The Functional Approach to World Organization Author(s): David Mitrany Source: International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs

1944-), Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jul., 1948), pp. 350-363 Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of the Royal Institute of International Affairs Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3018652 Accessed: 13/09/2010 07:52
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TrHE FUNCTIONAL APPROACH WORLD ORGANIZATION

DAVID MITRANY

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thatreformers are more IT seemsto be thefateofall periodsof transition At this stage readyto fight over a theory thanto pull together on a problem. a theory. I can onlyask to be givencredit fortheclaimthatI do not represent I represent we state an anxiety.At home,when we want changeor reform, in such termsthatall may see how we mayattainthem.When our objecti'ves it comesto the international world,wherewe are facedwithold and stubborn habitsof mindand feeling and politicaldogmas,wherethe changewe have in and open up a new one, mindmustclose one oftheponderous tomesofhistory will do but the perfect it seems thatnothing goal and winged results. If we comparethe generalmood of 1919, when everybody was keen to withthemood of 1948 one generation later, get back to whathad gone before, whentheneedforan activeinternational takenfor society is almostuniversally granted-we are justifiedin regardingthe change as progress indeed; a peace would, change in outlookwithoutwhich all schemesfor international as in past centuriesremainbut noble dreams. Yet, even with that change, presentschemesmay likewise remainnoble dreams if they are beyondthe "Government is a pracreach of the ways and means of humangovernment. of Bristol,and we shouldbeware of tical thing,"Burke wroteto the Sheriffs of visionaries."It is the task elaborating politicalforms"forthe gratification of experts,whether individualsor groups,to pass now beyondfineappeals and ideal formulae. Expert vaguenesswill merelyresultin popularvacuousis to the idea of international organization ness. If thatpopularreceptiveness to ripeninto an informed public opinion,it mustnow be fed witha diet of hard factsand practicable measures,so that it may know how to press and in the pursuitof an active international policy. How supportGovernments be with such broad and sense of can it otherwise goodwill explained why, so littlehas been fulfilled? urgency, is promising. The generaloutlook, When we come to examine therefore, moreconcretely, two standout above all-the trend fornational trends present and thetrendforradicalsocial change.The two are at work self-government, in different in different strengths partsof the world,but theymergeintoeach seems near to completion, the other. Even in Europe, where state-making of societyis takingplace on a national basis; while in the transformation the new States expresssocial Middle East, in South-EastAsia and elsewhere, as much as politicalrevolution.Speaking internationally, thererevolution or nationalsocialisman actual danger fore,thereis in this social nationalism to the splitting of regression. The modernpoliticaltrendhas led increasingly
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States; the idea of nationalself-governmient up of theworldintoindependent at of 1919 and is stillstrongly was takenas the guide of the peace settlement in Africatoo. work in the Middle East, in South-East Asia, and is stirring At the same timethe moderndivisionof labour had tendedto weld peoples whichis in dangerofbeingloosened and it is thatunity together, and countries the of the State. It is not my part to discuss whether by the new conception thattheseare the conto establish but merely trendis desirableor inevitable, must start. We are house-building ditions from which our international by we are hampered by the need and habitof materialco-operation, favoured thesetwotrends, How to reconcile segregation. to political thegeneralclinging of political bothof themnaturaland bothof themactive,is the main problem architecture at present. organizaideas and schemesforinternational In thelightof thatproblem under one of threecategories: (i) a tion can be brought, speakingbroadly, likethe League of Nationsand the United loose association, generaland fairly arrangements. Nations, (ii) a federalsystemand (iii) functional The League of Nations and now the United Nations, as their niamnes imply, rest upon national separateness. They are loose associations for occasional specificjoint action, in regard to each of which each member or not. They are clubs whichmake remainson the whole freeto participate foreconomic and in theUnitedNationsfacilities joint actioneasier,ifwanted, such action, and social actionare muchimproved;but theycannotprescribe muchless take it on theirown authority. since the creationof the United Nations Our shortbut tense experience is inadequatein scope and uncertain has shownthatsuch a loose arrangement in the federalidea, in in working.Hence, no doubt,the widespreadinterest of of political theory a variety of forms. Federalismis one thegreatinventions in and life.It came to us from the New World and has been adopted a number of places especiallyin newer political groupings.It has served admirably whileretaining ofadjacentand related or countries, provinces wherea number forsomegeneralpurpose.Federation wantedto join together separateidentity, liability. withlimited ofa company equivalent has beenthepolitical Habitually, of similarelements:a degreeof close restupon a number federal experiments but with it a clear intentto manage a will to unity, kinshipor relationship, scene? How does all thisapplyto the international severally. mostaffairs We are presented witha choiceof proposalsforinternational federation, or Westernfederation and vaguelyEuropean federation variously advocating The factthat worldfederation. or democratic federation or, moreambitiously, there are so many differing proposals show that they do not rest on any Any of themmay be desirelement of kinshipor close relationship. inherent able, but we have no proofthatany is desired.The will to unite is not selfare evident.Indeed most of these ideas, like that for European federation, have shownno sign of outsideupon countries whichthemselves pressedfrom as a corrective to theirformer individualistic ways-a takingthe initiative, they of the court.Or alternativelv by sentence marriage novelidea of political

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are urgedto federate so as to be able to standup to otherpoliticalgroupings. The advice may be sound,but it is an argument for a new nationalism not for a new internationalism. Hithertofederation has indeed merelycreateda new separate politicalunit which in the process,as in Germany, did bring peace withinthe group. There is no evidencethat it would necessarily contribute to peace betweenit and othergroups. The prospectof two powerful federations, for instance,facinge.-h other in Europe is not enchanting. It would not checkone of the presentgeneraltrends, that of politicaldivision: it would changethe dimensions of nationalism, but not its nature. Let us take themosthopeful view as to the will of the countries to unite, and leave aside forthemoment thisnegative view of peace. The mainquestion is-would some kind of international federation under present conditions thetrendformaterial strengthen integration, so as to makeof it a generaland positive foundation for peace? A federation comes into being for certain specific ends,and forthose only.A federation unites,but it also restricts. It restson a rigiddivisionofpowersand functions between territorial authorities whichhave equal status;and thatdivisionis usuallyand necessarily laid down in a written constitution providedwithan armoury of safeguards against its being lightly tamperedwith. In the volume of essays on Federal Planning' ProfessorWheare granted that federal government is by its nature conservativeand legalistic.Every attempt some to give the centralgovernment new function and power has to knockat the massive and rustygates of the of the Canadian Government constitution. The efforts to change the fiscal of the federation have been blockedso far,in spiteof long disarrangements cussionand patentneed. In Australiarepeatedefforts foreconomic and social actionhave been similarly the defeated;and the recentdecisionto nationalize bankingsystem has shakenthe politicalstructure and temperof the country. Even in such a dynamic country as the United States, the sin of unconstituhas plaguedefforts at social reform-suchas the prohibition tionality of child labour in factories-and killed or maimed most of the original New Deal measures. The now universally admiredand imitatedT.V.A. scheme had to sustain, on grounds ofunconstitutionality, fifty-one suitsbefore the Supreme Courtbefore it was allowedto settledownto its greatwork. It is curioushow thosewho urgetheuse of thefederal idea internationally have neglected this centralcharacteristic of it. Jefferson, was who politically wise beyonda man's measure,foresawthis and would have liked the constitution to includea provision forits periodicalrevisioneveryten years. It so happensthatsuch a provision and forsuch a termwas partof the AustroHungarianfederalarrangement, the so-calledAnschluss,withthe resultthat everytermbecame a crisis with a threatof dissolution-whichled the irrepressible Vienna witsto speak of it as "Monarchieauf Kiindigung." Yet such a refractory attitudeis not unreasonable. New functions and new powers allowed to the supposedlyco-equal centralauthority, the howeverbeneficent social purpose,have a cumulative effect politically, and a sufficient number
'P. Ransome, Ed., Studiesin Federal Planning(London,Macmillan, 1943).

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of themwould beforelong permanently change the balance upon which the federation was established.It tookalmosttwenty yearsof difficult negotiation, as Professor Brady pointsout,' to finda basis forthe federation of Australia, to see it changedis therefore An interand the reluctance understandable. nationalfederation, to come intobeingat all, would have to startupon a very narrow basis and very rigid arrangements as to formand functions;and to allow theseto be disturbed would be correspondingly thereluctance deeper. In an international federation everyadaptation, everyamendment, would of jealous discussions have to pass the gauntlet betweencountries whichhave newlycome together and differ in theirpoliticalbackground.Even in agreed commonmattersthe pace is that of the slowest memberof the federation; issues whichdividedeeplyhave to be skirted.But in our timeconditions and needs and problemsare apt to change rapidly. The constitution would have to be continuously of doing this would hobble the adapted,or the difficulty life and government of the federation.Can such an instrument be made to we mood which,whatever fitthe revolutionary may thinkof it, is surging in most parts of the world? Some may have been puzzled that the most of all governments, whichideologically believesin world unity revolutionary of the State, at the United Nations, and on every and in the proscription possibleoccasion,insistson a strictobservanceof nationalsovereignty. The explanationmay be found in a recentarticle on sovereignty by Professor Levin,2a leading Soviet jurist,who uses this very argument-thatany and its social organization withfullpower everypeople mustbe freeto transform or complications. of its own to do so, and withoutexternalinterference Levin is obviously Professor rightin assumingthatthiswould notbe possible form of political association. If a under some rigid and comprehensive can it be half capifederalHouse cannotbe halffreeand half slave, neither at deep change in one part would talistand halfcommunist.Every attempt of thewhole; forthe alternative would appear put in jeopardythepersistence and to the reformers as stagnation. to the legalistsas disruption, has manybright A federalsystem virtues. But in formand working it is of rigidities-rigidin its framework, whether a combination or geographical whichhas to be formal and unchallenged; ideological;rigidin its constitution, rigidin its generallife,because of the limitsand obstaclesit places to fresh action. If underpresentconditions of politicalnationalism common an interis difficult to achieve,under presentconditions of social nationalfederation it would be difficult to maintain. It would have little prospect, revolution as regardsmembership-suchas except on the lowest commondenominator the or Scandinavian the Benelux groups-or lowest commondenominator federalgrouping is not possible, as regardsfederalactivity.But if a dynamic a laggardfederalgrouping would be meaningless now.
'Alexander Brady, "Dominion Nationalismand the Commonwealth" (Canadian Journal of Economicsand PoliticalScience,February, 1944,p. 9). in the U.N. Statute" (Sovetskoe 2J. D. Levin, "The Problem of Sovereignty i Pravo, No. 1, 1947,p. 16). Gosudarstvo

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federations came intobeing,theirchiefcentral functions When thepresent were commondefenceand foreignpolicy. These are indeed the functions, with a commonbudgetfor theirpurpose,that Mr. Lionel Curtis considers to start whichhe has advocatedso eloquently arrangement sufficient thefederal and devotedly. But does this not again neglectthe historicalperspective? which need to be carried out jointly Not only do the numberof functions change; theircharacteris apt to change even more rapidly.A hundredor in relation and foreign affairs policywere limited even fifty yearsago defence Now theyembracebetweenthemcontrol to the totallifeof the community. controlof manof materialresourcesand of the organizationof industry, as of education and even controlof communications power and of training, sweepingcontrolof trade and of fiscaland and opinion-with corresponding financial policy. and adopted when, in general,the Federation,to sum up, was invented were of government were limited, and those of centralgovernment functions intended to be restricted; now we live somewhatfeverishly and deliberately precariouslyin an era of centralizedplanning. It was born in times of for constitutions; now we are in a pragmaticmood that scorns enthusiasm Federalismwas meantto put into the hands formalrules and restrictions. of commonlife; now it could the least possiblefunctions of centralauthority the least possible only mean leavingin the hands of the individualauthority were to do all the thingsfor political of local life. If federation functions security and for social securitythat present trends demand-inevitably of central the instrument authority-itcould onlyend in the paradox through idea wouldbe proclaimed out of existence. thatthefederal onlyto be organized of the federalidea is not examinationof the difficulties The foregoing to be critical. It is ratherfroma completeconmade fromany inclination in fieldwe cannotmake progressby propounding this awkward that viction withoutregardto the rough and schemeswhich have a pleasant symmetry terrainon which they have to be grounded; and in lookingat the shifty and needs I have reallybeen trying federalidea against presentconditions framework within whichany effort towardsinterto bringout the sociological would have to work. That framework, shaped as it is nationalgovernment and the need forsocial integraessentially by thewill fornationaldistinctness to achieve simplyby changingthe tion,shows that our end will be difficult of traditional dimensions That being so, we are bound politicalinstruments. to look for a new politicaldevice, and the device which seems to fit that is the functional idea-not as a new invention, but as a new framework application. It so happensthatthe functional approachhas been used a great deal in established by the New Deal, with the T.V.A. federations, verysuccessfully schemeas its outstanding example. It may be as well to deal here withtwo circumstantial have been able points. If, it may be said, existingfederations to do all that,does not this break the argument thatthe federalidea cannot be helpfulinternationally? can sometimespush aside Existing federations

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federabecause theyare old-established federal partitions or get roundformal of commonlife and experiencehave welded theminto a tions. Generations community, witha commonoutlookand commonproblemsexpressedin the government has come to central programmes of nationalparties;and common withperhapsthe governments, withstate or provincial be takenforgranted, exception-more on the level of local exceptionof Quebec-a significant bodies. In mostcases theproblem, therefore, was not so much administrative to create a commonpolicy as to consolidatea group of similaror identical in timesof crisis, federations, policies. And yet even in such old-established thesecollective doingswere expanded not by changingfederalarrangements change them. In no case was thereany deliberate but rather by circumventing took upon themin the formalgradationof power; the federalgovernments selves many new tasks with tacit national consent,and thus acquired new revision. In the United accretion, not by constitutional power by functional at constitutional change,to increasethe membership States the one attempt of the SupremeCourt,was also the only issue on whichPresidentRoosevelt would have been mild comparedwith defeated, thoughits effect was utterly the tremendous impactof the New Deal. new connections The United States took this line boldlyalso in starting with States-not only in the close wartimearrangements withneighbouring of expediency, measures. The but in permanent Canada, whichwerea matter administration running Alcan Highway has createda strip of international with fromthe United States throughCanada to Alaska; the arrangement of the Rio Grande has turneda dividingriver Mexico for the development are likelyto follow and pan-American developments into a joint enterprise; the same line. These experiments have a particularlesson for the wider international problem. It is not only that they can be made, but that the with United States has found it easier to completethe Alcan arrangement Mexico to with than get its own Canada and the Rio Grande arrangement T.V.A. Scheme going. The firsttwo were made with sovereigncountries which retainedtheir sovereignty except in so far as it was pooled for a The otherexperiment affected federal undertaking. specific joint functional to partwithany of theirshare of power,and tried unitswhichwere reluctant In a hard to maintainthe balance laid down in the Americanconstitution. of the Australian by the insistence more extreme way the pointis illustrated that some formof international against American reluctance, Government, be includedin the San Francisco to workfor"fullemployment" undertaking Charter,with the purpose of gettingin this way the rightto take internal be beyondits constitutional actionwhichwould otherwise power-a striking and novel way of asking for international obligationsto get over federal how the content of "foreign The incident also illustrates policy" obstructions. in otherwords, is changing. In the United States and in otherfederations, obstacles necessary joint action was possible in the face of constitutional because it could relyon an old and live sense of nationalunity. A new interand the constitutional would have no such unity, barriers nationalfederation

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all the morestarkly at everycorner. And even thoseold would thusobstruct arrangements federations have foundit at times easier to make functional withforeign States than withinthemselves. approachemphasizes The truth is thatby its verynaturetheconstitutional index of thecommon individual the functional approach emphasizes the power; of There such needs which cut across national index need. are many beginningcould be made by providingjoint boundaries,and an effective of so manynew national forthem. On such lines,the emergence government adds to our difficulties, mighteven be put into the States, whichpolitically If theyare to achievea promising social unification. serviceof international for their political independence foundation they need many things in the and technical way of material help and servicewhichare beyondtheirmeans and experience;and, as in the case of the Marshall Plan, such needs should be used deliberately and insistently to set up lines for joint international action. could likewisebe turned The universalpopular claim for social security to note that the unity. For it is important into a channelfor international social nationalism;like the ninenew nationalism is everywhere a peculiarly each wants to have its own nationalhouse but, teenthcentury nationalism, it is especiallyintentupon a new social life unlikethe earlier nationalism, withinthathouse. There may be muchto be said forone solid international but as long as people chooseto live in detachednationalhouses blockof flats, we could go a long way by supplying joint social and otherservices. Only forinstance, of mending in some such way is thereany prospect, the breach in the politicalunityof India, and of leadinggraduallyto a unityof natural for politicalreunionwould only commoninterests;whereas any suggestion serve to make even such practicalproposalssuspect. Again, this seems the the divisionbetweenArabs and Jewsin Palesonlypossiblehope of mending of tine; and, indeed, buildingsome true unityamong the Arab countries along the path so admirablymapped out by the Middle East themselves, Supply Centre duringthe war. In the Danubian region,in spite of much Mr. Dimitrov'smerereference to a federallink-upat ideologicalfraternizing, from rebuke a his neighbours; once brought Moscow,and littleresponsefrom are apparently but those same countries workingon a schemefora Danube Valley Authority.Nor is there any other way of dealing with the vital of the Ruhr. If the regionis to remainGerman, if Frenchfearsfor problem are to be assuaged,if the claims of neighbouring allied countries for security a share of its productsare to be met,and at the same time,Germanworkers are to be given the prospectof a decentlife,only a Ruhr Valley Authority functionalmanagementwould have any international under non-political prospectof meetingthese varied and mixed claims. Two points mightbe betweenthe politicaland the made on this whichwill bringout the contrast thatan R.V.A. could be startedat any timewithfunctional approach: first, out waitingfor a WesternUnion, while a Western Union would still have an R.V.A.; and, secondly, that Soviet Russia could at any to work through

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into the partnership timebe brought of an autonomousR.V.A., but not in a Western Union. The encl6singof an R.V.A. withina full Western system would inevitably dig a moat againstwider co-operation. to examinethe structure It would be instructive and workingof the wartimefunctional or the workof the International Labour Organarrangements, izationin givinga commondirection to policiesof social improvement without on State sovereignty. The French,Belgian and BritishGovernencroaching fortheirAfricanterritories, mentsare now working out lines of co-operation rangingfromsanitation, and soil conservation, to the commonuse irrigation of communications and otherservices,witha view to co-ordinating economic, educationaland administrative policies. and economicsthatthe functional It is not onlyto the fieldof government sermonwhich the Archbishopof approach bringsrelief. In the noteworthy of Cambridgein November1946,1 the University Canterbury preachedbefore he boldlyadmitted thatall schemesof reunionbetweenthe English churches had failedbecause,as he insisted, theyhad trieda constitutional and reunion, he called for a different approach simplyby the exchange of ministers and pulpits. "It is because I fear a stalemate,"said Dr. Fisher, "that I venture to throw out this suggestion-Can we grow to full communionwith each otherbefore we writea constitution??" The evolution of the Flemishproblem in Belgium is also instructive. The politicalseparatist movement duringthe First World War created a bitterreactionin the countryand almost led to civil strife. Since then, by gradual quiet changes, the Flemings have obtainedcompleteautonomyin education-the Universityof Ghent is now completelyFlemish and that of Liege completelyFrench-and almost as in the administration wide autonomy of the Flemish area; in addition,there has been growingculturalassociation with Holland. The instructive point is that no constitutional provisionhas so far legalized this evolution,while talk of separationhas died out among the Flemings. Earlier in this paper I instancedthe many varietiesof the federalidea competingfor public support as one proof of its weakness. There are as many,if not more schemesforfunctional experiment.Does that not show a of conception? Perhaps nothingbrings out more clearly similar fragility how different is the core of the politicalfromthe functional approach. In the firstthe several schemes are mutuallyexclusive-a State cannot be in both a European or an Empire federation, or in both a European and a democratic federation.Functional schemesare at best complementary each helpingthe others,and at worstindependent of each other. Any one can be startedat any timewhether the othersare acceptedor not,and any one may live and prospereven if othersfail or are abandoned.In such changing times they have the invaluable virtue of autonomousexistence,and likewise of A schemestartedby a few countries autonomousdevelopment. fortransport, or foroil, and so on, could laterbe broadenedto includebelatedmembers, or
'Speech by Dr. Geoffrey 3, 1946 beforethe University Fisher,November of Camin The Times,November bridge. Reported 4, 1946.

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reduced to let reluctantones drop out. Moreover they can vary in their countriescould take part in some schemesand perhapsnot in membership, such divided choice would others, whereas in any political arrangement is possible,wherepolitical not be tolerable.Functional"neutrality" obviously have the virtueof arrangements functional is not. In addition, "neutrality" one of the main reasonswhichmakesthemmore self-determination, technical tells of itselfthe scope and readilyacceptable. The natureof each function these elementsare capable All performance. for its effective needed powers they are arrangements, political rigid unlike and of concretemeasurement, in the changes in with keeping adjustment, capable of concrete therefore the for authority a federal of of the function.The requirements conditions a matter be always must policy of the commonforeign forinstance, conduct, in charge authority of a functional of politicalbargaining.The requirements at any giventimeforthe of oil or aviationor of a Danube Valley Authority, of factualaudit. to it, would be a matter task entrusted clear-cut help to mitigate approachtherefore of the functional These characteristics the obstinateproblemof equal sovereignty.In this approach it is not a but merelyof pooling so much of it as sovereignty, matterof surrendering of the particulartask. In such may be needed for the joint performance have not, as in political systems,to Governments practical arrangements theirrightto equal voting,but can allow a special positionto the safeguard so long as in the task concerned, whichhave a special responsibility countries in keepforthe benefit of all. All this is completely the serviceis performed governcentury Twentieth ing withthe whole trendof moderngovernment. of functions; ment means less a division of powers than an integration law are its characteristic tools, and such and administrative administration range to would simplymean giving international functional arrangements in accordancewiththe jurisdiction, administrative organs and administrative withthe social philosophy natureofeach task. They wouldalso be in harmony responsibility; of our time. As Sir JohnBoyd Orr has said of his particular the nationscould "here in this worldfood plan we have the means whereby which would do none of themharm and begin to co-operateon something have the welfareof theirown peoples If Governments of do all themgood."' such let could get to work; and ifthe organizations organizations at heartthey will gradually number and their grows, world government are successful of normaldaily of view From the theirperformance. point evolve through of "the life a may be community life,to quote the late ProfessorHobhouse, And conits members." by performed regardedas the sum of the functions of common functions is of a number one might add, the performance versely, If one were to visualize a map of the way to create a normalcommunity. the world showing economic and social activities,it would appear as an intricateweb of interestsand relations crossing and recrossingpolitical but a map pulsating map of States and frontiers, divisions-not a fighting
in The Times,April 5, April4, 1946,reported 'Speech in the House of Commons, 1946.

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withthe realities of everyday life. They are the naturalbasis forinternational organizations:and the task is to bring that map, which is a functioning reality, under joint international government, at least in its essentiallines. The politicallines will then in timebe overlaidand blurredby this web of joint relations and administrations. Close association of Statescan be either or selective. comprehensive Clearly the first is the ideal-all countries fortheircommongood. working together But if it cannotbe comprehensive, if it has to be selective, it is betterthat it be selectiveon lines of special activitiesratherthan of sectionalgroups. Any one country may join a particular but a set group cannothelp activity, being exclusive; and, in the words of Dr. Johnson, "such is the disposition of man thatwhatever makes a distinction createsrivalry."Seen in this light the functional approach impliesnot merelya change of politicaldevice but a change of political outlook. It should help to shiftthe emphasis from politicalissues which divide,to those social issues in which the interest of the peoples is plainlyakin and collective;to shiftthe emphasisfrompower to problemand purpose. In all societiesthereare both harmonies and disharmonies.It is largely withinour choice whichwe pick out and further.Since the end of the war we have had brutal illustrationof this truth at peace conferences, at meetingsof the United Nations at which the new international life was supposedto be born. We mustbeginanew, therefore, witha clear sense that the nationscan be bound together into a world community only if we link themup by what unites,not by what divides. In the secondplace, ways and means to thatend mustbe fitted to thatpurpose. They have to be adequate, but theyalso mustbe relevant;and if theyare to be relevant theymuststart from the conditions whichare aroundus. They mustavoid reaction, but also avoid Utopia. We can ask our fellowmen to look beyondthe nationalState; we cannotexpectthemto feelthemselves at once members of a world State. During his firstmonthsas President,Jefferson wrote to a friendthat he realizedhow shorthe would fall of achievingall that reason and experience but "when we reflect justified, how difficult it is to move or inflect the great of machine society, how impossible to advance the notionsof a whole people to ideal right, suddenly we see the wisdomof Solon's remark, that no more good mustbe attempted thanthe nationcan bear." That is wise judgment.But in our case, and in our time,whatthe nations can bear shows a distinction. Taken by and large,theyseem unable to bear much interference withtheirpoliticalindependence, but theycan bear quite a lot when it comes to economicand social action. That distinction gives a first guidingline for any international arrangement. The next question is, how such economicand social actionmightbe organizedto lead us to internationalcommunity and international In our own countries government. we are gettingaccustomedto puttingnearlyall such action into the hands of centralgovernment. Are we ready to followthe same course in the internationalsphere? If so, a federation, with its restrictive politicalmachinery,

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leaving those is in any case hardly the proper instrument.A federation in the hands of its nationalmembers would in social and economicactivities this respectbe littlemore than a replica of the United Nations, under a are entrusted guise and name. If, on the otherhand,thoseactivities different powersand means, withcorresponding international authority to a centralized international government. it will have to be hardlyless than a full-fledged centrally; be performed jointlyand controlled These tasks mustof necessity nationalisms the truechoiceis not betweenthe presentcompetitive therefore, and comprebut betweena full-fledged federation, and a lame international but specific and separate and equally full-fledged hensiveworld government agencies. functional Summaryof Discussion ProfessorMitrany thought VICE-ADMIRAL C. V. OSBORNE asked whether drasticto deal withthe present thatthe functional approachwas sufficiently that,howevergreat the difficulties world emergency.Many people thought mustbe overcome, a worldfederation be, thosedifficulties of achieving might was not broughtabout there would be world because if world federation communism.
PROFESSOR MITRANY said that the ultimate goal was federationbut could not be securedin time to deal with the presentemergency. federation of evena federation of WesternEurope. therewas no prospect At themoment

forfederation. MRS. E. DANGERFIELD said thatmanypeoplewere working to startwith regionalfederations, of Would it not be possible,for instance, whichtherewas alreadythenucleusin Scandinavia? There could be regional within confederations.If a European confederation could be federations the U.S.S.R. that would balance with the Chinese confederation, formed, the NorthAmericanand South Americanconfederations, and confederation, so forth. did not wish people to give PROFESSOR MITRANY said that he certainly or cease to workfor it, but he could only repeat up theirfaithin federation no prospect ofachieving it. There were manythings thattherewas at present politicalfederation. whichneededto be done now and could be done without in For instance,countriessuch as India, Burma, Malaya were interested and would probablyjoin problems, problemsand communication transport international such matters. That would in a specific concerning arrangement and graduallythey would lose theirhesitationabout providea foundation, The procedure of be called the development might arrangements. international would federation by instalments.He doubted whetherregional federation be possiblein WesternEurope and he was sure it was not possiblein America or in the BritishEmpire. to give MR. C. G. HANCOCK suggestedthat,as nations were unwilling UNO should be strengthened to a world federation, by up theirsovereignty to put down aggresnationswhichwould pledge themselves together getting sion without any veto and to findforcesforthatpurpose.Would not thatbe a first step towardsfederation? of the worldmightnot come a federation A MEMBER questionedwhether throughthe use of power? The United States had the power now, and if

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publicopinionwould sanctionthe use of thatpower could not a world State be formed?

PROFESSOR MITRANY

considered thata possibility.

MRS. YOUNG asked Professor whatwas his opinionof the InterMitrany and whether nationalLabour Office he thought therewas any possibility of a functional organization fromit or fromsomething developing similarto it. PROFESSOR MITRANY said that the International Labour Officewas a typicalfunctional organization. Some functional organizations were purely like the Weightsand Measures Bureau, and some were co-ordinatadvisory, ing, like the International Labour Office, whichhad no executiveauthority but which strove to direct national measures into some kind of identical channel. The equalizationof working conditions could play a veryimportant part in international and the I.L.O. had been, on the whole, sucrelations, cessful. It was reallya Parliamenton labour issues, on whichGovernments, and workers employers were represented, and it was creating gradually a body of International Administrative Law. When the nations had agreed on a convention forthe conditions of employment of sailors,theyhad done somethingwhichcould not be done through an international Parliament fora very longtime. Therewas a common contract whichcouldbe observed, checked and and eventually it could be put underthe jurisdiction enforced, of some kind of international administrative tribunal. A great deal could be done in that direction to buildup a worldcommunity. MR. J. R. HANCOCK said he was an Australian but he had lived formany years in New Zealand. He thoughtthere was very little likelihoodof a regionalfederation betweenAustraliaand New Zealand, but it was possible thatbothcountries would entera worldfederation if theywere satisfied with the conditions of entry. Confuciushad advocated the pursuitof the mean, and he wouldlike to knowProfessor views on the idea of functional Mitrany's federalism. It seemedto himthatProfessor Mitrany's objectionto federalism was verylargely an objectionto constitutions; he did not see whya federation shouldhave a constitution. He thought thatall themachinery ofthefederation, the various functional should have constitutions, authorities, but not the federation itself.It seemedto himthatpure functionalism, as put forward by ProfessorMitrany,needed protection.There had been functional developmentsin England, in the United States and in othercountries, but theyhad been underthe protection of the armyand the navy. He suggested thatnationscould collaborate functionally providedtheyhad a politicalprotection againstwar; in his view theremustbe a politicalorganizationas well as a functional organization. PROFESSOR MITRANY agreed and said that the United Nations should maintain law and orderand protect functional organizations.It was unfortunate that since its establishment it had been concerned with the discussionof generalschemesin whichpoliticalissues had been paramount and had neglectedtheeconomic and social side. The wastage and destruction caused by the war had necessitated desperate efforts at reconstruction and the poolingof resourcesas soon as the war was over, yet when the Marshall Plan had been put forwardit had been necessaryto improvise a meeting hastilyin orderto collectfactsas to what could be done. His pointwas thatall thetimepeople were pursuing attractive schemesforpoliticalarrangements and not givingtheirattention to practical possibilities fordealingwithpresent needs.

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MR. LIONEL CURTIS said thattheimportant questionwas whether political on economicquestions or problemscould be solved by firstconcentrating whether it was necessaryto concentrate upon politicalquestionsbeforeeconomicproblems could be solved. he oughtto repeat it now: He had said again and again but he thought "If we wantto knowwherewe are goingwe mustknowwhatwe want,"and else was certainty that he believedthatwhatpeople wantedabove everything therewould be no Third World War. ProfessorMitrany'sthesis,it was thatin orderto deal As he understood with politicalproblemsit was necessaryfirstto tackle and solve functional clothes problems.That meantthatfood mustbe put into people's stomachs, mustbe restarted on theirbacks and houses over theirheads, thatindustries and that nations must be preventedfromcuttingeach other's throatsby hostiletariffs, and thena generalpeace would prevail. How was thatgoing to be done? He had never yet heard ProfessorMitranysay how sixty or could be persuadedto do it. It was easy to seventy sovereignGovernments forcustomsunions,but it was difficult appointcommittees and devisesystems to get politiciansand professors to face the question of whethernational sovereignty and sovereignties were going to be mergedin an international path,and that how thatcould be done. That was the narrow,uphill,difficult was whythefunctional approachwas so fashionable. He proposedto quote threecases fromthe past in which countrieshad had to face the same problemwhich existed today, namely,how to preventwar. the case of America,which formeda confederation He would take first of thirteen States, whichagreed to providethe forcesand moneynecessary to gain theirindependence.They won the war of Independence, not because thegenius but through theywere faithful to theArticlesof the Confederation, of Washington and generals. of the BritishGovernment and theincompetence Withinthreeyears of the end of the war the United States were bankrupt and on the vergeof civil war betweenone State and another. The functional and persuaded approachhad brokendown. Then Washingtoncame forward themto tacklethe key politicalproblemof getting an organ of Government, who said that the States would never and, over the heads of the politicians, surrender he got the congressof Philadelphiato tell the theirsovereignty, fromanother people what they must do if they wished to save themselves thepeople,by popularvote, thatwithin twelvemonths disaster;withtheresult problemswere Afterthat the functional acceptedthe proposedconstitution. the whole comparatively easy to handleand therewas freetrade throughout of the thirteen States. and whichwas rentwithinternal The second case was thatof Germany, foreignwars fromthe Middle Ages onwards. Afterthe Napoleonic War approach and formedthe Zollverein,but Germanyadopted the functional it in its own interests, aftersomeyearsone State after another began twisting was electedby adult suffrage and Bismarcksaid that unless a Government forthewholeof the German throughout Germany whichcould makeone tariff people, Prussia would go out. Everyoneknew thatthat meantwar, and the Government was formed. The third case was that of South Africa,where a customsconvention was signed afterthe South AfricanWar, but in the course of a few years of war betweenthe Transvaal difficulties arose and therewas a possibility and thewholecustoms and Natal. Then a political unionwas formed, question was settledat once.

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363

We were now drifting towardswar. The greatproblem was how steadily to preventwar, and how to make people feel that war would not come. During the last war all the democraciesrealized that not one of themwas strongenoughto keep out of a world war, and theypooled theirresources under one commandand beat Germanyand Japan in three years. If they in 1935,at a fraction of the cost,therewould had done thatten yearsbefore, therewould have been no war in 1939,and if theydid it now, in peace-time, be no ThirdWorld War. If the democracies wishedto pool theirforcesand forma union so strong that no aggressorwould attack it, theremust be a union Government, and a union Government could be formedonly with the consentof the peoples. In the end therewould have to be a constitution. That was a difficult task, but it couldbe done withleadership, and he could see theleadersappearing.
PROFESSOR MITRANY said thatthe threefederations to whichMr. Curtis had referred-theGerman,the Americanand the South African-illustrated the point he had made in his lecturethat all existingfederations had been formed by a fewkindred groups. He was glad to hear that the functional approach was fashionable. If thatwas so, it was due to sheer necessity.A numberof attempts had been made at politicalarrangements since the war, but without success. Mr. Curtiswas quiteright in sayinghow muchhad been done by grouping during the war. There had then been a desperateneed for a numberof countries to act together, and theyhad reachedthe pointof havinga common economicpolicy,and so on; but, in spite of theirunityof mindand willingness to worktogether, he knew of no case in whichany suggestion of federation had been made. There had, of course, been Mr. Churchill'sofferto France,but thathad been made fora specific reason. Why shouldfederation be expectedto be more acceptablenow than it would have been duringthe war? If it was difficult to get sovereign nationsto acceptfunctional arrangementsbetweenthem,would it be more easy to get themto accept the complete merging of theirpoliticalstructures and outlookinto a commonfederation? That mightbe desirable,but the time was gettingshort,and, if the actiontakennow was on the lines thathe had put forward, and not on those thatMr. Curtispreferred, it was becausethe Governments realizedthatsomethingmustbe done at once.

Addressat Chatham House March 4, 1948.