TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION.. 1 SOCIAL CONTEXT IN PRE-ISLAM... 2 The City of Mecca. 2 The City of Yemen. 3 SOCIAL POWER IN PREISLAMIC ARABIA.. 4 Differentiation and Social Movement 4 The Labour Force. 5 The Class Structure. 5 Power Tussle and Growth in Power 6 SOCIAL LIFE IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA.. 7 The Social Structure. 7 Hospitality and Generosity. 7 The Prophet PBUH.. 8 Sexual Relations. 8 Woman in the Society. 9 Tribal Equality. 9 SOCIAL CONDITIONS AND NORMS IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA.. 10 Norms of social behaviour 10 Crime and Moral Failings. 10 Family and Society. 10 Economic Life. 11 Law and the State. 11 CONCLUSION.. 12 BIBLIOGRAPHY.. 13

INTRODUCTION
In pre-Islamic Arabia, there was no central political authority, nor was there any central ruling

administrative center. Instead, there were only various Bedu (Bedouin) tribes. Individual members of a tribe were loyal to their tribe, rather than to their families. They ruled among the Arabs in the name of religious leadership and always monopolized the custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary and its neighbourhood. They looked after the interests of Al-Kabah visitors and were in charge of putting Abrahams code into effect. The society was permissive and concubinage was openly practiced. Furthermore slaves were also treated as property and traded as possessions and were treated in an inhuman and unjust fashion. The surroundings in which the people of Pre- Islamic Arabia lived in was corrupted and very harsh. Because this area was almost impenetrable, cultural diffusion rarely occurred thus peoples thoughts ideas and beliefs remained unaffected. But on the other hand the nomads were open minded as they traveled from place to place accessing new ideas. Social movements are a type of group action. They are large informal groupings of individuals or organizations which focus on specific political or social issues. In other words, they carry out, resist or undo a social change.

SOCIAL CONTEXT IN PRE-ISLAM

The City of Mecca
In Arabic, Mecca means the place of the drinking cup. This name comes from the story of the Prophet Abraham. Abraham was unable to have children with his wife Sarah, so he married an Egyptian woman named Hajar. After the birth of Abraham and Hajar's son, Ishmael, God ordered Abraham to take his new family to a valley and leave them there. When Hajar saw Abraham leaving, she asked him, Did God give you a command to leave us here alone? When he answered in the affirmative, she reportedly said, Then God will not abandon us. Hajar and her son struggled through hunger and thirst, and Hajar called upon God to help them. Muslims believe that it was then that the spring of Zamzam miraculously appeared to nourish the child and his mother. From that time, the place became known as Mecca. Today, the spring of Zamzam still nourishes the city. It is believed that Abraham later returned to visit Ishmael, and together they built a stone building dedicated to the worship of the One True God. This building is today known as the Ka'aba (the cube). In honor of the Prophet Abraham, Mecca has long been a center of worship and pilgrimage. It was a simple stone structure, a hollow cube with a small doorway on one side.

The City of Yemen

During the latter part of the sixth century, Mecca's southern neighbor, Yemen, was under the rule of an Ethiopian governor, Abraha (a.k.a. Abramos, 530570 C.E.). A Christian, Abraha was reportedly envious of the pilgrimage traffic Mecca was attracting, and strove to build a rival place of pilgrimage in Yemen. He established a beautiful cathedral in Sana'a, and ordered people to go there instead. When no one came, Abraha set out to attack Mecca and destroy the Ka'aba. Abraha's army marched on Mecca, supported by a cavalry of elephants, an animal the Arabs had never seen before. As he approached Mecca, Abraha sent word that he did not want to hurt anyone; he wanted only to destroy the Ka'aba. If anyone resisted, however, they would be crushed.

One of the leaders of Mecca, Abdul-Muttalib, was a monotheist who had not let his faith be corrupted by idolatry. He sent back the following response: By God, we do not want to fight you. So far as this House is concerned, it is the House of God. If God wants to save His House, He will save it. And if He leaves it unprotected, no one can save it.

SOCIAL POWER IN PREISLAMIC ARABIA

Differentiation and Social Movement
Social differentiation based on the ownership of capital increased as Mecca's commercial dynamic grew and as capital was concentrated among wealthy merchants. This differentiation was reinforced by the movement of tribesmen into Mecca who were already polarized into rich and poor. The wealthy were attracted to Mecca because they could invest their surplus wealthusually livestock (camels)-in Mecca's caravans. They were often merchants themselves or clan leaders seeking their equals for alliance. The poor moved to Mecca because they were often indebted to Meccan merchants. They were also forced to leave their tribe lest they become a liability on its collective wealth." In addition to alienating themselves from the tribe, the poor moved to an environment that was already differentiated according to ownership of capital. This inward movement exacerbated the eroding tribal and clan basis of social relations and resulted in many problems for Meccan merchants, such as the decline of their influence on clan members and how to provide an adequate food supply for a growing dependent population. Another important characteristic of the merchant economy was the presence of a large service sector whose members performed services directly related to the maintenance of merchant caravans: porters, guides, guards, shepherds, veteri-narians, servants, and entertainers.

The Labour Force

Along with social differentiation, a diversified labor force came into being for the advancement of merchant capital. There were some who prepared food and sold it in the streets of Mecca. Others were the skilled and the professionals such as tailors, carpenters, arrow makers, smiths, and butchers who were often merchants themselves, especially those who dealt with cloth or the sale of oil, wine, wheat, and other imported foodstuffs. Finally, there were daily wage laborers who earned their livelihood by hiring themselves out in the various markets of Mecca, and those who were known to be bankrupt, yu'rafuna bil-iflasi, and had to depend on the charity of the rich merchants for their support. Social and economic differentiation in Mecca, conditioned by the development of merchant capital, challenged the Meccans on several levels.

The Class Structure

On one level, because of continued settlement, solidification of a class structure disrupted clanbased social relations. On another level, because of new alliances or the introduction of a dependent population, members of the merchant class found themselves competing for power since the balance of power was constantly changing. In essence, then, the wider concentration of merchant capital in Mecca resulted in the concentration of capital and power within Mecca's leadership which caused the emergence of a single powerful voice rather than the collective leadership of clan heads, as described below. On still another level, concentration of capital necessitated the search for an adequate system of distribution of wealth as the institutions of

siqaya, rifada, and sadaqa became no longer sufficient. But Mecca's growing population, especially the dependent sector, required from the merchants a greater expenditure of wealth. This seemingly unproductive expendi-ture imposed further strains on clan ties. There is no better indication of this strain than the monopoly of foodstuffs implied in the term ihtikar (monopoly) whereby merchants hoarded and speculated in their commodities.

Power Tussle and Growth in Power

To protect interests outside Mecca, the Quraish were involved in another show of force, attesting to Mecca's growing power against her neighbors. This was the battle of yawm Dhat Nakrf, a fierce confrontation with the Banu Laith who lived in the Tihama region along the trade route to Najran and the rest of Yemen. The confrontation was precipitated by the attack of the Banu Laith on the camel herd of 'Awwaf, leader of the Banu al-Qara, an ally of the Quraish, specifically the Banu Makhzim. 'Awwaf, who lost his son and thirty camels in the attack, complained to his allies. The Quraish tried to solve the matter peacefully but failed. The failure induced the Quraish to mobilize their allies and to attack the Banu Laith in Dhat NakTf. It was perhaps a mismatch of forces and the Banu Laith were terribly defeated forcing them to flee toward the haram area, suing for peace. The Quraish did not inflict further violence against them but insisted that they go into exile away from Tihama.

SOCIAL LIFE IN PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA

The Social Structure
The first point is that the social structure within the nomadic life of the Arabs in the desert placed great importance to loyalty within the clan or the tribe. The leader was respected. The individuals could not survive in the desert and as such the well-being of group and tribe was paramount. There were the acceptable social norms which revolved around what was acceptable to the group. Something may be accepted in a group and the same thing may know. Secondly, due to these differences there was constant warfare between tribes for revenge and superiority and that went on for generations. There was no sense of national identity and there was inter-tribal feuds and vendetta. Thirdly, the leader or Shaikh was chosen on the egalitarian system. The shaikh took care of the weaker members of the tribe. His social standing depended on his justice and on raids to capture camels, cattle or goods of neighbouring tribes.

Hospitality and Generosity

The nomadic Arabs evolved a chivalric code (muruwah) giving meaning to their lives within the clan or tribe. This would mean glorifying courage, patience, endurance, hospitality and generosity. They would be being generous with the little they had and that was very important.

Sexual Relations
Obscene poems and songs were recited in public assemblies. There was no punishment for adultery, nor any moral sanction against it. Prostitution had nothing dishonorable about it, so that leading men could keep brothels.

Woman in the Society

Instead of having any right to inheritance of property, her own person formed part of the inheritance, and the heir could dispose of her as he liked, even if he did not care to take her as a wife. There was no settled government, no law in the land, and might was practically right. The Arabs belonged to one race and spoke one language, yet they were the most disunited people. Tribe made war on tribe, and family on family, on the most trivial excuse. The strong among them trampled upon the rights of the weak, and the weak could not get their wrongs redressed. The widow and the orphan were quite helpless and slaves were treated most cruelly.

Tribal Equality
Firstly, the Arabs were used to tribal equality in many spheres of their life and this equality characterized the life of the Prophet and the spirit of early Muslims. This led to the idea of brotherhood in Madina and towards the whole Muslim community and hence there was more cohesion. Secondly, the Prophet Muhammad gave importance to all individuals regardless of who they were or in which tribes they are or which lineage. What was important is to be a Muslim in the Ummah of the prophet.

CONCLUSION
Modern Western social movements became possible through the wider dissemination of literature, and increased mobility of labor due to the industrialization and urbanization of 19th century societies. This paper attempts to demonstrate that the rise of Islam in the Arabian Peninsula during the life of Prophet Muhammad (570-632 CE) can be fruitfully analyzed and interpreted as a social movement. In addition, it seeks to show that systematic study of the career of Prophet Muhammad, when approached holistically from a social movement perspective and interpreted in dialogue with modern social theories, can lead to the development of general principles with potential relevance for any social movement. In conclusion, it was possible to reconstruct an account of pre-Islam based on historical events that set definite trends in its development. Clear links can be established between Mecca's commercial development, the various institutional innovations, and the development of its power. The reconstruction gives historians the opportunity to theorize on the many aspects and relationships in that social formation and a better understanding of the social, economic and political developments that were taking place in Mecca on the eve of Islam. Such clarity is necessary for a deeper understanding of the significance and relevance of Islam and of many of the institutions that it provided for the Meccans.

BIBLIOGRAPHY
Cook, Michael and Patricia Crone. Hagaraism: The Making of the Islamic World. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1977. Crone, Patricia. Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. New York & London: Cambridge University Press. 1980. Gibb, Hamilton. Studies on the Civilization of Islam. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. 1962. Hodgson, Marshall G. S. The Venture of Islam. Vol. 1 Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 1974. Kister, M.J. Society and Religion from Jahiliyya to Islam. London: Variorum, 1990.

Mahmood, Ibrahim. "Social and Economic Conditions in Pre-Islamic Mecca." International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 14 (1982):343-358. Marx, Emanuel. "The Tribe as a Unit of Subsistence: Nomadic Pastoralism in the Middle East." American Anthropology 79 (1977):343-363. O'Leary, De Lacy. Arabia Before Muhammed. London: Kegan Paul & Co., 1927. Peters, F. E. Muhammad and the Origins of Islam. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. 1994. Tosi, Morizio. "The Emerging Picture of Pre-Historic Arabia." Annual Review of Anthropology. 15(1986):461-490. Wolf, Eric R. "The Social Organization of Mecca and the Origins of Islam." Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 7. 1951:329-356.