Anti-Japanese Propaganda in WWII Hollywood Films

An Exotic Enemy: Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda in World War II Hollywood Author(s): W.
Anthony Sheppard Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the American Musicological Society, Vol. 54, No. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 303357 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the American Musicological Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/jams.2001.54.2.303 . Accessed: 13/11/2012 12:21
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
University of California Press and American Musicological Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the American Musicological Society.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.206 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 12:21:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
An Exotic Enemy: Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda in World War II Hollywood

W. ANTHONY SHEPPARD
the Japanesepilots flew to Pearl Harbor for their 7 December 1941 attack, they tuned their radios to Honolulu station KGMB and used the popularmusic being broadcastas a sonic beacon to their bombsites. A second anecdote: in Studs Terkel's best-selling oral history of ing WorldWarII, entitled '"be GoodWar," a JapaneseAmericanwoman (Yuriko Hohri) tells the story of her family'sinternmentby the U.S. government. She recountsthe day in her Californian childhood a few months afterPearlHarbor when two FBI agents searchedher house and then took her fatheraway.
A black carcamerightinto the driveway. One manwentinto the kitchen. As I he lookedunderthe sinkandhe lookedinto the oven.Thenhe went watched, into the parlorand openedthe glasscaseswhereour most treasured things were.Therewereseveral of shakuhachi stacks sheetmusic.It's a bambooflute. the shakuhachi andmy mother the koto. At leastoncea Myfather played played monthon a Sunday theirfriends would come overandjust enjoy afternoon, themselves music.The mantookthe music.' playing
Previousversionsof this paperwere deliveredat the Universityof Chicago in February2000 and at Oxford Universityand WilliamsCollege in May 1999. I1 am gratefulfor the comments and sugat each of these institutions.My researchtrips for this gestions made by colloquium participants projectwere funded through grantsawardedby the WilliamsCollege Dean of the Facultyand the Division I ResearchCommittee. I am indebted to numerous individualsand multipleinstitutions for assistance with my researchand would particularly like to thank the following here: JamesV. D'Arc, Ned Comstock, Robin Kibler,and Ron Magliozzi. 1. Studs Terkel, "TheGoodWar": An Oral Historyof WorldWar Two(New York:Ballantine Books, 1984), 32. This particular oral history seems to have served as a model for David Guterson'snovel SnowFalling on Cedars(New York:Vintage Books, 1995). In the novel, two FBI agents searchthe Japanese Americanheroine'schildhood home and confiscateboth a stackof shakuhachi sheet music and the shakuhachi itself before arrestingher father. It is interesting to note that in Japan'sEdo period the shakuhachi served the dual role of musical instrument and clublikeweapon for itinerantpriestsdoubling as spies (perhapsGuterson'sFBI agents perceived the dangerous potential of this bamboo flute). In the 1999 Universalfilm version of the novel, with a score by James Newton Howard, we hear synthesized shakuhachi sounds, although no musicalinstrumentsarevisibleduring the FBI scene.
[JournaloftheAmerican 2001, vol. 54, no. 2] Musicological Society ? 2001 by the American Allrightsreserved. Musicological Society. 0003-0139/01/5402-0003$2.00
This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.206 on Tue, 13 Nov 2012 12:21:18 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions University of
California Press
304
Journal of the American Musicological Society
During WorldWar II, music served as a weapon-as an instrument of racist propagandaand as an agent of militantpatriotism.Although FBI agents did not make a habit of confiscatingJapanesesheet music, from fearthat it might be a form of coded espionage, and Americanpopularmusic did not normally playa directpartin battles,music was thoroughlyimplicatedin the war. The propagandisticpotential of music was taken for granted in both the United Statesand JapanduringWorldWarII. In both nations, nationalcommittees were establishedand competitions held to encourage the creation of patrioticwar songs. The U.S. Office of War Informationformed a National WartimeMusic Committee for this purpose, and the music industryfollowed suit.2Each U.S. soldierwas issued an "ArmySong Book" containingsuch expected pieces as "Anchor'sAweigh" and the "Marines'Hymn" as part of his standardequipment.3Although most musicalcontributionsto the war effort emanatedfrom Tin Pan Alley and Hollywood, some Americanart music composers also sought to serve. Aaron Copland stated in a 1942 speech to the League of Composers Board that American composers wanted to "help in the war effort" and had "offeredWashingtonthe servicesof the composer to write background music for war films, to arrangemusic for army band, to write songs or production numbers for the entertainmentof troops."4Japan deployed music more directly by broadcastingAmerican popular songs to U.S. GIs in the Pacificwith the intent of instillinghomesicknessand weakening the Americanwill to fight.5At home, the Japanesegovernmentattempted to ban certainforms of "enemy music," but this proved difficultsince American music had become thoroughly integratedwith Japanesemusicallife since
2. For informationon this campaign,see KathleenEllen Rah Smith, " 'Goodbye, Mama. I'm Off to Yokohama':The Office of War Informationand Tin Pan Alley in WorldWar II" (Ph.D. diss., LouisianaState University, 1996). Smith finds that Tin Pan Alley failed to create strong WorldWarII songs (in the way it had for WorldWar I) and concludes that "Americans did not need a war song to convince them to supportthe war" (p. xii). I will arguethat music successfully fulfilledthis role in Hollywood films. The topic is also surveyedin Rae Nichols Simmonds, "The Use of Music as a PoliticalTool by the United States During WorldWarII" (Ph.D. diss., Walden University, 1994). Also see Les Cleveland, "Singing Warriors:Popular Songs in Wartime," Journal of PopularCulture28, no. 3 (1994): 155-75. Clevelanddiscussesboth the officialAmerican attempts to create inspirational songs during WorldWar II and the actual, often subversive songs sung by Allied troops in the field. 3. See RichardFranko Goldman, "Music for the Army," ModernMusic20, no. 1 (1942): 8-12. 4. Quoted in Ben Arnold, Musicand War:A Researchand Information Guide (New York: GarlandPublishing, 1993), 186. On Copland's own contributionto the war effort-a score for the Office of War Information film The Cummington Story(1945)-see Neil William Lemer, "The ClassicalDocumentary Score in AmericanFilms of Persuasion:Contexts and Case Studies, 1936-1945" (Ph.D. diss., Duke University,1997), chap. 5. In addition to the Copland score, Lemer focuses on Virgil Thomson's scores for ThePlow That BrokethePlains and TheRiver,and providesan overviewof documentaryfilm music in his firstchapter. 5. These broadcasts were part of the infamous "TokyoRose" radioprograms.See Namikawa Ry6, "JapaneseOverseas Broadcasting:A PersonalView," in Film and Radio Propaganda in WorldWarII, ed. K. R. M. Short (Knoxville:Universityof TennesseePress, 1983), 324-27.
MusicalPropaganda 305 Anti-Japanese
the 1868 Meiji Restoration.6Of course, there was little need to ban Japanese music in the United States,pacethe overzealousFBI agents mentioned above. Even in the internment camps, JapaneseAmericansprimarily performed and listenedto swing music.7In the rareinstanceswhen U.S. propagandatook any notice of it, Japanesetraditional music was presentedas a sign of that culture's fanaticismand inexplicablenature, of its dangerous difference. The general ignorance of Japanese culture in the United States facilitated American propagandists' attempts to portray the Japanese as a completely foreign enemy.8 As John W. Dower has powerfully demonstrated, the war between the United Statesand Japanwas as much a racewar as a geopoliticalconflict.9This
6. On Japan'sJanuary1942 ban of "jazz and sensualWestern music" see Gordon Daniels, "JapaneseDomestic Radio and Cinema Propaganda,1937-1945: An Overview,"in Film and Radio Propagandain WorldWarII, ed. Short, 293-318. Also see Anthony Rhodes, Propaganda: TheArt of Persuasionin WorldWar II (New York:Chelsea House, 1976), 249; and Ben-Ami Shillony,Politicsand Culture in WartimeJapan (Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1981), 144. An official Japaneseannouncement of 8 January1943 sought to clarifythe edict: "The recent ban on jazz music ... was never intended as an all-roundrejectionof Anglo-Americanmusic. The blacklisted numbers do not include sound, healthy,popular folk songs, even if some are of AngloAmericanorigin. They have been well assimilated with Japanesesentiments, such as 'Auld Lang Syne,' 'Home, Sweet Home,' and 'The Last Rose of Summer " (quoted in Peter de Mendelssohn, Japan's Political Warfare[London: George Allen and Unwin, 1944; reprint,New York: Arno Press, 1972], 103). 7. On the performanceof jazz in the camps, see George Yoshida,Reminiscingin Swingtime: JapaneseAmericans in American Popular Music (San Francisco:National JapaneseAmerican HistoricalSociety, 1997), chap. 3. Deborah Wong has recentlyarguedthat the "centrality of jazz in the JapaneseAmericaninternment camps or the fame of San Francisco'sForbidden City are thus easilyforgotten becausethose jazz sounds were neitherproduced nor heardby the right kind of Americans" ("The Asian American Body in Performance," in Music and the Racial Imagination, ed. Ronald Radano and PhilipV. Bohlman [Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 2000], 68). Recordings of 1940s big band standardsrecently performed by some of the same Americansingersand instrumentalists who had performedin the internmentcampsdurJapanese A TributetoJapanese-American Musiciansand ing the war are availableon Musicto Remember: Singersof the40's, 1997, LisaJoe LJMP 1001-2. 8. The belief in Japan'sirreconcilable culturaldifferencewas confirmedby the anthropologist Ruth Benedict, perhapsthe most influentialinterpreterof Japaneseculture in the United States. Benedict began her 1946 study TheChrysanthemum and the Sword(reprint,Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1989) by stating: "The Japanesewere the most alien enemy the United States had ever fought in an all-out struggle. In no other war with a majorfoe had it been necessaryto take into account such exceedinglydifferenthabitsof acting and thinking."Benedicthad been hired by the Office of War Information to assist in understanding the Japanese.She interviewed Japanese Americansin internmentcamps and watched Japanesefilmsin her venture to carryout fieldwork "at a distance."As indicatedby the title of her firstchapter,"Assignment: Japan,"Benedict'sculturalanthropologypresentsa clear case of EdwardSaid's Orientalistscholarin the service of her state. 9. See his War WithoutMercy:Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986). My understandingof Americanperceptionsof the JapaneseduringWorldWarII is indebted to this study.Although both nations were clearlyguilty of racistviews and racistactions, of the Japanese. my focus here is solely on Americanrepresentations
306
is evident in statementsmade during the war by U.S. servicemenand civilians, in the propagandacreated in both nations, in the treatment of Japanesewar dead by U.S. soldiers,and in Japan'scallsfor (and U.S. fearsof) a unification of Asian races in league against the "decadentwhites." In sharp contrast to Americandepictions of the Germanenemy, anti-Japanese propagandaconsissocial customs, tently and negativelyfocused on the physicalcharacteristics, and religious beliefs of the Japanesepeople.10Propagandain the initialstages of the war tended to underestimatethe Japaneseas nearsighted and bucktoothed children. But images of a "queer and quaint," and ultimatelyharmless, people rememberedfrom TheMikadowould soon vanish. Throughout all forms of American media, the Japanesewere referredto derogativelyas "Japs"and were routinely depicted as back-stabbingmonkeys lurkingin the jungle or as vermin in need of extermination.The phrase"sneakylittle yellow rats"sums up the common raciststereotype.WartimeOrientalistrepresentation of the Japaneseunderstandably emphasized the repulsivealien qualities rather than the potential exotic enticements of the enemy. Frequently,the question was raised whether the barbaricJapanesewere even members of the same species as the rest of the world's peoples. Thus the Japanesewere presentedas the ultimateexotic other. American popular songs such as "We're Gonna Have to Slap the Dirty Little Jap" kept pace with these representationsin their racist and jingoistic lyrics.The favoritedevices of this form of propagandaincluded ridiculingthe accent and linguisticusage of the Japanesewhen speakingEnglish, rhyming with as many negative terms as possible, and drawingon stereotypical "Japs" images. (The roots of these representational techniques are found in Tin Pan Alley songs of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.) The 1941 song "Goodbye Mama (I'm Off to Yokohama),"with words and music by J. Fred Coots, offers one example: "A million fightin' sons of Uncle Sam, if " you please,/ Will soon have all those Japsright down on their 'Jap-a-knees' and The (Chappell Co.). following text is from Lu Earl's 1944 "A-Bombing We Will Go (Right Over Tokio)": "Look out, you yellow Japs/ You thought that we were saps, We're gonna blast you from away up high. / Now you bombed Pearl Harbor in your mean and sneakyway, / So we're gonna jar your little islandnight and day" (STASNYMusic Corp.). Other titles include "Tapsfor the Japs,""We'llNip the Nipponese," "We'reGonna Change the Map of the Jap,""We'reGonna PlayYankeeDoodle in Tokyo," and "You're a Sap, Mister Jap."11 Although majorpopularsong composers such as Irving
10. In the case of Hollywood films, Japan'sshocking foreignnessappearsto have provoked more frequentattemptsat representation. MichaelS. Shull and David EdwardWilltreport that in Hollywood films between 1942 and 1945, there were 99 "topicalreferences"to Germanyand 236 to Japan(HollywoodWarFilms,1937-1945 [Jefferson,N.C.: McFarland,1996], 293). 11. In American popular culture, the "us" in the "U.S.," the audience referred to as and the "we" in these titles from Tin Pan Alley denoted white, Euro-American "American," (and predominatelyChristian)U.S. citizens. (Hollywood's calculatedattemptsto present a more ethnicallydiverseand harmoniousAmerica-excluding AsianAmericansand with only token African
Berlin ("The Sun Will Soon be Setting for the Land of the Rising Sun") and Hoagy Carmichael("The CrankyOld Yank")also contributed anti-Japanese songs, none of these achieved much prominence. Instead, the most effective medium for anti-Japanese propagandain the United States, and the site of music'smost importantwartimerole, was the cinema. From shortly after the entrance of the United States into the war in late 1941 to the end of the Americanoccupation of Japanin 1952, Hollywood produced a largenumber of films offering negativedepictionsof the Japanese. The Japanesehad been relatively ignored in Americanfilm in the 1930s. From 1931 to 1940, approximately twenty-five films dealt with Japan or with and eight of these formed the "Mr.Moto" detective seJapanesecharacters, ries, which actually had little to do with Japan. In contrast, approximately feature films were released in the United States in twenty-five anti-Japanese 1942 alone.12Hollywood's anti-Japanese propagandafilms of the war period included the combat genre, in which the Japanesewere often representedas a ship on the horizon, a plane in the sky, or a facelessmass of approaching infantrymen. Films set in the period leading up to Pearl Harbor included involved in espionage, while those set during the war freJapanesecharacters quently presented Japanese officers who delighted in torturing American prisoners. Hollywood films served as a primaryconnection to the war for those on the home front and as an introduction of sorts for those heading to battle. The war was inescapablein Americantheaters,even on nights when the feature presentation was not war-related. Before the feature, the audience watched newsreelschronicling the war's progress and cartoon shorts urging them to buy war bonds (available for purchasein the lobby) and to conserve and contribute scrap metal for the war effort. Almost half of the American population went to the movies at least once a week during the war, and box office revenues increasedsharplywith each year of the conflict.13Following no anti-Japanese filmswere producedfor almostthreeyears. Japan'ssurrender, Startingin 1949, however, the anti-communistwitch hunt led by the House Un-American Activities Committee encouraged Hollywood to reaffirmits
Americanpresence-will be discussedbelow.) My study of WorldWarII Tin Pan Alley songs was carriedout primarily in the Sam DeVincent Collection at the Smithsonian'sNational Museum of AmericanHistory Archives(no. 300, series2: Armed Forces ca. 1810-1980; subseries2.5: World War II, box 57, foldersAA and BB), and in the Music Division of the Libraryof Congress with the assistance of WayneShirley. 12. These statistics are derived from PatriciaKing Hanson, ed., American Film Institute Catalog of MotionPicturesProducedin the United States: FeatureFilms, 1941-1950 (Berkeleyand Los Angeles:Universityof California silent on Press, 1999). Tin Pan Alley also remainedrelatively the subjectof the Japaneseduring the 1930s. 13. See Thomas Schatz, Boom and Bust: TheAmerican Cinema in the 1940s (New York: Simon and Schuster Macmillan, 1997), 27 and 153. On the pervasivenessof propaganda in American movie theaters, see James E. Combs and Sara T. Combs, Film Propaganda and American Politics: An Analysisand Filmograpby (New York:GarlandPublishing,1994).
308
Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety
patriotismby making more celebratoryWorldWar II films. While such films appearedsporadically throughout the 1950s and onward, often serving as indirect propagandafor the Cold War or more recently as nostalgic memorials to the "Good War," 1952 representsthe end of the central decade of antifeaturefilms.Another type of propagandafilm was also createdin the Japanese United States duringWorldWarII: a seriesof pseudo-documentaryindoctriin Hollywood) as partof the officialeffortsof nation filmsproduced (primarily the War Department. These films were initiallyintended for the instruction were releasedto pubof soldiers,but were consideredso successfulthat several lic theatersin the United States and Allied nations. My researchhas focused of some seventyfilms-both Hollywood featuresand U.S. on the soundtracks government documentaries-dealing with the war againstJapan.(A selected filmography,listing credited composers' names, is included as an appendix. Film dates given in this articlerepresentthe yearof the film's generalrelease.) This essay will investigate the multiple roles assumed by music in antiJapanesefeature and documentary films created in Hollywood. Never had Orientalistand racialpolitics been more clearlyevident in music heard by so many as in these World War II Americanfilms. Despite its manifest cultural significance, this large body of music has been hitherto either ignored or to merit seriousanalysisand inquicklydismissedas too blatantand utilitarian terpretation.These films have repeatedlybeen investigatedby political scientists and historians of American cinema, but their music appears to have offered little to scholarsdevoted to establishinga canon for film composers.14 My researchhas uncovered some sophisticatedexamples of musical propaganda that offer new perspectiveson the study of musical exoticism. Before turning to an analysisof anti-Japaneserepresentationin these films, I will brieflyassess the ability of film music to function as racistpropaganda.The remainderof this articlewill then reveal both how the Japanesewere represented through film music and how Japanesemusic itselfwas presented.
Film Music as Racist Propaganda

"Propaganda" encompassesboth the act of purveying certain beliefs or attitudes to a group of people in order to shape their opinions and ultimately
14. Hollywood's WorldWarII productions have inspireda large number of generalstudies. Of those consulted for this article, see particularly Lawrence H. Suid, Guts and Glory:Great American War Movies (Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley Publishing, 1978); Kathryn Kane, Visionsof War:HollywoodCombat Films of World War II (Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press, TheAmerican WorldWarII Film (Lexington: Screen: 1982); BernardF. Dick, TheStar-Spangled UniversityPressof Kentucky,1985); JeanineBasinger,The WorldWarII CombatFilm:Anatomy of a Genre(New York:Columbia UniversityPress, 1986); Clayton R. Koppes and Gregory D. Goesto War:How Politics,Profits,and PropagandaShapedWorldWarII Movies Black, Hollywood (New York: Free Press, 1987); Thomas Doherty, Projectionsof War: Hollywood,American Cultureand WorldWarII (New York:Columbia UniversityPress, 1993); and Robert Fyne, The Hollywood Propagandaof WorldWarII (Metuchen, N.J.: ScarecrowPress, 1994).
direct their behaviortoward a desired action, as well as the culturalproducts or createdto transmitthose meaningsand information and texts appropriated and to incite the desired action. In order for propaganda to function, the agent of meaning should not lead to ambiguous interpretations,at least not within the mind of an intended recipient.Without recourseto an established lexicon, film music might instill a generalfeeling within a particular audience, but it would be unable to direct that emotion toward a specific action and thus would not fully succeed as propaganda.Of course, music with text has the potentialof conveying (as well as modifying)propagandaembedded in the text. Utilizing a melody from a song well known to the intended audience could serveto bringthe text and its meaningsto the minds of the audience.In the absence of text, a distinctivemusical style with a traditionalsignification might be employed. In all such cases, the immediate cinematic and cultural context will reshape the associated meaning. The films considered here demonstratehow, through associative mechanisms,music can be made to bear certainsimple meanings and can thus be wielded as an agent of propaganda. In most cases, music strengthens the propagandisticfunction of the film by helping to crammultiplechannelsof perceptionwith the same basicmessage. thrivedon new forms of multimediain the twentieth century. Propaganda In his Theory states:"The moviegoer is much in of Film, SiegfriedKracauer the position of a hypnotized person. Spellbound by the luminous rectangle before his eyes-which resembles the glittering object in the hand of a hypnotist-he cannot help succumbing to the suggestions that invade the blankof his mind. Film is an incomparable instrumentof propaganda."15 But while Kracauer'sassessment of film's propagandistic potential is accurate, he vastly overstatesthe "blankslate" condition of the audience and the autonomous power of the "luminousrectangle."The perception of any film is radicallydetermined by context-in relation both to other films and to the currentsocial environment.The same images and sounds can suggest a strikingly different meaning to different audiences (or individualaudience members) or to the same audience at differenttimes. Within each film, meaning is constructedthrough the interactionof the severalvisual,verbal,and auralelements. Reinforcementand repetitionarerequiredto establisha film'ssemiotic code in each of these dimensions. Music's significationin film is fashionedby associativemeanings previouslyestablishedin other genres, by the variousvisual and verbaltechniques and contents of the film, and by culturalcontext. Within a film, the impact of a particularly strikingscreenimage can determine our reading of the music heard. For example,when the image seen has been coded as "evil" by various visual and verbal elements, the music heard may also assumethis connotation. Of course, this associative processworks equally well in the opposite direction. Music does not passivelytake up the meanings created by such contexts. Often it is the music that dramatically shapes the
15. Theory of Film: TheRedemptionof PhysicalReality (New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1960), 160.
310
offers pertiperceivedmeaning and thus actualizesthe propaganda.Kracauer nent examplesof this in his study of WorldWarII Germanfilm: in Victory in theWest A conspicuous roleis playedby the music,particularly [a in France]. Nazidocumentary the German 1941 full-length celebrating victory of pictures it not only deepens the procession andstatements, Accompanying thesemedia,butintervenes of its own accord, inthe effects produced through new effectsor changing the meaning of synchronized units.Music, troducing an English andmusicalone,transforms tankinto a toy.In otherinstances, musicalthemesremovethe weariness fromsoldierfaces,or makeseveral moving German tanks the advancing symbolize army.16 We will find that the propagandistic potentialof musicwithin film is realizedin large part through the exploitation of a system of rudimentary leitmotifs formed by mutual implication (Claudia Gorbman's term) between specific images and sounds.17 The question of what element-visual, verbal,or aural-has priorityin producing meaning in film has long engrossedfilm scholars.Although experience reveals rather quickly that each of these elements may serve as "dominant signifier"at differentmoments of a film, such determinationsin film criticism are too often predeterminedby the field of the critic.In extreme cases, music (or sound in general)may appearto have a "blindingeffect" (Kracauer's term) in relationto the screen image, or the image may prove "deafening."18 Music can causeus to "see"something not actuallypresenton the screenand can determine how we interpretwhat is projected there. Screen images can prove similarlydeceptive, by causing us to assume that what we hear is an original product of what we see. Music can influence our perception of the rate of visual movement both within shots and between shots, just as a rapidsuccession of images may cause us to hear the music at a quickertempo. (Examplesof how each of these cinematic potentialitiescan be harnessedfor propaganda will be encountered below.) With so many signifyingvariablesat play in film, it may seem a wonder that any single, coherent propagandisticmeaning can be produced or perceived. And yet, when its various semantic systems are aligned, film can communicatewith an impact greaterthan that produced by other media. Throughout the period covered in this study,cinematicambiguity was rigorouslyrooted out by an armyof censors. In addition, the majority of Americanaudience members were alreadyquite receptiveto anti-Japanese fashionabout the enemy. messagesand were inclinedto thinkin a stereotypical
16. FromCaligari to Hitler:A Psychological Historyof the GermanFilm (Princeton:Princeton
Press, University 1947),280.

17. ClaudiaGorbman, UnheardMelodies: Narrative Film Music(Bloomington: IndianaUni-
Press, versity 1987), 15. 18. Kracauer's effect"of film musicwas exploredby conceptof the potential"blinding Berthold Hoeckner in "The'Pictorial Turn'and the 'Blinding Effect'of Music," delivered at the Sixty-fifth Annual of theAmerican in Kansas Meeting Society City,November Musicological 1999.
Warproved a powerful inducement for bringing cinema's signifying systems into alignmentfor the purposesof propaganda. The propagandisticaim of both Hollywood and U.S. government World War II films was to convince U.S. soldiers and the home front of the evil of the enemy and the necessityof fighting them. With respectto Japan,this aim was pursuedalong Orientalist lines. The "Japanese mind" and Japanesebeliefs and valueswere presentedas being antipodalto "ours."It is easierto killwhen one's targetis perceivedas being utterlyunlike oneself. Racistpropaganda was accomplished in these films through dialogue concerning Japanesevillainy, through repeated use of derogatory names for the Japanese, by showing Japanesecharacters committing atrocitieson-screen, and through the various cinematic and musical techniques that will be analyzed in this essay. In the 1943 film China, for example, two Japanesesoldiersarriveat a Chinese peasant family'sfarm and quickly kill the elderly father.The camerathen offers an extreme close-up of the leering grin of one of the Japanesesoldiers as he spots the attractivedaughter.We are not surprisedto learn in the next scene that the young Chinese woman was brutallyrapedby the Japanesemen. After the Americanhero arrivesat the farm, discoversthe atrocity,and then shoots the two Japanesesoldiers, he states that he now has no more compunction about shooting Japs"thanif they were flies on a manureheap. Matterof fact, I kind of enjoyed it." In GuadalcanalDiary, also from 1943, we watch in disgust as Japanesesoldiersbayonet the bodies of wounded and dead American GIs on a beach. Hollywood's musical stereotypes for the Japanesefrequently accompany such depictions of Japanesebrutality. Typicallyin these films, we learn which musical sounds signal "Japaneseenemy" by repetitive narrativeassociation with images of "Japs" or in conjunction with dialogue mentioning the Japanese.These musical stereotypes needed to be unambiguous for propaganda purposes, although the meanings themselves ("evil Japs," "friendly Chinese," etc.) were not very subtle. I argue that these musical stereotypes are analogous to verbalstereotypes.Racist slurs such as "dirtylittle Jap" and "yellowrats"relyfarmore on how they arepronounced aloud or heardwithin the reader'sinner ear than is normallyrecognized. Their sound is part of their racist sting. Within the context of anti-Japanese films, Hollywood's musical stereotypesfor the Japaneseare equallyracist.In addition,the mechanicalrepetition of these musical stereotypescan itself serve as a dehumanizing representational technique. (The repetitive use of patriotic tunes accompanying footage of the white heroes in these films must be assumed, in contrast, to as ideal types.) If propagandainspiresan audience help define these characters to despise an enemy and ultimatelyto join the war effort, then propaganda and its agents serve as successfulweapons of war.19
19. This conclusion raiseschallengingissues concerning the power of music to influence behaviorand the variousattemptsin recent decadesto censor music that is deemed "dangerous."If
312
The examples discussed in the following three sections will illustratethe various ways music functioned within the propaganda network of antiJapanesefilms. We will encounter film scores that employ preexistentEuropean music to represent the Japanese enemy, scores that use stereotypical Orientalistsigns for Japan,and filmsthat include actualJapanesemusic or music that was composed with the intent to pass as Japanesemusic. My analysis will be based on two fundamentalpremises:first, that the and interpretation music we hear in a film informs both our specificcomprehensionof and our more general feelings about what we see in the film (whether or not we are awareof hearing the music); and second, that what we see on the screen, as determinedby the cinematictechniquesthat shapedthe moving images, influences how we perceiveand evaluatethe music we hear.20 The firstassumption is one on which most film music criticismis based. The second is a less commonly explored featureof the visual-aural dynamic,and is one that offers imfor the of cross-cultural musicalencountersin film. portantimplications study
Propagandistic Pastiche
When surveyingthis large body of film music, one majorcompositionaltechoffer a radicalcollage of musical nique standsout: pastiche.These soundtracks styles, including Americanmilitarytunes, contemporarypopular music, jazz, Protestant hymns, American folk songs, nineteenth- and twentieth-century European classicalmusic, anthems and folk songs of various European and Asian nations, and severalforms of Orientalistmusical representation. While pastichehas been exceedinglycommon throughout the history of Hollywood film music, its most strikingusage is found in films from the WorldWarII period. Musicalpasticheis nowhere more evident than in the propagandafilms created for the U.S. War Department, including the famous WhyWeFight series, the Know Your Enemy/Know YourAlly films, and the Army-Navy Screen Magazine productions.21Many of these films were made under the
we continue to suggest, as do I in classeson Americanpopularmusic, that certainmusicalstyles were able to propagatethe politicalvaluesof nonviolence and equalityin the 1960s, then it seems disingenuousnot to admit likewisethe possibilitythat some forms of popularmusic in the 1980s and 1990s might have reinforcedviolent behavioror misogynyin some adolescentmales. In both cases,as with WorldWarII propaganda,context is essentialfor the affectivepowers of music to be realized.A certaintype of receptivitymust be presentin the auditor. 20. Michel Chion refersto a reciprocal"addedvalue"relationshipbetween sound and image: "Sound shows us the image differentlythan what the image shows alone, and the image likewise makes us hear sound differentlythan if the sound were ringing out in the dark."He concludes, however, that "for all this reciprocity the screen remains the principal support of filmic perSoundon Screen, ed. and trans.ClaudiaGorbman [New York:Columbia ception" (Audio-Vision: UniversityPress, 1994], 21). 21. The Why WeFight series comprises Prelude to War (1943), The Nazis Strike (1943), Divide and Conquer(1943), TheBattle of Britain (1943), TheBattle of Russia (1943), TheBattle of China (1944), and WarComesto America (1945).
Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda
313
supervisionof FrankCapra,the celebratedHollywood directorwho had been enlisted to serve as Commanding Officer of the 834th Signal Corps Photographic Detachment. It is immediately apparent that they are composed chiefly of clips from preexistentfootage, often taken from films made in enemy nations. Pasticheis thus their basiccinematictechnique. Caprawrote that his methodology was to "let the enemyprove to our soldiersthe enormity of his cause-and the justness of ours."22These films were made primarilyin Hollywood with the resources and staff of Hollywood studios. Capra also turned to academic experts for help, particularlyfor films concerned with Japan.On 5 October 1942 Caprawrote to ProfessorNathaniel Peffer of the Columbia UniversityDepartment of Public Law and Governmentto request assistance,since he had been told that Pefferknew "more about the Far East than any man alive."23 Staff members of the Museum of Modern Art in New York City assisted the project by studying some 109 reels of confiscated Japanesefilm and selecting 42, which they then sent to the Office of War Informationin February1942.24 Finally,each film produced by Capra'sunit was subjectto scrupulousoversightand censorshipby variousbranchesof the Armed Forces and the federalgovernment. At the startof the projectin 1942, Eric Knight, a member of Capra'sunit, submitted a report on the value of film for propaganda,in which he wrote: "Silent film was the only true internationallanguage.... The birth of the talkieruined the growing technique of the film as the one readilycomprehensible internationalmedium, and made it nationalisticin scope again."25By providing film with a distinct nationalisticdimension, film sound (including film music) expanded the possibilitiesof cinematic propaganda.While these films were in part composed of moving images created by the enemy, the enemy's original soundtrackwas most often silenced. Instead, the didactic
22. Frank Capra, The Name Above the Title: An Autobiography(New York: Macmillan, 1971), 331. On the making of these U.S. WarDepartment films, see WilliamThomas Murphy, "The Method of WhyWeFight,"Journal of PopularFilm 1 (1972): 185-96; Thomas Bohn, An Historicaland Descriptive Series(New York:Arno Press, 1977); Analysisof the "WhyWeFight-" Allan M. Wmkler, ThePoliticsof Propaganda:The Officeof War Information,1942-1945 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1978); and Charles J. Maland, Frank Capra (Boston: Twayne Publishers,1980). 23. In a return letter dated 12 October 1942, Peffer agreed to look over the scriptsfor the anti-Japanese projects.This correspondenceis held in box 6, folder "1942 October,"at the Frank CapraArchive,CinemaArchives,WesleyanUniversity. 24. See Document 63, a letter from Iris Barry (film curator at the MOMA) to Nelson A. Rockefeller,3 February1943, in David Culbert, ed., Film and Propagandain America:A Documentary History(New York:Greenwood Press, 1990), 3:216. According to Capra(The Name Abovethe Title,338), MOMA staffmembersalso helped to translatethe Japanesefilms. (Siegfried KracauerassistedMOMA's staff in studying and reviewing Nazi films. These reviewswere sent directlyto Capra'sunit.) 25. See Document 25 in Culbert, ed., Film and Propaganda in America 3:109. Walter Murch echoed this point in his foreword to Chion's Audio-Visionby stating that silent films "were Edenicallyobliviousof the divisivepowers of the Word, and were thus able-when they so desired-to speakto Europe as a whole" (Audio-Vision, x).
314
messages were transmittedprimarilythrough the voice-over of the narrator and, I argue, the added or substitutedmusic. Music was called on to inspire confidence in the might of the United States, to distinguisheach enemy on the screen,and to instillin the Americansoldiera devotion to fighting the Axis powers. The soundtrackto Preludeto War,the firstfilm in the WhyWeFight series, illustratesmusic's propagandisticrole as well as the principleof musical pastiche. Seen and heard by an estimatednine million soldiersby 1945, Prelude to Warwas releasedto public theatersin the United Statesat the directrequest of PresidentRoosevelt and won the Academy Award for best documentary. Alfred Newman served as the film's "musicaldirector"-aptly so designated, since (as was the norm in Hollywood) the scores of these government films were often a team project.26 Several major Hollywood composers and arrangerscontributed to the score for Prelude to War by composing a few measuresof music, reworkingand developingmusic composed by a colleague, or helping to reworkmaterialfrom the most importantmusicalsource for this film series,identifiedon the cue sheets as "P.D."-that is, music "in the public domain." Preexistent music used in Prelude to War included everything from Americanasuch as "YankeeDoodle" to the "Siegfried"leitmotif from Wagner's Ring. In one typicalsection we hear,within a mere twelve measures,the "Jap Theme" composed by Newman, two measures derived from Wagner labeled "Nibelungen March," a snippet of the Italian march "Giovinezza!" and some music labeled "Chaos" composed by David Raksin (see Fig. 1). Throughout the film, each enemy is identified by its own distinctivetheme and images, which are often presentedin quick succession.27 Newman's "Jap Theme" contains most of the musical traitsthat emerge as the stereotypical sonic signalsfor the Japanesein WorldWar II Hollywood.28In the most detailed study to date of the WhyWeFightseries,Thomas Bohn arguesthat music is overusedin Preludeto War(forty-eightof its fiftyminutes include music) and complainsthat because the music follows the abrupt cutting pace of the
26. I would like to thank David Raksinfor speakingwith me about the makingof these films in a telephone conversationon 9 March2000. The final short scores for Preludeto Warare contained in the Alfred Newman Collection, Cinema and TelevisionLibrary, Universityof Southern California. A copy of these scores is also contained in the FrankCapraArchive,CinemaArchives, WesleyanUniversity.Caprainscribedhis copy as follows: "This great score was composed and recorded by AlfredNewman, using the Fox-20th-Century orchestra-all at n[o] cost to the War Dept. My eternalthanksto Al Newman and his musicians-." 27. In addition to the Wagner material,the Germans are represented by such marches as 1933 "Badenweiler Marsch."In one sequence, the narrator's claim that "the same George Fuirst's poison made them much alike"is supportedmusicallyas we see shots of childrenin each Axis nation marchingto the same Italiantune on the soundtrack. 28. This "JapTheme" was reused in various arrangementsin Alfred Newman's and David Buttolph's score for TheFightingLady(1945). A copy of this score is held in the David Buttolph Collection, Harold B. Lee Library SpecialCollections, BrighamYoung University.
315
images, the result is "sometimes chaotic."29But a chaotic effect is precisely what was intended in severalof these documentary films. By overwhelming the audience with a collage of images and sounds, the filmmakerssought to of the enemy and to impresson Americansoldiersthe representthe fanaticism urgencyof their mission. Although musical styles representingGermany,Italy,and Japanare juxtaposed in rapid alternationthroughout Preludeto War,thus suggesting that these national musics are equivalentlydangerous, it is far more common in U.S. government films for actual Japanese music to be decreed ugly and beyond comprehension.A briefexamplefrom the 1945 Know YourEnemyJapan will sufficeto illustratehere.30In a sequence concernedwith Japan'sattempts to root out elements of American culture, we witness two shots of musical performanceapparentlytaken from Japanesenewsreels. In the first shot (lasting three seconds) we see and hear a female Japanesesinger accompaniedby a malejazz orchestraconsistingof violins, guitar,tuba, and drum set and led by a conductor. The woman, wearing a western evening dress and a western hairstyle,stands casuallywith her weight shifted to one side. She exraisesher right arm and glances off-screenas she sings. We view her pressively in a medium shot from a slightlylower angle as though positioned comfortannouncesin voice-over:"Westernmuablynearthe stage. Then the narrator sic was banned. Instead,the government approvedthis," and we see and hear an ensemble of geisha, each with a shamisen.The composition of this foursecond shot is striking.The women are shown sitting in a diagonal line that, from our perspective,sharply recedesinto the backgroundand appears to continue infinitelyoff the left edge of the screen.We areplacedextremelyclose to the playeron the right edge of the screen and are looking down this line of nine performers. As is traditional in Japaneseperformance,these women wear identical kimonos and the same formal hairstyle. Each woman sits utterly immobile, save for her right hand holding the plectrum and left hand moving
29. Analysisof the "Why WeFight"Series, 178-79. 30. Dimitri Tiomkin is creditedas the "musicaldirector"of Know YourEnemy-Japan. The scriptwas firstdraftedin June 1942 and went through severalversionsuntil April 1945. The film was releasedon 9 August 1945, but it is unclearhow many GIs saw it before it was recalledjust before the war's end. For an account of this film's production, see WilliamJ. Blakefield,"A War Within:The Makingof Know YourEnemy-Japan," Sightand Sound52, no. 2 (1983): 128-33. I have discoveredevidence suggesting that there was some attempt to have this film releasedto the generalpublic. On 3 August 1945, TaylorM. Mills, chief of the Bureauof Motion Pictures, Office of War Information,wrote to FrancisS. Harmon of the motion picture industry'sWar ActivitiesCommittee: "Wehave a difficultbattle aheadwith our enemy in the Pacific,and no matter how long or how short our war may be with the Japanese,it would be well that the American public know and understandthese barbaric Japaneseand how and why they got that way. I feel this film not only would be vitallyimportantto the Americanhome front war effort in the immediate months ahead, but also in plans for considerationfor our treatmentof the Japanesepeople in the post war world." This correspondenceis found at the U.S. National ArchivesII, RG 208, location 350/73/19-20/7, box 1532. A second film, derivedfrom much of the same material used in Know YourEnemy-Japan, was releasedin 1946 and was entitled OurJobin Japan.
316
-23-
&.E PrITS 33? X5-22 J264-3
DV. d 1I (0 WAR" I?HEME "PRELUDE

INCL. "JAP 'MEBY ALFREDdewVMA-4 eedfc Cremcuer - P. D. L"AL.. 'IBMLU8C-d mARCH" &t QZcJIAeo WA.dMeA 1 &iO^nIE?ZZAI"By azUS 6 PE BLAiC - A. r G. CARISC.
isIe CORP.
"'CHAOS" aB aVIlD RAiKSri4- frd1ENds
cfde,b"Mhs.rc co,R
PPROD. JU.5. .2 1S :PC6LUDC 'lb WAR."

E6. MB SAVDrl 'RAKSld oReet. MyA?*TAgu noeTb
Figure 1 Propagandisticpastiche in Prelude to War (1943). Courtesy of the University of Southern California Cinema and TelevisionLibrary.
317
I'GlovrtIezrA '
NAO&C 4005(*s #v4NC#(v oD tW 4
4,F1 ,
rfdr cotntrine Figue 1(
_-.-
Figure 1 continued
318
along the neck of the instrument.The narrator providesno furthercommentary. Clearly,the filmmakersassumed that their audience would immediately of a governmentthat would ban the freedom, expresrecognize the fanaticism sivity, and fun represented by American dance music and mandate performances of the apparentlystoic and conformist music heard and seen in the second shot. The narratoralso influences audience perception of enemy music in films deploying pastiche against the Germans. The dangers of German music are specificallyaddressedin YourJob in Germany,a film shown to U.S. soldiers following Germany'ssurrenderin preparationfor the occupation. This film warned GIs not to trust the peaceful facadethat the Germanswould present in their defeat. As we hear and see a Germanfolk band and dancersin traditional costume, the narrator declares sarcastically,"Tender people, the Germans,and very sweet music indeed." And as the sounds and images of a Germanorchestraarepresented,he statesin mock awe that "when it comes to culture, they lead the whole world." But this beautifulGerman music is denounced in the film as being deceitful. It is accused of serving as an acoustic disguise, as a form of culturalcamouflage cloaking the true German militant spirit.These U.S. government films do presume that the significanceof some forms of German music is transparent.Wagner's music is repeatedly used against the Germans-we hear leitmotifs from the Ring for footage of German attacks and appearancesof Hitler on the screen-while the symphonies of Beethoven are consistently mined for positive representationsof various sorts.31 Beethoven's music thus evades its Germanic origin and becomes a universalgood in these propagandafilms. Many of the Hollywood composers (such as Bronislaw Kaper, Mikl6s R6zsa, Max Steiner,DimitriTiomkin, and FranzWaxman)who createdscores for anti-Japanese propagandafilms were recent European immigrantsto the United States. Thus, it is not surprising that in these films they drew on music for both style and content. That they used European Europeanclassical music for representationsof the Japanese enemy is somewhat unexpected, however. This is most strikingin the pastiche scores for TheBattle of China and Know YourEnemy-Japan, in which RussianAmericanDimitri Tiomkin borrowed excerpts from Igor Stravinsky'sThe Rite of Spring and Modest Mussorgsky'sPicturesat an Exhibitionfor sequences representingJapanese aggression.In TheBattle of China, for example,we hear an unalteredexcerpt from Stravinsky's own recordingof TheRite as we watch newsreelfootage of the Chinese attempting to flee the brutal bombardment of Shanghai.32
31. In the 1942 Japanesefilm celebrating the attack on Pearl Harbor, Hawai Marei Oki Kaisen (The Warat Seafrom Hawaii to Malaya), Wagner's"Rideof the Valkyries" is heard as the Now. See Daniels, "JapaneseDomestic Radio planes releasetheir bombs, prefiguringApocalypse and Cinema Propaganda,1937-1945," 311-12. 32. Tiomkin's original short scores as well as the final conductor's scores and cue sheet for TheBattle of China are held in the Dimitri Tiomkin Collection, Cinema and TelevisionLibrary, Universityof Southern California.The Army Air Force Orchestraperformed most of the music
319
Throughout the film, Mussorgsky's"gnome" motive from the "Gnomus" movement of Picturesat an Exhibitionproves to be Tiomkin's favoritetune for the Japanese.For example,as the narrator statesthat the "enragedJapssaw their whole plan of conquest bogging down," we hear an arrangementof the "gnome" motive scored for marimba, xylophone, and piccolo. Tiomkin marked this passage "wery ligth and nasty" (sic) in his original short score. (This particular expressivemarkingwas not carriedthrough into the conductor's score.) For representations of the Chinese, Tiomkin incorporateddifferent materialfrom the Mussorgskywork. As we witness the epic westward flight of the Chinese from the Japaneseinvaders,an extremelypowerful sequence in the film, Tiomkin employs the theme from the "Bydlo" or "Ox Cart" movement in Pictures.This theme is heard in several arrangements throughout the "migrationsequence," including one for a chorus singing in Chinese.33 Considering that these films were scrutinized minutely for any elements that might offend America'sallies, it may seem odd that Russianmusic was used to accompanyscenes of the Japaneseengaged in mass murder.But in the vast quantityof government reports and memos produced on these films, I have found no discussionfocused on music. It should be noted that Tiomkin, an economical composer, also employed The Rite as backgroundmusic for footage of China's scorched earth defense in TheBattle of China, and in The Battle of Russiato accompanya clip appropriated from the famous "Battleon the Ice" sequence in Eisenstein'sAlexander Nevsky. Although Tiomkin's use of modern Russianmusic proves not to have been consistentlyaimed at the Japanese,his use of TheRite in Know YourEnemy-Japan is tied much more the milidirectlyto this exotic enemy.For a thirty-secondsequence illustrating taristichistory of the Japanese,Tiomkin selected the first twenty measures from "The Naming and Honoring of the Chosen One" section in TheRite. As the narratorrecounts the samuraicivil wars fought in Japanfor "the right
heardin this film. But documents in box 3, folder 1 of the Tiomkin Collection revealthat the exown Columbia Records (M 417-4) cerpts from TheRite of Springwere taken from Stravinsky's music reached a recordingwith the New YorkPhilharmonicOrchestra.This use of Stravinsky's large audience. David Culbert reports that at least 3.75 million people had seen and heard The Battle of China by 1 July 1945 (" 'WhyWe Fight': SocialEngineeringfor a DemocraticSociety at War,"in Film and Radio Propagandain WorldWarII, ed. Short, 184). The film was recalledand revised at one point during the war, and two different versions have been released on video. 33. RosalyndChang is creditedwith writing these Chinese lyrics.Tiomkin's arrangementof the Mussorgsky melody with this text is found in box 3, folder 2 in the Dimitri Tiomkin Collection. The cue sheet for TheBattle of China (found in box 3, folder 1) revealsthat Tiomkin also employed the following Chinese anthems and folk tunes in his score: "Callto Arms," "Little Cabbage Head," "Riding the Dragon," "WorkAs One," "Song of the Great Wall," "Sword Blade March," "Chinese National Anthem," and the "Chinese Air Force Song." This was not Tiomkin's firstexperiencewith Asian folk songs. He had employed Tibetan folk songs for Frank Capra's1937 film LostHorizon.These folk songs were performed by the AfricanAmericanHall made by a member of the choir.See ChristopherPalmer,Dimitri Johnson Choir in arrangements A Portrait(London: T. E. Books, 1984), 78-80. Tiomkin:
320
to become the shogun," we are shown battle footage taken from a Japanese period film. Crosscuts between two advancing armies and closer shots of hand-to-handfighting are followed by an animatedpyramidal diagramrepresenting Japanesesociety with bowing peasantsplaced on the bottom level, fighting samurai above, and finally one warlord ascending to the apex as shogun with the shadowy image of the emperor behind him obscured by clouds. The sequence begins visuallywith a close-up shot of a drum being beaten and aurally with part of Stravinsky's drum and stringtattoo in the measure beforerehearsal number 104. Stravinsky's music is thus framedat the start within the diegesis of the film and is closely associated with the battling Japanese. TheRite is furtheridentifiedwith the Japanesein a two-part sequence of Know YourEnemy-Japan focused on Japan'stradewars and militantindustrializationin the 1930s. In the first part, we hear the entire "Naming and Honoring of the Chosen One" section, starting two measures prior at rehearsalnumber 103, as we are told about Japan's"unfair" tradepracticesand of and American Tiomkin added a drumroll and piracy European products. crash to the three soundtrack after measures rehearsal number 113 to cymbal match the visual climax of animatedarrowson a map revealingthe nefarious routes of Japaneseexports. This section of The Rite perfectly matches the length of this firstpart of the sequence, startingwith a fiery belch from a steel furnace and ending as we learn from the voice-over and images how the Japanese"even undersold us with our own Americanflag." The music then immediatelyjumps to "The Dancing Out of the Earth," the final section of part one of the ballet, which is also heard in its entirety.The first shot in this second half of the sequence is an extreme close-up of a mechanical stamp printing the phrase "Made in Japan." As the instrumental lines move to shorter note values building to the climacticending of this part of TheRite, the narrator intones, "A fanaticnation turning its sweat into weapons for conquest: sweat for guns, sweat for planes, sweat for ships, sweat for war."This music and narrationis heard as the screen alternatesbetween shots of frantic workers engaged in various forms of manual labor and images of smoothly achievedby moving war machines.The sense of increasingfrenzy is primarily the music, and the sequence ends with the sound of explosions that are perceived as the musicalconclusion to this passagefrom TheRite. In this film, as occurred more generallyin primitivistand futuristworks of European modernism, Tiomkin called on a single musical style to representthe subhuman Japanesein both a barbaric past and a mechanizedpresent. His associationof TheRite with violence is in line with Hollywood's typical framing of modernist musical styles, equivalent to its use of jazz for sexy or seedy scenes.34
34. Stravinsky himself famously describedhis Symphony in ThreeMovements as a "warsymphony" and revealed that its first and third movements were inspired by war documentaries: "The first movement was likewiseinspired by a war film, this time a documentaryof scorched-
Brandishingmodem European music, however, was not the most common of the Japanese. strategyadopted in Hollywood's musicalrepresentations
Conventional Orientalist Warfare

Hollywood featurefilms drew on an astonishingarrayof musiAnti-Japanese cal, cinematic,and dramaticconventions.For example,in additionto presenting a negative portrayal of the enemy through stereotypical means, Hollywood developed multiple stock devicesto projectthe image of a unified and ethnicallybalancedAmerica. Within the narrativeframe of these films, music was often presentedas thecohesive force uniting Americansof different races and religions. In Guadalcanal Diary (1943), a priest leads a Christian church service aboard ship. We hear the crew singing "Rock of Ages" and overhear this exchange between two Marines: "Say Sammy, your voice is OK" "Whynot, my fatherwas a cantorin the synagogue."35 In another 1943 film, Bataan, a group of Americans attempts to hold off the advancing Japanesedeep in the jungle. Ramirez, the token Hispanic American in the group, managesto pick up an Americanradio station broadcastingswing music. The white Sergeantqueries, "Don't tell me that's Japjive." Ramirezanswers, "No Sarge, no, that's good old America, that's USA." The myth of racialharmony among Americanswas repeatedlymanufactured through music in these films. The one blacksoldierin Bataan, a character who sings more often than he speaks, habituallyhums "St. Louis Blues." The group's midwesternwhite chatterboxclaimsthat it is his favoritesong, too, thus establishing a bond of solidarity. Music was employed in WorldWar II propagandafilms in numerous specific symbolicways:for example, Hawaiianmusic in anti-Japanese films often conveyed the foolish unpreparedness of the United States before Pearl Harbor, and fragments of "Taps" inevitably informed the audience that a wounded Americanhad died. What were some of the most common musical signs drawnon to signalthe exotic enemy?The Japaneseare frequentlyrepresented in these films by tunes based on a pentatonic scale, most often played by brass(or by woodwinds and stringsin a lower registerwith brasspunctuation), and often with an aggressive timbre and at a loud dynamic. These
earth tactics in China. The middle part of the movement-the music for darinet, piano, and strings,which mounts in intensityand volume until the explosion of the three chords at No. 69was conceived as a series of instrumentalconversationsto accompanya cinematographicscene and Robert Craft, showing the Chinese people scratchingand digging in their fields" (Stravinsky Dialogues[Berkeley:Universityof California Press, 1982], 52). 35. InPT109, the 1963 fictionalizedaccount from WarnerBros. of John F. Kennedy'sWorld WarII experience,the black"natives" who have helped rescuethe strandedKennedyand his crew sing "Rockof Ages" as they paddle their canoe backto their islandhome.
322
themes, which tend to be supported by perfect fourth or fifth intervalsmoving in parallelmotion, are set in quadruple meter with plodding marchlike rhythms consisting predominately of quarter and half notes, often marked marcatoor with heavyaccentuation.A gong regularly punctuatesthe firstbeat of each phrase.In dramaticsituationscallingfor a more sudden musicalstatement, the enemy is signaled by either a stinger sforzandoclusterchord of five to seven pitches or an abrupt rhythmic statement composed of an accented eighth-note chord, a second eighth-note chord normally one step lower in pitch, and then a sustainedreturn to the first chord. The following examples will reveal the range of applications for some of these archetypal stylistic features. WalterScharfcomposed the music presented in Example 1 to accompany shots of the advancing Japanese during an attack in The Fighting Seabees would recog(1944).36 Confident that, given the film's context, his arranger nize the musicalcliche-evoked here by heavyaccentuation,a martialrhythm, and stackedfourth and fifth intervals-Scharf did not indicate the orchestration of this section in his pencil sketch. As expected, the materialwas scored for trumpets, trombones, and bass. For a cue marked "Jap sez 'Hey!' " in ThreeCame Home (1950), Hugo Friedhoferinstructedhis arranger to make the " 'Jap' color not too heavy (only one small Jap!)."37 A slightly different version of the same material,scored for brassinstrumentswith heavier "Jap color," is heardin reel 3, part 1 and is labeled "The Enemy" in the full score. (See Ex. 2; note the similaritybetween Friedhofer'sconcluding iambic gestures and the final two emphatic measures in Scharf's theme.) Friedhofer chord, consisting of the pitches F-C-DV-GV-BV-C, composed a "Brutality" to accompanya scene of Japaneseofficerstorturing and savagelykicking the British heroine in ThreeCame Home. (Figure 2 offers a publicity shot of a scene in which the heroine is almost raped by the enemy.) Max Steinerprovides the apotheosis of Hollywood's "evil Japanese"musical clihce-scored for low strings,woodwinds, horns, and pianos-in his score for the 1951 film
36. The original pencil sketches and the full score for The Fighting Seabeesare scattered throughout the Republic Pictures Music Archives (MSS 1507), Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecial Collections, BrighamYoung University.Scharf'spencil sketch for this example, entitled "Mow Me Down," is found in box 66, folder 1; the full score is in folder2. 37. This music is found in Friedhofer's pencil sketch labeled "Reel 3-3-Reel 4-1." The original sketches and the bound conductor's score for ThreeCame Home are held in the Hugo FriedhoferCollection, Harold B. Lee Library SpecialCollections, BrighamYoung University.In a 1974 interview with Irene Kahn Atkins, Friedhoferremarkedthat he had found ThreeCame Home "aninspiringpictureto work on, becauseit was the firstpictureafterthe end of WorldWar II in which the Japanesewere not portrayedaltogetheras arch-villains." When askedwhether he had used "anysort of ethnic music"in the film, Friedhoferreplied:"I used not so much Japanese as Indonesian scalesin the thing, but not done with ethnic instruments,becauseit was all woven into a dramaticfabric."Atkinspublishedthis interviewas Arranging and Composing Film Music: Interviewwith Hugo Friedhofer (n.p.: AmericanFilm Institute, 1975), microfilm,274-75. The interviewalso appearsin an abridgedform in Linda Danly, ed., Hugo Friedhofer: TheBestYears of His Life (Lanham,Md.: ScarecrowPress, 1999).
Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda (Republic, 1944) Example 1 WalterScharf,TheFightingSeabees
323
Example 2 Brass
Hugo Friedhofer,ThreeCame Home (20th Century-Fox, 1950) , >
l,
=( ui =_is t
J J3 S
a mo
j
-
i_-
is is heard at the moment when the OperationPacific (see Ex. 3).38 This music Americansubmarinecrew raisestheir periscopeand realizesthat they have arrivedin the midst of the entireJapanesefleet. We are informedof the situation as much by the music as by the visualimages.39 Behind the Rising Sun (1943) is unlike the usual Hollywood war film in In addition to emthat it is set in Japanand focuses on Japanesecharacters. ploying the stereotypical sonic signs for Japan, Roy Webb called for the "weird" sound of a novachord (an electronic organ invented in 1939) in severalspots in his score.40The vibratingreeds of the novachord created a
38. The conductor's score (no. 1630) is held in the WarnerBros. Archives, University of Southern California.Steiner'soriginalpencil sketches for OperationPacific are held in the Max Steiner Collection (MSS 1547, vol. 123), Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecial Collections, Brigham addressedto his arrangers in these sketchesreYoung University.Steiner'shumorous marginalia veals his low estimation of this film. Referringto yet another torpedo sequence, he quips, "I'm awfullysick of RI Pt3-aren't you? I could vomit!!" Steiner makes numerous sarcasticremarks regardingthe dialogue and aims a few at his own music. As a torpedo is fired in reel 9, part 4, Steiner writes the expressivemarking "moltissimo crescendissi'moe'-a Jewish crescendo." He then instructsthe arranger to reuse materialfrom an earliersection in the film and writes, "SHIT and I know it but I don't care,don't tell Warner." 39. The crew had watched the 1944 film Destination Tokyo on board their vessel before this scene and had laughed at Hollywood's portrayalof submarinewarfare,thus suggesting that the submarinefilm we are viewing (OperationPacific)is a more genuine document. After the Japanese fleet has been spotted, one stunned crew member declares,"I'll never make fun of another movie as long as I live." 40. The full score for BehindtheRising Sun is held in box RKO-M-466 in the RKO Archives, TheaterArts Library, Universityof California,Los Angeles.
324
Figure 2 The brutal enemy. 20th Century-Fox publicity still for ThreeCame Home (1950). Courtesyof the Academyof Motion PictureArts and Sciences.
thin, ethereal timbre that enhanced Webb's exotic musical setting. As we watch the sun rise over the ocean duringthe opening credits,we hearWebb's theme" in his Main Title music (see Ex. 4).41 This version of the "Japanese theme is electricallycharged by a sustainedchord (A-B-D-E) in the nova41. The title and creditsare displayedon the screen in the typicalpseudo-brush stroke font that has been employed for typographical of Japan (and China) in the United representations Statesat leastsince the daysof late nineteenth-century sheet musiccovers.Webb reusedthis music for the Main Title of Betrayal from theEast(1945).
Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda Example 3 Max Steiner, Operation Pacific (WarnerBros., 1951)
marcato _
325
Gong
Gong
Example 4
Roy Webb, BehindtheRising Sun (RKO, 1943)

A A
A
Flute, Trumpets A
Gong*o
chord and strings.The film tells the "true-to-life"(i.e., entirelyfictitious)tale of a Japanesefatherand son, both playedby white Americanactors.When the son returnshome in the late 1930s upon graduatingfrom Cornell, he is dismayed to discoverthat Japanhas become increasingly jingoisticduring his absence and that his fatherhas been swept up in the nationalistic fervor.The son is eventuallydraftedand the fatheris appointed "Ministerof Propaganda." By the film's end, however,fatherand son have completelyreversedtheir original politicaloutlooks. The father,who has narratedthe entire story retrospectively in an outlandish "Japanese" accent, comes to despairover what fanaticmilitarismhas done to his country and his son. At the film'send, the young zealot is shot down by an Americanfighter over Tokyo, and the father finishes his narrationby deciding to commit ritualsuicide: "I die for the repudiationof the Emperor and everythinghe has stood for. I die for the hope that somewhere, somehow the people of Japanmay one day redeem themselvesbefore the eyes of the civilizedworld. But if that is to be, then the Japanthat I knew must die with me and the sooner the better." (See Fig. 3, a publicityphotograph that closely matches the final two shots of the film.) Just as the Axis powers were forced into self-incriminationby Frank Capra in his films for the War Department, Behind the Rising Sun ends with the father praying: "Destroyus as we have destroyedothers. Destroy us before it is too late."This
326
Figure 3 A Hollywood wartimefantasy.RKO publicitystill for BehindtheRising Sun (1943). Courtesyof the Museum of Modern Art/Film StillsArchive.
propagandistic fantasycompels the Japaneseenemy to condemn itself on the screen to the tune of the "evil Japanese" cliche and the syntheticwheeze of the novachord. As with operaticleitmotifs,the musicalsignalsin these films serve multiple narrative functions. They can inform the audience of the enemy's approach before the characters are aware;they serve to clarifythe nationalityof distant planesor shipsvisibleon the screen;they often serve to reinforcenegativeimages of the Japaneseor to underscorestatementsabout the Japanesemade in printedtext or spokenvoice-over;and they can createa generalatmosphereof danger or establish Japan as the setting. These markers are most often nondiegetic;that is, they are perceivedas being part of the composed soundtrackratherthan music emanatingfrom within the world of the film. Thus, they acquirea narrational authoritythat shapes our perceptionsof what we see, just as what we see helps determineour attitudetowardwhat we hear.In the finalextended section of the 1950 film SandsoflwoJima, we witnessa fictionalized reenactment of the American attack on Mt. Suribachi.42 Victor
42. This classicof the Hollywood combat genre servedas a blatantadvertisement for the U.S. Marine Corps as well as an ideal vehicle for its hero, John Wayne.The film incorporatesactual
327
"evilJapanese" musicalsigns in multipleways Young engages the stereotypical in his score.43In Example 5, his theme recallsScharf's idea in The Fighting Seabees (see Ex. 1). At one point, a versionof this theme is heardas a Japanese soldier suddenly appearsfrom behind a rock with his sword raised against In this instance,music is not esSergeantStryker,the John Wayne character. sentialfor identification; rather,it simplyreinforcesour visualperceptions.The brassgesture is heard again as we witness the death of a Japanesesoldier shot a Japaby Stryker.Soon thereafter,we hearYoung's Orientalisttheme before nese soldierappearson-screen and stabsan Americanin the back.Finally,after versionof the theme revealsthe identityand Strykerhas been shot, a rapid-fire location of the invisibleJapaneseassailant as an Americansoldieraims his machine gun into a sniperpit. What were the sourcesof these conventionalmusicaldevicesfor representHad pentatonic brasstunes and gong strokes been clearly ing the Japanese? coded as inevitably"evil"sounds in Euro-American musicaltraditionsbefore the advent of WorldWar II? Or was the negative reception of these sounds dependant primarilyon the current context in which they were heard?The roots of WorldWar II anti-Japanese musical representationsare less obvious than one might suppose. Puccini provided one model for Hollywood composers (see especiallythe final eleven tragic Orientalistmeasuresof Madama Butterfly),but not all of the featuresof the cliche can be found in his music. Neither do silent film music anthologies or Tin Pan Alley songs about Japan reveal a direct lineage. A more immediate source for comparison is Hollywood's representations of Native Americansin the 1930s. In multiple ways, the JapanesereplacedNative Americanson the screenduringWorldWarII as Hollywood's favoriteexotic enemy.44Similaritiesare immediatelyevident in the visual, aural,and narrative conventions used to representthese two "savage enemies."Japanesecriesof "Banzai!" replacedthe whoops and war chants
battle footage and was made with extensive assistance from the Marines. The famous Mt. Suribachiflag raisingis reenactedin the film by three of the originalMarineswho had been involved in this symbolic event. See Philip D. Beidler,The GoodWar'sGreatest Hits: WorldWarII and AmericanRemembering (Athens, Ga.: Universityof GeorgiaPress, 1998), 56-65. 43. The sketches, full score, and cue sheets for this film are held in the Republic Pictures Music Archives(MSS 1507), Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecialCollections, BrighamYoung University.The relevantmaterialsfor this discussionare found in box 371, folder 4; box 958, folder 4; and box 974, folder4. Throughout the film, music functionsin obvious representational ways. In the firsthalf, music remainsclosely alliedwith the Marines,to the extent that "mickey-mousing" (the synchronizationof action with sound) is evident between the soundtrackand their movements. (This soundtrackmust hold the world record for most statementsof and variationson the Marines'Hymn, "From the Halls of Montezuma," the melody of which is JacquesOffenbach's "Hommes d'armes"from Genevieve de Brabant.) 44. Comparisonswere commonly made during the war between the jungle warfareagainst the Japaneseand the nineteenth-century Indian battles fought on the American frontier. See Dower, War WithoutMercy,152-53; and Walter LaFeber, The Clash: U.S.-Japanese Relations W. W. Norton, 1997), 222. Throughout History(New York:
328
Example 5 Victor Young, SandsofIwoJima (Republic, 1950)
Gong
G n ff
"
|_|
__
of cinematic Native Americans. Several of the composers active in antiJapaneserepresentationduring and afterWorldWar II had composed music for "Indian"attacksin prewarfilms. In both Roy Webb's score for TheLast of the Mohicans(1935) and Alfred Newman's for Drums Along the Mohawk (1939), marcato pentatonic brass tunes signal the Native American enemy. Unlike the Japanese musical stereotype, however, these tunes move at a moderatelyfast tempo and are invariably supported by an eighth-note drum tattoo.45While some musicalkinshipis evident between Hollywood's "Japs" and "Injuns," the similarityis most striking in how these separatemusical stereotypeswere employed. Film music, particularly that in the serviceof propaganda,tends to be very cost-effective, imparting its meanings as clearlyand quickly as possible. Immediate comprehensionof symbolic allusionis a measureof the soundtrack's success. Dimitri Tiomkin addressedthis point in 1951: "Much of the music that is accepted as typicalof certain races, nationalitiesand locales, is wholly Audiences have been conditioned to associatecertain musicalstyles arbitrary. with certain backgroundsand peoples, regardlessof whether the music is authentic." With referenceto Hollywood's sonic signals for Native Americans, Tiomkin assertedthat such "arbitrary" musical signs were valuablenot only becausethey served as "a telegraphiccode that audiencesrecognize," but because "authentic"music of exotic peoples would have little impact on the audience.46 The decision to "avoidthe authenticexotic" in Hollywood music has been upheld by composers and criticsalike. Roy M. Prendergastechoes Tiomkin in his surveyof film music:
A related technique is the use of musical devices that are popularlyassociated with foreign lands and people; for example, using the pentatonic idiom to achieve an Orientalcolor. The "Chinese"music written for a studio film of the
45. On earliermusicalrepresentations of Native Americansand for a detailed analysisof the "Indian"musicalcliche, see MichaelV. Pisani, "'I'm an Indian Too': CreatingNative American Identities in Nineteenth- and EarlyTwentieth-CenturyMusic," in TheExotic in Western Music, ed. JonathanBellman (Boston: Northeastern UniversityPress, 1998), 218-57. For more recent examples,see ClaudiaGorbman, "Scoringthe Indian:Music in the LiberalWestern,"in Western Musicand Its Others: and Appropriation in Music,ed. Georgina Born Difference,Representation, and David Hesmondhalgh (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of CaliforniaPress, 2000), 234-53. 46. Dimitri Tiomkin, "Composing for Films" (1951), reprinted in James L. Limbacher, comp. and ed., Film Music:From Violinsto Video(Metuchen, N.J.: ScarecrowPress, 1974), 60.
MusicalPropaganda 329 Anti-Japanese 1930s and '40s is not, of course, authentic Chinese music but ratherrepresents our popular Occidentalnotions of what Chinese music is like. The Westernlistener simply does not understand the symbols of authentic Oriental music as he does those of Western music; therefore, Oriental music would have little dramaticeffect for him.47 Such discussions rarely raise the question of how closely a stereotypical style need resemble the actual musical tradition referred to in order to function within the associative process. While propaganda may require either the exaggeration of genuine attributes of the enemy or, alternatively, a "toning down" of exotic difference in order to appease the intended audience, rare examples (presented below) in which Japanese music was heard in U.S. propaganda films will prove the communicative potential even of unfamiliar musics. The analysis of conventional Orientalist representation in World War II Hollywood films raises another important comparative topic. A major concern of U.S. propaganda makers was for the American people to understand that the Chinese were allies and should be carefully differentiated from the Japanese. Two weeks after Pearl Harbor, Time magazine printed a brief guide to distinguishing Chinese from Japanese men entitled "How to Tell Your Friends from the Japs."48While offering a list of contrasting characteristics, the author warned that "there is no infallible way of telling them apart, because the same racial strains are mixed in both." In Hollywood this became an important problem, since many anti-Japanese World War II films were set in China. But the industry had always assumed that "American" audiences would be unable to distinguish one Asian nationality from another on the screen and throughout the war enlisted Chinese American, Hawaiian, and Korean American actors, as well as Euro-American actors transformed by "racist cosmetics," to portray the Japanese.49 Thus, film directors and composers, repeatedly faced with the task of distinguishing between the Chinese
47. Film Music:A NeglectedArt, 2d ed. (New York:W. W. Norton, 1992), 214. On Hollywood's use of musical "stock characterization" and "narrativecuing," also see Gorbman, UnheardMelodies: Narrative Film Music,83; and Gorbman, "Scoringthe Indian,"238. Yet another rendition of this theme is offered by Irwin Bazelon: "Countless scores written in an occidental, nineteenth-centurysymphonic style had only to add the omnipotent gong to achievethe timbre in conjunctionwith open fifthsand the pentaproper 'oriental'effect. This representative tonic scale gave adequatetestimony and still does in many recent films to a Chinese locale. In the same way the song 'Sakura'(cherryblossom) is synonymouswith Japan"(Bazelon, Knowing the Score: Noteson Film Music[New York:Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1975], 109). 48. Time,22 December 1941, 33. 49. On Hollywood's use of "racistcosmetics,"see Eugene Franklin Wong, On VisualMedia Racism:Asians in theAmerican MotionPictures(New York:Arno Press, 1978). In the 1945 film FirstYankInto Tokyo, the use of such cosmeticsis centralto the narrative itself. In this film, a white American airmanwho had spent much of his childhood in Japanvolunteers to undergo irreversible cosmetic surgery in order to sneak into Japan and rescue a captured engineer whose knowledge is vital to the building of the atomic bomb. This heroic volunteer is played by Tom Neal-a white actor who had undergone less drasticcosmetics in order to play the Japaneseson in Behindthe Rising Sun. Cosmetic surgeryis also centralto the plot of BlackDragons(1942). In
330
and Japanesethrough image and music, drew on separatesets of conventional Orientalistsigns for the exotic allyand enemy. The 1942 film Flying Tigersis set in China and depicts the efforts of Americanvolunteers to defend the Chinese people againstJapaneseair raids. During the opening section of the film, we see a poster of Chiang Kai-shekas the text of his speech thanking Americanvolunteers rolls across the screen. This image and text are interruptedby an announcement made on a loudspeaker of a new Japanese attack. Victor Young's score uses the standard brassysignalfor Japanas a stingerin the Main Title music and at the moment when the Japaneseattackis announced. As we read the text of Chiang Kaishek's speech, we hear a melody derivedfrom the Chinese folk tune "Mo-lihua," the same tune that Puccini had employed in Turandot.50 Throughout the film, Young maintainshis two Orientalist musicalidioms. Example6 offers a sample of his "lighter"Orientaliststyle from a scene involving a group of Chinese children. The pentatonic melodic materialis played by high woodwinds and stringswith a gentle staccato articulation.The rhythms are lilting ratherthan martial,and the music is punctuatednot by a crashinggong but by a delicate alternationbetween a small cymbal and a wood block. (However, both the exotic enemy and the exotic allyare markedby fourth and fifthintervals and parallelmotion in Young's score.) For the innocent, yet nonetheless exotic, Chinese, Young has turned here to the style of Mahler's "Von der Jugend"and "Vonder Sch6nheit"movements in Das Lied von derErde. Just as Hollywood directors frequently opted to hire white actors for prominent Asian roles, actual Japanese and Chinese music was avoided in Hollywood films in favor of the conventionaltunes. In Dragon Seed(1944), Katharine Hepbum portraysJade-a young Chinese woman who overcomes traditionalChinese gender norms to lead her people in fighting the Japanese (see Fig. 4). Herbert Stothart'sscore, like Young's for Fighting Tigers,establishes the Chinese setting with delicatepentatonic Orientalismand represents 51Scenes of intense emotion the Japanese enemy with occasionalbrassstingers.
this film, several Japanese agents (played by white actors in "yellowface") undergo cosmetic surgery in order to pass as white businessmen and direct sabotage operations from within the United States. Such dramaticdevices might suggest that racialdifference runs only skin deep. However, these Hollywood films affirmthe ultimate differenceof the Japanesethrough myriad other means. 50. See VWilliam Ashbrookand Harold Powers, Puccini'sTurandot:TheEnd of the GreatTradition (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1991), 95. This material is labeled "Jasmine Flower, Chinese folk song" in Young's originalpencil sketch, which suggests that his source was a folk song collection ratherthan Puccini'sopera. The originalpencil sketch and full score for this film are found in the Republic PicturesMusic Archives (MSS 1507), Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecial Collections, BrighamYoung University.The music for the "Prelude"section is found in box 118, folder 6. 51. In his 5 August 1944 review of Dragon Seedin TheNation, film critic JamesAgee declaredthat" 'quaint'pseudo-Chinesebackground-music was nevermore insultinglyout of place" (Agee on Film, vol. 1 [New York:McDowell, Obolensky, 1958], 110). Agee was quite criticalof
Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda Example 6 VictorYoung, FlyingTigers(Republic, 1942)
331
1f
Wd. Bl.
F
.
a
I
R IF
I
1
9;,
;W.{
I
Jk
I
SmallCym.
(C-L'Lr M
?LF LJ
or intimacy,such as those between Jade and her husband, are underscoredin the film with Hollywood's trademark lush strings.Although Chinese culture was consistentlycelebratedin both Hollywood featurefilms and U.S. government documentaries,Chinese music fared little better than did Japanese.In ThirtySecondsOver Tokyo (1945), we see and hear a record player playing "Chinese"music in the Americanward of a Chinese Red Cross station. One of the wounded Americansdeclares,"I think the Chinese are a swell bunch of people, but I can't say I go for their music." The cue sheet credits Herbert Stothartwith the composition of this "Chinese"music.52During a romantic scene between an IrishAmericannamed Nick (playedby James Cagney) and a Eurasianwomen named Iris in Bloodon the Sun (1945), a Chinese female servantenters with a yueqin, a Chinese lute, and offers to perform for them. Iris sharplytells the servantto go away,pointedly rejectingthe possibilityof Chinese music. Miklos R6zsa's romantic love theme scored for European strings and winds enters instead as the two lovers continue their assignation. This rejection of even sham Asian performing art forms was common in Hollywood's WorldWarII films. A young Javanesenurse offers to perform a "beautifulJava dance" for wounded Americans in The Story of Dr. Wassell
Hollywood's racistdepictionsof the exotic enemy throughout the war. In his 11 March 1944 review of TheFiqhtingSeabees, for example,he complainedthat the "Japanese are represented,both verballyand by mannerism,as subhuman"(ibid., 80). On Hollywood's war filmsin general,however,Agee wrote in the 3 July 1943 issue of TheNation: "Wemay not yet recognize the tradition, but it is essentially, I think, not a dramabut a certainkind of nativeritualdance. As such its image of war is not only naive, coarse-grained, primitive;it is also honest, accomplishedin terms of its aesthetic,and true" (ibid., 45). 52. The cue sheet is found in the MGM Collection, Cinema and Television Library, Universityof Southern California.
332
Figure 4 The noble Chinese in "yellowface."MGM publicity still for Dragon Seed (1944). Courtesyof the Museum of Modern Art/Film StillsArchive.
(1944). As she softly hums and moves in a slow, stylized fashion-only vaguely suggestive of genuine classicalJavanesedance-the GIs yell, "When do you start?"She replies, "Oh, you mean like they do in the movies?"She then begins to shimmy and dance Hollywood's version of the Hawaiianhula to the delight of the men. Similarly, in FirstYankinto Tokyo (1945) a group of officersare entertainedby a "Japanese" woman whose performance, Japanese accompaniedby flute and drum, resemblesnothing so much as a parodyof Middle Easternbellydancing. Today we may perceivemartialbrasstunes, parallelfourths, gong crashes, and dissonantchords as obvious, offensive,and rathertrivialmusicalclichesthat is, as signs of the "evilJapanese" that have lost their emotive impact and semiotic power through overuse. But in the 1940s and early1950s, the provalue of these musicalmarkers was as potent as any other element pagandistic of the films.53 The question remainswhether other stylisticfeaturesdeviating
53. This is not to suggest that all audiencememberswere equallyacceptingof these musical score for Objective: of the enemy.In his classicanalysis of FranzWaxman's Burma, representations as the LawrenceMorton praisedWaxmanfor avoiding"suchbanalities the criticand orchestrator of the enemy by what Westernearsregardas Orientalmusic-the cliches of the characterization Burma," Hollywood pentatonicscale, temple bells, and wood blocks" ("The Music of Objective: wartimeaudiencemember. Quarterly1, no. 4 [1946]: 395). Of course,Morton was hardlya typical
from the standardcinematicmusicalmilieu might have served equallywell for Hollywood's representationof the Japanese.Might it not have been possible to avoid associative mechanisms entirely by projecting painful sounds for of the enemy, or did the omnipresent sound of explosions and appearances machine-gun fire (albeit synthetic) in these soundtracksneutralizethis possibility? Perhaps the use of more immediately repulsive sounds would have turned the audience againstthe screen and sound system, ratherthan against the Japanese.In addition, it is difficult to judge the degree of sonic violence that the "evil Japanese"musical signals may have induced in the ears of the originalaudiencemembers. We should certainly consider the possibility that, within the context of World War II propaganda,the original audiences heard these themes as authenticallyJapanese.A general assumptionof authenticityon the part of the audienceis crucialto the successof propagandistic We will find representation. went to great lengths that, in many cases,WorldWarII Americanfilmmakers to establishan auraof authenticity, however falsetheir representations may acin variousways:by tuallyhave been. Their filmsproclaimedthis "authenticity" interpolating documentary footage, by including actual participantsin the events reenacted,by citing assistance from branchesof the Armed Forces, and by stating at the film's startthat a true story would be presented.In addition, we should ask whether the Orientalistmusical signals were indeed "wholly as my earlierquotation of Tiomkin on this subjectwould imply. arbitrary," Militaryband music was the first Euro-Americanmusicalstyle adopted in Japanfollowing the country's "opening" by Commodore Perryin 1853-54. In the Meiji period of modernization and westernization,Western military music was embraced as part of a more general reform program. In 1869, a British bandsmanwas hired by the Japanesegovernment to train a military brass and drum band to perform marches. This bandmastercomposed the firstunofficialJapaneseanthem ("Kimigayo")in 1870, setting a classical poem about the emperorthat would remainthe text for futureJapanesenationalanthems. In 1880, new music was composed for the anthem by a gagaku court musician, and this tune was then harmonized by a German bandsman.54 Japanesemilitary music retained pentatonicism as its one Japanesemusical
54. In a draft script for Know YourEnemy-Japan, the writersindicated that "Kimigayo" should be heard brieflyat one point in the film in order to illustrateJapan'spoliticaland cultural connections to Germany.The filmmakersassumed that the music of this anthem was entirely German and, astonishingly,that "a few bars" would suffice to reveal Germany'sinfluence on Japan.See Document M-310 in Culbert, ed., Film and Propagandain America, vol. 5 (microfiche supplement), 2442. The song has been the subject of intense controversyin Japanand was designatedthe officialnational anthem only in August 1999. Although the JapaneseMinistryof Education has encouraged the singing of "Kimigayo"at graduationsfor years,the song reminds many Japaneseof the militaristic period of the 1930s and early 1940s. See Nicholas D. Kristof, "Japan Weighs FormalStatusfor Its Flag and Anthem," New YorkTimes,28 March 1999, sec. 1, p. 4.
334
feature into the twentieth century.55 Throughout the 1930s and the Pacific war, the Japanesegovernment encouraged the composition and performance ofgunka: patrioticlyricsset in a Westernmarchstyle, in quadruplemeter with heavy accentuation,and often accompaniedby prominent brassand drums. Gunkaare thus somewhat similarin style to the Hollywood "evilJap"musical cliche, although they tend to emphasize dotted rhythms.56Consequently, Hollywood composers were to some extent using a Japanesemusical style against the Japanese.Japan'spropagandafilms of the 1930s frequently inA particularly relevantexampleis the 1939 cludedgunka in their soundtracks. film Tsuchito Heitai (Mud and Soldiers).7As was common in Japan'swar films,militarylife is presentedin all of its drudgery,and the enemy (in this case the Chinese) is rarelyrepresentedon the screenat all. Music is scarcely present on the soundtrack.Instead, we hear the incessantsound of marchingfeet as the Japanese soldiers advance through one muddy field after another. A Western-stylediatonic march serves as the Main Title music. We also hear diegetic singing ofgunka by men in their barracks earlyon and againnear the end of the film as the soldiersrelaxand the camerapans their earnestfacesand then over the buildingsthey have destroyed.The use of Gunkawas banned in postwarJapanesefilms by the U.S. occupationauthorities. It is worth noting here that Japanesefilmmakersalso engaged in forms of conventional Orientalist representationin World War II propaganda films. One example must suffice to support this claim. YamaguchiYoshiko was a Japanese actress raised in Manchuria who played Chinese characters in wartimepropagandafilms intended for Chinese audiencesin the ocJapanese had cupied areas.Before embarkingon her astonishingfilm career,Yamaguchi studied voice with an Italian teacher in Manchuria.Following the war, she traveledto Japanand then to the United Stateswhere, as ShirleyYamaguchi, she starredin the Hollywood filmsJapaneseWarBride (1952) and House of
55. This historic overview is indebted to William P. Malm's essay "The Modem Music of Meiji Japan," in Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture, ed. Donald H. Shively (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1971), 257-300. 56. For English-languagediscussionsof the stylisticdevelopment and social historyofgunka, see Junko Oba, "FromMiyasan,Miyasanto Subaru:The Transformation of Japanese WarSongs from 1868 to Today" (M.A. thesis, Wesleyan University, 1995); and Linda Fujie, "Popular Music," in HandbookofJapanesePopular Culture,ed. RichardGid Powers and Hidetoshi Kato (New York:Greenwood Press, 1989), 204-5. 57. Excerpts from this film served as source footage for the U.S. War Department's antiJapanesefilms. For surveysof Japan'swartime cinema, see JosephAnderson and Donald Richie, The JapaneseFilm:Art and Industry,expandeded. (Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1982), 126-58; Shimizu Akira, "Warand Cinema in Japan,"in TheJapan/America Film Wars:World War II Propaganda and Its Cultural Contexts,ed. Abe Mark Nornes and Fukushima Yukio (Chur, Switzerland:Harwood, 1994), 7-57; and DarrellWilliam Davis, PicturingJapaneseness: Monumental Style, National Identity,Japanese Film (New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).
335
Bamboo(1955).58 In the 1940 film China Nights, Yamaguchiportrayed a Chinese woman who-even though Japanesebombs had killedher parentsfallsin love with a kind and noble Japanesenaval officer. Chinese opera arias and sizhu(chambermusic for stringsand winds) areheardduringstreetscenes and thus provide Chinese local color. The Japanesehero pointedly states his admirationfor the sizhuperformancethat the lovershearwhile strolling,thus reinforcingtheir amorous cross-culturalbridge. Although genuine Chinese music is heard, the film's composer (Hattori Ryoichi) relied primarilyon Hollywood styles of light pentatonicismand lush Europeanstringsto underscore scenes of intense happiness.Toward the end of the film, the Chinese heroine, backed by a Western orchestra,sings to her Japaneselover a song celebratingexquisiteChina entitled "ChinaNights." It was taught to her, she tells him, by Toshiko-the Japanesewoman who has secretlyloved the officer romance dethroughout the film and has nobly sufferedas the cross-cultural a case for the of veloped. Japanconsistentlypresents complex study twentiethmusical exoticism.59 century
Diegesis and the Manipulation of "Authenticity"

The Japaneseenemy was most often represented musically by nondiegetic Orientalist themes in both Hollywood feature films and U.S. government documentaries.In a few significantcases, however, Japanesemusic was itself conscriptedas a tool of anti-Japanese propaganda.In some of these films, we hear Japanesemusic with either the original source, a counterfeit source, or no musicalsource visible on the screen. In other films, we see actualJapanese performers but hear nondiegetic music that has been composed to sound "Japanese."Occasionally,we hear diegetic Japanesemusic and newly comWhen a musical source posed Orientalistbackgroundmusic simultaneously. is visible,whether or not it is the genuine source, the viewer is likelyto credit the music heard with a greater degree of authenticity.Furthermore, if the mise-en-scene projected on the screen is a plausiblesetting, then the music may be accepted as genuinely Japaneseeven when it is not strictlydiegetic.
58. On Yamaguchi'sglobal career,see Freda Freiberg, "China Nights (Japan, 1940): The SustainingRomance of Japanat War,"in WorldWar II, Film, and History,ed. John Whiteclay ChambersII and David Culbert (New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1996), 31-46. Also see Anderson and Richie, TheJapaneseFilm, 152-55; and Ian Buruma, "Haunted Heroine," Interview,September 1989, 124-27. Yamaguchiwas known as Ri Ko-ranin Japanand as Li Hsianglan in China. Her Chinese audiencesassumedthat she was actuallyChinese. 59. On Japan'smusical representationsof China, see Edgar W. Pope, "Signifying China: Exoticism in PrewarJapanesePopular Music," in Popular Music:InterculturalInterpretations, ed. T6ru Mitsui (Kanazawa,Japan:GraduateProgram in Music, KanazawaUniversity,1998), 111-20. Pope demonstrates that Japanese modes of exotic representation were indebted to AmericanOrientalismand particularly to Hollywood film evocationsof China.
336
Finally,although tight synchronization between on-screen movements and accompanyingmusical rhythms ("mickey-mousing")often seems artificial,it may also suggest that the music not only is partof the world of the images but is actuallyanimatingthe movements seen. These observationshelp to open up an ambiguous space in any rigid division of film sound into source or background, diegetic or nondiegetic.60Michel Chion's comments on this subject are particularly apt here: "Let us note that in the cinema, causal listening is constantly manipulatedby the audiovisualcontract itself, especiallythrough the phenomenon of synchresis[i.e., the immediate connection one tends to make between something heardand something seen simultaneously].Most of the time we are dealing not with the real initial causes of the sounds, but causesthat the film makesus believe in."61Chion also notes that "sound that rings true for the spectator and sound that is true are two very different things.... If we arewatching a war film or a storm at sea, what idea did most of us actuallyhave of sounds of war or the high seas before hearingthe sounds in the films?"62 For most Americanaudience members during WorldWar II and after,the same question may equallywell be askedof Japanesemusic. Wartimefilmmakersexploited and exaggeratedthose aspects of Japanese culture that they felt Americanswould find most shockingly foreign. Music and religious ceremony were considered especiallyprime targets. Traditional Japanesemusic is strikinglydifferentfrom the musical styles familiarto most Americans.But actualmusicallife in 1930s Japanwas not that differentfrom the contemporaneousAmerican musical scene. Americanvernacularmusics, European classicalmusic, and new styles derived from these traditionswere widespreadin Japan.In a sense, the use of traditional Japanesemusic, religious ceremony,and folk performancein certain U.S. propagandafilms succeeded in presentinga "Japan" that was more "Japanese" and wholly "foreign"than the actual modern nation. Negative representation of Japanese music was achievedthrough visualcinematictechniques,voice-over commentaryon the performance, and manipulation of the audio recording technology. While Orientalistmusical propagandawas certainlynot peculiarto World War II, severaltechniques of cinematicpropagandawere. In the following examples we will focus on how Japanesemusic was appropriated for anti-Japanese representationin films and on how this music was contextualized. In the film Know YourEnemy-Japan, produced by Capra'sunit in 1945, and inscrutablenaJapanesetraditionalmusic serves as a sign of the barbaric ture of the enemy. The film begins with a group of Japanesemen pulling accomropes attachedto the strikerof a huge bell. As a visual reverberation
60. Such forced distinctionsare evident, for instance, in Irene KahnAtkins, Source Music in MotionPictures(East Brunswick,N.J.: FairleighDickinson UniversityPress, 1983). On music's abilityto blurthe line between the diegetic and the nondiegetic, see Gorbman, UnheardMelodies: Narrative Film Music,20-26. 61. Chion, Audio-Vision, 28. 62. Ibid., 107.
337
panying this sound, the Japanesewritten characters spelling "Nippon" zoom toward us from the bell's surface.We then witness the most negativepossible contextualizationfor the traditionalJapanesemusic heard on the soundtrack. As we hear "Banzai"shouts and the music of a male vocalistaccompaniedby a we see a newspaperillustrationof a sword-wieldingJapanesesoldier shamisen, about to behead a capturedAmerican.This image dissolvesto a close-up of a gleaming sword held at the appropriate angle to suggest the decapitation.As the music continues, we then witness a staged, ceremonialdemonstrationof sword technique by a Japaneseofficer.In the next extended sequence, defined in part by a change in the musicalstyle, the film alternatesbetween images of and modern Japanese traditional society.Briefshots of folk dance performance, religious processions, and rustic waterwheels alternate with shots of fastmoving trains,modern urban buildings, and typewriters. Virtuallyevery shot in this sequence contains on-screen movement, and the direction of these movements changes abruptlyfrom shot to shot. Visual disorientationis enhanced by quick cutting rhythmsand shiftingcameraangles. The nondiegetic music continues throughout this montage-supporting both traditionaland modern images and thus exposing the fact that beneath Japan's facade of modernitylies a primitivefanaticism. Severalof the shots of traditional performancein this sequence are inserted with their originalmusic, or with simulatedsound, thus producing sonic confusion through musicallayeringwith the continuous nondiegetic music. For example,in shot 12 of the film we see Buddhistnuns, clad in white from head to toe, marchfrom the left-screenbackgroundto the right-screenforeground while chantingand playinguchiwa-daiko (fan drums). During this momentary shot, we hear not the originalsource sounds but a femalevoice singing to the Shot 14 offersa correspondingimaccompanimentof a drum and a shamisen. age from modern Japanesesociety.The cameradollies quicklyfrom the leftscreen backgroundtoward the right-screenforeground, along a diagonalline of female telephone operators-clad in identicalwhite blouses and darkskirts -working a huge switchboard.At another point in this sequence, we see what appearsto be a performanceof the Iwate deer dance and hear the actual drums and chant of the performers.Towardthe end of the sequence, a group of bare-chestedmen are shown heaving a matsuri omikoshi(large portable shrine)up and down in rhythm.The audiencehas been denied any interpretation from the narratorthroughout the first three and a half minutes of the film. In fact, this entire opening sequence was intended to bewilderthe audience and arouse an intense desire for explanation,a desire that the continuation of the film would presumablysatisfy.The accumulatedtension is finally releasedwhen the narrator's voice enters: "We shall never completely understand the Japanesemind." As a large group of chanting men lean from side to side with stylizedleg lifts in shot 49, the narratorstates, "We are dealing with a fantasticpeople." The entire opening section of the film concludes with a return to the initial shot of the temple bell being struck. This time, the
338
of this Japanesereligious sound causes the screen image to rip reverberation from the center, revealingin close-up a group of Japanesesoldiersmarching menacinglytoward us. Throughout this sequence, traditionalJapanesemusic is shown to make the job of "knowing your enemy" all the more unpleasant for an Americanaudience. U.S. anti-Japanese films of the WorldWarII and postwarperiodspresent a remarkablecase of rampant intertextuality.Throughout this collection of films, one repeatedlyencountersclips and musicalpassagesborrowed from or influenced by other films, in addition to the customary recycling by Hollywood composers of their own materialfor multiple soundtracks.Hollywood featurefilms and WarDepartment documentariesdrew on some of the same sources of footage and music, and also on each other. In a few cases we can comparemultiple musicalsettings of the same preexistentfootage. For example, the shot of the marching Buddhist nuns in Know YourEnemy-Japan also appearedin Our Job in Japan (1946), in the television episode "Suicide at Seaseries(1952), and in the 1961 U.S.-France for Glory"from the Victory film Kamikaze. The complex web of borrowing coproduced documentary these the films among prompts question, which films served as the initial sources of enemy footage? In the case of propaganda films produced by Capra'sunit, "Marchof Time" newsreelsprovidednot only a model for documentaryfilmmakingand compilationtechniques,but also a store of reusable material.63 The image in Know YourEnemy-Japan of Japanesemen pulling the strikerof a huge bell appearedearlierin both the 1935 newsreel "Okitsu, Japan!"and in "Japan-China!"-a 1936 newsreel criticalof Japan'smilitarism (with the requisite brassy statements) but approbatory(with lighter Orientalisttunes) concerning the "modernization"that the Japanesewere bringingto China.The images in Know YourEnemy-Japan of Japanesetelephone operators and Japan'scottage industriesbusy undersellingAmerican goods were takenfrom the "Marchof Time" newsreel"Tokyo-1939: Japan, Masterof the Orient." Propheticin multipleways of U.S. films to come, this 1939 newsreel concluded by denouncing the Japaneseas "ruthlessaggressors" and "lawless men of destiny."64In addition to other domestic and
63. In general, "March of Time" newsreelswere scored with continuous and often newly composed music. A detailed source list of the "March of Time" materialused in Know Your Enemy-Japan is found in Document M-311 in Culbert, ed., Film and Propagandain America, vol. 5 (microfichesupplement),2466. 64. Although the producersof the "Marchof Time" newsreelswere themselvesengaged in propaganda in the years leading up to the war, one newsreel-the 1939 "War, Peace and Propaganda"-aimed to expose the extent of propaganda then current in the United States. Focusing on the nationalpavilionsand exhibits at the 1939 New YorkWorld'sFair,the narrator states:"By definition, propagandais any organized effort, whether good or bad, to direct public thought. And today the governmentsof everynation, includingthe United States,are makinguse of it." Concerning the propagandaefforts of the future exotic enemy, we learn that "Japan's exhibit is pointedly peaceful, designed to make visitors conscious of Japaneseculture, ratherthan her warriorspirit."
339
Europeannewsreelson Japan,enemy films were also tapped as source material.65Confiscated Japaneseperiod films yielded images of ferocious samurai, and films such as Tsuchito Heitai (Mud and Soldiers) providedscenes of modern Japanesewarriorsin battle. Documentary traveloguesand ethnographic films offered footage of traditionalJapaneseperformancesand religious ceremony. The same sources of Japaneseritualand martialarts footage drawnon in Know YourEnemy-Japan proved particularly popularfor U.S. propagandists and were mined for severalother anti-Japanese films. A masterfulsequence in the 1946 WarDepartment documentary OurJob in Japan presentsthe most strikingexampleof the use of Japanesemusic and film againstthe Japanese.In this section, the film'sdidacticpurposeis to reveal connections between Japan'sreligiousbeliefsand its militarism.66 Two parallel shots-appropriated from source footage-serve as signifying bookends for this segment. Near the start,the camerazooms in on a Shinto priestwho advancesfrom the distance.This shot is suddenly"stamped" with the emblem of the "risingsun," with the text "OfficialState Religion" burstingon-screen at
65. I have discoveredcorrespondencefrom October and November 1946 in the FrankCapra Archive at WesleyanUniversitythat includes a long list of confiscatedJapanesefilms, severalof which were used in the films made by Capra.This postwarcorrespondenceis concernedwith the efforts of a Hawaiian-basedJapanesefilm distributioncompany to reclaim films that had been confiscatedby the U.S. governmentfrom severalLos Angeles exhibitorsduringthe war.(See documents numbered 1858-63 and 1866-67.) World War II documents in the Celeste Bartos InternationalFilm Study Center of the Museum of Modern Art reveal the titles of confiscated stored at the requestof the Alien PropertyCustodian Japanesefilmsthat the museum temporarily and apparentlystudied for Capra'sunit before shipping them to the Libraryof Congress. See "Alien Property Custodian Correspondence/Lists: Japan, November-December 1943" and "FilmLists,Departmentof Film-Archive: Japan1935-1968 file." 66. Religion figured as the source of Japanesefanaticismin severalother U.S. WorldWar II films,includingthe B-grade Samurai (1945) with a score by Lee Zahler.In this film, an orphaned Japaneseboy is adopted by white American parents and is raised in California.He is secretly trainedas a samuraiby a Shinto priest stationed in the United States and eventuallyspies for the Japanesegovernment.At variouspoints during his training,the narrator proclaims"the magnetic and the camerazooms in on a Buddhist sculptureas we hear an eery elecpower of 'samurai'!" tronic cluster.At one significantmoment late in the film, the villain'sface is superimposedon the sculptureas we hearthis exotic sound. Louis Applebaum describesanother example of innovative musical techniques employed to of Japaneseculturein propagandafilms.In preparation for composing accompanyrepresentations a score for a Canadian documentary on the Japaneseenemy, the French Canadiancomposer MauriceBlackburn(allegedly)studied traditional Japanesemusic. For a sequence concernedwith Japan's"ancienttraditions,"Blackburnscored music to be played by "one flute out of tune, one piano strippedof its action and playedby strummingprescribedstringswith a screwdriver... and by assortedpercussioninstruments.The microphone was ... moved about and waved over the instruments.... In addition, many incongruous noises were recorded ... the sound trackswere then assembledin a cutting room, some cut in to sound simultaneouslyand some cut in backwardsso that the normalsound processwas reversed... the result,if not trulyJapanese[indeed!], was at least interesting.... The musicalpirouettes were executed by a composer in search of a Japanese musical sound" (Applebaum, "Documentary Music," reprinted in Limbacher, Film Music,69-70; I have been unable to locate this documentaryfilm.)
340
the sound of a gong. At the end of the section, one and a half minutes later, the camerasimilarlyzooms in on a medievalJapanesewarlorddressedin full armor. Following the initial shot of the Shinto priest, the narratorexplains how Shinto was appropriated and perverted by the Japanesemilitarists in the 1930s in order to inspirejingoisticnationalismin the Japanese people. The sequence that follows is presentedas evidenceof the Japanese people's hysterical devotion to their cause. As the narratordeclaresin somber tones, "up from Japan'smurkypast, bring back the 'mumbo jumbo,' " Okinawanfolk music, consisting of a female vocalist accompanied by a jamisen and a drum and echoed by a female chorus, fadesin.67This "mumbo jumbo" music continues throughout the sequence and thus flows beneath the fragmentary clips of ritual and martialarts performanceon the screen. The sequence, as defined by the durationof the folk music and (less strictly)by the extended silence of the containsthirty-nineshots carefully craftedin orderto createa chaotic narrator, effect. We firstsee torchlit outdoor shots of a group of bare-chestedmen being blessed by a Shinto priest.Following this ceremonialintroduction,the sequence juxtaposesa series of images, including variouscostumed drummers, men engaged in kendostickfighting, a dragon dancer,severaldifferentflutists, dancerswith drums, a sword ceremony, and religious processions. Japanese traditionalmusic and ritualare thus framedas the primalenergy sources fuelmania. ing the militaristic Our auralperceptionof this music is profoundlyshaped by the film images we see. Repeatedpicturesof drummerscause us to focus our attention on the music's rhythmicostinato. In addition, the sequence exhibitscarefulsynchronization between the sound and the film images. Severalshots contain onscreen movements that are in sync with the rhythm and tempo of the music. In the fifth shot, we see (but do not hear) an o-daikodrummerwho seems to offer a drumrollintroduction for the female vocalist. In shot 11, a man gestures and thus appearsto cue in the female chorus heard (but not seen) an instant later.In shot 26, we see men who appearto sway from side to side with the beat of the music. An extraordinary effort was made in this briefbut powerful sequence to suggest that the projectedchaos was an "authentic" presentation of Japanese culture. Even though the soundtrack music remains constantthroughout this montage of conscriptedclips, sounds of instruments correspondingto those seen on the screen are occasionallyadded in order to
67. This use of Okinawanfolk music highlights certainunintended politicalironies. One of the Ryukyu Islands lying in the East China Sea to the southwest of the main Japaneseislands, Okinawapresentsin its cultureand music a unique mixtureof EastAsianand SoutheastAsianfeatures. Historically influencedby China and Japanin alternation,Okinawaonly became part of the Japanesenation in 1879. Near the end of World War II, in one of the war's bloodiest battles, Okinawanssuffered terriblyas the Japanesegovernment pursued a suicidaldefense. The island was turned into a major U.S. military base during the occupation and was not returned to Japanesecontrol until 1972. Continued U.S. militarypresenceon Okinawais currentlya subject of contention.
341
suggest that the music is diegetic and thus authentic.A couple of these "added sounds" seem to be the original source sounds accompanyingthe appropriated clips,while others clearlywere simulatedby the filmmakers to correspond to the momentary performanceson the screen. Severalof the added sounds occur at "appropriate" musical points-often, at the end of phrasessung by the female soloist. For example,in shot 10 the metallicclangs of the hammers we see strikingan anvilareheardduring a long note held by the soloist, and in shot 15 we hear and see a shell trumpet blown at the conclusion of a vocal we see are phrase.On closer inspection, it is obvious that the instrumentalists most often not producingthe music we hear.In shot 20, the uncertainstrokes of a boy learningto play the taikoare clearlynot producing the audibledrum rhythm. In shot 27, we hear the added sound of a flute as we see a flutist ... taking a breath. On an initial viewing, however, none of this aural/visual craft(iness)would likely be evident. Each shot lasts only about two seconds, and the cutting between them is very abrupt. In contrast, shots before and after this sequence are much longer in duration, are relativelystatic, and are accompaniedby music in a slower tempo. (This sequence must have proved far more shocking to an audience unaccustomed to the fast-moving images and abruptcutting rhythmsof rock music videos and commercials.)By offering a disorientingcollage of images and sounds, then, the sequence presents these variousperformancetraditionsnegatively.In a draftversionof the script, the writershere calledfor a "murkyMONTAGE of ancientpaganrites, growAuthorialintent is simply not in question in these propaing in violence."68 gandafilms. Portions of the same Japaneseperformancefootage were also utilized,with Orientalist music by Richard Rodgers and Robert Russell Bennett, in the at Sea.69Victory hugely successful1952 televisiondocumentaryseries Victory at Seawas produced as a twenty-six-part seriesby NBC in associationwith the U.S. Navy and was frequentlybroadcastthroughout the 1950s. Episode 25, "Suicide for Glory," begins with images and music representing"the Japan that most of the world wants to know," the imaginaryJapanthat had inspired late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Americanjaponisme. Geishas, blossoming cherrytrees, temple gardens, and tranquilpools grace the screen in long shots or slow pans, with either staticcontent or slowly moving images. These pictures are accompanied by a soft pentatonic tune in solo flute and xylophone, which floats above a gentle oscillationbetween two tones played by frenchhorns, low woodwinds, and vibraphone.The narrator interruptsthis
68. This draftis dated 16 June 1945 and is entitled TourJobin Japan. See Document M-317 in Culbert, ed., Film and Propagandain America,vol. 5 (microfichesupplement),2516. 69. Rodgers provided a set of main themes for this serieswhich Bennett used, in addition to his own material,in composing the extensivesoundtrack.For the latter'saccount of the "collaboand SelectedEssaysof Robert ration," see Bennett, "TheBroadwaySound":TheAutobiography RussellBennett,ed. George J. Ferencz (Rochester, N.Y.: Universityof Rochester Press, 1999), 208-14.
342
placid scene by remindingus of Japan'smilitarismand assertingthat "spiritually"the Japanese"belong to the East."We then see some of the same shots of Japaneseperformancesand religious ceremonies as appearedin the earlier WarDepartmentfilms. But the bouncy and somewhat bombasticmusicalsetting sounds more like eighteenth- and nineteenth-centuryEuropeanOrientalmusic than like anythingJapanese. of Turkishmehter ist representations Japaneseperformancefootage appearedonce again as late as 1961 in two briefsequenceson Japanesereligion in the documentaryfilm Kamikaze,with a score composed by Norman Dello Joio.70The first employs severalshots from Know Your Enemy-Japan, including the striking of the large bell (which punctuates this sequence six times) and the shot of men carryinga matsuri float. In the second, many of the same shots used in the "Shinto" sequence of Our Job in Japan reappear,but in a different order. This oneminute segment of twenty-two shots, as delineated musically,startswith the has not one religion, but many."As in OurJob narrator's observation,"Japan in Japan, the sequence is preceded and followed by a slower cameramoveof Japan'smilitarism. ment and musicaltempo, and it leads to representations the soundtrackto the Unlike OurJob in Japan, no attempt is made to match on the Dello shown screen. sounds of the performances Joio's music starts with a nervous sixteenth-notefigure in the strings,punctuatedby wood block taps, and then emphasizesa staccatorhythmicmotive (eighth-eighth-quarter) played quickly.This loud, brashmusic is quite similarin style not only to the music heard in the film's firstdisplayof Japaneseritualperformance,but also to that heard in an earliersequence in this film showing Japanesechildren playingin an elaboratemock battle complete with child-sizetanks.By reusing this musical style for the segments presenting Japaneseritual performance, Dello Joio contributesto the film's mocking representationof Japaneseculture. Ratherthan attemptingto manufacture"the shock of diegetic authenticity" in these two sequences, then, the creatorsof Kamikazechose to ridicule Japan's"little religions."Dello Joio's nondiegetic music provided the necessarydistancing,the alienation. Unlike the U.S. government documentaryfilms, which were intended to instructAmericanGIs on variousaspectsof Japaneseculture, Hollywood feature filmswere rarelyset in Japan.I have encountered only one WorldWarII Hollywood feature film employing traditionalJapanesemusic. In Behind the is heardduring a Rising Sun (1943), music performedon kotoand shakuhachi scene set in a geisha house.71The sequence preceding this scene plays an im70. This film also includesfootage of Japanesesailorsmarchingin place on their ship'sdeck as they sing a gunka. This is juxtaposedwith scenes of Americansurfersand Hawaiian music intended to revealthe unpreparedness of the United States. 71. Two pencil sketches for the score of Behind the Rising Sun seem to indicate that Roy Webb had considered composing the "geisha music" in this scene himself. These sketches are found in box RKO-M-466 in the RKO Archives,TheaterArts Library, Universityof California, Los Angeles. "Geisha Tune #1" was composed for flute and shamisen.The folder containing
343
portant role in shaping audience perceptions of this Japanesemusic. Clancy (an IrishAmericanengineer) is attemptingto brush off the matrimonialaspirations of Sarah (an American reporter) as they sit at a table in an upscale Tokyo bar. At the entrance of Taro (a young Japaneseman), Clancy sees a chance to escape and tells Sarahas he leaves, "I'm sorry darling,where we're At this moment a small going is no place for ladies, not nice ladies anyway." jazz combo (consistingof violin, piano, and drum set) is heard on the soundtrack,as though to cover Clancy'sescape or to underscorethe fact that Sarah has been left without a dance partnerwhile the men depart for a mysterious women. The camerapans the Japaneserealm inaccessibleto Euro-American barroom allowing us to see a Japaneseman sitting at a piano and a dancing couple-evidence that the jazz we hear is diegetic. While the Japaneseand Euro-American patrons enjoy themselves, the camera zooms in, first on Sarah'sdejected face as she smokes a cigaretteand then on the ashtrayas she extinguishesit. The transitionfrom this scene to the geisha house sequence is remarkable. As the image of the ashtraydissolves,a close-up shot of a smallJapanesebrazier with smoking coals fades in. This transition is also achieved musically. There is a momentary musical superimposition as the jazz trio in the bar comes to the conclusion of their piece and the Japaneseduet in the geisha house begins. The close-up of the smolderingcoals dissolvesin a slow disclosure to reveala medium shot of a geisha makingtea and a second geisha dancing next to her. The camerathen pulls back and pans to the left in order to focus fully on the dancer,who waves two fans in her (not very convincing) dance. Although we never see the shakuhachi and kotoin this se"Japanese" quence, the dancing and the mise-en-scene lead us to accept the music as diegetic. The camera then pans farther to the left to reveal that the EuroAmericanexpatriatemen and the young Japaneseman, immersedin a poker game, are ignoring both the music and the dancing geisha. An Americanin the group hearsa cat howl outside and complainsthat the sound annoys him. He is told by Clancyto "forgetit, it's just the music."The men eventuallydiscuss the life of geishas and the general social position of Japanesewomen as the music continues. The Euro-Americans addresstheir comments to Taro in an effort to teach him the truth about Japanesewomen. Although Max (a German secret agent) insists that a geisha is lucky since she merely "sings a little, playsa little, and ... is very well paid for it by the few patronsshe has to work for," the men agree that the position of the averageJapanesewoman is
"GeishaTune #2" included a part for alto flute, likely intended to simulate the timbre of the shakuhachi. Although it is unclearwhether these were newly composed pieces or whether they documents pertainingto the recording of the soundtrack representsome form of transcription, (see box RKO-M-392) revealthat the final "GeishaDance" music was not composed by Webb but was acquiredfrom an unidentifiedsource.
344
very dire. Boris (a Russiansecret agent) declaresthat their sympathyshould be saved for the "wivesand mothers who are the real drudges in this slave society." (Ironically,in post-occupation Hollywood films, the dutiful Japanese wife is repeatedlycelebratedas the ideal woman.) In this scene, the Japanese music is regarded by the charactersas either trivialand somewhat irritating noise or as a sad reminderof the lamentablecondition of Japanese women. Another significantscene set in a geisha house occurs in ThePurpleHeart (1944). This sequence offers a strikingexample of "counterfeitJapanesemusic" that, within the context of the film, will be heard as both sinisterand authentic. ThePurpleHeart has been called "the most terrifyingand incendiary It is product Hollywood ever would produce dealing with the Japanese."72 based on the famous incident in which some of the Doolittle fliers-American airmenwho earlyin the war led a daringbombing raid on Tokyo-were captured by the Japaneseand then triedin a kangaroocourt in Japan.The soundtrackcontains a strikingamount of silence, and AlfredNewman's score offers music in but a few pivotalspots. Thus, Newman's "PentatonicIntermezzo"music heard during a scene when the Japaneseofficers prosecuting the trial dine at a geisha house-is particularly We have been taught to conspicuous.73 hate these Japaneseofficersafter seeing the resultsof their techniques of torture. The music is closely tied to both the movement within shots and the movement between shots, creatinga sense of cool precisionand a falsediegesis. The sequence begins as a geisha enters bearing a written message. Her entrance shot lasts five seconds. In the second shot we see a second geisha kneeling as the firstenters the framewith the message and kneels next to her. This shot also lastsfive seconds. A long shot then revealsthe entireroom, with three Japaneseofficersdrinkingat a table while being served by a third geisha, who kneels at the end of the shot. The camerathen cuts back to the pair of geisha, and we see the second one risewith the message.The next shot closely resembles shot 2 in this sequence: the second geisha now enters the frame, kneels next to the third, and transfersthe message. Finally,geisha three rises and in the next shot deliversthe message to the Japaneseofficer at the head of the table as she kneels. He flirts brieflywith her, and the remainderof the sequence is devoted to the officers'reactionsto the message. The movements of the three geisha seem carefullychoreographed in a fluid, cascade-like rhythm. They are made to look identicalboth by their parallel movements within each shot and by the similarcameraangle and length of their shots. Newman's music exhibits a similarsense of mechanicalprecision. The pentatonic musicallines are punctuatedpreciselyby the gong, cymbal, triangle,and drum (see Ex. 7). The relationshipbetween the music and the images is also precise as the cuts between shots occur on the musical
72. Wong, On VisualMedia Racism, 157. 73. This score is found in box 6 in the Alfred Newman Collection, Cinema and Television Library, Universityof Southern California.
Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda Example 7 AlfredNewman, ThePurpleHeart (20th Century-Fox, 1944)
345
I I I I V ^iolasL--I Allegretto Grazioso Celli
--\
fXylophone
Alto Flute
Gong
Cymbal
Harps . TPiano
9:
Dm
; ,
Cy
@ I#
13 3
I -~I
cym
1X$
I -I
ff ? p # 7
T F 1i %
Hp.
346
downbeats. Newman's music moves in parallelfourths and establishesa succession of dyads at measures 1, 4, and 14-one dyad and set of instruments correspondingto each geisha. During the finalextended shot the music incorporates two altered statements of the opening phrase of "Kimigayo," the Japanesenational anthem. The clockworkmusic contributesto our uncanny sense that these woman are less than fully human. In a differentcontext, in a differentfilm, this same music could be perceivedas a form of light Orientalism, pleasantmusicaljaponisme.(It might have served Victor Young equally well for the representationof the innocent Chinese in Flying Tigers.)In antiJapanesepropagandafilms, however,Japanesemusic (either authenticor contrived) is consistentlypresented as a barrierto culturalunderstandingand is heardin a decidedlynegativecontext.74 In a 9 March 1944 review of ThePurpleHeart focused on the question of the film's authenticity, Bosley Crowthersuggested that even though the story presented might not be exactly accurate,"so honest and thoroughly consisis the tale of individualheroism ... so clearlyin tent with Americancharacter with the nature of the keeping enemy is its grim detail, that we are safe in acthis with the atrocity reports-as general truth."75 cepting picture-along This assertion begs the question, from where did Crowther's readerslearn about "American character" and "the natureof the enemy" in the firstplace? For wartime audience members the answerwas most likely,from Hollywood films. Crowther appears to have accepted Newman's "Pentatonic Intermezzo" as actualJapanesemusic. In a second reviewof the film on 19 March 1944, Crowtherstatedthat in ThePurpleHeart, music is usedbut in threeplaces: TheAirForceSongis faintly whenthe eight played American fliers arefirstmarched into the solemncourtroom; the popular song "Memories" moods the passage whereinthe men retrospect in theircells ...
74. Some of the closest simulations of Japanesemusic from the World War II period are found in the soundtracksof Americancartoon shorts. Ironically, medium however, this particular makesit less likelythat the audienceacceptedthe music as authentic.In the Popeye cartoon short You're a Sap,Mr.Jap (1942), a title takenfrom a Tin PanAlley song, we heara clever(and comic) imitation of typical matsuri music issuing from a Japanesebugle that serves as a call to arms againstPopeye. In TokioJokio (1943), a Looney Tunes short with music by CarlW. Stalling,we hear a close approximation of a shamisen or koto,most likelyrealizedby a banjo,which laterin the film is joined by a flute in a simulatedkoto/shakuhachi duet. 75. New YorkTimes,9 March 1944, 15. Crowtherstated that the film "[is a] shocking and cannot debasing indictment of the methods which our enemies have used" and that "Americans help but view this picturewith a sense of burningoutrage."A reviewerin Time,though also positive, was less inclined to accept the film's veracity:"It is also extremelyeffectivepropaganda.But sober and well-informedcinemaddictsmay have some doubts about it. ThePurpleHeart is fiction, but it is fiction about some still ratherfoggy historicalfacts.As it is very persuasively played, it is likelyto be accepted as truth by a great many people, not all of whom will be able to judge where fact ends and fiction begins" (review of ThePurpleHeart, Time, 6 March 1944, 94 and 96).
Musical Propaganda 347 Anti-Japanese

and again, in a surge of muted triumph, the Air Force Song carriesthe men off as they marchwith dignity and honor out of the courtroom to their deaths. For the rest the trackcarriesonly voices and realisticsounds.76
Hollywood's manufacturedmusical "authenticity"has always been at least subliminallyaccepted by most audience members as "realisticsounds." Such acceptance is apparent even in current historical and critical writing on of the Japanesein WorldWarII. Hollywood's representations In his recent study of Japanesesociety during the occupationperiod, John W. Dower considersthe role film playedin shapingthe views of the American
occupiers: In wartime propaganda films, it was standard practice to convey the utterly alien nature of the enemy by introducingjarringmontages of the 'most exotic' Japanesebehavior-such as footage depicting seasonal festivalsand traditional dances, in which distinctivegarmentswere worn and the accompanyingmusic was inevitablyatonal and offensive to Westernears. OurJob in Japan exploited this familiar formula.77
Dower's assumptionthat Japanesemusic would "inevitably" offend American earsis striking.No acknowledgmentis made of the crucialrole of the various other cinematicfactorsin shapingthe reception of this music. Film music critics have also been quick on occasion to identify"authenticity" in Hollywood's musicalrepresentations of Japanand to assumean "inevitable" negativereception of this music by American audiences. In Jerry Goldsmith's Main Title music for Tora!Tora!Tora!-a 1970 Japaneseand Americancoproduced epic reenactmentof the attackon Pearl Harbor-the title first appearswritten in Japanese charactersand is accompanied by a violent, crunching electronic sound and a few pluckson a koto.The title then appearsin roman type as violent string stabs are heard, reminiscentof BernardHerrmann'sshower scene music from Psycho. As the camerapans the Japanesewarship(actuallya U.S. Navy vessel outfitted for the film with a Japaneseflag), a theme playedon koto and accompaniedby a wood block begins. This melody is treated fugally as the Europeaninstrumentsenter, and is eventuallytransformedinto a militant march. George Burt has describedthis Main Title music as being "distinctly The kotoplucksare heardat varJapanesein its melodic and rhythmicstyle."78 ious points throughout the film to signal a Japanesesetting. In his discussion
76. Reviewof ThePurpleHeart, New YorkTimes,19 March 1944, sec. 2, p. 3. 77. EmbracingDefeat:Japan in the Wakeof WorldWarII (New York:W. W. Norton, 1999), 215. In his discussionof a late contrastingsection in OurJobin Japan, sequencesin which a more positivelight is thrown on the new postwarsituation,Dower notes that "smilingGIs were shown talkingwith kimono-cladwomen no longer gyratingin strangedances or singing in nasalvoices" (p. 216). 78. TheArt of Film Music(Boston: NortheasternUniversityPress, 1994), 127. Burt presents the kototheme on page 128.
348
of Tora!Tora!Tora!Irwin Bazelon refersto "ominous orientalsounds" heard as the JapaneseapproachPearlHarbor.79 Hollywood films have taught these criticswhat to accept as "distinctlyJapanese"sounds and which musicalstyles to perceiveas "ominous."
Shaping and Reshaping Musical Perceptions

In his best-selling comic travel guide Dave Barry DoesJapan, Barryreports that his first, intenselynegative impressionsof the Japanesehad been formed by watching old WorldWarII movies on televisionas a child in the 1950s. Youcouldalways tellwhenthe Japanese wereaboutto appear because brass instruments on the soundtrack wouldplayanominous, muOriental-sounding sicalchord.A groupof GIswouldbe walking the jungle,nervous but through stillmaking American andsuddenly the soundtrack would wisecracks, spunky go: AAAAAMP BWAAAA Andrightaway in the trees,ready to pounce. you knewtherewereJaps Or a U.S. Navyshipwouldbe motoring along,andthe lookoutwouldput hisbinoculars to hiseyes,and
BWAAAAAAAAAMP
therewouldbe a Japdestroyer. one of the major reasons Probably whythe lost the war is that the sound track Japanese keptgivingtheirpositionaway.80 What lasting effect did these propagandafilms and their soundtrackshave on U.S. audiences?Did Americansconsciously hear the music in anti-Japanese films, and did they assume that some of these sounds were authentically Japanese?If so, did these films create enduring negative conceptions of Japanesemusic and culturein the United States? In January1995, I visited my grandfather, a WorldWar II veteran,while on a researchtrip to the Harry PartchArchive.We attempted to discuss my researchwhile watching a news broadcastconcerning the recent Kobe earthquake. As I explained how I was searchingfor evidence of the influence of Japanesemusic and theater on Partch'sworks, my grandfather sharplyasked,
79. KnowingtheScore, 109. 80. Dave Barry DoesJapan (New York:Fawcett Columbine, 1992), 6. Barry relates that these "maniacal" cinematic Japanesesoldierswere "like some species of giant suicidalshrieking, sword-waving,spittle-emittinginsect." In the 1959 film Never So Few,authenticJapanesemusic does appearto "giveaway"the Japaneseposition. As an American-ledambushunit preparesto set a Japanesemilitarycamp on fire, we hear a Japanesefemale vocalist accompaniedby shakuhachi and koto.This music seems to emanatefrom a radiothat the Japanesesoldiers(seen in a long shot) arelisteningto in their tent. The sirensong of this traditional music distracts the Japanesesoldiers, and they do not hearthe American-ledattackuntil it is fartoo late.
349
"Youaren'ta Japlover, areyou?"He was especiallyshocked to learnthat I enjoyed traditionalJapanesemusic. After this visit, I began to wonder how my views of the Japanesepeople and of Japanesemusic had been grandfather's formed fifty years earlier(he had fought almost entirely in Europe and was transferred to the Philippineisland of Luzon at the war's end to "clean out" the remainingJapanesesoldiers).In 1943, an officialstudy was carriedout by the U.S. Army to measure the success of severalof the early Why WeFight films, including Preludeto War,in shapingsoldiers'attitudes.It found that although the films had little successin generatingenthusiasmfor fighting, they did affect the attitudes of soldiers toward the enemy and were successfulin It is not unreasonable teaching AmericanGIs "facts"about enemy nations.81 to assume that Americanperceptionsof Japanesemusic were equallyshaped and that the attitudesformed were negaby these films, however subliminally, tive. These films continue to be viewed on video and on televisionby veterans as well as younger audiences.In addition, some of the representational techniques and cliches analyzedin this essaywere drawnon for films made during the U.S.-Japantradewarsof the 1980s and 1990s and in recent commemorations of the attack on Pearl Harbor.82 For many in the United States, Hollywood films continue to define their sonic impressionsof Japan. In WorldWarII Hollywood film, one is farmore likelyto encounter brash Orientalismand the sounds of explosionsand machine gun fire than the traditional music of Japan.In a draft script of Our Job in Japan, the writershad called for a shot of a "geishagirl playing [a] Japaneseinstrument."The narrator was to say:"Don't get close. The piece she'splayingisn'tYankeeDoodle."83 This shot and music did not appearin the finalfilm. But in the decade following the U.S. occupation of Japan,from 1952 to 1962, Hollywood repeatedly
81. See Carl I. Hovland, ArthurA. Lumsdaine,and Fred D. Sheffield, Experiments on Mass Communication(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1949), 64-65. 82. The 2001 film Pearl Harboris particularly exploitiveof the cinematicWorldWarII tradition. The Japaneseare representedin Hans Zimmer's score primarilyby a martialdrum tattoo with a distincttom-tom or, perhaps,taikotimbre.An ominous dotted-half-note/quarter-notefigure in the low strings and brass,reminiscent of a main theme from the "Mars"movement of GustavHolst's ThePlanets,is used to build tension during sequences of the Japanesepreparation for the attack.Pearl Harboruses documentaryand newsreelfootage from the war period to provide a quick suggestion of authentichistory and acknowledgesassistancefrom all branchesof the U.S. Armed Forces. Beyond a simple opportunisticcommemorationof the sixtiethanniversary of the attack,the film appearsdevoid of any propagandistic intent or meaning.Apparentlyawareof the film'shollowness, the filmmakers made a halfheartedgesturetoward suggesting some motivation for the production by acknowledgingAfricanAmericanparticipation in the war effort. In the end, however, the female heroine's voice-over is able to offer only the following empty moral: "Americasuffered,but Americagrew stronger." 83. This draftis dated 16 June 1945 and is entitled YourJob in Japan. See Document M-317 in Culbert, ed., Film and Propagandain America,vol. 5 (microfichesupplement),2524. A more extended exposition on the dangersand deceptions of traditionalJapaneseculture exists in an 8 July 1943 draftscriptof Know YourEnemy-Japan, reprintedby Culbert as Document M-308 (5:2407). In this outline, the writerscalled for a sequence illustratingthe "maskof the enemy,"
350
presented Japanesemusic and performing arts on the screen and introduced Americanmale characters who ventured quite close to that musicalgeisha. In this laterperiod, Japanesemusic was presented as a positive sign of exotic romance, culturalrefinement,and exquisitepeace. Hollywood's image of Japan switched from the repulsive, sword-wielding, and screaming soldier to the ideal woman who offered a massage, a cup of sake, and a charming song. Having been recently conquered and reformed, the exotic other could now resumeits earlierrole as a femininepurveyorof quaintpleasures. In these laterfilms, Japanesemusic served an Orientalistnarrative function as a bridge to culturalunderstandingbetween American(male) and Japanese (female)lovers.Severalof the same majorHollywood composersencountered in anti-Japanese films stretched their compositional language and orchestral resourcesto createscores celebratingtheir newfound enthusiasmfor Japanese music and culture.8 With the United Statesinvolvedin new warsin the 1950s and 1960s-the Koreanand the Cold-Hollywood grew determinedto erase the very prejudicesit had done so much to createduringWorldWarII. Music and Orientalistmodes of representation were again enlisted to projectpropain American theaters-musical ganda propaganda that Hollywood hoped would reshapeperceptionsof America'snew exotic ally.
Appendix Selected Filmography 1939 The400,000,000 (History Today;Hanns Eisler) Mr Moto's Last Warning(20th Century-Fox;SamuelKaylin) 1941 (Columbia;W. FrankeHarling) PennySerenade Met in Bombay They (MGM; Herbert Stothart) 1942 Across thePacific(Warner Bros.;Adolph Deutsch) TheBattle ofMidway(U.S. WarDepartment;AlfredNewman) BlackDragons(Monogram;Johnny Lange and Lew Porter) FlyingTigers(Republic;Victor Young)
the "Japan we knew,or thoughtwe knew,in the years of complacent sleep-idyllic,quaint, picbentbridges; stunted thosepretty turesque: pinetrees,Fuji; picture shrines; postcard Japgirlsin kimonos overa sleepy andtrailing theirfingers in the clear warm floating lagoonin an old barge water." Thispresentation of "Romantic" cultureas a formof cultural is Japanese camouflage similar to the framing of German musicin Your Jobin Germany, as discussed above.It strikingly one of the rareallusions madein these filmsto the potentialexotic allureof the represents andto thedominance of American in theearly twentieth Japanese century. japonisme 84. Forexample, Franz Waxman scoresforAir Force, Destination and Obcomposed Tokyo Burma jective: thewar,andsomefifteen later musicforSayonara andMy during years composed Geisha-films culture. MaxSteiner scoresforEscapade celebrating Japanese Similarly, composed
in Japan and A Majorityof Onein the late 1950s and early1960s.
MusicalPropaganda 351 Anti-Japanese PrisonerofJapan (Atlantis;Leon Erdody) Island (Paramount;David Buttolph) Wake a Sap,Mr.Jap (Paramount; Wnmston You're Sharples) 1943 Air Force Bros.;FranzWaxman) (Warner Bataan (MGM; BronislawKaper) TheBattle of Russia (U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) BehindtheRising Sun (RKO; Roy Webb) Bombardier (RKO; Roy Webb) Victor Young) China (Paramount; December 7th (U.S. WarDepartment;AlfredNewman) GuadalcanalDiary (20th Century-Fox; David Buttolph) Gung ho!(Universal;FrankSkinner) Preludeto War(U.S. WarDepartment;AlfredNewman) ReportfromtheAleutians (U.S. WarDepartment;Dimitri Tiomkin) Winston Sharples) Seein'Red, White,n'Blue (Paramount; SoProudlyWeHail! (Paramount; Mikl6s R6zsa) TokioJokio Bros.; CarlW. Stalling) (Warner 1944 TheBattle of China (U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) Bros.; CarlW. Stalling) BugsBunny Nips theNips (Warner DestinationTokyo Bros.;FranzWaxman) (Warner Dragon Seed(MGM; Herbert Stothart) TheFightingSeabees (Republic;WalterScharf) TheFightingSullivans(20th Century-Fox; CyrilJ. Mockridge) A GuyNamedJoe (MGM; Herbert Stothart) Marine Raiders(RKO; Roy Webb) ThePurpleHeart (20th Century-Fox;AlfredNewman) TheStoryof Dr. Wassell Victor Young) (Paramount; Up in Arms (RKO; RayHeindorf) Wingand a Prayer(20th Century-Fox; Hugo Friedhofer) 1945 (U.S. WarDepartment) Appointmentin Tokyo Backto Bataan (RKO; Roy Webb) Betrayal from theEast (RKO; Roy Webb) Bloodon theSun (United Artists;Miklos R6zsa) TheFightingLady(20th Century-Fox; David Buttolph and AlfredNewman) First Yankinto Tokyo (RKO; Leigh Harline) Fury in thePacific(U.S. WarDepartment;AlfredNewman) Know YourEnemy-Japan (U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) Burma (Warner Bros.;FranzWaxman) Objective: On to Tokyo (U.S. WarDepartment) Samurai (Cavalcade; Lee Zahler) TheStilwellRoad (U.S. WarDepartment) TheyWere Expendable (MGM; Herbert Stothart) OverTokyo ThirtySeconds (MGM; Herbert Stothart) TotheShores of IwoJima (U.S. WarDepartment;AlfredNewman)
352
TwoDown and One to Go(U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) WarComesto America (U.S. WarDepartment;Dimitri Tiomkin) Your Jobin Germany(U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) 1946 OurJobin Japan (U.S. WarDepartment;DimitriTiomkin) Taleof TwoCities(U.S. WarDepartment) 1949 Home of theBrave(United Artists;Dimitri Tiomkin) 1950 TheHalls of Montezuma(20th Century-Fox;Sol Kaplan) Malaya (MGM; BronislawKaper) Sandsof IwoJima (Republic;Victor Young) ThreeCame Home (20th Century-Fox; Hugo Friedhofer) 1951 TheFlyingLeathernecks (RKO; Roy Webb) Gofor Broke! (MGM; Alberto Colombo) Bros.;Max Steiner) Operation Pacific(Warner 1952 Aboveand Beyond (MGM; Hugo Friedhofer) at Sea (NBC TV; RichardRodgers and Robert RussellBennett) Victory 1955 Battle Cry(Warner Bros.;Max Steiner) 1956 BetweenHeaven and Hell (20th Century-Fox;Hugo Friedhofer) 1957 TheBridgeon theRiver Kwai (Columbia;MalcolmArnold) Heaven Knows,Mr.Allison(20th Century-Fox; GeorgesAuric) 1958 TheNaked and theDead (RKO; BernardHerrmann) Run Silent,Run Deep (United Artists;FranzWaxman) 1959 NeverSoFew(MGM; Hugo Friedhofer) 1960 Hell to Eternity(Allied;Leith Stevens) 1961 Kamikaze(IrjaFilms-CBS Europe;Norman Dello Joio) 1963 PT109 (Warner Bros.;WilliamLavaand David Buttolph) 1965 None But theBrave(Warner Bros.;John Williams) 1970 Tora!Tora!Tora!(20th Century-Fox;JerryGoldsmith) 1976 Midway(Universal;John Williams) 1980 Shogun(ParamountTV; MauriceJarre) 1983 MerryChristmas Mr.Lawrence (Universal;RyuichiSakamoto)
MusicalPropaganda 353 Anti-Japanese 1987 Empireof theSun (Warner Bros.;John Williams) 1989 BlackRain (Paramount;Hans Zimmer) 1991 Pearl Harbor:TwoHoursThat Changedthe World (ABC News/NHK TV Japan) 1993 Rising Sun (20th Century-Fox;Toru Takemitsu) 1997 ParadiseRoad (20th Century-Fox; Ross Edwards) 2001 Pearl Harbor(Touchstone;Hans Zimmer) Works Cited Primary Sources Alfred Newman Collection, Cinema and Television Library,University of Southern California. Celeste BartosInternational Film Study Center,Museum of Modern Art. David Buttolph Collection, Harold B. Lee Library SpecialCollections,BrighamYoung University. Dimitri Tiomkin Collection, Cinema and Television Library,Universityof Southern California. FrankCapraArchive,CinemaArchives,WesleyanUniversity. Hugo Friedhofer Collection, Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecial Collections, Brigham Young University. Max Steiner Collection, Harold B. Lee LibrarySpecial Collections, BrighamYoung University. MGM Collections, Cinema and TelevisionLibrary, Universityof Southern California. Music Division, Library of Congress. Office of WarInformationRecords,U.S. NationalArchivesII. RepublicPicturesMusic Archives,Harold B. Lee Library SpecialCollections, Brigham Young University. RKO Archives,TheaterArts Library, Universityof California,Los Angeles. Sam DeVincent Collection, National Museum of AmericanHistory Archives,Smithsonian. WarnerBros. Archives,Universityof Southern California. Secondary Sources Agee, James.Agee on Film. Vol. 1. New York:McDowell, Obolensky,1958. Akira,Shimizu. "Warand Cinema in Japan."In TheJapan/AmericaFilm Wars:World War II Propagandaand Its Cultural Contexts,edited by Abe Mark Nornes and FukushimaYukio,7-57. Chur, Switzerland: Harwood, 1994. Anderson,Joseph, and Donald Richie. The JapaneseFilm:Art and Industry.Expanded ed. Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1982. Applebaum,Louis. "DocumentaryMusic." In Film Music:From Violinsto Video, compiled and edited by JamesL. Limbacher. Metuchen,N.J.: ScarecrowPress, 1974.
354
and InformationGuide.New York:Garland Arnold, Ben. Musicand War:A Research 1993. Publishing, Ashbrook, William, and Harold Powers. Puccini's Turandot: The End of the Great Tradition.Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1991. Atkins, Irene Kahn. Arranging and ComposingFilm Music: Interview with Hugo Friedhofer. N.p.: AmericanFilm Institute, 1975. Microfilm. . SourceMusic in Motion Pictures.East Brunswick,N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson UniversityPress, 1983. Barry,Dave. Dave BarryDoesJapan.New York:FawcettColumbine, 1992. Basinger,Jeanine. The WorldWar II CombatFilm: Anatomy of a Genre.New York: Columbia UniversityPress, 1986. Bazelon, Irwin. Knowing the Score:Notes on Film Music. New York:Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1975. Beidler, Philip D. The Good War's Greatest Hits: World War II and American Athens, Ga.: Universityof GeorgiaPress, 1998. Remembering. Benedict, Ruth. The Chrysanthemum and the Sword. 1946. Reprint, Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1989. Sound": TheAutobiography and Selected Bennett, Robert Russell. 'TheBroadway Essays of RobertRussellBennett.Edited by George J. Ferencz. Rochester,N.Y.: University of RochesterPress, 1999. Blakefield,William J. "A War Within: The Making of Know YourEnemy-Japan." Sightand Sound 52, no. 2 (1983): 128-33. Bohn, Thomas. An Historical and Descriptive Analysis of the "WhyWeFiqht"Series. New York:Amo Press, 1977. Burt, George. TheArt of Film Music.Boston: NortheasternUniversityPress, 1994. Buruma,Ian. "Haunted Heroine." Interview,September1989, 124-27. NewYork:Macmillan,1971. Capra,Frank.TheNameAbovetheTitle:AnAutobiography. Chion, Michel. Audio-Vision: Sound on Screen. Edited and translated by Claudia Gorbman.New York:Columbia UniversityPress, 1994. Cleveland, Les. "Singing Warriors:Popular Songs in Wartime."Journal of Popular Culture28, no. 3 (1994): 155-75. Combs, James E., and SaraT. Combs. Film Propagandaand American Politics:An New York:GarlandPublishing,1994. Analysisand Filmography. 9 March 1944,15. Crowther,Bosley.Reviewof ThePurpleHeart. New YorkTimes, . Review of ThePurpleHeart. New YorkTimes,19 March 1944, sec. 2, p. 3. Culbert, David. "'Why We Fight': Social Engineering for a Democratic Society at War."In Film and Radio Propagandain WorldWarII, edited by K. R M. Short, 173-91. Knoxville:Universityof TennesseePress, 1983. , ed. Film and Propagandain America:A DocumentaryHistory.5 vols. New York:Greenwood Press, 1990. Daniels, Gordon. "JapaneseDomestic Radio and Cinema Propaganda,1937-1945: An Overview."In Film and Radio Propagandain WorldWarII, edited by K. R M. Short, 293-318. Knoxville:Universityof TennesseePress, 1983. TheBestYearsof His Life. Lanham,Md.: Scarecrow Danly, Linda, ed. Hugo Friedhofer: Press, 1999. Monumental Style,National Identity, Davis, Darrell William. Picturing Japaneseness: JapaneseFilm. New York:Columbia UniversityPress, 1996. Dick, Bernard F. The Star-Spangled Screen: The American World War II Film. Lexington:UniversityPressof Kentucky,1985.
MusicalPropaganda 355 Anti-Japanese American Cultureand WorldWarII. Doherty, Thomas. Projections of War:Hollywood, New York:ColumbiaUniversityPress, 1993. Dower, John W. EmbracingDefeat:Japan in the Wakeof WorldWar II. New York: W. W. Norton, 1999. . War Without Race and Powerin the Pacific War.New York:Pantheon Mercy: Books, 1986. Freiberg,Freda. "China Nights (Japan, 1940): The SustainingRomance of Japanat War."In WorldWarII, Film, and History,edited by John VWhiteclay ChambersII and David Culbert, 31-46. New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1996. Fujie, Linda. "PopularMusic." In Handbookof JapanesePopular Culture, edited by RichardGid Powers and Hidetoshi Kato, 197-220. New York:Greenwood Press, 1989. Fyne, Robert. TheHollywood Propagandaof WorldWarII. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1994. Goldman, RichardFranko. "Music for the Army." ModernMusic 20, no. 1 (1942): 8-12. Gorbman, Claudia. "Scoring the Indian: Music in the LiberalWestern."In Western Music and Its Others: and Appropriationin Music, ed. Difference,Representation, Georgina Born and David Hesmondhalgh, 234-53. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Press,2000. Universityof California . UnheardMelodies: Narrative Film Music. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987. Guterson,David. SnowFalling on Cedars.New York:Vmtage Books, 1995. Hanson, Patricia King, ed. American Film Institute Catalog of Motion Pictures Producedin the United States: FeatureFilms,1941-1950. Berkeleyand Los Angeles: of California 1999. Press, University on Mass Hovland, Carl I., ArthurA. Lumsdaine,and Fred D. Sheffield. Experiments Communication. Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1949. "How to Tell YourFriendsfrom the Japs."Time,22 December 1941, 33. CombatFilms of WorldWarII. Ann Arbor: Kane, Kathryn. Visions of War:Hollywood UMI ResearchPress, 1982. Koppes, Clayton R., and Gregory D. Black. HollywoodGoesto War: How Politics, and PropagandaShapedWorldWarII Movies. New York:Free Press, 1987. Profits, Kracauer,Siegfried. From Caliqari to Hitler: A Psychological History of the German Film. Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1947. . Theoryof Film: The Redemptionof PhysicalReality. New York:Oxford UniversityPress, 1960. Kristof,Nicholas D. "Japan Weighs FormalStatusfor Its Flag and Anthem." New York 28 March 1999, sec. 1, p. 4. Times, Relations Throughout LaFeber,Walter. The Clash: U.S.-Japanese History.New York: W. W. Norton, 1997. "The ClassicalDocumentaryScore in AmericanFilms of PersuaLerner,Neil Willliam. sion: Contexts and Case Studies, 1936-1945." Ph.D. diss., Duke University,1997. Maland,CharlesJ. Frank Capra.Boston: Twayne Publishers,1980. Malm, William P. "The Modem Music of Meiji Japan."In Traditionand Modernization in Japanese Culture, edited by Donald H. Shively, 257-300. Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1971. Mendelssohn, Peter de. Japan's Political Warfare.London: George Allen and Unwin, 1944. Reprint,New York:Arno Press, 1972.
356
Burma." Hollywood Morton, Lawrence. "The Music of Objective: Quarterly1, no. 4 (1946): 378-95. Murphy,WilliamThomas. "The Method of WhyWeFight."Journal of PopularFilm 1 (1972): 185-96. Oba, Junko. "From Miyasan, Miyasan to Subaru:The Transformationof Japanese WarSongs from 1868 to Today."MA. thesis,WesleyanUniversity,1995. Dimitri Tiomkin: A Portrait.London: T. E. Books, 1984. Palmer,Christopher. Pisani, Michael V. "'I'm an Indian Too': Creating Native American Identities in Nineteenth- and EarlyTwentieth-CenturyMusic." In TheExoticin Western Music, edited by Jonathan Bellman, 218-57. Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1998. Pope, EdgarW. "SignifyingChina:Exoticism in PrewarJapanesePopularMusic." In Popular Music: Intercultural Interpretations, edited by T6ru Mitsui, 111-20. Kanazawa, Japan:GraduateProgramin Music, Kanazawa University,1998. Prendergast,Roy M. Film Music:A NeglectedArt. 2d ed. New York:W. W. Norton, 1992. Reviewof ThePurpleHeart. Time,6 March 1944,94 and 96. Rhodes, Anthony. Propaganda: TheArt of Persuasionin WorldWar II. New York: ChelseaHouse, 1976. Ry6, Namikawa. "JapaneseOverseas Broadcasting:A PersonalView." In Film and Radio Propagandain WorldWarII, edited by K. R. M. Short, 319-33. Knoxville: Universityof TennesseePress, 1983. Schatz, Thomas. Boom and Bust: The American Cinema in the 1940s. New York: Simon and SchusterMacmillan,1997. Shillony,Ben-Ami. Politicsand Culture in Wartime Japan. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1981. WarFilms,1937-1945. Jefferson, Shull, MichaelS., and David EdwardWilt. Hollywood N.C.: McFarland,1996. Simmonds, Rae Nichols. "The Use of Music as a PoliticalTool by the United States During WorldWarII." Ph.D. diss.,WaldenUniversity,1994. The Office of Smith, KathleenEllen Rah. "'Goodbye, Mama. I'm Off to Yokohama': WarInformationand Tin Pan Alley in WorldWarII." Ph.D. diss., LouisianaState University,1996. Stravinsky, Igor, and Robert Craft.Dialogues.Berkeley:Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1982. Suid, Lawrence H. Guts and Glory:Great American War Movies.Reading, Mass.: Addison-WesleyPublishing,1978. Terkel, Studs. "TheGood War":An Oral History of World War Two. New York: BallantineBooks, 1984. to Video, Tiomkin, Dimitri. "Composing for Films." 1951. In Film Music:From Violins compiled and edited by James L. Limbacher,55-61. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1974. Winkler, Allan M. The Politics of Propaganda: The Office of War Information, 1942-1945. New Haven:YaleUniversityPress, 1978. Wong, Deborah. "The Asian American Body in Performance." In Music and the Racial Imagination, ed. Ronald Radano and PhilipV. Bohlman, 57-94. Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press,2000.
MusicalPropaganda 357 Anti-Japanese Wong, Eugene Franklin. On VisualMedia Racism: Asians in the American Motion Pictures. New York:Arno Press, 1978. Americansin AmericanPopular Yoshida,George. Reminiscingin Swingtime: Japanese Music.San Francisco: National Japanese AmericanHistoricalSociety, 1997.
Abstract The cinema was the most effective medium for anti-Japanese propagandain the United States during WorldWar II and was the site of music's most important wartime role. From shortly afterPearlHarbor to the end of the U.S. occupation of Japanin 1952, Hollywood produced a large number of films offering negative depictions of the Japanese.Music assumedmultiple roles in these anti-Japanese featurefilms and U.S. government documentaries.Never had Orientalistand racialpolitics been more clearlyevident in music heard by so many as in these productions.These films marshaled preexistentEuropean music, stereotypicalOrientalistsigns, and traditionalJapanesemusic against the exotic enemy. This essay analyzessome sophisticatedexamplesof musical musical propagandathat offer new perspectivesfor the study of cross-cultural encounters.For many in the United States, Hollywood film music continues to shapetheir impressionsof Japanand theirperceptionsof Japanesemusic.

Anti-Japanese Propaganda in WWII Hollywood Films

Diunggah oleh

Informasi Dokumen

Deskripsi Asli:

Judul Asli

Hak Cipta

Format Tersedia

Bagikan dokumen Ini

Bagikan atau Tanam Dokumen

Opsi Berbagi

Apakah menurut Anda dokumen ini bermanfaat?

Apakah konten ini tidak pantas?

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

Anti-Japanese Propaganda in WWII Hollywood Films

Diunggah oleh

Hak Cipta:

Format Tersedia

An Exotic Enemy: Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda in World War II Hollywood Author(s): W.

An Exotic Enemy: Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda in World War II Hollywood

Journal of the American Musicological Society

MusicalPropaganda 305 Anti-Japanese

Journal of the American Musicological Society

MusicalPropaganda 307 Anti-Japanese

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Film Music as Racist Propaganda

MusicalPropaganda 309 Anti-Japanese

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Press, University 1947),280.

MusicalPropaganda 311 Anti-Japanese

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

&.E PrITS 33? X5-22 J264-3

DV. d 1I (0 WAR" I?HEME "PRELUDE

"'CHAOS" aB aVIlD RAiKSri4- frd1ENds

PPROD. JU.5. .2 1S :PC6LUDC 'lb WAR."

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

NAO&C 4005(*s #v4NC#(v oD tW 4

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

MusicalPropaganda 321 Anti-Japanese

Conventional Orientalist Warfare

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda (Republic, 1944) Example 1 WalterScharf,TheFightingSeabees

Hugo Friedhofer,ThreeCame Home (20th Century-Fox, 1950) , >

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Roy Webb, BehindtheRising Sun (RKO, 1943)

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Example 5 Victor Young, SandsofIwoJima (Republic, 1950)

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda Example 6 VictorYoung, FlyingTigers(Republic, 1942)

Journal of the American Musicological Society

MusicalPropaganda 333 Anti-Japanese

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Diegesis and the Manipulation of "Authenticity"

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda Example 7 AlfredNewman, ThePurpleHeart (20th Century-Fox, 1944)

I I I I V ^iolasL--I Allegretto Grazioso Celli

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Musical Propaganda 347 Anti-Japanese

Journal of the American Musicological Society

Shaping and Reshaping Musical Perceptions

Anti-Japanese Musical Propaganda

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety

Journalof the AmericanMusicologicalSociety