islamic settlementaremore advancedin Moroccothanin any otherpart of the Maghreb.Long-termexcavations at the Islamic-Portugueseport city, Qsar es-Seghir, on the Straits of Gibraltar,and subsequent test excavations at other medieval sites in northernMorocco were designed to test ideas aboutthe growth of cities and states in the Islamic period (Redman1983, 1983-1984, 1986). Based largely on this research,an importantconceptualmodel was formulatedthat continues to shape the directionof archeological research(Boone et al 1990). This model identifies two differentpolitical and economic contexts that gave rise to two distinctive urban settlement systems. Under the initial Islamic state, formed aroundthe Arab Idrisiddynasty (eighth to mid-eleventh centuryAD),cities emerged within the context of a predominantlyagrarianpolitical economy. The state apparatusrequiredto accumulateand centralize agriculturalsurpluses from the hinterlandsgave rise to a multitieredsettlementhierarchythat consisted of the centralstate capital (Fez), provincial capitals (such as al-BasraandNakur, discussed below), and smaller towns and villages surroundingeach center. By the mid-ninthcentury,trans-Saharan gold, ivory, and slave traderouteshad begun to shift from an easterly directionfromNiger to Egypt to a more northerly directionthroughMorocco and into the western Mediterranean Basin. Religiouspolitical movements foundedby Berbertribalgroups originatingon the northern edge of the Saharaarose to control and protect this trade.Under the subsequent

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& BENCO BOONE Almoravid, Almohad, and Merinid dynasties (mid-eleventh through fifteenth century AD),the state apparatusnecessary to control this lucrativetrade and the need for militaryforces to protectit across the diverse tribalmosaic of centraland northern Morocco gave rise to a differenturbansystem-one thattook the form of a "primate" settlementsystem consisting of a very largeurbancenter(e.g. Fez and and a few smallerurbansettlements.In several cases, it appearsthat Marrakech), these secondaryurbancenters,which may have posed a threatto the centralstate, were actually abandonedor destroyed during this period. Hence, Boone et al (1990) see the political economy of the medieval MoroccanIslamic state shifting from what D'Altroy & Earle (1985) have called a staple finance system to a wealth (or trade)finance system. Boone et al (1990) identifiedthreekinds of geographicalcontexts in medieval Morocco where trade-basedcities might have emerged;these were located at the interfacesof, or discontinuitiesbetween, distincteconomic spheres.The firstwas inland Morocco, where dynastic states and their capitals were established to facilitate the long-distance trade between the West African and Mediterranean economic spheres.The second was on the peripheryof these states (e.g. the Mediterraneanand Atlantic coasts and the northernedge of the Sahara),where trade of goods and services from one entrepotsemergedto facilitate the transshipment urbanand rural economic between A interface existed the next. third to sphere one step further,identifyingfacsectors. The model took the issue of urbanization tors that enabled some cities to survive, while others declined, during major political shifts. These favored dynastic cities that were economically wellintegrated with their hinterlands, and trade-based cities that were politically autonomous,as many medieval entrepotsperiodically were. Boone et al tested the model using both documentaryand archeological data. Urbansettlementsize estimates(usuallybased on the numberof hearths,or domiciles) recorded by Arab geographersat different points in the medieval period showed an abruptdropin the numberof mid-sized (secondary)centers duringthe Almoravid-Almohadperiod (eleventh to thirteenthcentury), precisely the time that settlement was predicted to shift toward a primate pattern.Historical and archeologicalevidence, drawnfrom Redman'stest excavationsat several medieval sites (al-Basra, Nakur, and Badis), also support this decline: Two of the medium-sized towns, al-Basra and Nakur, were abandonedduragrarian-based, the Almoravid-Almohad period. ing Redman(1983) has also used pottery from the excavations to monitorthe cities' integrationwith local populations and their involvement in long-distance trade. Although this use of ceramics to measure complex social and economic relationshipsis problematic,the analysis provides some interestingresults. For example, two urbansites (Qsar es-Seghir and al-Basra) showed low proportions of handbuiltwares (presumablymade in ruralareas), which he suggests reflect weak ties with their rural hinterlands.In the case of agrarian-basedal-Basra, which relied on agricultural surplusesfrom its countryside,this may have proven fatal, causing the city to decline. In the case of Qsares-Seghir, a coastal entrep6t, andthe city survivedup to late Islamictimes. these rurallinks were less important

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This model continuesto framearcheologicalsettlementstudies in Morocco. In 1998, Ennahidlaunchedan archeological survey of an importantmedieval trade route in northernMorocco-the route from Fez to Tangier. Having developed a set of expectations from the model, Ennahidhas been examining the impact of political and economic change from the ninth to the fourteenthcentury on the location, nature,and longevity of settlementsalong the traderoute.Because of the large size of the study area-a 200-km transect Ennahidhas been employing extensive survey techniques, using documentaryevidence drawnfrom medieval Arabhistories and geographiesas well as modem toponymic evidence, to identify potential medieval sites and then following this up with groundsurvey. Ennahid (1995) used these techniques in a preliminarystudy in the area aroundal-Basra. By far the most comprehensiveIslamic settlementwork in the Maghrebis that of Cressier. Since the 1970s, to the present, Cressierhas been surveying a long, but narrow,swath of rugged land (about 5000 km2) between the Mediterranean andRifMountains, and fromTetouanin the west to Melilla in the east (Bazzanaet al 1983-1984, 1991; Cressier 1992b, 1995; Cressier et al 1992). Echoing the work done by Redman,Cressier's project focuses on the development of medieval cities in the region andtheirties with al-Andalusandwith local Berbergroups. Cressier's methodology relies on a close reading of historical documents, topographicmaps, and aerial photos, followed by field survey. He also has collected surface artifactsand excavated soundings at some of the largersites. Cressier produced a detailed, diachronic picture of medieval Islamic settlement in the region-the only study of its kind in the Maghreb.According to his research, the process of urbanizationbegan with the arrivalof the Arabs in the ninth centuryAD. During the initial phase of settlement(the Idrisidperiod, ninth to the eleventh century),urbansettlementwas concentratedinlandand away from the coast. Several small cities were establishedin the fertile alluvial valleys of the Rif Mountains.Some were built on the sites of important Berbermarketsor intertribal contact points, thus underscoringthe involvement of local tribes in the urbanprocess. The city of Nakurserved as the dynastic capitalof the Kingdom of Al Hoceima and foundedby a coaliNakur, located in the vicinity of current-day tion of Berbers and Arabs in the eighth century. During the second phase (mid-eleventhto fifteenth centuryAD),political and economic power shifted to the coast when the Almoravids expanded political controlnorthwardinto al-Andalus.A stringof port cities, interspersedwith small towns and villages, were built along the Rifian coast; they served as shipbuilding centers and fishing ports, where marine resources were traded for timber and other materials from the mountains. Some, like Badis, served as transshipment points in long-distance trade networks. The coastal cities reached their peak in terms of size and fortificationsduringthe Merinidperiod. During the final phase (fifteenth to sixteenth centuryAD),settlementalong the coast disappearedas a result of the Spanish Reconquistaand Portugueseexpansion into Morocco. The Rifian coast essentially became a no-man's-land. Settlement shifted back to the interior,where once-declining towns were repopulated and new cities, like Chefchaouan,were built by Muslim refugees from Spain.

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BOONE & BENCO Cressier found that throughoutthe medieval period, relations between urban inhabitantsand rural Berber populations were symbiotic, although sometimes conflicting (see also Brett & Fentress 1996). Many of the towns were built by, or in close association with, local Berbergroups; sometimes they were established on the sites of formerBerber markets.When they were first constructed,many towns incorporatedlocal architectural techniques and building materialsin their their inhabitants relied structures; heavily on local craft products,such as handbuilt pottery.However, as the cities grew, new architectural styles and technoloIn the rural populations were old ones. contrast, introduced, replacing gies continuedto use traditionaltechnologies throughoutthe medieval period, underscoring the strong conservatismprevalentin the countryside. Cressieralso found that the medieval settlementpatternsalong the Moroccan coast differedin significantways fromthose found in Andalusia,especially in the interior,despite obvious similarities in topography,climate, and geology. Comparedwith the relatively sparsesettlementdistributionin the interiorof Morocco, medieval settlement in Andalusia was denser and more diverse, the urbannetwork was farmore complex, andthe ubiquitousassociationof ruralfortressesand tribalvillages and associatedterritories(i.e. the hisn/qaryacomplex, discussed in in Morocco. Some of these differencesmay more detailbelow) has no counterpart be historical:During the Roman period, the settlementdistributionin Andalusia was very dense, whereas in Morocco there was no settlementat all in the mountain areas and very little, if any, along the Rifian coast. The settlement picture in northernMorocco is being rounded out with an archeological survey of the Sebou and Loukkos riverbasins in the Gharb,underway since 1982, by Frenchand Moroccan Classical-periodarcheologists (Akerraz & Lenoir 1990, Akerraz& Rebuffat 1991, Rebuffat 1992, Limane & Rebuffat of Romansites aroundthe 1992). The surveyhas uncovereda dense concentration of Roman ancient the of Tingitane, located in the agriculcapital city Volubilis, recorded sites areIslamic, andthey A of the 300 few basin. rich Sebou (14) turally about the information some to patternof Islamic settlement on promise provide the broadalluvial plains of Morocco. Elsewhere in the Maghreb,settlementstudies thatdeal with the Islamic period are rare.There are, however, a few, undertaken by Classical or Byzantine period their that extend interpretiveanalyses into the medieval period, archeologists, albeit sometimes briefly (e.g. Barkeret al 1996, Dietz et al 1995, Pringle 1981, Sjostr6m1993). In additionto these is a newly launchedsurvey carriedout on the island ofDjerba, off the Tunisiancoast, thatfocuses on both classical and medieval Islamic sites (R Holod & E Fentress,unpublisheddata). They are using modern survey techniques, including intensive coverage of 1-km-widetransectslaid acrossthe island at regularintervals.Of all these surveys,however, the most comprehensive is the UNESCO-sponsoredproject in the pre-desertregion south of Tripoli in Libya (Barkeret al 1996). Directed by British archeologists between 1979 and 1989, this model survey provided 100% coverage in sections of a 75,000-km2 area, systematic surface collections and test excavations, environmental studies, remote sensing, and scientific materials analysis. Of 2500

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recorded sites, several hundredwere identified as Islamic. In a supplementary study, Sjostr6m(1993), who compiled a catalogue of sites drawnfrom historical records,early surveys, andthe UNESCO project,lists 628 known late Romanand Islamic sites in the wider Tripolitaniaregion. The UNESCO project, which centered on ancient farming in a desert margin zone, found a major disjunction between Romanandmedieval Islamic agricultural systems. Romanfarmersin the region cultivated tree crops, especially olive trees for oil, on a large scale for exportto otherpartsof the Romanempire(Mattingly 1994). In contrast,medieval Islamic farmersand pastoralistspracticed subsistence farming, growing cereals and herding goat and sheep. Urban life continued, although on a reduced scale. There is evidence that town dwellers were engaged in long-distance trade networks across North Africa and the Sahara. A merchant's house at Ghirza, an importantpre-desertRoman settlement that was reoccupied in medieval times, containedcoins struckin Baghdad,importedfabrics, and fine pottery,althoughit was not clear what tradegoods were producedin exchange. In summary, the number of settlement studies encompassing the transition from Romanto medieval times in the Maghrebis growing and the resultspromise to be enlightening.In general,these studies follow a methodology that combines the rich corpus of historical evidence available for the Roman and medieval periods with modem archeological survey techniques. However, all of the studies-from Morocco to Libya-are marred by the lack of good ceramic and architectural sequences for the Islamic period. Withoutthis information,it is difficult, if not impossible, to distinguishIslamic sites from those belonging to other time periods (e.g. to the late Roman, Byzantine, or precolonial). It is even more difficult to reconstruct,archeologically,fine temporaldetail (e.g. the periodwhen a site was settled, expanded,rebuilt, or abandoned).Although some progress on typologies and sequences for pottery and architecturehas been made over the years (Benco 1987, Cressier 1995, Pringle 1981, Vitelli 1981, Daoulatli 1980), much work remainsto be done on this front.

Urban Architecturaland SpatialOrganization

In crossing North Africa, the Arabs faced the choice of settling down in an existing Roman or Byzantine town, many of which were still inhabited,or of building a new town in a new location. Archeological and historical evidence indicates they did both. Some groupsmoved into old Romantowns, like Setif and Cherchel in Algeria, and imposed their own architectural sensibilities and needs on the old (Benseddik & Potter 1993, Mohamedi & Fentress 1985, Mohamedi et al 1991, Potter 1995). Other groups built completely new towns, such as al-Basra, Fez, Qsar es-Seghir, and Sigilmasa in Morocco (Benco 1987, 1989, 1990, 1994; Le Toureau 1961; Messier & Mackenzie 1998; Redman 1986). The archeological excavations at Setif, located between the Kabylie Mountains and the SaharaDesert in Algeria, provide a remarkablelook at the transformation of a Roman city by medieval residents. Excavated as a salvage project between 1977 and 1984, the area of excavation was located in the center of

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BOONE & BENCO Romancity, Setif continuedto be occupied, on a modem-day Setif. An important reduced scale, until the Arab conquest, when sections were rebuilt.The series of excavated Islamic houses, which date to the tenth and eleventh centuries, were constructedon top of a late Roman bath, incorporatingits walls and vaults. The Islamic houses were built as blocks, sharingone or two walls with neighborsbut not communicatingwith them, and separatedby narrowpebbled streets.They folhouse layout, characterized lowed a uniformIslamic courtyard by a large, central narrow three or four sides surrounded on rooms, which served by long courtyard as sleeping/receptionrooms (with raised platforms),kitchens, and possibly animal pens. The courtyardscontainedsmall domestic storagepits and wells. Entry was througha bent-axiscorridordesigned to give the family privacy fromthe outside. Walls invariablywere constructedof pise (rammedearth) on top of stone foundations,covered with plasteror clay. The earliestwalls consisted of recycled high-qualityRomancut stone, but laterones were only of uncut stones. The roofs were covered with flat tiles with holes, probablyto allow for nailing them to roofbeams. Although these houses resembled Roman houses in some ways (e.g. the use ofpise, a centralcourtyard),the overall layout and building technology differed in significant ways, indicating a break in traditions:The courtyardswere larger than in Roman houses; rooms led only to the courtyardand not to each other;the entrywaywas angled; second floors were rare;and rooms were markedly narrower(because single, ratherthan double, beams were used for roofing). In general, the Islamic houses were closed in on themselves and family life was centeredin the large, interiorcourtyard. Precisely who built the Islamic houseslocal Berbers(Kutama),Arab immigrants,or descendentsof Romans still living in Setif-is an interesting question. If it was the Kutama, who controlled the region at the time, then they were already indistinguishablefrom other Islamic citizens (Mohamediet al 1991:282). The results of archeological work at the Portuguese-Islamicsite of Qsar esSeghir in northernMorocco provide a good look at the spatial layout of a medieval city (Redman 1986). The excavations exposed more than 5000 m2, or about 18% of the 3-ha site. The Islamic levels dated to the late Almohad and Merinid coast periods (ca 1200-1458 AD), when urbandevelopmenton the Mediterranean reached its peak. The Portuguese occupation lasted until 1550, when the town was abandoned.Unlike Setif, Qsar es-Seghir was built on an unoccupied site, although there was a Roman garum productionsite nearby. The major Islamic centralinstitutions-mosque, hammam(public bath), and centralmarket-were located near the geographicalcenter of the walled city and had access, via wide avenues, to the two main gates. The centralmarket'smain streetwas lined with small shops, includingseveralpublic ovens. The hammamconsisted of a series of furnace vaulted rooms that included cold, warm, and hot rooms; an underground was adjacentto the hot room. The mosque had three sections: an entryway, an open brick-pavedcourtyard,and a five-aisle prayerroom with a qibla wall oriented 55? southeasttowardMecca. The Islamic houses, though similarin plan to the Setif courtyardhouses, were smaller and most had second floors. They also had fairly elaboratebrick,tile (zellij), or wooden floors andwalls with alternating

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brick and stone, reflecting both the greaterurbanwealth and local availability of wood resources on the Mediterranean coast. The ongoing excavations at the Islamic city of al-Basraon the Atlantic coastal plain in northernMorocco provide anotherglimpse at Islamic urbanarchitecture and layout (Benco 1987, 1990, 1994). Establishedca AD 800 on a new site, possibly neara Berbersettlement,the city of al-Basrawas rebuiltat least two times before it was abandonedaroundAD 1100-1200. The walled city sprawledacross 30 hectares,with residentialareas located in the center and an industrialzone on the west. Therewere probablyopen areasalong the walls where orchardsand gardens were planted, as in medieval Fez (Le Toureau 1961). The excavations have revealed a residential structurewith a small, plastered courtyardand bent-axis corridorbut none of the correspondingrooms. A second partiallyexposed structure has a typical courtyardhouse layout, but its large size, flagstone pavement, and elaborateunderground-water system suggests anotherfunction. The building technologies, however, resemble those used at Setif, with pise and stone walls, simple plaster, earthenor stone floors, and tiled roofs, althoughthe al-Basratiles are curved. The significant differences in architectureand layout between alBasra and Setif on the one hand, and Qsar es-Seghir on the other, seem to derive from differentfunctions, i.e. agricultural towns versus commercialentrepotsand, to different concentrations of wealth and access to exotic materials. consequently, differences also be a factor. Temporal may In summary,archeologicalexcavationsat Islamic sites, or Islamic components of othersites, have yielded substantialinformationon urbanarchitecture and spatial organization.This materialmust now be synthesized and supplementedwith recent architecturalstudies of medieval North Africa cities and houses (e.g. Revault et al 1985) to betterunderstand the factorsthat lie behind the variability, and uniformity,in Islamic urbanlayout and structures. THE IBERIAN PENINSULA Aside from the Balkan region of southeasternEurope and Sicily and southern Italy, the IberianPeninsulais the only region of the Europeansubcontinentwhere Islamic social, political, and culturaldominancewas establishedfor any length of time. The transition from Late Antiquity to the Medieval period in western Europenecessarily involves two centraldevelopments:the destructionand disappearance of social, economic, and fiscal structuresof the Late Roman Empire, characterizedby a slave-based mode of production; and their replacement by medieval feudal structures,based on serfdomand the coercive political authority over tenants by a localized seigneurie (Wickham 1984:6). In the IberianPeninof the transitionis profoundly complicated by sula, this simple characterization the introductionand establishmentof social, political, and economic structures associatedwith the Muslim invasions and subsequentestablishmentof an Islamic centralizedstate in al-Andalus.Here, the historicaldevelopmentof a largeportion of the Peninsulawas characterized by the establishmentof a tributarystate based on tribally organizedproduction(discussed in more detail below).

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BOONE & BENCO Within this framework,there has been a longstanding debate over how the Islamic period is to be interpreted in the context of the long-termhistoricaldevelof Iberian and culture. Partof this debateinvolves the question of opment society the degree to which feudal versus tribal (usually termed segmentary)structures played a partin this development.More generally, however, the debate has been concerned with the degree to which Islamizationin the IberianPeninsula was a process of conquest, in-migration,demographicand culturalreplacementor conversion, and adoptionand assimilationof Islamic cultureand languageby indigenous Hispano-Romans.That such a debate exists may come as something of a evidence exists surpriseto readerswho are awarethata greatdeal of documentary for this period, but it serves to remind us that migration/independent adoption debatesarenot limitedto prehistory,nor arethey necessarilyresolved by the mere presence of historical documentation. In much scholarly work of the nineteeth and earlier twentieth centuries, the Islamic period was considered as a kind of foreign occupation-a historical parenthesis-without lasting culturalor demographiceffects to the Hispanic culview of continuity turaltradition.In its most conservativeform, this traditionalist held that a Hispanic culturaland racial core had its origins in pre-Romantimes and had remainedmore or less intact througha series of alien expansionist episodes that included the Romans, the Visigoths, and the Muslims. The prevailing view was thatthe vast majorityof the populationduringthe Islamic periodwas of indigenous origin and that Muslims entered the Peninsula slowly and in small numbers and were gradually assimilated, and that after a few generations, the Muslim invadershad marriedinto and allied with Hispano-Romanfamilies and were "Hispanicized"(Claudio Sanchez-Alboroz 1956; an extended review and critiqueof these issues is found in Guichard1976:15-51).

The GuichardHypothesis
In the mid-1970s, the historian Pierre Guichard(1976, 1977) presented a susview of the Islamic period tained and detailed argumentagainstthe traditionalist in the Iberian Peninsula. Drawing heavily on structural-functionalist theory in social anthropology,Guichardarguedthatthe Islamic and Christiancivilizations were based upon opposing structuralprinciples of organizationin the domestic domain, and that the principles of organizationwere reflected in differences in systems of descent (patrilinealvs bilineal), the organizationof kin groups(corporate descent groups vs bilateral kindreds), marriagepatterns,the public role of women, and notions of honor (a more detailed account of this frameworkcan be found in Goody 1984:10-13, who actually calls into question the depth of the implicationof this argument oppositionbetween the two systems). One important is that because the two systems are structurallyopposed at the most basic level, very little in the way of assimilationor even syncretizationcould have occurred. Guichardarguedthatthe demographicand sociopolitical impact Furthermore, of the Arab and Berber invasions after AD 711 was much greater than the traditionalist accounts had allowed. The basic elements of this argument can be summarizedas follows. First, Arab and Berberprinciples of clan endogamy dis-

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couraged intermarriagewith indigenous peoples and effectively limited the amountof culturalassimilation that could have taken place. Second, drawingon Murphy's & Kasdan's (1959) analysis of Bedouin kinship and sociopolitical organization, Guichardargued that segmentary lineage organization facilitated the defense, expansion,and growthof these groupsonce they arrivedin the Peninsula (1976:257, ff). Finally, the numberof in-migratingArabsand particularlyof North African Berberswas actually quite large, in the hundredsof thousands,not in the few tens of thousands envisioned by the traditionalists(Guichard 1976: 456-57). Thus, during the two or three centuries following the first invasions, Arab and BerberMuslims became a demographic,as well as a political and cultural,majorityin the Peninsula. The publicationof Guichard'swork in the mid-1970s galvanizedIslamic studies on the IberianPeninsula, coinciding as it did with the end of the Franco and Salazar/Caetano regimes in SpainandPortugal,which, at least indirectly,had dismuch serious or sustained historical or archeological research of the couraged Islamic period. This is not to say thattherehas been wholesale acceptanceof all of Guichard's arguments regarding the processes by which Islamic civilization became established in the IberianPeninsula. Although Guichard'sgeneral position that Islam had a decisive and lasting effect on the medieval developmentof Iberiancivilization is not questioned,those aspects of his argumentthat deal with the relative importanceof culturaland demographicreplacementvs conversion and indigenous adoptionof Islamic religion, culture,language, and social organization have been particularlysubjectto some revision. Although the details of all these arguments cannot be reviewed here, the following examples of how the debatehas played out over the last decadewill serve as an introduction(the reader is referredto Glick 1995 for a more extended review of these issues).

ArcheologicalApplication of the GuichardHypothesis

The effect of Guichard'sideas has been particularlystrongin the rapidlydeveloping field of IberianIslamic archeology,andperhapsnowhere in the world has historical archeology played a more pivotal role in the rewritingof a nation's social and culturalhistory (Glick 1995:12-13). Bazzana et al (1988) have attempted to operationalize Guichard's hypothesis concerning the cultural and demographicprocesses through which Islamic culture became implanted on the Iberiancultural landscape by focusing on the relationshipbetween castles-termed husun(hisn, sing.) in Arabic-and the surroundinghinterlandcomposed of small villages called alquerias (fromthe Arabic al-qarya). Their program of research into the hisn/qarya complex was largely inspired by Toubert's (1973, 1990) concept of incastellamento, the reorganization of European settlement during the ninth through the eleventh centuries around hilltop fortifications, or castles, which imposed feudal dominance on dependent villages within their jurisdiction. However, in contrast to northern Europe and Italy, where incastellamentorefers to a system in which hinterlands were organizedand controlledby a seigneurial(i.e. feudal) regime, Bazzana et al (1988) have tended to view the Iberianhisn/qarya complex as the expression of

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BOONE & BENCO segmentarytribal organization,which, as explained above, is a key element of Guichard's original hypothesis concerning how Islamic culture became established in Iberia.Under this system, the inhabitantsof the alquerias were free of any feudal-like obligations to a regional lord, or qaid, and held and farmedlands collectively. The hisn in turnwas, at least in the earliestcenturiesof the medieval period, a fortified refuge built and maintainedby the tribalcollectives as protection in times of disorder,not as a means of implementationof controlby a higher authority. The hisn/qarya complex has been extensively documented in the Levantine Peninsula, particularlyin the areas around Valencia, Alicante, and Almeria (Bazzana et al 1982, 1988; Cressier 1992a,b, 1998a,b). This programhas been met with resistance on several fronts, particularlyby Spanish investigators,some of whom argue for a more feudal-like arrangement, at least in some regions of the Peninsula. For example, Azuar Ruiz (1982) has of local control arguedthatthe hisn/qaryacomplex representsan implementation state.In some urban-based of a centralized as a a who acted representative by qaid cases, qaids may have attainedsuch power and independenceas to become true Muslim senores (Azuar Ruiz 1982:40). This argument, however, does not exclude the possibility that organizationat the local level was tribal in nature. Elsewhere, AzuarRuiz (1989:411-423) has shown, based upon an extensive settlement survey in the Denia Peninsula (southernAlicante), that incastellamento did not occur there until at least the end of the tenth century,which is too late to the conaccount for the Berber migrations of the eighth century. Furthermore, structionof castles continues into the eleventh throughthe thirteenthcenturyand seems to be tied to deliberatedefensive policies implementedby the then Almoravid- and Almohad-controlledcentralstate and not to local tribalorganizations. Hence, Azuar Ruiz argues for a widening of Guichard'shypothesis into a perspective that would admit that the husun may have functioned in any one of a numberof sociopolitical ways, depending on the time period and the prevailing local social and economic conditions (a point on which Bazzana et al agree) (see Bazzana et al 1988:25-43 for a detailed response to earlier versions of Azuar Ruiz's and others' critiquesof their program). Acien Almansa (1984, 1989) has presented a similar view, arguing for an ongoing dynamic of interactionbetween in-migratingArab and Berber groups, who were triballyorganized,and indigenous groups,who had developed a protofeudal organizationin the periodjust priorto the invasions. Acien Almansa further argues that tribal organizationcould well have been a social adaptationof converted indigenous populations (muwalladun)as well. This is a critical point that deserves some furtherdiscussion. Throughoutmuch of the debate, segmentaryandfeudal organizationsoften appearto be conceptualizedas if they were the result of the playing out of culturallyspecific mental structures,and as such conof a particularsocioculturalmenand inalienablecharacteristics stituteparticular talite (for example, as in Guichard's oriental vs occidental structures).These contrastingforms of organizationmight more profitably be seen in behavioral termsas variationson a more-or-lessuniversalset of organizationalstrategiesthat are available to any human group, subject to the influence of various aspects of

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local political, economic, and environmental conditions. Such a perspective would admitthe possibility thatsegmentary,tribalorganizationcould have developed more or less independentlyamong indigenous ruralIberianpopulations as well, partlyin response to the disappearanceof Roman regionalpolitical control, and partly, perhaps, through a process of cultural syncretizationresulting from contact with in-migratingArab and Berbergroups. It would also admitthe possibility that gradationsbetween segmentary (i.e. communally based land tenure) and feudal (individually based land tenure) could exist, as they almost certainly did in the medieval period.

SegmentaryOrganizationRevisited
It remains to be said that the programof Bazzana et al strongly implies that the hisn/qarya complex constitutes of itself evidence for segmentary, or tribal, organization(see for example Bazzana et al 1988:35). Clearly, however, incastellamentocan be reflective of both feudal regimes, as it is in Europenorthof the Pyrenees and in Italy, and of segmentary,tributarystates, as it may well be in some areasof al-Andalus.In this respect, it is worthaddinghere thatBazzanaet al (1988) themselves point out that the hisn/qarya complex is virtually absent in northernMorocco, an area where the kind of segmentary tribal sociopolitical organizationthey envision almost certainly existed in the medieval period and continuedto exist into the early twentieth century.Hence, regardlessof whether segmentarytribalorganizationconstituteda salient featureof Andalusi society in the medieval period, the appearanceof the hisn/qarya complex still must be explained in termsof responseto social andpolitical conditionsthatexisted in the Peninsula itself. The best evidence for extensive Arab and Berbersettlementin the hinterlands and for segmentaryorganizationin generalcomes in the formof numerousBerber and Arab place names, particularlythose in the form of the toponym, which includes the prefix Beni- (which means "descendantsof' in Arabic) and often is paired with a name derived from a particularBerber or Arab clan or confederation. For example, Benicasim is derived from Banu Qasim, a group of Kutama Berbers from northernMorocco (Glick 1995:31). Beni- place names are quite numerous in the eastern and southeasternareas of the Peninsula; they are also common in Algeria and Morocco. Thereis also documentaryevidence in the form of tribal registries that indicates where in the Peninsula Arab and Berber tribes settled (Taha's 1989 history is based on such registries).The toponymicandtribal registry evidence has not, however, gone uncontested (Collins 1989:139, Glick 1995:33-37, Rubiera de Epalza 1984). Criticism has taken two general forms. First, much of the tribal documentationwas actually written down hundredsof years afterthe initial Arab and Berbersettlementtook place in the eighth century. The later Islamic period was a time of intense political conflict, during which claims for land rights were often reinforced with claims to pure Arabic and Arabized-Berber descendence;histories of the IberianPeninsuladuringthis period may well have been constructedin orderto subvertcompeting claims to land rights and legitimacy to power while reinforcingthe significance of the histori-

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BOONE & BENCO an's or his patron's own claims. Second, while the Beni- place names may well indicate initial Arab or Berber settlement in the early period, the names tell us nothing about whether tribal organization of villages continued unchanged throughthe succeeding centuriesof Muslim dominance,or whetherintermarriage and culturalassimilationbetween migrantsand indigenouspeoples occurred. What is needed is the development of more specific archeological correlates that would distinguishtribalorganization,as opposed to proto-feudaland feudal organization.Boone (1994, 1996) has arguedfor autonomous,tribalorganization in the Lower Alentejo of Portugal,an areawhere settlementsurveyhas revealed a dense distribution of Islamicperiodhamletsandvillages beginningin remarkably the seventh centurythatwere abandonedby the thirteenthcentury.Here the production regime was one of extensive agro-pastoralismratherthan the intensive characteristic of the coastal region in easternSpain.Excavairrigationagriculture tions at the eleventh to twelfth centuryvillage site of Alcaria Longa (located near Mertola,districtof Beja, Portugal)has revealed a relativelyhigh incidence of silver jewelry, including perforatedsilver coins, recovered from depositional contexts indicativeof loss duringuse (i.e. while being worn). Boone arguesthat such to convert jewelry represents,among otherthings, a strategyof agro-pastoralists surplus accumulatedduring good years into durableform (silver), and that this durable wealth was retained by the primary producersthemselves rather than extractedin the form of rent by dominantlandowners.This patternof personal adornmentresembles that observed in women among the triballyorganizedBerbers of Morocco and Algeria, where it constitutesa sign of a family's wealth and prosperity and is not the kind of personal, publicly displayed wealth normally associated with dependentpeasantsof feudal Europe.On the otherhand, there is considerable evidence at Alcaria Longa of material culture continuity with the Late Roman period (i.e. AD450-711) in terms of ceramic vessel forms and constructiontechniques, and of some aspects of household organization(see further ofAlcaria Longa may have discussionbelow), which suggests thatthe inhabitants been convertedMuslims of indigenous origin-i.e. muwalladun. That these villagers were Arabizedis stronglysuggestedby an incised Arabicinscriptionfound on a locally producedroof tile recoveredfromone of the house compounds.There is in fact some documentaryevidence to supporta muwallad origin for at least some Lower Alentejanpopulations.For example, Ibn Qasi, the local leader of a Sufic revolt aroundAD1140 andbriefly the leaderof a local taifa state in Mertola (the dominantcentralplace of the region), was himself of muwalladorigin. One of the perforatedcoins recoveredat AlcariaLonga was a silver qirat struckin the name of Ibn Qasi. Hence, the pictureemerging in the Lower Alentejo of Portugal is one of a mixture of material culturalcontinuity, adoption of Islamic cultural practices, and tribal social organization.

Conversion

as a Mechanism

of Islamization

As discussed above, in-migrationand subsequentdemographicand culturalreplacement figured strongly in at least the earliest versions of Guichard'sargument. The fact is, however, that there were at least several million indigenous

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inhabitantsof the IberianPeninsula at the beginning of the Islamic period [Glick (1979:35) estimates seven million], and some attentionmust be paid to the issue of how they figure into the subsequentIslamizationof medieval Iberiansociety. Explanatoryemphasis of the conversion of indigenous Iberianpopulationsin alAndalus takes its most balanced and elegant form in Bulliet's (1979) "curve of conversion"model. Based on the concept of innovationdiffusion, Bulliet argues thatthe rateof conversionto Islam was determinedforemostby the probabilityof exposureof Muslims to non-Muslims.Hence, at the beginning of the Islamicperiod, when there were relatively few Muslims relative to nonMuslims, the rate of new conversions was low because of the low incidence of contact between individuals of the two groups. But as more conversions occurred,the probabilityof new conversions increasedas well, and the rate of conversions began to increase exponentially. This shift to an exponentialphase appearsto have occurredin the mid- to late ninthcentury.Eventually,the majorityof the populationconvertedto Islam, with a remaining permanentreligious minority of Christians and Jews. Hence the curve of conversion follows a typical logistic curve. Using datedgenealogies and otherliterarysources, Bulliet calibratedthe curve of conversion in alAndalus by monitoringchanges in the incidence of Hispano-Romanand Arabic names throughtime.

Domestic MaterialCulture Continuity and Change as Evidencefor Continuity and Conversion

Bulliet's model has not figured strongly in directing Peninsularresearchtoward Islamization, but it has the potential for archeological application. As Glick (1995:60) has pointed out, conversion to Islam in the medieval period was not a mere religious conversionbut a social conversion as well, because it involved the adoption of the Arabic language as well as Islamic culturalpractices. Hence, to the extent thatthese new practicesarereflected in materialculture,the conversion model may well lend itself to operationalizationin archeological terms. As suggested above, in areaswhere Islamizationinvolved the conversion of indigenous populations, some everyday aspects of domestic materialculture-such as utilitarian ceramic forms and production techniques, and house construction and cooking practices-might be conservative and show considerable continuity. Others,more closely tied to Muslim practice, such as the separationof male and female activities (i.e. household spatial organization)and food serving practices (vessel forms associated with communalpresentationof food), would be altered. Of course, thereare really two issues to deal with here:One is variableethnic origin (indigenous vs Arab or Berber), and the other is the adoptionof Islamic culturalpractices. This adds considerablecomplexity to the problem,as indicatedin the examples below. Delineation of changes in ceramic production and distributionpatterns can potentially shed much light on the degree of cultural continuity or rupture between the Late Roman and Islamic periods. Because in many cases Islamization involved the influx of new populationsinto the Peninsula, one might expect

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BOONE & BENCO new ceramic traditions to have followed. For example, traditionalBerbers in North Africa have maintaineda remarkably persistentand conservativetradition of household production of hand-formed ceramics (Balfet 1965, Redman & Myers 1981) for use in cooking and water storagethat extends back to before the Roman occupation,as evidenced by hand-formedwares recoveredat the Roman provincial capital of Volubilis, and throughthe Arabizationof the Maghreb,as evidenced by the occurrenceof hand-formedwares at the early Islamic city of alBasra (Benco 1987) and in medieval Islamic levels of Qsar es-Seghir (Myers 1984). This traditionhas survived several waves of modernizationbeginning as early as the eighteenthcentury(when, for example, the British-stylecopperteapot was widely adopted).If North African Berbersindeed were responsiblefor much of the ruralsettlementof Iberiaduringthe Islamic period, one might expect that they would have brought with them the tradition of household production of hand-formedpottery. The picture that is emerging, however, is much more complex. An excellent review of early Islamic period ceramicproductiontechnology and distributionin the southeastern Peninsula has been presented by Gutierrez Lloret (1988, 1996:31-70). Extensive studies of the early Paleoandalusisequence in southeastern Spain (Acien Almansa 1986, Guti6rrezLloret 1988, 1992, 1996) have shown thatby the end of the Late Romanperiod (AD 450-711), wheel-madepotteryproduction had nearly ceased and was only revived again in the late ninth and tenth centuries, during the consolidation of the Ummayad caliphate centered in Cordoba, perhapsas a response to the conditions under which population densities had again increasedand tradenetworksreformedto the point that such industries could be supported.In the early Paleoandalusiperiod (AD 711 to ca 900), handformedand slow-wheel (torno lento) industriesare indicativeof culturalcontinuity in indigenous populations,not of culturalcontinuityin in-migratingBerbers, since hand-formedwares appearto be absent in areaswhere it has been hypothesized thatBerbersettlementoccurred(Acien Almansa 1986). Elsewhere, Zozaya (1969) has arguedthat the influx of Berber ceramic vessel forms and decorative styles is signaled by the appearance of buff-colored jars (jarritas) with redpainted designs- forms that are wheel-thrown ratherthan hand-formed.Why household based, hand-formedceramic industriesdo not appearin Berbersettlement areas in Iberiawhen it is such a persistent traditionamong North African Berbers is an interestingquestion that has not really been addressed. The adoptionof Islamic social practices in both urbanand ruralcontexts may be signaledby the appearanceof distinctiveglazed, polychromefood vessel serving forms-conical bowls, platters,pitchers, tureens-in the late ninth and tenth centuries (Gutierrez-Lloret1992). These forms are indicative of the adoptionof communalforms of food service and hospitality. Although they may not constitute proof of Islamizationin all cases, they are clearly associated with medieval Muslim food preparation and serving practices. Continuityand change in ruralhouseformscan potentiallyprovide clues as to the ethnic origins of rural populations in the medieval period. Major work on houseformsand constructiontechniquesin the Islamic periodhas been carriedout

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by Andre Bazzana (1992). It has been arguedthatthe L- or U-shaped house compound built arounda private patio is a good example of a North African Berber import into the IberianPeninsula. The organizationof four complete household compounds uncovered at Alcaria Longa, Portugal (Boone 1993, 1994, 1996), may constituteevidence for Islamizationof Lower Alentejanruralsociety. The Lor U-shaped positioning of two or three separate structuresaround a common patio or courtyardis reminiscentof the BerberRifian courtyardformdescribedby Mikesell (1961:74), and it is also found in other areas aroundnorthernMorocco. Myers (1979; Redman et al 1982) argued that the L- or U-shaped compound is actually a rural permutation of the urban Islamic house, which is organized arounda centralinteriorcourtyard,with distinctly separatefood preparation and is in the Guests are entertained and food served and eaten either areas. sleeping in in of the never The or one the kitchen. separationof courtyard sleeping rooms, and areas reflects the strict kitchen, food-serving, separation indirectly sleeping of the activities of men and women in traditionalMuslim society. However, more recentexcavationsof seventh- andeighth-century ruralvillage sites carriedout by Boone in the same area (JL Boone, unpublisheddata) begin to suggest that the Moroccanhouseformmay be a permutation of an earlierindigenoushouseformin that region.

CONCLUSION
Islamic archeology in the Maghreband the IberianPeninsulahas developed only in the past two decades; virtuallyeverythingof consequence was published after 1980. Despite its recent appearance,however, Islamic archeology has already of the developmentof the played an importantrole in shapingour interpretations medieval world and will certainlycontinueto contributeto contemporary awareness of cultural heritage and national identity in both regions. The focus of researchin the two regions differs in many respects. Because Morocco remainsa Muslim country,the process of Islamizationin the Maghrebdoes not presentthe "mystery"that it does in the Iberian Peninsula. The issue of interaction and assimilationbetween Muslims and Christianstakes on a differentsignificance in Spain and Portugal. There is a much strongeremphasis on urbanismand urban sites in Morocco, partlybecause of the intereston the partof the investigatorswho have carried out research there, and partly because great cities were built (and some later abandoned)during the Medieval period in a land where previously there had been relatively few. On a more general anthropologicallevel, researchin both regions presents a remarkable potentialto contributeto the literatureon the archeology of ethnicity, and to researchinto the impactof changing religion and ideology on such diverse areas of human activity as household organization,gender relations, settlement location and spatial organization, and ceramic production and distribution.As more regional syntheses appear,such as GutierrezLloret's (1996) study of late Roman and Islamic Tudmir(Alicante), the potential for comparativestudies will

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BOONE & BENCO improve. The main barrier to the entry of Islamic archeology into the mainstream of American and British archeological research, of course, has been that the majority of the primary sources are published in Spanish, French, and Catalan and have rather limited distribution outside the countries where they are published. Glick's (1995) recent review of the current state of the field in Spain has provided a welcome beginning to making this literature more accessible.

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