Introduction ....................................................................................................................3
I. The Problem of Inequalities in Access to PSE ..........................................................8
1) Access to PSE in the United States.......................................................................8
2) Financial Barriers and Academic Deficits............................................................10
3) Importance of Equal Opportunities in PSE Access .............................................14
II. Brief Overview of Major Theories Addressing PSE Access...................................16
1) Rational Choice Theory: No Information Asymmetries? .....................................16
2) Social Reproduction Theory: No Room for Upward Mobility?.............................18
3) Status Attainment Theory: No Extra-familial Resources?....................................20
III. Fundamental Concepts in Social Capital Theory ...................................................21
1) Major Approaches to Social Capital in the Sociology Literature..........................21
2) Toward a Social Capital Explanation of Inequalities in Access to PSE...............28
IV. Research on PSE Access Using Social Capital Theory ........................................34
1) Conceptualizing Social Capital in Postsecondary Education Literature..............36
2) Modeling Approaches in Researching Social Capital Effects on PSE Access....42
3) Findings on social capital effects on postsecondary education access ..............52
V. Limitations in Using Social Capital Theory in PSE Access Research ....................57
1) Avoiding Social Capital Conceptual Tautologies.................................................57
2) Developing Robust Testable Social Capital Postulates ......................................58
3) Developing Reliable Social Capital Measures.....................................................59
VI. Directions for Further Research ............................................................................62
1) Framework for Analyzing Social Capital Effects in PSE Access.........................62
2) Directions for Future Research in Social Capital Effects on PSE Access ..........64
2
Introduction
issue in educational public policy (Heller 2001; St. John 2004). In the United States, the
overall gap in postsecondary education participation rates between the highest and the
lowest income quintiles is roughly 40% for the high school class of 1992 (Baum and
Payea 2004). Additionally, gaps in college participation between young White adults
between high school graduates and college graduates has increased significantly over
Kingston, Hubbard et al. 2003; Baum and Payea 2004). Additionally, research suggests
that postsecondary education changes peoples attitudes from accepting the status quo
toward taking initiative to build a more prosperous and equitable society (Pascarella and
Given the importance of the subject, is not surprising that several theories have
been used to explain why there are differences in postsecondary education access.
Most researchers have built their conceptual frameworks on one of the following
theoretical approach is social capital theory, which provides a conceptual framework for
integrating claims and findings from the above-mentioned theories, and addressing
unanswered questions.
found in general sociology and the sociology of education literatures. From the variety of
notions of social capital, I adopt the one provided by Lin (2001a), which can be
individual in purposive actions with the expectation of obtaining some utility or return on
investment.
capital and inequalities in PSE access, although the interpretation of such findings has
often been theoretically feeble (Baron, Field et al. 2000; Dika and Singh 2002; Field
education access, limited to those in which the outcome variable is one of the following:
1.1) How has access to PSE been defined in the higher education
literature? What inequalities in access to PSE are currently
foremost in the United States? Why are equal opportunities of
access to PSE important for individuals?
1.2) How have PSE access inequalities been explained by rational
choice, social reproduction and status attainment theories?
1.3) Which are the most influential approaches to social capital in the
sociology of education literature? Which are the major concepts in
social capital theory? What process in the formation of social
capital seems to be more relevant for explaining inequalities in
access to PSE? What social capital factors seem to be more
relevant for explaining inequalities in access to PSE? Which
processes are critical for an individual to mobilize social capital in
order to access PSE?
1.4) How has social capital theory been used in the access to PSE
literature? How have social capital variables been measured and
entered into multivariate models when studying access to PSE?
Which are the relevant findings in social capital effects on PSE
access?
1.5) What are the limitations in the use of social capital theory in
studying inequalities in PSE access? How should a conceptual
framework for studying social capital effects in PSE access be
depicted? How may common pitfalls in social capital effects on PSE
access research be solved?
United States, focusing on financial and academic barriers. Additionally, I portray the
from it.
attainment.
In the third section, I review approaches to social capital often used in the
and Lin. Then, I synthesize the major concepts in social capital theory that are relevant
by identifying three ways in which social capital may generate returns related to an
individual education.
access in which social capital constructs have been incorporated into explanatory
models. I analyze and critique these empirical works’ conceptual frameworks, measures
of social capital included, and the modeling approaches applied. Finally, I summarize
relevant findings on social capital effects on postsecondary education access and point
In the fifth section, I dig more into the limitations found in the postsecondary
some guiding ideas on how to avoid conceptual tautologies, how to develop robust
testable social capital postulates, and how to develop reliable measures of social capital
constructs.
In the sixth, closing section, I draw a framework for studying social capital effects
in postsecondary education access that should help to fill conceptual gaps in the
inequalities, and help to advance a promising research agenda for understanding the
problem, predicting students’ outcomes, and informing public policy in this regard.
I. The Problem of Inequalities in Access to PSE
crucial issue in educational public policy at present. Consensus exists about the
importance of addressing this problem and the need for progressing toward equitable
what framework should guide public policy toward such end is vigorously disputed.
2002; Heller, 2001; St. John, 2002; St. John, 2004). Academic access usually refers to
postsecondary institution, while financial access refers to the ability to afford enrollment
been evident for several decades. There was some improvement in the late 1960s and
the 1970s, due to progressive policies such as need-based financial aid and affirmative
action (Heller, 2001; St. John, 2004). However, at the beginning of the 21st century,
trends toward equalizing access are reversing (Baum & Payea, 2004; St. John, 2002,
2004).
According to the National Education Longitudinal Study 1988-2000, more than
three fourths of the U.S. 8th graders aspire to some sort of postsecondary education,
and there is not significant difference in aspirations among income levels. Nonetheless,
unequal. The overall gap in participation rates between the highest and the lowest
income quintiles is roughly 40% for the high school class of 1992. Among the 1992 high
school graduates, 97% of the individuals in the highest income quartile whose parents
school graduation. Conversely, only 52% of individuals in the lowest income quartile
whose parents were high school dropouts enrolled in some sort of postsecondary
Gaps in college participation between high and low income students have
widened over the last ten years (Measuring Up, 2004). Low income students are almost
in private 4-year colleges (21%), while high income students are almost as likely to
colleges (41%), and are less likely to enroll in 2-year public colleges (21%) (Baum and
Payea 2004). Additionally, gaps in college participation between White young adults
and youth from marginalized ethnic groups persist (Measuring Up, 2004). Both income
and racial gaps are interrelated, since 40% of Latino families and 34% of African
American families are below the poverty line, while only 15% of White families are in
have been widely addressed by researchers. Mounting evidence supports claims on the
Lack of resources to pay for tuition and other expenses has been identified as
the biggest obstacle to postsecondary education enrollment (Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper,
1999; Hu & Hossler, 2000; Hu, 2003). Affording costs of attendance is obviously more
family, 17% of the income of a middle class family, and 62% of the income of a lower
class family (Gladieux 2002). The effect of family income on ability to pay is
unquestionable, though policy researchers argue about the effectiveness of financial aid
policies for mitigating the unequal starting point and allowing for access equity (Becker,
2004; DesJardins, McCall, Ahlburg, & Moye, 2002; Heller, 2004; Lee, 2002; Paulsen &
St. John, 2002; St. John, Chung, Musoba, & Simmons, 2004; Terenzini, Cabrera, &
Bernal, 2001).
In 2003-04, the average Pell Grant covered 23% of the total charges at the
average 4-year public institution, down from 35% in 1980-81 (Baum and Payea 2004).
The declining trend in the purchasing power of Pell Grants is mirrored by college
participation gaps both for marginalized ethnic groups compared to Whites and for low
income students compared to high-income students during the same period (St. John,
2002). These trends indicate that inadequate financial aid yielding to growing unmet
need is increasingly constraining postsecondary education access enrollment for low-
income students (Fitzgerald & Delaney, 2002; Lee, 2002; St. John, 2002).
Middle income students also have unmet need for covering postsecondary
formula that includes not only income, but family size, savings, students’ earnings, and
other related variables. In general, EFC provides a more accurate estimation of ability to
provide. However, the EFC still overestimates middle class families’ discretionary
income to pay for their children’s postsecondary education expenses (Lee, 2002).
Middle income parents complain that it does not take in account payments for house
mortgages, insurance, and other loans. Differences between the EFC and middle
income families actual disposable income have been voiced for these interest groups
toward subsidized loans and merit-based grants (Gladieux 2002; Lee 2002).
trend at the state level, since the introduction of the Georgia Hope program in 1993.
Most states’ merit aid programs appear to do nothing for equalizing opportunities for
middle and high income students rather than low and low-middle income students
(Heller 2002). Overall, financial aid policies in the late 1990s and early 2000s have been
ineffective with respect to reaching the goal of social equity in postsecondary education
about postsecondary education costs than they are about any other factor affecting
college choice. Indeed, low income students show greater price-sensitivity than others
income groups (Terenzini, Cabrera et al. 2001; Fitzgerald and Delaney 2002). More to
the point, data collected by the American Council of Education indicates that low income
expectations about college costs have even greater effects on enrollment decisions
education access for low income students (Hu and Hossler 2000; Fitzgerald and
Paradoxically, low income students receive less (Fitzgerald and Delaney 2002)
about availability of financial aid than middle and upper income students (Fitzgerald and
Delaney 2002). Many low and middle income students eligible for need-based financial
fail to apply for college admission and for financial aid, apparently because they did not
receive adequate school counseling (Horn and Chen 1998; Fitzgerald and Delaney
2002). Such lack of information may also discourage low income students from taking
(Fitzgerald & Delaney, 2002; St. John, 2002). Investing in academic preparation may be
considered futile by low income students, who are not aware of financial aid
postsecondary education access. Most of the research under this approach has used
either the College Qualification Index (Berkner and Chávez ,1997)—which includes high
school GPA, senior class school rank, ACT or SAT scores, NELS 1992 aptitude test,
and high school coursework—or the Adelman’s Academic Resources Index (Adelman,
1999)—which includes the highest level of math taken in high school, non remedial
math and English courses, AP courses, core science labs, foreign language courses,
computer courses, high school GPA quintiles, high school rank, and NCES test scores.
Not surprisingly, most of these academic variables are positive predictors of enrollment
finding should be expected since high school GPA, high school rank, standardized test
scores, and high school coursework are generally considered for granting admission.
Moreover, students who score high in these measures are encouraged to pursue
Nonetheless, requiring taking standardized tests, making high quality and high
seem to be counterproductive. St. John et al. (2004) found that states’ policies in this
regard do not have significant effect on college enrollment rates. However, such policies
do negatively affect high school graduation rates (St. John, Musoba, & Chung, 2004),
students and marginalized ethnic groups (Paulsen & St. John, 1997, 2002; St. John,
Paulsen, & Starkey, 1996; St. John, 2002; St. John, Hu, Simmons, Carter, & Weber,
2004).
schools’ lack of capacity for offering college preparatory courses, quality teaching, and
adequate counseling. Since college enrollment rates have been found to be higher for
school (Hossler, Braxton, & Coopersmith, 1989), lack of school capacity to offer such
opportunities. All the same, low income students in urban and rural schools—especially
if they are also from marginalized ethnic groups—are also more likely to select non-
academic courses even though academic ones may be available. Additionally, they are
less likely to prepare for college entrance examinations (Horn and Chen 1998;
Terenzini, Cabrera et al. 2001). These students may be self-selecting out the
afford college costs (Fitzgerald & Delaney, 2002; St. John, 2002; Terenzini et al., 2001).
because such inequalities carry economic, political, and social effects. Economic
instance, the income gap between high school graduates and college graduates has
increased significantly over time. Bachelor degree recipients earn on average 75%
more annually than high school graduates (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2004). According
U.S. Census data, median annual earnings for college graduates in 2004 is nearly
$50,000, while for high school graduates is roughly $30,000 (Baum and Payea 2004).
Some scholars argue that this earnings premium is due to greater productivity after
having taken advantage of opportunities for developing skills and acquiring knowledge
(Becker 1993; Langelett 2002; Kingston, Hubbard et al. 2003). Others pose that a
postsecondary education credential itself is an advantage in the labor market (Kingston,
enhances personal social networks, which will also boost one’s ability to mobilize
resources in order to get a better paid job (Lin 1999). At any rate, the greater earning
individuals. Another clear advantage comes from the fact that unemployment rates are
consistently lower among more educated groups of individuals (Baum and Payea 2004).
accepting the status quo toward taking initiatives to build a more prosperous and
equitable society (Langelett 2002; Pascarella and Terenzini, 1991). Such attitude
levels of civic participation and volunteering (Langelett 2002; Kingston, Hubbard et al.
2003; Baum and Payea 2004). Crime rates also decline when educational attainment
a series of economic, social, and political benefits, while those who do not attend are
left behind in terms of employment opportunities, quality of life, and ability to take part in
Most researchers bring into play one of the following theories: rational choice,
social reproduction, or status attainment. In this section, I will summarize the conceptual
assumptions of these three lines of research, and point out their limitations in explaining
Rational choice theory states that individuals make their choices upon the
analysis of both the expected utility and the expected costs of the alternatives available
to them (Becker, 1993; Cohn and Geske, 1990; Schultz, 1961). The basic assumption is
that individuals seek the maximization of their utility (Schultz, 1961; Coleman, 1990;
Becker, 1993). Accordingly, a student would assess the expected utility and the
would decide whether to apply and/or to enroll if the expected utility outweighs the
expected costs (Becker, 1993; Beekhoven, De Jong, & Van Hout, 2002; DesJardins &
Hossler, Braxton, & Coopersmith, 1989; Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999). There is also
earnings and other economic payoffs from a postsecondary education (Becker, 1993;
Cohn and Geske, 1990; Langelett, 2002; Manski & Wise, 1983; Schultz, 1961).
importantly, the constraints faced by each person (Beekhoven, De Jong, & Van Hout,
2002; Cohn and Geske, 1990). Nonetheless, fewer works attempt to analyze students’
preferences and the actual alternatives available to them (Cohn and Geske, 1990),
partly because such data is not readily available. Thus, many researchers are limited to
examining the choices made by individual students, controlling for their socioeconomic
consistently (Beekhoven, De Jong, & Van Hout, 2002; Cabrera, La Nasa, & Burkum,
2001; Hossler, Schmit, & Vesper, 1999; Perna, 2000; Terenzini, Cabrera, La Nasa, &
al., 2000).
closeness to family and friends), evaluation of expected utility (e.g. college life,
1989; Cohn and Geske, 1990; Perna, 2000; DesJardins & Toutkoushian, 2005).
Measures of constructs related to those issues should be added to traditional
rational choice theory is the failure to control for information asymmetries among
students from different socio-economic groups. Many works overlook the fact that most
students may not have accurate information about either cost of attending a
available to students during their choice process (Hossler, Schmit et al. 1999; Cabrera,
La Nasa et al. 2000; Cabrera, La Nasa et al. 2001); however, measures of actual usage
of such information are seldom (if at all) found in empirical research on postsecondary
postsecondary education.
Social reproduction theory states that educational institutions and policies are
stratification (Paulsen and St. John 2002). Within this framework, educational
alternatives are constrained by social class, and, at the same time, individual’s
preferences are shaped by ascribed status (St. John, Hu, Simmons, Carter, & Weber,
2004). Scholars using this theoretical lens claim that students’ postsecondary education
choices are highly context dependent (Paulsen and St. John 2002). Accordingly,
class.
Some researchers emphasize that the stratified structure of the United States
1997; Paulsen and St. John 2002). Some recent research works within this approach
have incorporated the notions of cultural capital and habitus posed by Bourdieu (1977a,
There are two major limitations to using social reproduction theory as theoretical
lens. First, it portrays individuals as powerless for making choices based upon their
preferences and interests. Second, but not least important, this theory does not provide
much latitude for explaining upward social mobility, although evidence of such mobility
theory may render analyses at the individual level meaningless, since the theoretical
Social reproduction theory brings to the scholarly discussion the key issue of the
Nonetheless, this theory has little heuristic value for understanding why some
individuals are able to overcome their socioeconomic status origin while others are not
able to do so. This theory also leaves unanswered an even more puzzling question: why
some individuals from privileged socioeconomic status origin fail to achieve the
postsecondary education success that the social structure allegedly granted to them?
—states that family socioeconomic background and student academic ability interact to
enrollment.
status influence the next generation’s educational outcomes by shaping aspirations and
expectations (Hossler, Braxton, & Coopersmith, 1989; St. John et al., 2004). Socio-
significant others have often been added to status attainment models (Hossler, Braxton,
& Coopersmith, 1989; Xie & Goyette, 2003). Additionally, some status attainment
models include measures related to contextual variables such as high school norms,
The main limitation found in works grounded in status attainment theory is the
tendency to overlook the effects of financial factors—such as tuition, financial aid, and
unmet need. A second important limitation is status attainment theory narrow focus on
familial resources, while disregarding effects from community and school resources.
III. Fundamental Concepts in Social Capital Theory
decisions in the path to postsecondary, while pondering both effects from individuals’
This theory presents avenues for filling the gaps identified in most mainstream
research: little analysis of information asymmetries, weak explanations for both upward
and downward mobility in the social structure, and overlook of the effects of extra-
familial resources. Differences in social capital may account for differences in students’
their subjective valuation of the utility derived from each step in the path to college, and
The notion of social capital has been traced back to ideas in the works of late 19 th
and early 20th centuries sociologists, such as Durkheim (1893) (e.g. organic solidarity),
Tönnies (1897) (e.g, purposive associations), and Weber (1922) (e.g. shared style of
life) (Adam and Roncevic 2003; Field 2003). Nevertheless, the concept only starts to
mature by the 1960s and early 1980s, driven by Bourdieu’s (1977; Bourdieu and
published 1973; article version, 2003), and Lin’s (1982) study about the use of social
action theory, opening the path for disciplinary development. Although the
popularization of social capital owed much to Putnam (Putnam, Leonardi & Nanetti,
1993; 2000; Putnam, Felsten & Cohen, 2003), application of the concept to educational
research is better understood within sociology. For that reason, this review will focus on
theory.
The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu has often been credited as a the first who
attempted to systematize the concept of social capital (Baron, Field et al. 2000; Dika
and Singh 2002; Adam and Roncevic 2003). Along with his intuitive definition of cultural
capital, the concept of social capital is an important piece in Bourdieu’s theory of the
social structure reproduction. In his influential article The Forms of Capital, Bourdieu
Social capital is the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are
linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized
relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition–or in other words, to
membership in a group--which provides each of its members with the backing of
the collectivity-owned capital, a "credential" which entitles them to credit, in the
various senses of the word. These relationships may exist only in the practical
state, in material and/or symbolic exchanges which help to maintain them (pp.
248-249).
In simpler terms, the social capital possessed by a given agent depends on the
economic or cultural capital possessed by those to whom s/he is connected and her/his
actual ability to mobilize such capital effectively (Bourdieu 1986). Hence, Bourdieu's
notion of social capital entails two components: first, the relationships that allows an
individual to claim resources possessed by her/his social group, and, second, the
quantity and quality of such resources (Siisiäinen 2000; Dika and Singh 2002).
Bourdieu (1986) argues that the ability of the dominant class to preserve the
assures the reproduction of the social structure. That appropriation process occurs by
several ways to institutionalize social capital, including titles of nobility, elite schools
alumni associations, selective club memberships, and so on. Such connections would
allow privileged individuals to obtain greater profits from economic or cultural capital
virtually equivalent to what is held by other individuals who lack similar connections
(Siisiäinen 2000).
including both field and habitus, the two central concepts in his work (Siisiäinen 2000;
Dika and Singh 2002). Field defined as the space in the social structure in which
individuals strive to achieve their ends while adjusting to tacit rules of action. Bourdieu
uses the term habitus to amalgamate a set of dispositions, responses, and behavior
patterns that people have acquired through acting in the different positions they hold in
social settings (e.g. family, schools, neighborhoods, clubs, voluntary groups, churches,
political parties) (Bourdieu, 1977; Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977). The habitus creates a
stable generative principle that guides the individual in making choices between
postsecondary education access should adopt the notion of institutionalized devices for
identify measures of devices that help individuals in the process of mobilizing social
action, and how rational choice operates within different social settings (Coleman 1990).
Coleman (1988; 1990) argues that an individual’s rational action is enabled by the social
human capital— embedded into relationships, and having the forms of trust (obligations
from two or more parties’ engaging in actions that provide a benefit to each other on the
basis of expectations and obligations of reciprocity that are usually not formally
sanctioned. Norms are somewhat more formalized aids for maintaining a purposeful
exchange with other actors. Norms are enforced by sanctions, which are either rewards
for performing proper actions or punishments for performing improper actions. Finally,
information that facilitates action will be available through exchange between and
among actors.
1990) defines it as a set of resources embedded in family and community that are
useful for the cognitive and/or social development of children and adolescents.
According to Coleman, the most important of the intervening factors in the formation of
such social capital is closure among individuals belonging to the same community.
Closure allows establishing and reinforcing norms, help overcome power imbalance,
and help build trust (Coleman 1990). Moreover, intergenerational closure helps to pass
norms, information and trust from adults to children (Coleman, 1988). Thus, stability
among members of the collectivity (e.g. few residential moves) and a common ideology
(e.g. same religion) are regarded as contributing factors for the maintenance of social
capital (Coleman 1990). The idea that intergenerational closure helps to institutionalize
positive norms has been influential in educational research, and has bolstered policies
promoting parental involvement and cohesive communities (Dika and Singh 2002).
rational choice. Examining the interplay among social settings, social capital, and
rational choice should be the path for a next generation of studies on social capital and
expected returns” (pg. 6). Lin (2001a) defines social capital “as resources embedded in
a social structure that are accessed and/or mobilized in purposive actions” (pg. 58).
There are three main points in his conceptualization: 1) Social capital is structurally
3) individuals’ goals drive such mobilization. Furthermore, Lin (2001c) argues that social
Figure 1 depicts Lin’s (2001a) model of social capital theory. The social structure
and the individual's position are pre-conditions and precursors, which facilitate or
constrain the investment in social capital. Positional elements and structural elements
build and maintain social capital. Thus, inequalities shaping the distribution of collective
powerless; a person’s ability to mobilize embedded resources (e.g. money, power, and
Lin (2001c) poses three major hypotheses about how social capital works: 1) the
social position of origin has a positive effect on accessing and mobilizing social capital
(structural effect); 2) the use of strong ties1 will positively affect the success of
the use of weak ties or bridges will increase access to heterogeneous resources and
ability to mobilize social capital (action effect) for accomplishing instrumental actions.
1
Each individual is supposed to be connected to a social network made by strong ties and weak ties.
Strong ties are those relationships showing a high degree of intimacy, frequent contacts, reciprocity, and
acknowledgement of obligations Lin, N. (2001). Social Capital. A Theory of Social Structure and Action.
New York, Cambridge University Press.
, Granovetter, M. (2003). The Strength of Weak Ties. Networks in the Knowledge Economy. R.
Cross, A. Parker and L. Sasson. New York, NY, Oxford University Press.
. Strong ties yield to sharing resources and reinforcing lifestyles (Lin, 2001c). Weak ties are those
that link or bridge to other social circles with dissimilar characteristics and different lifestyles, as well as
others assortments of resources (Lin, 2001c).
Lin’s (1978; 1999) studies suggest that access to hierarchical positions is a
hierarchical positions may be the reason why weak ties yield greater return than strong
ties (Granovetter, 1973; Burt, 1992). For instance, college recruiters visiting a high
school may have greater influence than parents on institutional choice, because they
hold a higher position in the educational system. Contrary to Coleman’s (1988) closure
hypothesis, Lin (1978; 1999) indicates that extensive networks also have greater return
than constrained networks when trying to obtain new resources. Lin (1999, 2001c)
possessed by the individual, but an open network, having numerous bridges, may be
of social capital. His works advance explanations on the major issues: 1) how social
capital is defined; 2) how social settings interact with availability of resources; 3) how
individual accesses those resources; 4) which type of effects can be expected from
social capital mobilization. Those explanations provide grounds for a developing a set of
Building upon the fundamental concepts in this literature, I will suggest three
ways in which social capital may generate returns for individuals. The analysis of these
three return paths should be useful for examining how social capital affects
(2001c), social capital facilitates the flow of information, and consequently it enhances
an individual’s ability to attain her/his goals. Indeed, a student needs to get relevant
mechanisms such as copying and pooling. Accordance to Collier (2002), both copying
and pooling facilitate the gathering of information about alternative courses of action.
Copying is a somewhat simple mechanism based upon observation of those that are
higher in a given hierarchy. For example, sophomore high school student Paul may
learn what courses should he takes in order to prepare for college by looking at what his
identify the opportunity of obtaining a scholarship for attending a small liberal arts
college after discussing her goals with Susan, who is not interested in such scholarship
Nonetheless, opportunities for productive copying and pooling may not available
for low income and ghetto students. If high school junior Robert does not have any
friend or acquaintance who has applied for college admission, copying is not available
to him. Indeed, he will need to put more effort in gathering information on how to apply
for college than other students having college going acquaintances. Likewise, pooling
for middle and high income students with college educated parents, but it is more
demanding for poor kids whose parents have not attained any postsecondary
education.
According to Granovetter (1973) ties to individuals from different social circles may
facilitate access to useful information that otherwise would not be available. Social
order to bring in a progressive flow of information. The effect of social networks in giving
involvement are correlated with educational attainment. Indeed, those activities provide
an extensive network from which an individual could draw information about resources
school and obtain guidance on how to apply for postsecondary education. On the
contrary, constrained networks—having few links to other circles—may limit the access
access to resources and information constitute a tough barrier for teenagers living in
exist. However, different social groups differently value behaviors and attitudes that are
To begin with, norms are externally defined and usually imposed by authority
figures (e.g. parents, teachers, priests) (Coleman, 1988; 1990). Hence, an individual’s
relationships with persons holding such norm-enforcing roles. Youngsters who live in
disadvantaged.
ruling their lives, have few incentives to behave in ways conducive to educational
attainment.
the adoption of such norms. For instance, conflicting norms may affect educational
outcomes of a teenager who aspires to a college education, but has several friends who
belong to gangs. Failing to account for conflicting norms may explain why different
groups of students experience unequal outcomes even though they are exposed to the
Finally, Coleman (1988; 1990) argues that positive norms are better enforced
know each other well, share values and religious beliefs, and so on. Lin (2001a) also
refers to strong social networks’ effects on reinforcing identity and enhancing group
recognition, both factors that may boost positive educational attainment norms.
However, both Lin (2001c) and Burt (2001) show that closure seems detrimental for
accessing new information. Since limited access to new information is damaging for
those in the bottom of the social hierarchy, policies that emphasize networks closure—
e.g. high parental control, and zero-tolerance schools—may not be beneficial for
students coming from low socioeconomic status families. As Lin (2001a) claims, mobility
opportunities are better achieved by gaining access to other groups’ resources, and
moving away from one’s original group. Thus, for low income students to gain access to
the resources required to stay within the educational system, they need to use contacts
beyond their strong ties (Burt 1998; Lin, 1999; Portes, 1998; Stanton-Salazar &
by the provision of support for navigating the educational system. The pipeline to
not be obvious for teenagers who lack beneficial social capital. Those sequential
standardized tests, assessing one’s attitudes in order to chose a future career, taking
networks for navigating this process, and taking all the required steps in a timely way.
Differences in availability of guidance along all those steps may a factor that influences
income students with either institutional counselors or informal mentors are instrumental
inequalities in postsecondary education access (Baron, Field et al. 2000; Dika and
Singh 2002; Field 2003). In this section, I review a selection of the empirical research on
findings related to social capital effects. I will focus on the extent to which this empirical
research postulates testable hypothesis for explaining how social networks provide
Review Criteria
synthesized in the previous section. This review does not attempt to be exhaustive, but
to provide a critical panoramic of the research on the subject published in the United
2) Published in the United States, within the last 10 years (An exception to this
criterion is Coleman’s foundational article).
delimited to those in which the outcome variable is one of the following: enrollment in
institution, and number of years of schooling. Most commonly used outcome variable in
institution and college attendance (Ainsworth, 2002; Duncan, 1994; Hofferth, Boisjoly &
Duncan, 1998; Horn & Chen, 1998; Musoba, 2004; Perna, 2000; Plotnick & Hoffman,
1999; St. John, 2004; St. John, Hu, Simmons, Carter, & Weber, 2004; Terenzini et al.,
2001; Zaff, Moore, Romano & Williams, 2003). Selecting these outcome variables
implies that the researcher considers that the commonalities between different kinds of
paths constitute in fact different outcomes. To account for institutional types, other
outcome variables have been used. Enrollment in a 4-year college is widely used
postsecondary education (Berkner & Chávez, 1997; Horn & Chen, 1998; Horn & Núñez,
2000; Zaff, Moore, Romano & Williams, 2003). Research focused on community college
becoming another typical outcome variable for studying access (Berkner and Chávez
1997). All outcome variables mentioned above are dichotomous. However, some
schooling is the preferred choice (Duncan, 1994; Hofferth, Boisjoly & Duncan, 1998).
Search Approach
The starting point of this review search process was examining the NELS:88
reports published between 1994 and 2004 were selected. No dissertation was selected,
but a subsequent search in online databases by the dissertations’ authors’ names led to
two more works (a journal article, and a conference paper). An additional work was
identified by tracking down the list of primary studies in social capital and educational
attainment reviewed by Dika and Singh (2002). A final online databases search (ERIC,
keywords “social capital” and enrollment did not generate additional relevant articles.
Ten other works were found through references in the initially selected articles.
grounded in Coleman’s (1988) work. The majority of the reviewed works refer to
Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1998; Stanton-Salazar & Urso Spina, 2000; Yan, 1999). Although
Coleman (1990) postulates that social capital is one among several resources available
in order to pursue rational goals, most of the reviewed studies fail to encompass social
outcomes from social capital variables, such as networks closure and intergenerational
closure. He defined networks closure as the ability of several actors to combine their
friends’ parents. Coleman hypothesizes that such relationship would make it easier for
them all to establish norms and to control behavior adjusted to such norms.
Coleman also tested hypotheses about “intra-familial social capital”, which refers
Coleman acknowledges that “intra-familial social capital” should interact with parental
education as well as with family income, his study does not control for such interactions.
This pitfall weakens his claims that family structure and parental involvement affect
educational outcomes. Nonetheless, such claims have been the most influential among
Coleman’s (1988) reported findings. Indeed, many other researchers have frequently
included similar variables in their models with mixed findings (Ainsworth, 2002; Cabrera,
La Nasa, & Burkum, 2000; Horn & Chen, 1998; Horn & Núñez, 2000; Perna, 2000).
Mullis, Rathge and Mullis (2003) assert that social capital can be measured by
the quality and quantity of the networks that connect children and adolescents with the
resources of their parents. According to them, a similar process allows children to gain
access to schools’ and communities’ resources. Mullis and associates add parental
achievement. They also hypothesize that familial capital and community social capital
interact to shape children and adolescents’ behaviors and positive valuation of
educational attainment.
research claim that families holding tight social networks are better able to encourage
children’s educational attainment (Hofferth, Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1998). They pose two
reasons for explaining why that is the case: 1) linkages among families create a
functional community with clear norms and effective sanctions (and rewards) that shape
children’s achievement norms for supporting school success; and 2) parental networks
Hofferth and associates also emphasize that family social networks interact with
composition. They hypothesize that being connected to people who are not able to
burden rather than an asset. Such network would generate obligations but not
education.
from both Coleman’s (1988) and Bourdieu’s (1986; and Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977).
According to Perna (2000), social and cultural capitals are both sources of resources
that may be invested to facilitate upward mobility. She gives emphasis to information-
sharing as the way in which social capital is invested and its profits are accrued. Perna
also builds upon McDonough’s (1997) in-depth qualitative study on Californian female
expand the understanding of the college choice process by adding together economic
cultural facets shaped by colleges, high schools, parents, friends, and mass media.
about higher education investment decisions based upon habitus and social capital.
However, Perna does not discuss in detail how the field and the habitus developed by
Karen (2002) also incorporates the notion of habitus into his conceptual
framework, which for the most part is grounded in status attainment theory. Karen
examines how high school graduates become linked to colleges with particular
selectivity levels. Following Bourdieu and Passeron (1977), Karen points out that
social origin. The development of realistic expectations of educational success and the
beginning to think about their postsecondary education opportunities will adjust their
aspirations to those usually ascribed to their class. In spite of the sociological roots of
the notion of habitus as the link between social class and rules of action, Karen portrays
in integrating cultural and social capital notions into rational choice and status
attainment conceptual frameworks. Perna (2000) hypothesizes that individuals who lack
the required cultural capital may lower their educational aspirations or self-select out of
particular situations (e.g., do not apply to a 4-year institution) because they do not know
the particular cultural norms, or they may receive fewer rewards for their educational
investment (e.g. lower grades, failure to obtain recommendation letters from influential
not have a college education would be more likely to apply for and to enroll in less
advanced degrees would be more likely to aspire, apply to and attend to highly selective
institutions.
Paulsen and St. John (2002) examine the influence of school and family
Inserting their research approach within the social reproduction theory tradition, Paulsen
and St. John propose a nexus model that links financial factors to students' choices
across social classes. The authors stress the notion of habitus, but they only barely
refer to the notion of field (Bourdieu, 1977a, 1977b). A greater focus on the notion of
field would have been appropriate since their research focuses on inequalities in
resources and opportunities due to social class. Including the notion of field, as well as
specific measures of social capital would have enhanced the nexus model’s capability
for investigating structural features that foster class inequalities regarding resources and
opportunities.
Sampson, Morenoff, & Earls, 1999; Sampson & Raudenbush, 1999). Wilson (1987;
control, social capital, differential occupational opportunity, and institutional (i.e., school)
may either facilitate or prevent access to resources that are instrumental for successful
According to Wilson, the quality and amount of resources embedded in social networks
opportunities. Wilson claims that children who live in affluent neighborhoods are more
likely to be connected to valuable social networks and to have access to adults who can
and peer networks in academic achievement. Ainsworth (2002) hypothesizes that ties to
individuals with few resources are detrimental because those ties represent obligations
relative deprivation theories. Among the five, collective socialization and epidemic
theories are relevant for this review, because of their relatedness to social capital
theory. Collective socialization emphasizes the beneficial effects of positive role models
illuminating only one side of the picture each. Alternatively, social capital illuminates
provide resources for maintaining current status or elevating it, and relationships that
This sub-section examines the measures and modeling approaches that have
been used for assessing social capital effects on postsecondary education access. I use
In his seminal work, Coleman (1988) uses the High School and Beyond 1980
data. HS&B 1980 collects detailed socioeconomic status and personal characteristics
data from a stratified random sample of 14,799 sophomores in United States high
schools. Follow-up interviews were conducted in 1982, 1984, 1986, and 1992 in order to
obtain information about students’ cognitive test scores, college enrollment and course
taking, the type of institution attended, and labor force participation (Source:
http://nces.ed.gov). There are not direct social capital measures in that dataset, so
Coleman drew on some proximal variables for bringing to light the theoretical constructs
Number of residential moves between 5th grade and 10th grade was first used by
Coleman (1988) as a proxy for lack of intergenerational closure. His rationale was that
families that move often would not have had opportunity for building relationships with
other people in the community. Residential moves during school years (Coleman, 1988;
Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Hofferth et al., 1998) or residential stability (Ainsworth,
enrollment in a Catholic high school2. Coleman makes a case for considering religiously
several ways according to their different social roles (e.g. neighbors, colleagues,
friends, fellows in faith, and so on). The existence of such multiplex relationship among
increasing available social capital for all students regardless their individual religious
Among the most commonly included of these indicators in the reviewed literature are
frequency of student contact with adults other than parents and time a student spend
with adults other than parents (Ainsworth, 2002; Carbonaro, 1999; Furstenberg &
Hughes, 1995).
2
Coleman (1988) alleges that his analysis focus on Catholic schools due to sample size restrictions, but
his hypothesis held for any denomination including non-Christian religious schools.
Perna (2000) includes high school control as a proxy for achievement
closure as a mechanism for infusing academic achievement norms. Hagy and Staniec
(2002) include the percentage of the student’s high school class enrolled in college-
Longitudinal Study – 8th grade 1988 cohort (NELS:88) and its follow-ups. NELS students
surveys comprise questions about an extensive range of topics: school, work, and home
experiences; educational resources and support; relationships with parents and peers;
collects data longitudinally from 8th grade to 8 years after programmed high school
relationships among variables. Third, it includes students, parents, teachers, and school
administrator data, allowing triangulation of data sources. Fourth, it can be merged with
other datasets, such as the Integrated Postsecondary Education Data System (IPEDS),
Federal Student Aid application records (FAFSA), and the U.S. Census Data, allowing
inclusion into the analytical models of variables accounting for financial aid and
community characteristics.
Nonetheless, using NELS:88 also has shortcomings. The more important one of
those shortcomings is that some variables conceptually required when studying social
capital effects are not included in the dataset. Thus, using NELS entails adjusting
variables suggested by the theory that are not readily available in NELS or other public
datasets. There is also a problem with a high proportion (20% to 30%) of missing data
for some relevant variables, such as typical students’ networks variables, which
encompass those measuring interactions with and influences from peers, high status-
individuals, adult models and mentors (Ainsworth, 2002; Horn & Chen, 1998; Perna,
2000; Zaff et al., 2003). The number or proportion of the student’s close friends who
either dropped out of high school (Ainsworth, 2002) or plan to attend college (Horn and
Measures of extracurricular activities (Mullis, et al., 2003; Zaff, et al., 2003) and
participation in community organizations (Mullis, Rathge et al. 2003) are also among
school based extracurricular activities, probably because the latter interact with school
Other datasets provide better-fitting measures for closure, and family support
networks. For instance, the Panel Study of Income Dynamics includes variables that
capture the family support networks construct by measuring whether a person has
offered help in the way of time or money to a friend or neighbor and whether a person
has received help in the way of time or money from a friend or neighbor (Duncan, 1994;
Hofferth et al., 1998; Plotnick & Hoffman, 1999). Measures of support network to which
the family can turn for assistance in case of disruptive life events (e.g. unemployment,
divorce, severe illness, family member’ death, childbirth, etc.) seem to be reliable
indicators of family social capital (Hofferth, Boisjoly et al. 1998; Mullis, Rathge et al.
2003). In contrast, a study using structural equation modeling indicates that parental
al. 2003). Nonetheless, parental involvement indices are pervasive in the postsecondary
education access literature (Ainsworth, 2002; Cabrera et al., 2000; Cabrera et al., 2001;
Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995; Glick & White, 2004; Horn & Chen, 1998; Mullis et al.,
2003; Perna, 2000; Tierney & Jun, 2001; Yan, 1999; Zaff et al., 2003).
as well as information about financial aid (Cabrera, La Nasa et al. 2000; Cabrera, La
Nasa et al. 2001) are widely used. A commonly used measure of this construct is
recommendation letters and help preparing personal statements) (Cabrera et al., 2000;
Cabrera et al., 2001; Perna, 2000). Perna (2000) also includes encouraging interactions
with a favorite teacher or school counselor who suggests that the student should enroll
in college.
outreach and/or college preparation programs (Horn & Chen, 1998; Musoba, 2004;
Tierney & Jun, 2001; Trent, Gong, & Owens-Nicholson, 2004). Other school resources,
as well as high school structural features and climate, are also often included in models
for examining social capital effects in postsecondary education access (Perna, 2000).
School structural features include percent minority students (Musoba, 2004; St. John et
al., 2004) and percent poverty—usually measured by the proxy percentage of students
entitled to free lunch (Ainsworth, 2002; Musoba, 2004; St. John et al., 2004). School
climate is usually a factor or index composed by indicators such as student and teacher
Exceptions are those studies that test hypotheses on how collective socialization and
rate, and high status adult residents, usually a standardized composite of proportion of
college graduates among adults over 24 years old and the proportion of employed
access. For instance, Perna (2000) hypothesizes that the most important way in which
social capital influences expectations, preferences, and evaluation of the return from
Perna’s model does not include direct measures of information, but it incorporates
proxies such as percentage of the high school graduates enrolling in college and high
school desegregation. These may be appropriate proxies for students´ peer networks,
but they are rather indirect measures of available information. The study also includes
region and location as proxies for information availability, but these measures are even
2.1) Analytical methods for examining social capital effects on PSE education access
yet agreed about analytical methods best suited for this stream of research. Relational
and spatial statistics (e.g. cluster analysis) that have being used in other fields have not
entered into postsecondary education access research (Breiger, Carley, and Pattison,
2001).
education access literature. Logistic regression is the most widely used among all
available analytical methods (Adelman, 1999; Ainsworth, 2002; Coleman, 1988; Zaff,
Moore, Romano & Williams, 2003). Indeed, most studies deal with dichotomous
outcomes, and logistic regression is the most appropriate statistical technique for
educational attainment is a bachelor degree, (Horn & Chen, 1998; Horn & Núñez, 2000;
because the long-term economic benefits for those who complete a bachelor’s degree
are greater than for those who complete an associate degree. Perna’s model of college
of social and cultural capital as proxies for expectations, preferences and tastes, and
function of direct costs, labor market opportunities, future benefits, financial resources,
Duncan’s (1994) study includes both logistic regression models and OLS
regression models. Using a similar set of family background and neighborhood predictor
variables, Duncan examines two dichotomous outcomes, high school completion and
schooling at mid-20s. The major limitation of Duncan’s study is that his selected dataset
(Panel Study of Income Dynamics), while rich in neighborhood and family measures,
lacks information about schools and academic experiences, besides the attainment
milestones used as outcomes. Hoffert, Boisjoly and Duncan (1998) also use the Panel
also, but a set of direct measures of familial social networks were added.
For those studies in which the outcome variable is continuous (e.g. years of
Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1998; Trent, Gong, & Owens-Nicholson, 2004). However, OLS is
inappropriate use of OLS regression compromises the validity of the findings reported
by Berkner and Chávez (1997) and Horn and Núñez (2000). These works have also
been criticized for serious methodological pitfalls related to selection bias, endogeneity,
In his study of differences among African Americans and other ethnic groups in
enrollment by college selectivity, Karen (2002) also uses an OLS model with variables
Variables somewhat related to social capital are linked to school experiences. In this
study, selectivity is measured by the average SAT score of students entering in a given
institution.
enrollment in 4-year institutions usually specify separate models for each outcome and
run two sets of logistic regressions (Cabrera, La Nasa et al. 2000; Cabrera, La Nasa et
al. 2001). Nonetheless, it can be argued that each one of these outcomes competes
with the other, and they must be in the same equation in order to allow for proper
estimation. Therefore, selecting an analytical technique that allows for distinct outcome
categories in the dependent variable would be appropriated. Multinomial and nested
logit models are proper analytical techniques for estimating choice models in which the
outcome variable is categorical or only partially ordered. In the reviewed literature, there
are not studies using a nested logit model for analyzing postsecondary education
enrollment, but there are a few using multinomial models (MNLM). The MNLM is a non-
linear regression, and it allows effects of the independent variables to differ for each
outcome, by estimating simultaneously binary logits for all possible comparisons among
Glick and White (2004) use a multinomial model to predict the likelihood of
participating in postsecondary education versus other activities two years later. Their
1994), with finishing high school (i.e., a high school diploma attained by 1994), and not
completing secondary education (i.e., less than high school education attained by
1994). Similarly, Hagy and Staniec (2002) use a multinomial model to estimate choices
from among five postsecondary enrollment alternatives: 4-year public institutions, 4-year
Given that students are nested within institutions (e.g. high schools and colleges)
and enduring groups (e.g. families and communities), and their postsecondary
enrollment decisions are not independent of their relationship with such groups,
analytical methods that account for multilevel structure in the data are advisable
(Raundenbush and Birk, 2002). However, only one work within the reviewed literature
uses logistic multilevel regression (Musoba 2004). Two other works address the issue of
multilevel data by using fixed-effects OLS regression (St. John, Chung, Musoba, &
Simmons, 2004) and fixed-effects logit (Plotnick and Hoffman 1999). However, the
majority of the remaining works do not even acknowledge the multilevel structure of
some predictor variables may have time-varying effects (DesJardins 2003); however,
there were no studies using event history models within the reviewed literature.
capital influence on the ability to take advantage of resources and the effects of group
measurement issues that may undermine or obscure the interpretation of these findings.
1999; Coleman, 1988; Furstenberg & Hughes, 1995). Peer behavior and plans have
Cabrera et al., 2000; Horn & Chen, 1998; Perna, 2000; Zaff et al., 2003).
Several researchers have found that residential moves during middle school or
high school reduces the likelihood of pursuing postsecondary education, specially for
low income students (Furstenberg and Hughes 1995; Hofferth, Boisjoly et al. 1998;
Glick and White 2004). This finding remains consistent in studies controlling for
and language spoken at home (Glick and White 2004). This finding is also consistent
with Coleman’s (1988) hypothesis of residential moving being disruptive of family
networks, having a negative effect on social capital available to children, and hampering
educational attainment.
education enrollment (Furstenberg and Hughes 1995), but the effects of giving and
receiving help appear to be moderated by income (Hofferth, Boisjoly et al. 1998). High
income children show greater likelihood of attending college, as a benefit from their
parents’ links to social networks. On the contrary, low income children obtain fewer
years of schooling as a result of their parents having many social networks links. These
excessive density, which according to Burt (1997) weaken the positive effects of
belonging to a network.
Results regarding effects of parental involvement are also different for different
groups of students (Yan 1999). Perna (2000) finds positive effects of parental
involvement for White students, but not for Latinos and African-Americans. Different
results may be due to variability of the measures included in composites and factors
that attempt to capture this construct, which in some cases may act in different
directions and cancel each other out. For instance, Glick and White (2004) found that
results may be due to differences in the procedures for aggregating data. Apparently,
some activities that foster leadership and intellectual development, such as participation
positively related to postsecondary education enrollment (Horn & Chen, 1998; Musoba,
2004; Tierney & Jun, 2001; Trent, Gong, & Owens-Nicholson, 2004), but specific
program features that make the difference have not been clearly identified. In order to
found. Lack of school help with college application reduces the likelihood of
postsecondary education for Latinos and Whites (Perna, 2002). Gathering information
about financial aid and talking to individuals about aid increase the odds of enrolling in
any postsecondary education (Horn and Chen 1998). Getting help with preparing for
entrance exams and the college application process increased the odds of enrolling in a
4-year institution for all students (Horn and Chen 1998). The use of test preparation
services increases the likelihood of postsecondary education for Whites and African-
Americans (Perna, 2002) but not for Latinos. However, interactions between information
counselors increases the likelihood of enrolling in a 4-year institution for Whites, but
there are no significant effects for Latinos and African-Americans (Perna 2000).
increases the likelihood of college enrollment for students of all ethnic groups, which
differences in academic quality. In any case, students who reported that most of their
high school friends have plans for enrolling in a 4-year institution were far more likely to
enroll in a 4-year institution themselves (Horn and Chen 1998). Overall, high school
(Ainsworth, 2002; Zaff, et al., 2003). However, interactions between school resources
and student personal background apparently exist. In general, attending a school with a
high poverty level decrease the odds of college enrollment for all students (St. John et
al., 2004), but effects are substantially larger for White than for Black students (Musoba
2004).
race, and family income. Living in a low income neighborhood has negative effect on
years of schooling for White females, while living in a high income neighborhood has a
positive effect on years of schooling for all groups but Black males, which only benefit
when there are also a high proportion of Black high status individuals in the community
(Duncan 1994). Percentage of women headed households and percentage of working
measurement problems and developing proper scales still remain as unsolved issues.
After reviewing both the theoretical literature on social capital and the empirical
education, I identified several issues that need to be addressed in order to move this
In the empirical research literature using social capital for examining access to
Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity, but a variety of
different entities having two characteristics in common: They all consist of some
aspect of a social structure and they facilitate certain actions of individuals who
are within the structure. Like other forms of capital, social capital is productive,
making possible the achievement of certain ends that would not be attainable in
its absence (pg. 302).
The misunderstanding of this sentence has led some researchers to pose social
capital as an immeasurable factor that can be analyzed only by observing its effects.
Under such stipulation, social capital could not be operationally defined and measured;
therefore, this construct could not be incorporated into predictive models, and it would
that an individual reaches through her/his ties to networks with other individuals and
uses instrumentally for achieving her/his rational goals. Indeed, Coleman is asserting
that the essential quality of social capital is its instrumental efficacy for enabling rational
scholar should define the construct of social capital and represents its dimensions within
a general rational action theory (Coleman 1988, 1990; Lin, 2001b; Prakash & Selle,
2004)
In the postsecondary education access research using social capital theory, the
current stage of the concept development, verifying or even falsifying social capital
theory postulates remains problematical, because such postulates are often vague or ill-
directionality. Researchers often pose a very general hypothesis about social capital
having positive effects on increasing access for low income and racially disadvantaged
students, but they often fail to explain how social capital variables produce such effects.
Determining the missing links between social capital variables and their
observable effects will set grounds for further advancing this stream of research without
separating social capital variables from their hypothesized effects. Doing that requires
establishing controls for directionality and controlling for the occurrence of other factors
that may account for both social capital and its hypothesized effects (Portes 1998; Lin
educational attainment norms; and, 3) support for navigating the system. Nonetheless,
a great deal of empirical research fails to draw such paths from the general notion of
Hence, researchers should make the social capital causal chain clearly
identifiable. Accomplishing that step would help to move social capital theory from a set
al. 2000). A well developed set of testable postulates would facilitate empirical analyses
findings, and building further extensions on what is not rejected (Coombs 1983).
The third critical limitation found is the lack of valid and reliable measures of
social capital (Baron, Field et al. 2000). Even the leading researchers in this stream—
those who have overcome conceptual ambiguity and advanced toward testable cause-
effect postulates—stop short in their research endeavor because they have to run
analyses on models that lack key variables or have to rely on inappropriate proxy
measures.
Lin (2001) explains that social capital operates within a three-phase process:
investment, access and mobilization, and obtaining returns. Measures accounting for
the investment and access phases should capture an individual’s social networks and
the resources embedded in such networks. At present, national datasets for studying
postsecondary education access do not map students’ social networks nor include
Mapping a student’s network location by identifying her/his strong and weak ties
should be the initial step. Then, a researcher should assess the social position of the
persons to which a student is tied and the relevant resources held by those persons.
student’s network should include the range of resources, the upper hierarchy resource,
the heterogeneity of resources, and the average or typical resource available in her/his
available datasets only offer rough measures of available sources of information, weak
proxies for support navigating the system, and bridges to postsecondary education
institutions.
There is also little data on how a student uses available social capital resources
develop data collection instruments for measuring the usage of social capital resources
includes a students’ choice of high school coursework, preparation or lack of it for taking
application for admission if required, application for financial aid, and the decision of
whether or not to enroll (Hossler, Braxton, & Coopersmith, 1989). Specific measures for
In this closing section, I will draw a framework for studying social capital effects in
postsecondary access that should help to fill conceptual gaps in the literature. Finally, I
will outline directions for measuring social capital variables and building comprehensive
Following Coleman (1988, 1990) and Lin (2001a, 2001b), I will frame social
capital within the wide-ranging rational action theory. I will borrow from Lin (2001a) to
social network that s/he can access and mobilize in purposive actions with the
expectation of obtaining some utility or return on investment. In this case, the return
social capital as a crucial intervening variable affecting both academic preparation and
financial resources for affording enrollment. Figure 2 shows a Comprehensive Model for
characteristics such as gender, ethnicity, parental education, and family income. It also
includes controlling variables for high school structural features, as well as academic
offerings, teaching quality, and counseling services. Grounded in previous research, the
HS Dropout
Social
Merit Aid
Community Capital Post-secondary education
Tax Base
Value of * None
Education * Job Preparation
* 2 years college
* 4 years college
Personal Background
Gender
Ethnicity Financial Resources
_________________
Parental Education Need
Enrollment
_________________ (PSE Costs - Family Contribution)
Financial Aid
Income (Amount and Types)
preparation indicators (e.g. college preparatory curriculum, high school GPA, and
indicating that the single most influential factor affecting enrollment is unmet need, when
the combination of family contribution and available financial aid is insufficient for
resources that do not belong to an individual and her/his family but are owned by other
influential persons in the community. To fill such gap, this framework incorporates social
Figure 3 shows a path diagram representing Social Capital Effects on PSE Access. The
path diagram shows three measurable dimensions of the underlying concept of social
capital; those are information, bridges, and support. These dimensions are related to
the three cause-effect paths from social capital to postsecondary education access
through institutional choice and the application process. It also has indirect effects
through planning academic preparation and applying for financial aid. Support is
hypothesized to have direct effects on PSE enrollment through both admission and
financial aid applications. Bridges are hypothesized to have direct effects on PSE
the development of instruments for measuring social capital dimensions. The first
instrument will be an adaptation of the position generator technique (Lin & Dumin,
1986). In that technique, the respondent is asked to indicate if s/he knows anyone
having a position with identified valued resources (Lin 2001). Network maps—including
requests for using resources, help obtained, and returns from such help should also be
used for estimating factors for each social capital dimension, information, support, and
bridges. Both construct validity and reliability measures for both instruments should be
analyzed using confirmatory factor analysis and direct product analysis (Bagozzi, 1994;
The goal is to develop instruments useful for collecting valid and reliable
measures of the social capital constructs that could be used for modeling
valid and reliable measures would allow researchers to test hypotheses of social capital
would add evidence for supporting our current hypotheses on social capital effects on
Social Capital
1
1 Bridges
Information 1
Support
Academic
Preparation
Finances
GPA
1 Curriculum
Family
Contribution
Merit Aid Tests 1
1 1
Need Aid
1
1
PSE Enrollment
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