Article - CMR - 0008-0160 - 1979 - Num - 20!3!1366 Armenians and Jews in Medieval Lvov

Eleonora Nadel-Golobi
Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov : Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600
In: Cahiers du monde russe et sovitique. Vol. 20 N3-4. Juillet-Dcembre 1979. pp. 345-388.
Citer ce document / Cite this document : Nadel-Golobi Eleonora. Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov : Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600. In: Cahiers du monde russe et sovitique. Vol. 20 N3-4. Juillet-Dcembre 1979. pp. 345-388. doi : 10.3406/cmr.1979.1366 http://www.persee.fr/web/revues/home/prescript/article/cmr_0008-0160_1979_num_20_3_1366
Rsum Eleonora Nadel-Golobi, Armniens et Juifs Lvov au Moyen Age. Leur rle dans le commerce avec l'Orient, 1400-1600. Au cours de la priode considre, Lvov commera avec la Moldavie et avec la Crime jusqu' la fin du XVe sicle, puis avec l'Empire ottoman au XVIe sicle. Au XVe sicle et antrieurement, le commerce de Lvov avec l'Orient tait transitaire. En revanche, partir du XVIe sicle, une partie des marchandises provenant de la Perse ou de l'Extrme-Orient et une quantit de produits d'origine balkanique taient vendus sur le march local. Deux minorits ethniques les Armniens et les Juifs avaient la haute main sur le commerce de Lvov avec l'Orient, alors que le rle des autres commerants tait de moindre importance. Les minorits armnienne et juive taient volontiers acceptes par les rois de Pologne (Lvov tait une ville de la Couronne), car elles disposaient non seulement des capitaux ncessaires et des relations internationales, mais elles avaient de surcrot l'exprience du commerce. Au dbut de la priode considre, les Juifs de la Russie Rouge et ceux de Lvov se livraient au commerce local (qui comprenait galement des marchandises originaires de l'Orient) alors que les Armniens opraient l'chelle internationale. Il n'est pas fait mention de la participation des Juifs au commerce international avant la seconde moiti du XVIe sicle. Abstract Eleonora Nadel-Golobi, Armenians and Jews in medieval Lvov. Their role in oriental trade, 1400-1600. The oriental trade of Lvov in the discussed period was connected with Moldavia and Crimea until the end of the fifteenth century and with the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. In the fifteenth century and earlier Lvov's oriental trade was of a transit character, however beginning with the sixteenth century a part of the Far Eastern or Persian goods and a considerable part of local Balkan products were sold on the local market. Lvov's oriental trade was dominated by two ethnic minorities: Armenians and Jews, while the role of other traders was less significant. Both Armenian and Jewish minorities were readily accepted by the Polish kings (Lvov was a Crown city) since they had at their disposal not only the necessary capital and international contacts, but also trading experience. In the earlier stage of this period the Jews of Red Russia and Lvov's Jews as well were engaged in local trade (which included also the articles from Orient), while the Armenians operated on an international scale. Jewish participation in international trade is attested only in the second half of the sixteenth century.
DOSSIER
ELEONORA
N A D E L - G L I
ARMENIANS
AND JEWS
IN MEDIEVAL LVOV
THEIR ROLE IN ORIENTAL TRADE 1 400- 1 600*
The city of Lvov1 arose in Ruthenian lands on the territory of GalicianVolhynian principality in the middle of the thirteenth century. The founding of the city is attributed to Galician Prince Daniil Romanovich (1202-1264), who named the city after his son and successor Lev (12641300). The first historical mention of the city is found in the GalicianVolhynian Chronicle under the year 1256 when the chronicler describing the fire of Kholm added that 'the flames were such that their glow was seen all over the country, even looking from Lvov.'2 By 1349, upon the extinction of Galician princely line, Lvov was occupied by the Poles. After the death of King Casimir in 1370, Lvov, with Galician Ruthenia, was incorporated into Hungary (on the basis of the Vyehrad Agreement between the Polish King Casimir and his nephew, Hungarian King Louis of Anjou). The Hungarian rule lasted till 1387 when Lvov, along with Galician Ruthenia, were again annexed by Poland. Lvov's geographical location at the crossroads of the trade routes leading from the Black Sea to the Baltic and connecting the Orient with Western Europe served to further its development and growth as a commercial center. The trade which created prosperous conditions for the city's merchants attracted different nationalities to Lvov. The fundamental privilege given to the city in 13563 mentions Armenians, Jews, Saracens, Tatars and Ruthenians. The Polish rule added the burghers, mostly of German stock and Poles to the city's population. We have also later information about Greek, Italian, Moldavian, Vallachian and Turkish merchants, who visited the city or settled here. The nationalities who played important roles in international trade, i.e., Armenians, Jews, Italians and Greeks, settled along the trade routes of Ruthenia, bringing with them the knowledge of oriental languages (Armenians spoke Kypchak which was the trade language of the Golden * I wish to express my profound gratitude for invaluable suggestions and biblio graphic assistance to Alexandre Bennigsen, Richard Hellie and Arcadius Kahan of the University of Chicago, and Matei Cazacu in Paris. Cahiers du Monde russe et sovitique, XX (3-4), juil.-dc. 1979, pp. 345-388. 5
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ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI
Horde), the beginnings of the banking system (Italians) and the knowledge of the markets (Jews, Greeks). These eastern and western settlers strengthened Lvov's trade by maintaining commercial ties with the communities they left behind upon moving to Lvov. The scope of this paper is, however, limited only to the role of two ethnic groups: the Armenians and Jews who for centuries became a part of the city life in Lvov and played the most prominent role in the trade with the Orient. Besides, some features of their social-economic and cultural existence in dispersion (diaspora), lack of a backing by a strong ethnic state in vicinity, the influence of a long recorded historical tra dition make them similar in many respects to each other in spite of obvious differences and justify their treatment as a special topic selected from the history of other trading minorities of Lvov whose role in oriental trade was of lesser importance.
Documentary sources for the history of trade in Lvov in frame of social and economic history in general derive essentially from the archival depositories: the local Lvov archives and the central Archives of Ancient Acts in Warsaw where the A bstracts of the Records of the Crown Chancery or the Metryka koronna are kept. The edition undertaken by T. Wierzbowski and his continuators in 1905- 1961, Matricularum Regni Poloniae Summaria, part 1-5 covers the period 1447-1572. As to the local archives of Lvov before World War II the most important were the City Archives and the so-called District, or Bernardine Archives, founded in 1784. The Bernardine collections are now in the Central State Historical Archives in Lvov as far as the medieval period is concerned. The State Archives of Lvov also contain the Acts of the City Council, the City Jury, the Court of the wjt, the Armenian Court, the City Books and other manuscripts. A rich material for the history of trade in Lvov can be found in the collection of A. Czolowski, Pomniki dziejowe Lwowa z archiwiim miasta, volumes II-IV (city records to the beginning of the fifteenth century)4 and especially in the series of Akty grodzkie i ziemskie z czasw Rzeczypospolitej polskiej z Archiwum tak zwanego Bernardynskiego we Lwowie. Of the twenty- five- volume collection, of most interest to us are volumes III-V (acts from the City Archives 1334-1496), VI (acts of the guilds 1386-1496), VII (documents from various archives before 1665 including Moldavian material), IX (City acts 1375-1521), X (abstracts of court documentation of the Castle and the County before 1783), XIV, XV, XVII and XIX (notes of court procedures 1440-1570). Besides abstracts of court claims and verdicts the Akty contain the texts of royal charters, privileges and statutes. The charters of Moldavian hospodars in volume VII are of importance when dealing with Lvov's Moldavian trade. Volumes X and XV contain valuable data on Armenian and Jewish commerce. After the publication of E. Kaluzniacki's edition of Dokumenty moldawskie i multanskie z Archiwum m. Lwowa in volume VII of the Akty* documents concerning Lvov's trade with Moldavia, Vallachia and Hungary were published by N. Iorga in his Studii si documente eu privire la istoria Rommlor,7 in volume XXIII (for the period 1404-1602), M. Costachescu in Documentele moldovenesti nainte de Stefan cel Mare, including his Documentele moldovenesti de la Bogdan voievod and Documentele moldovenesti de la Stefmfa voievod (for the years 1387-1456 and 1504-1527),8 as well as volume XV, part I of the collection of E. Hurmuzaki, Documente privitoare la istoria Romnilor* for the sixteenth century.
ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV
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Lvov's merchant privileges may also be traced to the eighteenth-century edition of medieval Polish law, the Volumina legum et constitutionum10 reprinted by J. Ohryzko. Volume I (1347-1547) and volume II (1550-1609) pertain to the period under scrutiny. Archival materials from the end of the sixteenth century still unpublished contain documents issued by the City Council, the City Jury (Inducta et protocolla iudicii civilis scabinalis), the Court of the City Judge (wjt), the Armenian Court, records of elections and grants of citizenship and so on. The Acts of the City Council include, besides decisions related strictly to administrative matters also court materials, claims, royal edicts, mandates, manifestoes, statutes of the guilds, property cases involving the City patriciate and other data.11 Local historiography of Lvov is going back to the seventeenth century as far as the history of the city in this period is concerned.11 J. Alembek, a successful merchant and poet, wrote a brief outline of Lvov's history in his "Topographia civitates Leopolitanae" (1618)13 and J. B. Zimorowicz (1597-1677) presented a chronicle of events for the period 1 292-1633 (Leopolis triplex)1* and a book on the Viri illustres civitatis Leopoliensis (1671) being himseli a distinguished citizen of Lvov and officeholder: councillor, secretary of the Council and mayor. li The later part of the seventeenth century is covered in the chronicle of J. T. Jzefowicz, canon of the local Roman-Catholic chapter." Of pure compilatory character in regard to the medieval period is the chronicle of Father I. Chodynicki, Historia stolecznego krlestw Galicyi i Lodomeryi miasta Lwowa od zalozenia jego a do czasw teraznieyszych (1829)." Of higher quality is the chronicle compiled by D. Zubrzycki who was also the first to introduce to a larger extent archival data in his Kronika miasta Lwowa (1844).1 Among the numerous memoirs of the period of fifteenth-beginning seventeenth centuries of special importance are various travelogues which enable us to trace the trade routes used and to better understand the organization of travel and transpor tation at that time. Among the better known reports are those of G. de Lannoy, Burgundian errant knight and diplomatic agent of Henry V of England (1421), E. Otwinowski, companion of the Polish ambassador to Turkey (1557), H. Lippomano, papal nuncio (1575), M. Broniewski, envoy of the Polish King Stephen Bathory to Crimea (1578), the English traveler Master Henry Austell (1585), E. Lassota von Steblau, ambassador of Emperor Rudolf II to the Zaporozhian Cossacks (1594), Sefer Muratowicz, Armenian merchant in service of Sigismund III of Poland who reached Persia (1601), Simeon Lehatsi, Armenian deacon who tra veled from Lvov to Istanbul (1608) and D. Emiddio Dortelli d'Ascoli, a Dominican monk who was prefect of Kaffa and Tartaria (1633).1 The modern scholarly literature dealing with our subject started a century ago with W. Heyd's Geschichte des Levanthandels im Mittelalter, volumes I-II (1879). Still of value is the monograph of W. Lozinski, Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo Iwowskie w XVI-XVII wieku (1895)20 and to some degree also early attempts at synthesis of the trade history of the Ukraine, such as A. Jablonowski, Handel Ukrainy w XVI wieku (1895) and A. V. Verzilov, "Ocherki torgovli iuzhnoi Rusi s 1480 po 1569 god" (1898)." Fundamental monographs on aspects of Lvov's oriental trade in connection with social, economic and cultural development of Poland, Ukraine and Romania were essentially written in the first three decades of this century. This literature is presented among others by St. Kutrzeba, "Handel Polski ze Wschodem w wiekach rednich" (1903)," M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, volume VI (1907), St. Lewicki, Lemberg's Stapelrecht (1909)," I. Nistor, Die auswrtigen Handelsbeziehungen der Moldau im XIV. XV. mid XVI. Jahrhundert (19),1* St. Lewicki, Historja handlu w Polsce (1920), J. Rutkowski, Z ary s gospodarczych dziejw Polski w czasach przedrozbiorowych (1923),'* L. Charewiczowa, Handel redniowiecznego Lwowa (1925), a concise outline still to consult," St. Hoszowski, Ceny we Lwowie w XVI i
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XVII wieku (1928), an important statistical monograph,17 R. Rybarski, Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku, volumes I-II ( 1928-1929), * P. Panaitescu, "La route commerciale de Pologne la mer Noire au Moyen Age" (1933)," J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczastwo w dawnej Polsce (1934).*0 To the role of the Black Sea trade in connection with the Ottoman expansion and changes in the structure of trade and trade routes of Eastern Europe are devoted the works of M. Malowist, Kaffa Kolonia genuenska na Krymie i problem wschodni w latch 1453-1475 (1947), 8l G. Bratianu, La mer Noire des origines la conqute ottomane (1969), an important synthesis,81 T. Mankowski, "Wyprawa po kobierce do Persji w r. 1601" (1953) and A. Dziubinski, "Drogi handlowe polsko-tureckie w XVI wieku" (1965). 8* A revived interest in aspects of Lvov's trade and the Black Sea connection started recently in the sixties with publications in Eastern Europe as well as in the West. Soviet Ukrainian scholars M. F. Kotliar and la. P. Ki published monog raphs, the first on Halyts "ka Rus" druhii polovyni XIV pershii chverti XV st., based on numismatic materials, the second on Promyslovys L'vova period feodalizmu XIII-XIX st. (1968)34 using unpublished data from the Lvov archives. Similarly E. M. Podgradskaia elaborated the problem of trade between Moldavia and Lvov, Torgovye sviazi Moldvii so L'vovom v XVI-XVII vekakh (Kishinev, all three books appeared during 1968). 8i The Shevchenko Scientific Society published a volume, Lviv. A Symposium on its 700th anniversary (1962), A. Bennigsen and Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay wrote on "Les marchands de la Cour ottomane et le commerce des fourrures moscovites dans la seconde moiti du xvie sicle" (i97o)M and M. Berindei on the Moldavian-Polish route of the same trade, "Contribution l'tude du commerce ottoman des fourrures moscovites. La route moldavopolonaise 1453-1700" (1971).87 M. Cazacu in collaboration with . Kvonian contributed new materials on the collapse of Italian dominion in the Black Sea region, in "La chute de Caffa en 1475 la lumire de nouveaux documents" along with M. Berindei and G. Veinstein in "La Tana-Azak, de la prsence italienne l'emprise ottomane (fin xine-milieu xvie sicle)" which was published in 1976. 8 Special source collections and abundant historical literature are dealing with the trading minorities of Lvov, especially with the Armenians and Jews to whom the scope of this paper is limited. A collection of royal privileges and mandates concerning the Armenians of Lvov was compiled by F. Bischoff, "Urkunden zur Geschichte der Armenier in Lemberg" (1865) for the period 1377-1736, omitting some earlier documents. * It is superseded by the edition of the same documents in the Akty although the material regarding Armenians is scattered there in volumes III, VII and IX. Other materials related to the Armenian colony in Lvov are included in volumes XIV and XV of the same series and in the Pomniki dziejowe. Information on unpubl ished sources can be found in W. Lozinski's Patry cy at i mieszczanstwo and in K. Badecki's "Zaginione ksigi redniowiecznego Lwowa" (1927) which deals with lost city records of medieval Lvov.40 Legal sources for history of the Armenians in Lvov and medieval Poland were edited and studied much more often than the other materials starting with F. Bis choff 's Das alte Recht der Armenier in Polen (1857) and his Das alte Recht der Armenier in Lemberg (1862),41 the important studies of St. Kutrzeba41 and O. Balzer48 and the recent work of M. Olea, The Armenian law in the Polish kingdom (1356-151) published in 1966 in Rome. The most important source in this category is the Armenian statute confirmed by King Sigismund I in 15 19 which was the base of Armenian courts in Poland up to 1784.44 Acts of the Armenian court in Kamenets were edited partially by T. I. Grunin in 1967, Dokumenty na polovetskom iazyke XVI w. (Stidebnye akty Kamenets- Podol'skoi Armianskoi obshchiny) covering the years 1559-1567. V. R. Grigorian prepared an edition of the portion of the same Acts written in Armenian for the period 1572-1575.4* Documentary materials
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related to Armenian and Jewish trade can be found in Z. Abrahamowicz, Katalog dokumentw tureckich. Dokumenty do dziejw Polski i krajw osciennych w latch 1455-1672." Besides indications regarding the area of commercial activities of the Armenian traders the mentioned materials contain valuable data on prices and rates of exchange in sixteenth-century Poland. The trade routes used by Armenian merchants can be reconstituted from the travelogues of Sefer Muratowicz and Simeon Lehatsi ("the Pole") mentioned above.47 Interesting data on the life and history of the Armenian communities in Lvov and Kamenets can be found in the chronicles of Jzefowicz (himself of Armenian origin), Chodynicki and Zubrzycki,48 while the Armenian Kamenets Chronicle was published in 1957 by J. Deny in L ' armno-coman et les " phmrides" de Kamieniec (1604-1613) .* The scholarly literature on the Armenians in Lvov starts in the nineteenth century with F. Z [achariasiewicz], Wiadomo 0 Ormianach w Polszcze (1842) and especially S. Baracz, ywoty stawnych Onnian w Polsce (1856) and his Rys dziejw ormianskich (Tarnopol, 1869). " T. Gromnicki, Ormjanie w Polsce, ich historja, prawa i przywileje (1889) and W. Loziski in Zlotnictwo Iwowskie v dawnych wiekach 1 384-1640 (1889) as well as in his Patry cy at i mieszczanstwo introduced respectively the aspects of legal and economic history in investigation of the Armenian past in Lvov. 51 The twentieth century witnessed an interest in the study of Armenian law in Poland (see above) mostly in the early decades and also in some general surveys of the past of Armenian colonies in Poland and Romania by F. Macler in Revue des Etudes armniennes (1926- 1927) ,si while a deeper scholarly concern for this theme emerged in the Soviet Union and Poland in the 1960's. Armenian and Ukrainian scholars published jointly three volumes of the collection Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov (Erevan, 1961, 1965, 197 1) dealing with various aspects of the Armenian colonies in medieval Poland among other things.58 From the total number of 76 contributions, 30 are devoted to our topic, although their value for research purposes is a mixed one. Together with papers written by critical scholars like la. R. Dashkevich, V. Grigorian, la. Ki, N. Kotliar, I. Krypiakevych, L. Melikset-Bek and E. M. Podgradskaia (to quote only a few names) there are some popular and compilatory articles designed apparently for the wider audience.64 Of special importance are the following publications of la. R. Dashkevich, Armianskie kolonii na Ukrainie v istochnikakh i literature XV-XIX vekov (1962) a historiographie outline, his Armianskaia koloniia v Kamenets- Podol'ske v 50-60-kh godakh XVI v. (1967; a version in English appeared earlier)" and his Ukrainskoarmianskie sviazi v XVII veke (1969), a collection of documents (most of them newly published) in translation from the Lvov Archives.** M. Zakrzewska-Dubasowa wrote a monograph on Ormianie zamojscy i ich rola w wymianie handlowej i kultur aine] midzy Polska a Wschodem (1965) and . Kvonian authored a substantial paper on Armenian commerce in the seven teenth century which is of value also for the earlier period, "Marchands armniens au xviie sicle. A propos d'un livre armnien publi Amsterdam en 1669" (1975). *' Documentary sources for the history of the Jews in Lvov are included in the following general collections mentioned above; Metryka koronna ed. by T. Wierzbowski, Pomniki dziejowe and especially volumes X and XV (1884-1891) of the Akty grodzkie.b% Special collections of documents concerning Jews have been published from the end of the nineteenth century: Regesty i nadpisi. Svod materialov dlia istorii Evreev v Rossii (80 g.-i8oo g.), volume I (1899) up to 1670, S. A. Bershadskii's Russko-evreiskii arkhiv, volume HI of which Dokumenty k istorii pol'skikh i litovskikh evreev (1903) mostly from the Metryka koronna contain about
35
60 documents on Lvov for the period 1364-1569." A collection of over 100 docu ments from the Lvov archives never published before, was edited by M. Balaban as "Materyaly" in his ydzi Iwowscy na przelomie XVI i XVII wieku (1906). New materials from the Metry ka koronna starting from 1574 were collected by J. Morgensztern, "Regesty z Metryki Koronnej do historii ydw w Polsce, 15741660" (published in 1963- 1968). eo Materials on the legal situation of the Jews can be found in the Volumina legum and in the collections of privileges of the Polish Jewry: Ph. Bloch, Die Generalprivile gien der polnischen Judenschaft (1892), M. Bersohn, Dyplomatariusz dotyczacy ydw w dawnej Polsce na rdtach archiivalnych osnuty (1382-IJ82) edited in 191 1. Also in textbook edition of R. Mahler and E. Ringelblum, Teksty rdtowe do nauki historii ydw w Polsce i we wschodniej Europie, fasc. I (i93o).ei Documentary materials from Jewish authorities, such as the book of records (pinkas) of the Lvov community (1617-1652) used by M. Balaban, the Protocols of the Jewish Council (vaad) of Four Lands available through I. Halperin, Pinkas vaad arba aratsot (Protocols of the Council of Four Lands) (1945) in Hebrew,*1 are very rare. Source materials in Hebrew derived from documentary as well as non-document ary records and incriptions, response of medieval Jewish scholars, biographical data on rabbis and members of the community board (kahal in Polish derived from Hebrew kehilla) are gathered in G. Suchystaw's Matseveth Kodesh (Holy grave stones), fasc. I-IV (i860- 1869), which was uncritical and included some forgeries, S. Buber's Anshe shem (Men offame) (1895)* and B. Z. Katz's Lekoroth ha-yehudim -Riisia, Polin ve-Lita (History of the Jews in Russia, Poland and Lithuania) (1899). J. Caro's Geschichte der Juden in Lemberg (1894), a chronicle rather than a historical monograph,*1 is based on the materials of Suchystaw and the Lvov chronicle of Zubrzycki with addenda from Zimorowicz and Jzefowicz. Of importance to the legal status of Jews in Lvov are L. Gumplowicz, Prawodawstwo polskie wzgldem ydw (1867), M. Schorr, Organizacya ydw w Polsce (1897) and Rechtstellung und innere Verfassung der Juden in Polen (1917), St. Kutrzeba, Stanowisko prawne ydw w Polsce w XV stuleciu (1901), I. Lewin, "The pro tection of Jewish religious rights by royal edicts in ancient Poland" (1943),*' as well as important studies by M. Balaban. The basic work together with a collection of source materials is M. Balaban's monograph ydzi Iwowscy na przelomie XVI i XVII wieku (1906) with special chapters on trade, Turkish Jews as well as on legal situation and sources.6' Comprehensive histories of Polish Jewry which contain some materials on Lvov include A. Kraushar, Historya ydw w Polsce, volumes I-II (i865-i866),*8H. Sternberg, Geschichte der Juden in Polen unter den Piasten und Jagiellonen (1878), H. Nussbaum, Historya ydw od Mojzesza do doby obecn j, volume V (i89o),*9 S. Dubnow, History of the Jews in Russia and Poland, volume I (1916) and his History of the Jews, volume III (1969),70 R. Mahler's outline in Di yidn in Poyln (Jews in Poland) (1946), 7l B. Mark, Di geshikhte fun yidn in Poyln (History of the Jews in Poland) (1957), f which only volume I covering the period to the midfifteenth century was published, and recently B. D. Weinryb, The Jews of Poland. A social and economic history of the Jewish community in Poland from 1100 to 1800 (Philadelphia, 1973). For economic history of the Jews in Lvov and Poland the basic monographs are I. Schipper, Stud j a nad stosunkami gospodarczymi ydw w Polsce pode zas iredniowiecza (191 1) and his monumental, Dzieje handlu ydowskiego na ziemiach polskich (1937).7* Economie and demographic aspects of history of Jews in Red Russia or Halich Land became more recently the object of important studies of M. Horn and E. Horn. Especially important to our topic is M. Horn's monograph, ydzi na Rusi Czerwonej w XVI i pierwszej polowie XVII w. Dzialalnosc gospodarcza na tie rozxvoju
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demograficznego (Warsaw, 1975) and partially also his Walka klasowa i konflikty spoleczne w miastach Rusi Czerivonej w latch 1600-164J na tle stosunkw gospodarczych (Wroclaw, 1972).'* E. Horn wrote "Poloenie prawno-ekonomiczne ydw w miastach ziemi halickiej na przetomie xvi i xvii w." (1961).74 The literature dealing with Karaites (mentioned in Lvov in 1418), Jews in the Black Sea region and Turkey in their relation with Lvov include T. Czacki, Rozprawa o ydach i Karaitach (1807), M. Bataban, "Karaimi w Polsce" (i924-i926),7i A. Zajqczkowski, Karaims in Poland (1961), G. A. Hoker, Evrei v Kaffe pod genuezskim vladychestvom (I9i2),7e J. Resnik, Le duc Joseph de Naxos (1936). " Historiographie and bibliographie materials for the history of Jews in Poland are available in G. Hundert, "Recent studies related to the history of the Jews in Poland from the earliest times to the partition period"7*, as well as in I. Biderman's monograph Mayer Balaban: historian of Polish Jewry. His influence on the younger generation of Jewish historians (1976), on the Jewish historians of Lvov in N. Gelber's article (1956)7" and Ha-historyonim in M. Bataban's shel Bibliograf yehudei ja Lvov" historji (The ydw historians w Polsce of i the krajach Jewsociennych of Lvov) za lata ioo- (1939). 80 Some observations can be drawn from the survey of sources and historiography concerning the source base of our topic, contemporary research situation and possibilities of further investigation. As far as source holdings are concerned legal documents, court books and records are the bulk of the published editions. They were issued by the authorities of the Kingdom of Poland and the city of Lvov. Far less publications deal with fiscal institutions, customs, private accountancy, commercial letters and others. As to the provenience of the archival collections, the territory of the former Kingdom of Poland is the base, while some additional material is available from Romania for Moldavia and Vallachia81 and from Genoa, Italy, for the Black Sea trade before 14 7 5." Documents issued by the Armenian and Jewish communities are very scarce for the period under study. It is quite probable that some materials of the lost Armenian chronicle of Lvov ( 1492-1537) were incorporated in the so-called Venetian chronicle.8* The same is true about the Lvov Pinkas and other Hebrew sources of the seventeenth century used in later compilations of source materials.84 Of very little value for our topic is the very rich polemical literature against Jews in Poland from the fifteenth century onwards8* as well as the political and religious literature concerning the union of the Armenian Church with Rome.**
II Lvov started to grow in importance as a center for commerce and crafts after 1356, i.e., the time when the city received the charter of Casimir the Great granting it the Magdeburg Law.87 This privilege involved a right to self -administration, exclusion from the jurisdiction of Polish governors (wojewody) , the right to organize guilds for craftsmen and trade rights. Different nationalities of Lvov were admitted to the privileges of the Magdeburg Law: Armenians, Jews, Saracens, Ruthenians and others; if, however, these nationalities chose to remain within their own jurisdictions, they could also do so. It would be appropriate to remark, however, that the Magdeburg Law favored the Catholic burghers as a whole, while other religious groups were restricted in their city rights, such as the eligibility to public offices and the right to a permanent residency in Lvov.
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Between the fourteenth and seventeenth centuries, Lvov was the major economic center of Ruthenian lands. Although not much data on Lvov's population at that time is available, a picture of a medium size city appears in our view when we compare Lvov's population with that of the other cities. At the end of the fifteenth century Lvov had 8,000 inhabitants (6,000 in the city, 2,000 in the suburbs). A more complete datum is available for the sixteenth century. According to Ki, who computed Lvov's population on the basis of data collected from the birth certificates, between the years 1574-1591 Lvov had 12,344 inhabitants, while between 1592-1620 it contained 28,789 per sons. Ki estimated that in the second half of the sixteenth century between 17,000 and 20,000 people lived in Lvov.88 For the period 1624-1635 Zubyk figured between 16,000-18,000 people.89 The ethnic breakdown of Lvov's population at the end of the sixteenth century is very incomplete; there is no doubt, however, as to the Catholic majority (Germans and Poles) who accounted for around 50 percent, while the percentage of non-Catholics (Jews, Ruthenians and Armenians) remains uncertain. According to Ki in addition to 50 percent Catholics there were 20 percent Ruthenians, 10 percent Armenians and 20 percent Jews.90 The population of Lvov was divided into two major legal groups: citizens and city dwellers. The citizens monopolized the political and initially also the economic life of the city. There were basically two requirements for citizenship besides residence: Catholic religion and legitimate birth. Foreigners who settled in Lvov could be granted the residence rights by the King's decree while the right to give the cit izenship was reserved to city authorities.91 The city records contain registration of grants of citizenship for the periods 1405-1426, 1461-1604, 1624-1635, indicating origin and trade of the new citizens.92 In the first two periods, 2,916 persons were natural ized, which makes a yearly ratio of 18.3 persons. The fluctuation in the numbers of citizenship grants was considerable: from 2 persons in 1581 to 71 in 1589. The highest noted number is 79 in 1602. 93 After 1570 the identification as "merchant" is introduced to the records and we have 68 persons in this category, among them 16 from abroad (Chios, Dalmatia, Hungary, Venice, Galata, London, Muscovy, Silesia). Sixty-seven new citizens were Armenians (13 from Lvov, 7 from Kaffa, 6 from Suceava, 6 from Kamenets and 4 from Armenia- Persia). Among 18 converts to Catholicism 4 persons who received citizenship were formerly of Jewish faith. The admissions to citizenship illustrate also the importance of certain trades in Lvov directly connected with the East-West commerce. Among the new citizens 14 percent registered as their occupation tanning industry (in first place in the fifteenth century), 10 percent cloth industry (dominating trade in the sixteenth century) and 8 percent metallic trade. Eighty-six persons or 2,9 percent of the new citizens were szlachta who settled in Lvov and became burghers in spite of the decree of 1565 which barred the gentry from trade and commerce. Two hundred fifty-six persons or 7.2 percent among the new citizenry were Rutheni ans.94 The analyzed figures confirm the observation that the Catholic burghers of German and Polish stock were in control of city life in Lvov. The Catholic community which became increasingly polonized, enjoyed
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self-government on the basis of Magdeburgian Law completely monopol izing the access to the city's political and legal institutions: the city jury (collegium scabinorum) , office of the city judge (wjt), the city council, office of the proper mayor which were hereditary and represented the city patriciate; while the College of 40, created in 1578 represented the "com moners": the trade guilds and the merchants. The ordo 40 vironim was a lifelong office that exercised control over the financial activities of the city council and other offices.95 Armenians and Ruthenians who dwelled in Lvov can be considered as second class burghers without political suffrage and with limited civil rights. In administrative and judicial matters they were mostly sub jected to the jurisdiction of the Catholic city authorities, although they constituted also separate religious and legal communities with their own elders and limited jurisdiction according to their own law: Armenian or Ruthenian.96 On the legal situation of the latter we practically know very little, since the Ruthenian elders acted as the superiors of religious fraternities (the most famous was the so-called Stauropigian or the Brotherhood of the Church of the Assumption, founded in 1463)97 and not legal communities like the Armenians or Jews. Because of their wealth the Armenians nevertheless were admitted to various committees of the city administration and their elders sometime in the seventeenth century were placed as second in importance after the city jurors, while to the Ruthenian elders is attributed the last place in the following order: city jurors, Armenian elders, merchants, guild elders, Ruthenian elders.98 It is necessary to mention that the discrimination of Ruthenians in Lvov was a policy in flagrant violation of the royal privileges of 1433 and 157299 and diverged from the pattern of Lithuania where the Ruthenians in the cities quite early achieved virtually equal rights with the burghers. However in the cities belonging to the Crown of Poland the Lvov situation is typical of the legal disabilities of the Ruthenian population.100 Quite a different situation existed, for instance, in Kamenets- Podol' sk101 where the Armenian community dominated the economy, while the Catholic group monopolized the city's political life, and the Ruthenians constituted a separate entity with their own judge elected (from 1491) who possessed criminal jurisdiction according to Ruthenian written law. Therefore the royal decrees are calling all three groups cives Camenecenses tam Romani quam Graeci et Armni ritus.102 However an inspection report of 1565 is referring only to the Catholic group as citizens (cives), while the Armenians and Ruthenians are called simply city inhabitants (incolae).103 The Jews did not belong to the burghers, nor did they participate in public life of the city. They were tolerated on the ground of royal privi leges and agreements with the city. They were subject to the juris diction of the royal governor and a jury of Jewish elders.104 The royal privileges exempted from the jurisdiction of the city's authorities on an individual basis certain groups of inhabitants: szlachta and most foreign merchants and traders. The property of the gentry and magnates within the city became sometimes a place of asylum for artisans not admitted to the guilds and for Jews without formal residency qualifications within the city limits. These enclaves are known as the
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jurydyki of the szlachta. Merchants and artisans to whom were granted the so-called serwitoriaty were exempted from toll duty and staple right of the city as well as local jurisdiction. As royal servitores they were subjected to the jurisdiction of the King's Court system.105 The complexity of the legal frames in which the Lvov Armenians and Jews lived and exercised their economic activities require a detailed analysis which will be discussed below in connection with their role in oriental trade. Before I touch upon this part of the paper, the participation of Tatars, Karaites and Greeks in Lvov's trade with the Orient should be mentioned briefly. The Greeks, as well as Moldavian merchants, did not form separate legal communities and joined the religious fraternities of the Ruthenians who were considered Greek Orthodox. A famous case is Constantine Korniakt at the end of the sixteenth century who was a native of Crete, became a wine merchant in Lvov, was a leaseholder of royal tolls and finally achieved nobility.106 The Ruthenian minority, as indi cated above, is beyond the scope of this paper. Tatars are mentioned in the privilege of King Casimir given to Lvov in 1356 after the Saracens. According to Balzer those Saracens are an explanatory note (Muslims) following the name of the Tatars.107 The information on Tatars in Lvov is very skimpy. There existed a street named Tatar street in Lvov and a tradition that a mosque was formerly in the place of the later Dominican convent. Tatars were active in tannery and commerce. It is suggested that the Lvov Tatars came from the (iolden Hoi de in pre-Polish times, were Kypchak by origin and lan guage and possibly immigrated along with the Armenians.108 As to the Karaites there is some evidence that they resided in Lvov in the fifteenth and seventeenth centuries. A Karaite settlement existed also in Dawidow near Lvov much later. If the Karaites from Lvov moved here during the seventeenth century is not clear, but in any case they disappeared from the Lvov city territory.109 Considered Jewish by the authorities, they had their own community, used their Turkic idiom but were rejected as sectarians by other Jews, since the Karaites did not recognize the Talmudic part of Judaism. Besides the Magdeburg Law, the most important privilege which insured rapid economic progress to Lvov was the staple right or the right of emporium. The city was granted this right in 1379, by Louis of Anjou.110 The staple right secured for Lvov a virtual monopoly of the eastern trade. Every merchant travelling through the area, either to the East or to the West, was obliged to stop in Lvov for 14 days and offer his goods for sale to the local merchants. Only afterwards was the mer chant allowed to proceed with the unsold merchandise. After 1444 Lvov received absolute staple right according to which all the goods had to be sold there. Besides the staple right Lvov received a number of other commercial privileges, among them Lvov's inhabitants were exempted from customs duties in Poland and Moldavia,111 which at the time was a Polish vassal (from the times of Louis of Anjou). City fairs in Lvov were held twice a year: in January and July (from 1472). Already in 1375 Lvov was marked on a Catalonian map (dutat de Leo) as a trading station of the eastern merchants on their way to Flanders.118
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Genoese sources of the fourteenth century mentioned "per viam de Lolleo" as the safest trade route to the Black Sea colonies.118 The oriental trade of Lvov in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was carried on mainly in three directions: The first direction was down the steppes, so-called Dzikie j>ola (loca dserta) to Crimea land route. The second one was down the river Dnestr and to Belgorod, by sea to Kaffa, while the third one was down the Danube to the Black Sea. The following three main trade routes frequented between the four teenth-sixteenth centuries corresponded to the above directions: The first was the so-called Via Tartarica, which existed in the fourteenth century, leading from Lvov to Kaffa in Crimea and Tana on the Azov.114 Lvov-Ternopol' (Tarnopol')-Skala-Kamenets (Kamieniec) -Mogilev (Mohylew)-Konetspole (Koniecpole)Tavan'-to Kaffa or Tana. From Tana the route led to SaraiAstrakhan-Persia-China. From Kaffa to Trabzon and Egypt. The second, chronologically later route, called Moldavian route which during the fifteenth century carried the bulk of Lvov's trade, was leading across Moldavian- Vallachian territories to Transyl vania, Turkey, the Black Sea, the coast of Asia Minor and Greek Islands. The first mention of this route is found in Lvov's city document of 138b.116 The route went from Lvov-Galich (Halicz)Kolomyja-Sniatyn-Chernovtsy (Czerniowce)-Suceava and from Suceava through Iasi-Lopusna-Belgorod Dnestrovskii (Akkerman) or Kilia on the Danube. From Belgorod by sea to Kaffa and Tana. Following the establishment of Turkish domination in the Balkans, the trade with Constantinople was achieved via Moldavia as the third most important route:116 Lvov-Khotin (Chocim)Dorohoi-Iasi-Galaji to Pazardzik-Adrianople-Constantinople. Owing to the constant exchange of goods between the Orient and the West, the city of Lvov soon became an uninterrupted market for spices, silks, oriental carpets and cloth. These goods were destined not only for internal markets of Poland but for the export as well; they were trans ported to Germany (Nuremberg) and later to Flanders (Brugge).117 Among the oriental goods carried from the Orient via Lvov-Torun'Poznan' to Germany (Breslau) were silks, ornate fabrics (samites) woven with gold, pepper, ginger and thyme. Lvov merchants also exported to Central Europe the products of Moldavian and local origin oxen, horses, hides, silver, red dye, fish and wax.118 From Lvov to the East via Moldavia, woolen cloth from Flanders and local cloth, metal goods from Upper Germany, Poland and Bohemia, arms and red dye were transporte d.119 Along with the Turkish expansion some change occurred in the character of goods traded. Lvov's merchants brought from Turkey during the late fifteenth and in the beginning of the sixteenth century muslins, satins, silk fabrics, precious stones, expensive wines from Greece
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and above all the famous oriental carpets.120 From the West to the Ottoman Empire primarily the cloth was exported as well as arms, lead, tin, knives, fur hats and the grain from Southern Poland. A closer look at the structure of Lvov's trade from the point of view, of "network" origin of of the trade traded routesgoods, reveals character the following: and directions of exchange 1. South-eastern direction: From Lvov towards Moldavia and Hungary: wool cloth from the West, local clothes from Silesia, Poland; hats (ready-made), cutlass, swords and hunting knives.121 To Lvov from Moldavia and Hungary: cattle, hides, wax, salted fish, hammerheads, flux silver, honey, plums, Moldavian wine.122 From Lvov towards Crimea (Kaffa): woolen cloth from Flanders, Brabant, Torun', Silesia, cheap cloth from Poland, metal goods from Upper Germany, Bohemia, Poland (especially German scythes, joiner' and metal' workers tools), fustian, red dye from Eastern Poland (kerms) also wax, furs, hides, etc. Before 1475 the red dye of East European origin was mostly designed for further transportation to Florence and Genoa.123 From Crimea towards Lvov: pepper and other spices, olive oil, fruit (especially lemons), silk fabrics manufactured from raw material brought to Crimea from Northern Persia, damask, kamkas (silk fabric often woven with gold and designs), side laps, Persian carpets, arms, jewelry.124 From Lvov to Turkey (after 1453): different kinds of woolen cloth, fur hats, knives, arms, tin, lead.125 From Turkey to Lvov: spices, rice, wines, carpets, alum for dyeing, silk, silk taffetas, muslins, muchair (cotton fabric with silk or wool), morocco (leather), sheepskin coats, leopard skins, Asian goat wool cloth (camlets), precious stones.126 2. Western direction: From Lvov towards Cracow: silks (silk taffetas, kamkas, brocades, damasks, velvets, kofftyr (kind of silk fabric), spices and carpets.127 As to the wide selection of silks the Lvov market was comparable to the Venetian. Also cattle were shipped further to Brieg (Brzeg)Saxony-Germany. From Cracow towards Lvov: cloth (local and in transit from England, Flanders, Italy), shoes, knives, herring.128 From Lvov to Flanders (via Cracow-Nuremberg): belts. From Flanders to Lvov: cloth.129 From Lvov to Italy: red dye, alum, furs (sables) and slaves (up to 1475), Russian furs came to Lvov via Smolensk.130 From Italy to Lvov: oriental goods, Italian silk products from the sixteenth century. From Lvov to Silesia (Breslau): horses, furs (expensive sorts like sables). Sables were sold in the sixteenth century by the batch of 40 skins (sorok). From Silesia to Lvov: cloth, green wax for sealing, horses.181
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3. North-western direction: From Lvov to Toruri: furs (sables), wax, salt from Red Russia. From Toruri to Lvov: old amber trade in the fourteenth century. From Danzig via Toruri to Lvov: iron crates for gunpowder, English cloth, beer.132 As to the structure of Lvov's trade from the point of view of prove nance of the goods three groups can be identified: oriental goods, western goods and local goods. The following local products were exported from the Kingdom of Poland: resin, tar, potash, rye, wheat, furs such as wolves, lynx honey, wax, red dye (czerwiec) , local cattle, hides, hemp and linen. Local Lvov's products were limited to a few items like: wax, red dye, salted fish, potash and honey. A glance at the map of the trade routes (see map below) shows the unimportance of trading with Lithuania and Muscovy as compared with the East- West trade of Lvov. Of lesser importance was also the direct northern connection with the Hansa. Lvov goods went to the Hanseatic markets via Cracow (mostly furs and wax) and Breslau which had connections with Frankfurt-on-Oder and from there with the cities of Northern Germany and Flanders. It is perhaps a modernization to speak about a "network" of trade routes regarding medieval Lvov, since there were quite a few in general. Nevertheless, the importance of the oriental trade is documented by the existence of three different roads (see above), while the western connection via Cracow (the capital of Poland until 1595), the northern direction to Lithuania, the northwestern to Torun' and the southern to Hungary are represented with one or two routes respectively:133 Lvov-Cracow: via Przemysl-Jaroslaw-Rzeszw-Tarnw-Bochnia; via Sandomierz (longer route). Lvov-Toruri (with extension to Gdansk): via Przemysl-Jaroslaw-Sandomierz; via Grdek-Lubaczw-Sandomierz. Lvov-Hungary: via Grdek-Przemysl-Sanok-Dukla Pass-Munkachevo; via Bbrka-ydaczw-Stryj. Lvov-Lithuania : via Olesko-Lutsk. Statistical data concerning the volume of Lvov's trade are very rare, fragmentary and difficult to obtain. Materials from the custom records preserved in the Archives of the Crown Treasury in Warsaw and made available through the monograph of Rybarski shed some light on the sixteenth century, in part on the Vallachian trade as documented by the Customs House Rolls of Halich (1536), on western trade as recorded in the Rolls of the Custom House in Grdek (1546-1549), which was the first stop from Lvov in the direction of Przemysl, and on Lvov's foreign trade as reflected in the Custom Rolls of the city (1578/1579-1580).134
TO UTHlAMlA 1& *~r v /-*k I 1 Hi ' /
THE SOUTHEASTERN TRADE ROUTES OF LVOV BETWEEN 1400-1600
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ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI III
One of the important trading communities in Lvov was Armenian whose internal organization was based on a code of law called Datastanaghirk. This codification was made in Eastern Armenia, around the year 1 184 by Mekhitar Gosh. Gosh (Kosh in Western-Armenian dialect) who was born in the middle of the twelfth century, after completion of religious studies became the abbot of the Nor-Getik monastery. The Mekhitar Gosh collection or Datastanaghirk consists of ecclesiastical and civil parts. There were two main sources on which Datastanaghirk was based: the Mosaic law (especially Exod., Levit., Deuteron.) and canon law of the Armenian church (the decrees of synods such as Dvin (645 and 719) and Partaw as well as of the Greek church (Apostolic canons, apocryphal canons of Nicea, the works of St. Basil and St. Athanasius).136 This Nomocanon collection was used both in Great Armenia and in Cilicia as a textbook of ecclesiastical and civil law. The Armenian law in Poland comprised the rules of common law, court sentences and codes. The local practice in Lvov had brought changes to the old Armenian usages and as a result a new codification was composed about 1434 comprising ten articles to which a larger codification was added between 1462 and 1469. Both of these parts formed the so-called Armenian statute, which was translated into Latin and was approved by King Sigismund I in 1519 as valid for the Armenian community of Lvov.186 On this Statute were based the decrees of the Polish kings given to Armenians of Kamenets in 1567 and of Zamos in 1694. The institution of Armenian elders (seniores) probably existed before the Armenians in Lvov were granted the Magdeburgian Law in 1356 and was based on the native practice of law. The oldest Armenian communal courts were known to have been composed of the elders of the commune and this tradition continued following the Armenian arrival to Red Russia. The leader of the elders, the Armenian judge (wjt) was limited in his actions. Since 1356 his place in the court was taken by the city judge (advocatus).137 I shall note, however, that the institution of Armenian judge continued to exist; he headed the jury, while the city judge pronounced the sentence. Along with Armenian elders and judge, the Armenian bishop also had a right to judge in ecclesiastical and civil affairs. Bishop Gregory was granted that right in 1367. The economic struggle of the Armenian community with city authori ties is reflected by continuing limitations on the Armenian court system. Starting with the decree of 1469 the institution of Armenian judge was indirectly abolished and the court of elders were to judge Armenian affairs only. The further decrees of 1476 and 1510 confirmed the previous enactment and put Armenian affairs under the supervision of "mixed courts" (city judge presiding over Armenians) and city jury. The cases of manslaughter, bloody and bruised wounds, of larceny and Armenian immovables such as real estate, land, etc., belonged to the jurisdiction of the city jury, which would try these cases according to the Magdeburgian Law. The other court cases, both civil and criminal, were under the jurisdiction of the "mixed courts" and were judged by the Armenian Law.
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The decree of 1510 also introduced the norms regarding appeals from the court" verdicts was passed to be in made the to Armenian the royal cases. court which The appeal in turn from should a consider "mixed the case according to the Armenian law.138 The aspiration of the city of Lvov for the unification of judicature on one hand, and the struggle of Armenians to preserve their independence on the other, were the basis for new quarrels and disputes. Quite a few decrees and privileges issued at that period indicate the strength of the Armenian community in Lvov. Finally, the Armenian statute of 1519 which comprised the elements of Armenian, Mosaic, Islamic, EasternRoman laws as well as Western Polish and German laws confirms the importance of Lvov's Armenians. The value of the statute lies in the fact that its provisions were obligatory not only within the Armenian judicature but outside as well. Therefore it had to be respected by the other nationalities and social groups.139 The very beginnings of an Armenian trading colony in Lvov could be ascribed to the thirteenth century. According to the legend, Prince Lev Danilovich installed Armenians in Lvov around the year 1280. l4 The first Armenian settlers are thought to be Armenian soldiers in the Prince's army. The fact of an already existing Armenian colony is confirmed by the Magdeburg Law privilege of 135b granted to the city of Lvov by Casimir the Great.141 The King recognized the existence of an autono mous Armenian community, confirming their right to self-administration, according to Armenian law, courts and the office of judge (wjt). Aside from Armenian court, they had an option of being judged by the Magdeburg Law. In cases where the Armenians opted in favor of Armenian law the city judge (advocatus) presided over the Armenian elders (seniores). The elders were six in number until 1563, after that year their number increas ed to twelve.142 When the Magdeburg Law was applied they were subject to the city judge and the bench. De facto, however, the cases of representatives of the same ethnic community were tried solely by their own court, while the joint courts played the role only when outsiders were involved. The Armenians coming to Galicia came from two points of origin.148 The earlier wave who settled in Crown cities (such as Vladimir, Lutsk, Lvov) during the fourteenth- fifteenth centuries came from Crimea, which had large Armenian colonies between the thirteenth and fifteenth cen turies in Kaffa and Sudak,144 while the latter wave who were installed by Polish magnates in private cities such as Zamo, Brody, Stanislav (Stanislawow) above all came from Vallachia. The former group spoke the Tatar (Kypchak) language while the latter knew only common Armenian. Adopting Kypchak, Armenians in Crimea preserved Armen ianas a liturgical language only. The legal documents of Armenians from Galicia and Podolia were written in Kypchak with Armenian characters. The Kypchak was used by Armenians in correspondence until the end of the seventeenth century when it was replaced by Polish.146 The oldest privileges concerning Armenians in Lvov were privileges of 1379, 1380, *3$7 and I4i5.14e On the basis of these charters Hungarian kings and later Vladislas Jagellon confirmed privileges of the Armenian community previously granted by Casimir the Great and transferred the
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Armenian inhabitants of the suburb of St. John under jurisdiction of Armenians in the city. In the beginning of the fifteenth century Armenians were limited in their commercial pursuits, only in 1402 Lvov's Armenians received the right of trade in all Ruthenian, Polish and Lithuanian lands.147 The Armenians received the right to retain trade in 1462, when Casimir Jagellon confirmed the privilege of 1402. 148 Beginning in the middle of the fifteenth century Polish kings strived to increase the number of Armenians in the city and as a result Armenians received the right to import and sell malmsey and other wines.149 From this privilege it is apparent that as the Tatar trade with Crimea diminished, the trade of Armenians began to orient itself toward Constantinople (the wines from Greece were exported via Lvov to Poland and Muscovy). Around 1497, when Lvov merchants entered the phase of their strug gle against the commerce of suburbia, suburban Armenians were denied the right to trade, the latter appealed to the king who repealed this restriction. In 1505 Armenians were partially exempted from custom duties on the merchandise brought from Vallachia, Turkey, Hungary, Crimea and Silesia.150 This was only a partial exemption since they were obliged to pay for it, a sum of 30 kopa of grossit, to King Alexander. In 15 19 the Armenian law code Datastan was translated into Latin and confirmed by Sigismund I. This statute was the basis for the Armenian judiciary until 1784, when the Special Armenian Courts were abolished. Despite the kings' protectionist policy the city of Lvov did not observe Armenian rights. The Council attempted to hinder Armenian commerce (under the pretext of not paying the city dues the officials stopped Armenian caravans going to the Cracow fair).161 In view of growing Armenian commerce the city strived to restrict Armenians in the same way as the Jews and limit their trade only to certain goods. In 1574, according to the privilege of Stephen Bathory, city Armenians who did not own any property outside of Lvov were allowed to buy land in the suburbs under the condition that they could not put up any inns or taverns.162 This clause was insisted upon by the city, which was afraid that the incoming merchants would sell their goods to Armenians and then enter the city without payment of taxes or deposit of merchandise. At this time the city further attempted to curtail Armenian rights, denying them the right to sell expensive cloth, to produce and sell beverages and hindering their professions. The Armenian community brought a suit against the city in front of King's Court, which ruled in favor of the Armenians. On July 7, 1587, Bathory confirmed Armenians in their right to sell silks, produce beverages and the right to crafts, thus equalizing them with the rest of Lvov's citizens.163 From the document of November 12, 1577164 we have a description of the goods Armenians were allowed to sell. The nature of merchandise in the big stores corr esponded to Turkish products coming from Istanbul, while the goods sold in small stores were mostly of local, German or Lithuanian origin. Written sources preserved various information regarding the Armenian colony in Lvov. The oldest Armenian settlement which was located at Podzamche is confirmed by such names as Armenian street, Armenian
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bridge, etc.166 The Podzamche community became a suburb after 1360 when a new city was founded to the south of the community. Podzamche Armenians had three churches, the monastery and the bathhouse. It is estimated that the oldest of the churches (St. Anna) was founded in the thirteenth or fourteenth century. The more prosperous Armenians and new Armenian settlers from the Orient inhabited the Armenian quarter of Lvov, which was located in the northeastern part of the city. In the beginning of the fifteenth century there were over sixty houses in this quarter.166 The Armenian cathedral church was erected here in 1361157 and in 1365 a special bishopric was established. Despite their diaspora, Polish Armenians kept close ties with their metropolitanate in Echmiadzin until 1630. King Casimir recognized Armenian religious freedom in 1367, when Gregory (Krikor) became the first Armenian bishop of Lvov. In 1407 the city tax roll listed eighty names of the heads of families who paid tax.168 The Armenians played an important role in the economi c life of Lvov. There were many skilled craftsmen among them, espe cially in such professions as tanners, dyers of leather, saddle-makers, shoe-makers, metal workers, goldsmiths and embroidery makers. Armen ians were also employed as coin strikers starting from the fourteenth century. In the medieval ages the Armenians were the most commercially oriented nationality and settled predominantly in main trading centers. In the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries Lvov was one of the three main Armenian centers of Europe, along with Venice and Amsterdam. Armen ians helped make Lvov a desirable center of international trade as they had no equals as the organizers of trade with the Orient, particularly with Crimea. In their travels they used the Tatar route to Kaffa and in the fifteenth century the Moldavian route. The Armenians had a monopo ly on the organization of trade caravans, their services were sought since they had a profound knowledge of the Orient, its customs and languages. The head of the caravan was always an Armenian, who carried the title of karavanbasha and had absolute power during the trip. The caravans had the right of extra-territoriality and were pro tected by the trade treaties between Poland and Turkey.159 The Armenian trade was entirely oriented towards the East. In the sixteenth-seventeenth goods," which were above centuries all luxury they objects, dealt with carpets, goodsembroideries, called "Armenian arms adorned with precious stones, jewelry, raw silk, kamkas and oriental spices pepper, ginger, saffron and nutmeg. Armenians were often employed by Poles as diplomatic interpreters or customs officials. Some Armenian merchants owned so-called "rich shops" (institntiae) in Lvov, i.e., large stores in the center of the market square. In 1588, of the thirty-eight existing large stores, Armenians owned twenty-two, while Catholic merchants owned nine and Kuthenians seven.160 Armen iantrade with Constantinople is attested by the letter from Sultan Suleyman I to King Sigismund I of June 27-July 5, 1540. The subject of the letter is the matter of inheritance after deceased Constantinople merchant Elmir who dealt in camlet {ciambelloto, the fabric made from goat and camel wool in Asia Minor) and cloth.161
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The previously mentioned Sefer Muratowicz worked for two Armenian merchants, Murat Kierymowicz and Norberg Popowicz. The main seat of trade was in Lvov; their business contacts, however, reached Constant inople, Muscovy and even England. They kept an uninterrupted tie with Warsaw and at the same time visited fairs in Lublin, Jaroslaw, Kamenets-Podol'sk, Torun', Danzig and other Polish cities. Their mer chandise included silk carpets, samite (zlotoglow), doublets (kaftany), horsecloth (czaprak), Russian leather (skora juchtowa) and Tatar herbs among other things. In the spring of 1601, Sefer Muratowicz left for the Persian city of Kashan which was famous for its oriental carpets. Muratowicz's records mention the goods he brought back from Persia; besides the carpets for King Sigismund III, there were outer garments (wielence), kerchiefs woven with gold, musk, small bells of damask steel. The cost of the goods totaled 876 thalers.162 A Lvovian merchant, Furek Iwaszkowicz, bought in Constantinople in 1593 several thousand thalers worth of goods, such as silk, saffron, pepper and other oriental articles which he sent to Lvov to his brother Zachariasz Iwaszkowicz. The latter again sent Gabriel Kaprius to Turkey, who was supposed to buy silks, carpets, morocco and brocades for 14,919 thalers. The caravans of brothers Iwaszkowicz followed via Moldavia to Lvov for several years.163 The prosperity of Armenian colony in Lvov is also attested by reports of the travellers. The image of the prosperous community was rendered by Ghillebert de Lannoy, who travelled through Lvov in 142 1164 as well as in later times by Armenian traveller Simeon Lekhatsi (Leatsi) who visited Lvov in the 1620's. Simeon described Armenians of Lvov as follows: "In the city stood seventy Armenian houses. In each house there were two or three tauntery (city seniors); outside of (the city) stood sixty houses. The townsmen were rich and reverend, magnificent and worthy as princes, stately and azvaury (noble), they were dressed in rich clothes of kamkas, wool, red fabric and cloth, their hats were made of velvet (trimmed) with fur."165 Many Armenian merchants made great fortunes in Lvov. In the mid-seventeenth century the income of 147 Armenian families was valued at 3,200,000 zlotys, while one Jan Warteresowicz had a fortune of 600,000 zlotys.166 Christophor Bernatowicz was able to loan to King Vladislas IV 300,000 zlotys, one-third in gold, one-third in silver and one-third in copper.167 At the same time the income of the richest Catholic Jan Alternmayer was appraised at 120,000 zlotys. During the siege of Lvov in 1648 the Armenian community was able to pay Khmelnitsky the ransom money of 91,423 zlotys.168 The other Armenian communities in Poland were in Kamenets (exact date of founding unknown, however, in 1344 Casimir the Great conceded to the Kamenets community the right to Armenian court.) 16e Kamenets contained the most important Armenian colony after Lvov. The Kamenets community had three Armenian churches (first one, St. Nichol as, was constructed in 1394). Towards the middle of the sixteenth century this colony had its school and its bishop. In 1575 there were three hundred families in Kamenets.170 In 1600 the colony numbered 1,200 families who possessed nine hundred houses.171 The colony
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received privileges from Vladislas Jagellon, John Albrecht (1491) and Stephen Bathory (1576). The Armenians had their mayor, eight consuls, forty "men of confidence" and their city hall. After the Turks took Kamenets in 1672, the Armenian community diminished; some families found refuge in Lvov, some 121 families in Macedonia. The other cities with Armenian communities were Bar (the Armenians were granted the privileges in 1540), Lutsk (colony formed in 1400), Zamo (1585), Iazlovets (1600), Sniatyn (1630). There used to be Armenian colonies in Jaroslaw (which disappeared at the end of the seventeenth century), Galich, Vladimir Volynskii, Lublin (disappeared in the eighteenth century). In Bessarabia, Armenian colonies numbered among them Akkerman, Izmail, Bendery; in Vallachia the colonies were Galami, Vaslui, Khotin and Urman. Despite their relatively small numbers Armenians constituted the second most important group in Lvov after Catholics. Despite their status as second-class citizens (with no political rights, Armenian elders had to take an annual oath of loyalty to the city council and had restricted residency until 1630) Armenians contributed a large part to Lvov's development. Protected by the policy of Polish kings, they were an isolated ethnic group in the sixteenth-century Lvov and in the seven teenth century upon the union with Rome, became quickly polonized and assimilated. In the late sixteenth century the Armenians lost their dominant posi tion in international trade to Jewish merchants who became prevalent in Lvov's oriental commerce. IV The situation of the Jews, as already mentioned, was very different from the position of Armenians in Lvov. Due, at first glance, to their religious adherence, Jews in medieval Poland were never regarded as citizens (burghers) of Lvov. Settled there by decrees of Polish kings and fulfilling an economic role which was not taken up by any other nationali ty, the situation of Jews was similar but not identical with that of "serfs of the treasury" (servi camerae) in Germany and Austria.172 The separation of the Jewish community from other nationalities was due not only to its religious denomination (non-Christian) but also to its special economic role in the Polish Kingdom. The Jews constituted an autonomous religious and legal community subjected only to the king or later to the local lords (magnates). The king or the great lords acted as protectors of Jewry and at the same time as ultimate masters of Jewish wealth, factual companions in income of Jewish financiers, benef iciaries of special taxes on Jews and of their many credit operations. Settled by the king in autonomous cities with Magdeburgian Law, the Jews had to work out also some practical arrangement of coexistence with the burghers who guarded jealously their citizenship monopoly.173 The Jews arrived in what was later known as Red Ruthenia (East Galicia, Podolia) as early as the eleventh century, but because of lack of
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concrete documentation the history of the Jewish community in Lvov can be examined only beginning with the fourteenth century.174 First mention of Lvov's Jews came down to us in the privilege of Casimir the Great granting Magdeburgian Law to the city of Lvov in 1356. m According to this charter the Jews were given the legal option of being judged cither on the basis of Magdeburgian Law or on the basis of Jewish (Talmudic-rabbinical) law under the supervision of the city judge (wjt). In practice, however, the cases in which both parties were Jewish were subject to rabbinical courts, while the cases involving Christians and Jews were going to the court of the under-wojewoda (sad podwojewodzinski ) only when the defendant was a Jew. If the defendant was a Christian, the type of the court depended upon the social status of the defendant. So, for instance, burghers were referred to the city bench, while nobility (szlachta) were taken up to the royal court at first instance administrated by the starosta (sad grodzki).1 In 1367 Casimir granted to the Jews of Lvov the same privileges, which were confirmed earlier for the Jews of Little Poland (statute of 1334, Wislica statute of 1347). 177 On the basis of this privilege Jews were granted internal autonomy, freedom of worship and state protection against persecution. Jews had to pay taxes directly to the royal treasury, had the right to travel and trade in Polish provinces and were subjected only to royal jurisdiction. Legally the Jews of Lvov as elsewhere in Poland were not servi camerae of the German or Austrian type, but rather free, protected and at the same time dependent people; historically, however, the evolution of the status of Jews was tending from the former freer situation to the later dependency of the type mentioned above.178 In practice during the discussed period, the Jewish (rabbinical) court was in charge of civil cases between Jews, while criminal cases against Jews as well as cases between Jews and Christians fell under the jurisdiction of Polish courts. The type of court, as stated previously, depended upon the social status of the defendant. During this period the King's Court itself and the High Criminal Court in the seventeenth century acted as courts of appeals in cases involving Jews. In 1571, for instance, a royal decision was issued in a case between a Lvov burgher, a certain Matthews, and the widow of Jacob Tatarian, a Lvov Jew.179 In some cases the city authorities of Lvov tried to usurp jurisdiction over Jews and to try them for felonies. This caused clashes with the royal jurisdiction. In 1554 a royal ordinance prohibited the Lvov city magistrate from putting Jews on trial, since it was the prerogative of the king's governor in Red Russia.180 From the mid-sixteenth century Jewish communities in Poland devel oped an autonomous organization with judicial functions called the Council of Four Lands with courts in every town inhabited by Jews and appellate courts for each of the four provinces: Great Poland, Little Poland, Red Russia or Podolia and Volhynia.191 The appellate court for the province of Red Russia was located in Lvov, and that for Volhynia and Ukraine in Ostrog. All civil cases among Jews were decided by
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provincial judges chosen by the Council, complicated matters regarding fines, priority of ownership, etc., were judged by the leaders of the Council themselves who acted as a High Court of Appeals. In the seventeenth century the Council met twice a year; during the spring fair at Lublin and during the early autumn fair in Jaroslaw. With the emer gence of the Council of Four Lands (separately existed also a Council of Lithuanian Jews) the Jewry in Poland centralized into one agency many of the former activities of the separate communities, such as defence of Jewish rights at the King's Court and before the Polish Diet (sejm), collection of state taxes paid by Jews (poll-tax, tax on behalf of the kahal organization, the so-called powrotne tax),182 regulation of religious practices and some other. Before that time each community dealt with those affairs on their own. The organization of the local Jewish communities in Poland was modeled after the structure of city autonomy according to Magdeburgian Law. It was hierarchical with eiders (seniores) recognized by the authorities. The seniores were usually the wealthiest members of the Jewish population. In Lvov existed two Jewish communities: one within the city walls (urban), the other outside the city walls but still within the city limits (suburban), with separate administration (kahal). For the second half of the sixteenth century the following most prominent Jewish elders were attested: Isaac Nachmanowicz (1565-1595), senior of the urban kahal, David Alexander, senior of the suburban kahal, Abraham Wolfowicz (suburb), Marc Izakowicz (city, from 1588) and his brother Nachman Izakowicz and a certain Moses who represented the urban community at the King's residence.183 Isaac Nachmanowicz was a financ ier, money-lender giving loans to nobles up to 3,200 florins and a lease holder of royal and city revenues.184 Since the kahal offices were inher itedby the richest families, the Jewish communities practically were ruled by an oligarchy which had almost unlimited power regarding all aspects of Jewish life including taxation, trade, finances, right to petition the authorities.185 The older Jewish community in Lvov and also the poorer was the community founded in the suburb called Krakowskie Podzamche in 1352 outside the city walls. There was a prayer-house which burned in 1624 and a cemetery used until 1855. The same cemetery was also used by the Karaites. 18e After the great fire of Lvov, Casimir founded a new city in the dell above the Peltev River and granted to its inhabitants Magdeburgian Law, as already mentioned. The newer and richer Jewish com munity was located within the new city occupying its southeastern part. From 1383 there is mention of a Jewish street which had 60 houses and a synagogue, the oldest attested in the sources, which was also the main synagogue of the city until 1582 and the residence of the Jewish court. Across the street from the synagogue, Jewish shops and slaughterhouses were located.187 Soon the wealthier families moved from the suburb to the city attracted by consideration of safety, better prospects for auton omy and trade activities. At the end of the sixteenth century the two communities became completely separated and each created its own rab binate and rabbinical court.188 With the spread of urban colonization and Magdeburgian Law in the
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Red Russian provinces, Jews from Poland, Silesia (where in 1350 Jewish communities existed in at least 33 cities), and also those from Germany and Bohemia, moved East. Jewish settlements emerged in Lubomla (between 1372-1382), Drohobych (1404), Podhajce (1420), Krosno (1426), Halich (1436), and Belz (1439). The new settlements became populous and important, so that the Jewish population in Red Russia soon num bered one-third of all the Jewish inhabitants of medieval Poland. Cor respondingly, Lvov's Jewry became the most significant, if not in numbers, certainly in wealth. In the beginning of the sixteenth century Lvov's Jewry paid the largest sum of yearly tax (300 zlotys) of all Jewish com munities in Poland.189 As a rule Jews settled primarily in Crown cities, rarely in private cities from the end of the sixteenth century, not being admitted at all to cities belonging to the church, which from around 1420 became actively anti-Jewish. The church generated anti-semitic feelings among the Catholic population, endorsing a complete ban on Jews for city govern ment roles and the attempts of some elements among the nobility to cancel financial indebtedness to Jewish money-lenders. At the beginning of the sixteenth century jews lived in every fourth city in Red Russia, with the largest settlements in Lvov and Belz. In 1550, 352 Jews lived in Lvov in 29 houses within the city walls, while 559 lived in 52 houses outside the walls. In 1578, there were 1,500 Jews in Lvov as computed from the registers of poll-tax. Seventy-eight Jewish families were counted in the center of Lvov, 103 families in the suburb, 15 families living in the so-called Podgrodzie and approximately 50 famil iesunder private jurisdiction (the count is based on the figure of a sixperson family).190 The exile of Jews from Cologne, Spire, Augsburg, Magdeburg in Germany during the years 1426-1450, Breslau in Silesia (1453), Prague in Bohemia (1485) and Spain (1492) generated new waves of Jewish immi gration to the East. Some of the immigrants reached Red Russia and Lvov in particular. Following the arrival of Jews from Spain, Lvov received a number of physicians, pharmacists and scientists. In 15201530, Jews from Bohemia, Hungary and Germany appeared in Lvov. At the very beginning of the sixteenth century Lvov received a number of Lithuanian Jews expelled by Alexander Jagellon in 1495, although they were soon allowed to return to Lithuania (1503). Later, Jews immigrated from some Polish cities after 1538, when these received the "privilege of not tolerating Jews" (privilegium de non tolerandis judeis), which made them forbidden cities to Jews with the exception of short visits during fairs. In 1538, the total Jewish population in Red Russia was approxi mately3,500, while in 1578 it rose to 17,900. With its 1,500 Jews, Lvov sheltered about one-twelfth of all the Jewish population of Red Russia.191 The main occupations of Jews were trade, financial operations, handic raftand the leaseholding of small farms, mills, malthouses, breweries and taverns as well as the collection of state and city taxes. Because of the policy of the Catholic burghers in Lvov to control the economic life of the city, the Jewish community was in constant struggle over the right to trade and engage in crafts. In 1453, Casimir Jagellon granted to Lvov Jews the right to trade in
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Poland. As early as 1484, the Lvov burghers complained that Jews were violating the city's staple right. In 1488-1490, the same king had fo rbidden the Jews to trade in woolens. In 1493, King John Albrecht re stricted Jewish trade to two wholesale items: woolen cloth and livestock. As for woolens, while the former ban on retail trade was still valid, the Jews were allowed to travel to any fairs in order to exchange 1 ,000 heads of cattle for woolen cloth, however, they could sell cloth only in two places, Przemysl and Jaroslaw, and only in the quantity of 500 lengths wholesale in each place.192 In 1503-1505, Alexander Jagellon granted the Jews the right of free trade as well as the right to benefit from tax reductions bestowed upon other citizens. King Sigismund I confirmed in 1515 the right of free trade with the following restrictions, which, nevertheless, were improving the legal trade position of the Jews; first, Jews could sell cloth at retail during fairs only (lifting, at least partially, the ban on retail sale issued by Casimir Jagellon) , and secondly, Jews could sell or buy only 2,000 heads of cattle per year. However, in 1521 the same king repealed this privi lege in the following charter: (a) Jews could not maintain shops in their houses, (b) Jews were allowed to sell woolens in wholesale lengths only during the Lvov fairs and elsewhere at retail either for cash or in exchange for cattle or raw hides of cattle, (c) Jews were not permitted to trade other goods, and (d) during fairs, Jews could only sell hides, cattle and wax, but were not allowed to buy those items.193 In response, Jewish trade moved from the city to the suburban com munity of Lvov until 1527, when King Sigismund forbade practically all trade activities by Jews in that suburb for two years. At the same time Gdansk forbade Jews to enter the city so that they could only visit it during the local fairs. But the situation in Lvov was different, since the king was not interested in completely destroying the economic role of Jews; and after a fire of that same year, which caused great damage to the Jews, he exempted them from taxes for five years.194 Despite these and other imposed obstacles, Jewish trade grew and played an important economic role. In 1534-1535, Jewish cattle trade amounted to 32,5 percent of Lvov's total cattle trade, while in 15391540 the Jewish share in cattle trade topped 54.2 percent of this business.195 In 1578, King Stephen Bathory gave Jews in Lvov the privilege of free trade on an equal footing with other merchants.196 As a result the City Council was compelled in 1581 to conclude a trade agreement for eight years with the Lvov Jews (Pacta judaica).191 On the basis of this agreement Jews were allowed to trade in Turkish goods. The idea was to stir up competition between Lvov's Jews and the Turkish merchants among whom Jews also were prevailing. There is a preserved list of merchandise from 1577 to 1582 under the title "Short description of goods which city Jews and suburban Jews carried to Lvov from Germany, as well as Lvov to the border (i.e., Sniatyn), also to Kamieniec. "198 Accordi ng to this list, exchange with the East included raw hides, moroccos, velvet, silk taffetas, raw silk and silk fabrics, woolens, Turkish sheepskin coats, sacks, blankets, carpets and spices. From the West, Jews imported knives, Nuremberg iron goods, saltpeter, scythes. From other sources
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we know that they brought also nails, copper, Moravian and Nuremberg cloth (see Appendix 2, table 4). The trade policy of Lvov and the other medieval Polish cities aimed at creating a restricted type of a Jewish merchant active only during the fairs who would not become a competitor for city merchants. Besides fairs in Lvov from the end of the fifteenth century, fairs were also held in Sniatyn, Kolomyja for Moldavian goods, Lublin, Kamenets for Ruthenian goods, as well as in Jaroslaw, Przemysl, Tarnopol', Zlochev, Buchach, Trembovlia, Jazlovets, Ostrog, Bar for regional or local goods. In spite of partial support by the royal authority prior to and after Bathory's reign, the burghers failed to achieve their goal in complete suppression of Jewish trade. In 1589, Sigismund III restricted Jewish trade in the city and in 1591 returned to the tenor of the charter of 1521 excluding the suburban Jews consistently from trade activities. Nevertheless, the trade agreement of 1592 concluded between the city authorities and the Jews for the next eight years depicts a situation, where both sides were willing to compromise, not insisting on the letter of royal legislation and conflicting interpretations of the parties involved. According to the Pacta of 1592 the following trade agreement was reached:199 1. (a) Jews could sell certain goods to Lvov burghers at all times and not only during the fairs. (b) As to goods barred from Jewish trade, if bought by Jews in Lvov, they could, however, be resold by them. (c) As to goods of southern and oriental trade, Jews were per mitted to sell them to Lvov's burghers at any time, to outsiders only during the fairs. This category included: Italian silk fabrics, furs and hides, Turkish goods, Moldavian goods. 2. During the fairs Jews were permitted to trade all goods with the exception of merchandise brought from Austrian lands (rakusskie towary) and Nuremberg (tin, copper, iron, steel and nails). Jews could trade in tallow. 3. Jews were obliged to observe Lvov's staple rights. They had to wait a week before they could buy merchandise brought to the city. They were not allowed to form partnerships with Jews living outside the city or with foreigners. The agreements on trade concluded between the city of Lvov and the local Jews, in spite of their temporary character, covered a period of more than fifty years (1581, 1592, 1629) and were a testimony to the relative importance of Jewish trade in Lvov. The renewal of these contracts was usually accompanied by protest from the townsmen, but the ruling patriciate, for self-interest and interest of the entire city, considered them useful and indispensable. The Jews were prevalent in cattle trade, trade of hides, furs, honey, wax, tallow and red dye.2o Especially important was the Jewish share in cattle trade as attested by the Custom Rolls of Grdek near Lvov (see Appendix 2, table 3): 44.5 percent in 1546, 37.2 percent in 1547, 46.9 per cent in 1548 and 63.3 percent in 1549. The jews had an important role also in international trade. At the end of the sixteenth century Lvov's trade with Constantinople was in Jewish hands. Turkish Jews received trade privileges in Lvov in 1567-
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1570. Those Jews were personal trade representatives of Don Joseph Nasi, Duke of Naxos, a former Portuguese Marrano who became an important Ottoman statesman. It is interesting that King Sigismund August in granting these privileges curtailed the prior existing prerogat ives of the Lvov burghers and caused a conflict with the Piotrkow Diet which supported them, while the Lvov Jews sided with the Lvov burghers against the Turkish Jews. Some of the Turkish Jews even settled in Lvov. One of the Turkish traders, Jacob Sydis of Constantinople, bought a house in Lvov. He was also in litigation with a rich Lvov Italian, Pero Galanthus over a contract breach.201 The trade concession given to Don Nasi's representatives concerned the trade of Mediterranean wine from Greece, Sicily, and the islands Paros and Naxos called malmazya (malmsey). During three years (1567-1569) those representatives of Don Nasi, Chaim Cohen and Abraham de Mosso, sold in Lvov 377 kufa of malmazya worth 33,000 flor ens approximately, 212 kufa of muscatel wine worth about 30,000 florens and other goods for 5,000 florens. Again in one year (from May 25, 1569 to May 25, 1570) they brought to Lvov 374 kufa of malmazya, 70 kufa of muscatel and other goods costing 5,000 florens. Owing to their privileges, the Turkish traders saved in Lvov at least 1,000 florens on custom duties. In 1587, Mordechai Cohen, son of Abraham, received from the Turkish Sultan the monopoly of wine export to Poland and settled in Lvov. His older brother Moshe de Mosso Cohen participated in the wine trade residing temporarily in Zamo and commuting between Constantinople, Zamo and Lvov. Moshe in a letter complains to his brother Mordechai about hindrances made by the Lvov burghers in his trade activities. He charact erizes also dogs." Hethe mentions hostile attitude also the of invitation Lvov Jews of and Chancellor calls them Jan "Our Zamojski (jealous) for Turkish Jews to settle in the new founded city of Zamo.202 The trade venture of the brothers de Mosso Cohen in Lvov led to their bankruptcy and even imprisonment of Moshe for a few days. One of the reasons was their lack of cash and borrowing money at very high rates from Lvov lenders of 50 to 150 percent, another was the growing rate of tolls imposed by the various customs along the route Lvov-Constanti nople by land; the third and decisive, however, the growth of maritime trade and shipping of Mediterranean wine by sea to Gdansk. Around 1600 Turkish Jews disappeared from Lvov's scene. In some respect they were replaced by Sephardic Jews from Italy who settled in Zamos, but the prevalence of Jews in Lvov's oriental trade was gone forever.203 The trade itself declined considerably and what was left was taken over by Armenians. By 1620, the land route Lvov-Moldavia-Constantinople became so unsafe, that as a result it eliminated completely Jewish trade with Austrian, Nuremberg and Flanders goods (iron wares, haberdashery and silks). What was left was cattle and raw hides purchased in Moldav ia, and wholesale western cloth. The decline of the Jewish share in international trade was paralleled by an increase of Jewish activities in local trade. This conclusion can be drawn from the fact that the sum of tax paid to the city of Lvov for trade permits issued to Jews increased from 50 zlotys in 1581 to 1,750 zlotys in 1654.204
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We do not have statistical data about the participation of Jewish financiers in Lvov's oriental trade. Generally speaking, some figures are available only indirectly, if we assume such a participation. Around 1440, Calef, a Kaffa Jew of Crimea, guaranteed the sum of 100 grivna of Prag grossi for Sachna of Lvov. There are also some other source indi cations on indebtedness of Red Russian Jews to Jews in Turkey in the fifteenth century. It can also be suggested that such a participation existed in the case of the banker Isaac Nachmanowicz who concluded a series of financial deals with Constantine Korniakt, one of the richest Lvov merchants at that time and a big importer of malmsey from Turk ey.206
The study of Lvov's oriental trade was introduced in European hist oriography in the nineteenth century in connection with the so-called Levantine commerce and especially with the trade colonies of the Italians in Kilia, Akkerman, Crimea and near the Azov Sea (Kaffa, Tana).206 As far as the historiography of this subject is concerned, the entire complex of problems of Lvov's oriental trade has not yet been the object of a comprehensive monograph. The studies by Kutrzeba and Charewiczowa in spite of many merits were incomplete even at the time when they were composed.207 These studies are rather outlines and the first step toward respective monographs. Nevertheless, they started the indispensable process of gathering together all the source evidence which is available in the archival materials. Far from being comprehensive the collective evidence, however, permitted for the first time elucidation of the main chronological, structural and demographic issues involved and to illustrate them with convincing source data or samples. It became obvious that Lvov's oriental trade, considered from whatever standpoint (as an entity per se, as a part of Polish oriental trade or as a part of the East- West trade)208 can be subdivided in three stages: 1. Trade connected with the Golden Horde along Via Tartarica which declined after the invasion of Timur at the end of the fourteenth century and the cvil war in Sarai (1421).209 2. Trade connected with Moldavia and Crimea until the fall of the Italian colonies in Tana (1471), Kaffa (1475) and Akkerman (1484) along the Moldavian route.210 These colonies became important at the turn of the thirteenth century. 3. Trade connected with the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth cen tury following the establishment of Turkish control over the Black Sea. The Moldavian route was extended through the Balkans to Constanti nople. The trade with Crimea lost importance. Around 1600, for safety and economic reasons (price reduction of sea transportation)211 the Balkan route lost importance except for local Moldavian cattle trade. During all three stages the eastern or south-eastern routes of Lvov provided connection to the oriental trade with silk and spices along the
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historical Silk road (to the Caspian-Persia-China), while from the Balkans cattle, hides and wines were imported. Goods from the West included woolens from Flanders, Torun', Silesia and metallic products from Nuremb erg. Local goods exchanged with the Orient were represented by honey, wax, red dye and furs. In the fifteenth century and earlier, the oriental trade as far as Lvov is concerned was of a transit character, not destined for the local consum ers.212 The character of this trade changed from the sixteenth century on: a part of the Far East or Persian articles (silk, spices, jewels and rugs) and a considerable part of local Balkan products (cattle, wines) were sold on the local market, although statistical data on this subject are not available. The fragmentary character of the source evidence permits only speculation on the volume of this trade, money operations involved, the balance of trade213 and its social implications. Among these implica tions the following questions could be of interest for discussion. What was the role of the market of oriental goods in Poland? Did it influence trade policies of the Kingdom?214 Did it affect the situation of the Armenian and Jewish merchants? Did it influence the attitude of the Catholic and Orthodox majority of the population? How did various social strata of the majority groups react under this influence? and so on.215 One of the peculiarities of Lvov's oriental trade is the fact of control exercised over it by ethnic minorities which is a product of local history as well as of economics. Lvov was a Crown city with a strong preponderance of minorities, who came to the city because of its unique commercial location along the important East-West and North-South trade routes. These minorities encouraged by the Polish kings who desired to repopulate Red Russia played an important role in the commercial development of Lvov. As the city was the main source of income for the Polish kings, their policy tended to protect the economically active ethnic city elements, who were isolated religiously or nationally from the rest of the population (Catholic Polish-German burghers and the indigenous Ruthenian population). Both Armenian and Jewish minorities were readily accepted since they had at their disposal not only the necessary capital, but also experience in trading. I would like to note, however, that the kings' policy was often inconsistent depending on their financial needs. The Jews of Red Russia played an important role in the development of credit transactions, some of them were the largest money-lenders to kings and magnates. We do not have at our disposal, however, the data on how much money was invested in oriental trade operations. With some exceptions, the Jews (of Ashkenazi descent) were engaged in local trade (which included also articles of eastern origin), while the Armenians operated on an inter national scale. Jewish participation in international trade is attested only in the second half of the sixteenth century when oriental Jews (Sefardim) became prominent for awhile in Lvov's trade with the Otto man Empire. In the existing historiography there is a body of unfounded conclusions reached on the basis of inadequate sources-materials, sweeping genera lizations, disregard of chronological and local peculiarities of develop ment, identification of the factual situation with the picture that can be
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drawn from the legal sources, the prevailing type of documentation at my disposal. Quite often bias has influenced also the judgment of serious scholars who dealt with the problem. Kutrzeba and especially Szelagowski tried to pass judgment on the character and development of Polish oriental trade practically from the viewpoint of only one city: Cracow in Kutrzeba's case and Gdansk in Szel^gowski's case.216 Charewiczowa accepted uncritically the nineteenth century assumption that the fall of Constantinople and the advance of the Ottoman Empire cut down the development of oriental trade.217 A long series of authors for various reasons reached exaggerated conclu sions on the role of Lvov minorities in oriental trade, favoring Armenians (Baranowski), Jews (Schipper) and even Greeks (Panaitescu) as the decisive element in seventeenth century trade.218 Open unfavorable opinions on Jews and their role in this trade can be found in Heck, Cha rewiczowa and Hrushevsky.219 In dealing with the problem of Lvov's oriental trade in 1400-1600 and the role played by Armenian and Jewish merchants, I have elucidated to a certain degree also the interrelationship of the factual data available in the sources directly pertaining to the topic with the knowledge of the major trends in the economic development of Europe at this period and especially of its eastern parts. This interrelationship can be subdivided for systematic purposes into at least three aspects: (a) Structural changes that occurred in oriental trade of Europe in connection with displacement of the trade routes as results of the great geographic discoveries and Turkish expansion in fifteenth-seventeenth centuries; the influence of these changes on the economic activity of the Armenians and Jews of Lvov.220 (b) Competition, cooperation and division of activities between indi viduals and groups of merchants participating in oriental trade and especially in relation to the ethnicity of the traders: Armenians and Jews. (c) Trade contacts of Lvov's Armenians and Jews with their coreli gionists in Kaffa and Turkey.221 Chicago, 1979.
The transcription from the Cyrillic alphabet (Russian and Ukrainian) is used according to the practice of the Library of Congress. 1. I am using the form Lvov (old Russian) as common for the English usage. The city is also known as Lviv in Ukrainian, Lww in Polish, Lemberg in German and Leopolis in Latin. The other city names are given in their contemporary sounding with the historical names when appropriate in brackets. 2. Polnoe sobranie russkikh letopisei, II: 195. Although the exact date of Lvov's founding is uncertain, the year 1256 is accepted by leading Ukrainian and Soviet-Russian historians. See M. Hrushevsky, "Khronolohiia polii HalytskoVolyns'koi Litopysy," Zapysky NTSh, 41 (Lviv, 1901): 40. N. Tikhomirov as quoted in Istoriia Lvova (Lviv, 1956): 8. Lvov's Polish pre-war historians favored the earlier date 1249- 1255. See L. Charewiczowa, Handel redniowiecznego Lwowa (Lww, 1925): 31. Fr. Papee, Historia miasta Lwowa (Lww, 1924): 22. 3. See below, p. 351. The text of the privilege is included in Appendix 1. 4. (Lvov, 1 895-1921). Vol. 1 appeared in 1892. It deals with the earlier period.
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5. (Lvov, 1868-1935). Published by K. Liske (vol. 1-15) and A. Prochaska (starting with vol. 16). 6. (Lvov, 1878). The Akty grodzkie i ziemskie are abbreviated as AGZ. 7. Volume XXIII (Bucharest, 1913): 292-456: Acte privitoare la negotul romanescu cu Lembergul contain 423 documents. 8. M. Costachescu edited the documents of Stephen the Great in 2 volumes (Iasi, 1931-1932), the documents of Bogdan (Bucharest, 1940) and the documents of Stefanita (Bucharest, 1942). 9. Volume edited by N. Iorga in Bucharest, 19: Acte si scrisori din arhivele oraselor ardelene (Bistrita, Brasov, Sibiu). 10. Original edition by the Piarist Fathers in Warsaw, 1732 ft. J. Ohryzko's reprint (St. Petersburg, 1859). 11. K. Badecki, "Archiwum Akt Dawnych m. Lwowa a Oddzial Staropolski, " in Ksigi i akta administracyjno-sqdowe 1 382-1 joy, III (Lww, 1935). 12. S. Rachwal, Jan Alnpek i jego "Opis miasta Lwowa" z poczqtku XVII wieku (Lvov, 1910) published the original manuscript of Alembek. On the compilatory character of Alembek's information on the Armenian colony see la. R. Dashkevich, Armianskie kolonii na Ukraine v istochnikakh i literature XV -XIX vekov (Erevan, 1962): 42-44. 13. Published in Civitates orbis terrarum, 6 (Cologne, 1597-1618): 49 ff. First translation into Polish by J. Bonkowski, Pamitnik Lwowski, 1 (1816): 3-14, 97-120. 14. J. B. Zimorowicz, Opera quibus res gestae urbis Leopolis illustrantur, ed. Heck (Leopoli, 1899). M. Piwocki published a Polish translation from the original manuscript (Lvov, 1835): Historya m. Lwowa, krlestw Galicyi i Lodomeryi stolicy . . . przez B. Zimorowicza przelozona przez M.P. 15. K. Heck. ycie i dziela Bartolomieja i Szymona Zitnorowiczw (Ozimkw) na tle stosunkw wczesnego Lwowa (Cracow, 1894). 16. J. Jzefowicz, Kronika miasta Lwowa od roku 1634 do ico, tim. M. Piwockiego (Lvov, 1854). 17. I. Chodynicki used among other sources some books of Zimorowicz and in manuscript, his Codex archivalis Civitatis Leopoliensis. Among the 142 subscribers of his publication, I found 3 Lvov Armenians: Jacob Axentowicz, vicar of the Armenian cathedral church, Kajetn Maramoross, director of school at Armenian Nunnery, Kajetn Warterasiewicz, the Armenian archbishop and "Zacharyasiewicz, Professor in Stanislav" (p. 10) who, I believe, is identical with the founder of modern historiography on Armenians in Lvov, Franciszek-Xawery z Abgaro Zacharyasiewicz (1770- 1845). 18. la. D. Isaievych, "D. I. Zubrits'kyi i ioho diial'nist' v haluzi spetsial'nykh istorychnykh dystsyplin" in Naukovo-istorychnyi biuleten' arkovnoho upravlinnia, 1 (1963): 48-57. 19. The reports of Lannoy and Lassota are summarized in V. Sichynsky's Ukraine in foreign comments and descriptions from the Vlth to the XXth century, New York (Ukrainian Congress Committee, 1953): 54-58, 216-18. The collec tion is intended for the general reader. On the reports of Otwinowski and Lippomano see J. I. Kraszewski, Podraze i poselstwa polskie do Turcji (Cracow, i860): 9-12. E. Rykaczewski, Relacye nuncjuszw apostolskich i innych osob o Polsce od roku 1548 do (Berlin-Pozna, 1864). Austell's itinerary is included in R. Hakluyt, The principal navigations of the English nation, Hakluyt Society, 5 (Glasgow, 1904): 320-329. On Muratowicz see T. Makowski, "Wyprawa po kobierce do Persji w roku 1601," Rocztiik orientalistyczny, 17 (1953): 184-211. Lehatsi was published by M. O. Darbinian (Moscow, 1965) and the "Description of the Black Sea and Tartaria" of Ascoli is available in Zapiski imperatorskogo obshchestva istorii i drevnosti, 24 (1902): 95-107. 20. Helpful for our topic are also W. Lozinski's books Zlotnictwo Iwowskie 2nd ed. (Lww, 1912) and Sztuka Iwowska w XVI i XVII wieku, 2nd ed. (Lww, 1901). 21. Jabtonowski's monograph is volume 10 of his series, Polska XVI wieku pod wzgldem geograficzno-statystycznym. A. V. Verzilov's "Ocherki" were published in Zemskii sbornk Chernigovskoi gubernii, 1-8 (1898). 22. Published originally in Przeglad polski (Cracow, 1903) 148 : 189-219, 462496; 149: 512-537; 150: ri5:i4523. Also in a Polish version as Prawo skladu w Polsce (Lww, 1910).
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24. See also his "Das moldavische Zollwesen im 15. und 16. Jhdt.," Jahrbuch fur Gesetzgebung, 34 (Leipzig, 1912). 25. Rutkowski's book was re-edited in 1953 as Historia gospodarcza Polski (do 1864 r.) with enlarged bibliography (pp. 467-537). 26. Lucja Chare wiczowa, a victim of the Nazi atrocities in Lvov, is the author of other important studies connected with our topic: "Handel Lwowa z Moidawi^ i Multanami w wiekach rednich," Kwartalnik historyczny, 39 (Lww, 1924): 37-67; wieku," "Ograniczenia ibid.: 193-227. gospodarcze Lwowskie nacyj organizacje schyzmatyckich zawodowe i ydw za czasw we Lwowie Polski xv przedrozi xvi biorowej (Lww, 1929). XVIe-XVIIe 27. A French sicles edition (Paris, of St. 1954) Hoszowski's with charts book and was diagrams. published as Les prix Lwow. 28. The second volume of R. Rybarski contains statistical data. 29. Revista istoric rornn, 3 (1933): 172-193. 30. Chapter 7 is literally repeating his earlier paper "Walki o demokraty zacj Lwowa od xvi do xvin wieku," Kwartalnik historyczny, 39 (Lww, 1925): 228-257. J. Ptasnik's Miasta are available in a second edition (Warsaw, 1949). 31. For criticism see G. I. Bratianu's review in tudes byzantines, 6 (1948): 128-130. 32. G. I. Bratianu covers the events up to the fall of Kilia and Akkerman in 1484. 33. A. Dziubinski's paper was published in Przeglqd historyczny, 56 (Warsaw, 1965): 232-259. On T. Mankowski's article see above n. 19. 34. See also M. Horn's review on Promyslouis in Kwartalnik historyczny, 76 (1969): 736-739. M. F. Kotliar published a paper "Torhivlia na Ukraini v xivxv st.," Ukrains'kyi istorychnyi zhnrnal, 1 (1975): 38-47. 35. See also E. M. Podgradskaia's paper, "Do pytannia pro rol' KamiantsiaPodil's'kogo v torhivli Ukrainy z Moldavieiu v xvi-xvi st.," ibid., 9 (1969): -112. 36. MRS. XI, 3 (1970): 363-390. 37- Ibid., XII.4 (1971): 393-4938. Ibid., XVII, 4 (1976): 495-538 (Cazacu-Kvonian); Turcica, VIII, 2 (1976): 1 10-201 (Berindei-Veinstein). 39. Archiv fur Kunde der sterreichischen Geschichtsquellen, 32 (Wien, 1865): I-I55Lwowa," 40. See Kwartalnik above . historyczny, 4-6, . . 41 Badecki, (1927): 519-579. "Zaginione ksigi redniowiecznego 41. "Das Alte Recht der Armenier in Polen" appeared in Oesterreichische Blatter Lemberg" fur was Literatur, published 28, 33, in 37, Sitzungsberichte 39, (1857). "Das der Akademie Alte Recht der der Wissenschaften, Armenier in philos. -hist. Klasse (Wien, 1862), 40: 255-302. 42. St. Kutrzeba, " Datastanagirk Mechitara Gosza i statut ormianski z r. 1519," Kwartalnik historyczny, 22 (1908): 658-679. 43. . Balzer, Sqdownictwo ormianskie w redniowiecznym Lwowie (Lww, 1909); Statut ormianski (Lww, 1910), and Porzqdek sqdw i spraw prawa ormianskiego z r. 1604 (Lww, 19 1 2). 44. The first scholarly edition belongs to F. Bischoff. See above n. 39. 45. (Moscow, 1967). It contains a lengthy introduction of the editor E. V. Sevortian (pp. 12-56) and an introductory article of la. R. Dashkevich (pp. 65-96) on the Armenian colony at Kamenets-Podol'sk. See also V. R. Grigorian, "Aktovye knigi armianskogo suda goroda Kamenets-Podol'skogo," in Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov (Erevan, 1961): 253-263. 46. (Warsaw, 1959). 47. See above n. 19. 48. See above n. 16-18. 49. Contains the text with translation, a glossary and an introduction in which a historical as well as a linguistical analysis of the source is given. 50. On S. Baracz see la. R. Dashkevich, Armianskie kolonii..., op. cit.: 118-129. 51. Ibid.: 139-14352. F. Macler, "Les Armniens de Galicie," Revue des tudes armniennes, 6 (1926): 8-17 and "Rapport sur une mission scientifique en Galicie et en Bukovin," ibid., 7 (1927): especially pp. 14-16, 20-21, 40-65.
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53. The first volume contains papers on the following subjects: Lvov historians on relations between Armenians and Ukrainians, Sadok Baracz as a historian, monuments of Armenian culture in Lvov, role of Armenians in the cultural life of Lvov, archival materials concerning the history of Armenians in Lvov, Armenian sources for the history of Ukraine, the travelogue of Lehatsi, acts of the Armenian courts of Kamenets-Podol'sk. 54. As, for instance, V. V. Grabovetskii, "Armenianskie poseleniia na zapadnoukrainskikh zemliakh," Istoricheskie sviazi (1961): 92-109 with copious misprints in the notes, where Polish titles are quoted. 55. "Kipchakacts ot the Armenian law court at Kamenetz-Podolsk (1559-1567) as a cultural and historical monument," Ural-Altaische Jahr bcher, 36 (Wiesbaden, 1965). 56. Only a few of the 65 documents in the Dashkevich collection were published earlier. 8 1-27 belong to the first half of the seventeenth century. Exceptiona lly, there are also some documents from the archives of Armenia (no. 22) and Wroclaw, Poland (nos 28, 29). 57. CMRS, XVI.2 (1975): 199-24458. See above n. 5-6. 59. Sixty among the 7,500 abstracts in vol. 10 of A GZ concern the Jews of Lvov. Materials for the history of Jews in Red Russia are scattered in volumes 1-7 of Dzherela do istorii Ukrainy-Rusy edited by the Shevchenko Society (Lviv, 189519 13). See also M. Balaban, "Akty istoricheskie," in Evreiskaia entsiklopediia, 1 (St. Petersburg, 1906): col. 672-674. 60. Biuletyn ydowskiego Instytutu history czne go, 47-48 (Warsaw, 1963): 113129; 51 (1964): 59-78; 58 (1966): 107-150. 61. See above n. 10. 62. Abstracts of the rabbinical response in part dealing with the Council of Four Lands are collected in A. Harkavy's appendix to volume 7 of H. Graetz's Dibre yemei Israel (History of the Jeics) in Hebrew for the period 1514-1614. See also B. Katz, Lekoroth ha-yehudim ba-Russia, Polin ie-Lita (History of the Jews in Russia, Poland ami Lithuania) (Berlin, 1899). 63. M. Bataban, Zydzi hvotvscy. . ., op. cit.: 551-558. 64. It is still the only available monograph on the Jews of Lvov in a Western European language. 65. Bulletin of the Polish Institute of Arts and Sciences in America, 1,3 (Apr. 1943): 556-57766. M. Balaban, "Pravovoi stroi evreev v Pol'she," Evreiskaia starina, 3 (1910): 39-66, 161-191; 4 (1910): 324-345; 5 (191 1): 40-45, 180-186. "Evreiskii seim v Pol' she ili vaad koronnyi i seimiki ili vaady okrugov," Istoriia evreiskogo nroda, 11 (Moscow, 1914): 161-205. On the kahal, ibid.: 132-160. See also Dr. I. Biderman, Mayer Balaban : historian of Polish jeivry (New York, 1976): 123-128, 142-157. Biderman's book contains as well a bibliography of Balaban's writings (pp. 309-320). 67. The same book in a popular edition without the collection of documents (188 p.) was printed in Lvov 1909 (24 + 577 p.). See also I. Biderman, op. cit.: 87-102. 68. Ibid.: 20-27. 69. Ibid.: 27-31. 70. For a bibliography of S. Dubnov's writings see his Kniga zhizni, 3 (New York, 1957): 163-189. 71. On R. Mahler see I. Biderman, Mayer Balaban, op. cit.: 275-284. 72. On I. Schipper, ibid.: 235-245. 73. M. Horn's ydzi is an important study of the economic activities of the Jews of Red Russia in the sixteenth and first half of the seventeenth century, while the second monograph is devoted to social conflicts in seventeenth-century Red Russia. 74. Biuletyn zydoivskiego Instytutu historyczne go, 40 (1961): 3-36. 75. M. Bataban's study was published in Nowe ycie, 1 (Warsaw, 1924): 1-23, 166-176, 323-340; 2 (1924): 14-26, 192-206. 76. G. . Hoker is a pseudonym of Simon Dubnov. 77. The source appendix (pp. 246-55) contains letters of King Sigismund II August of Poland addressed to Don Joseph Nasi, Duke of Naxos previously publ ished by A. Kraushar (1866), M. Bersohn (1869) and M. Schorr, "ZurGeschichtedes
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Don Josef Nai, " Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums (Berlin, 1897): 228-237. 78. The Polish review, 18 (1973): 84-99. This article contains a brief historio graphie survey of Polish Jewish historiography and a bibliography of publications for the period i960- 1972. 79. "Lvov," in Entsiklopedia shel galuyot, 4 (Jerusalem, 1956) in Hebrew. 80. I. Biderman, Mayer Balaban. . ., op. cit.: 213-215. 81. See above n. 7-9. 82. The Archives of Lvov's cathedral church of the Armenian community, which are now in the library of the Mehitarist Monastery in Vienna, contain copies of marriage certificates and wills of the merchant families who were active in oriental trade. Of special interest are here registers listing property and commodities. T. Mankowski, Orient w polskiej kulturze artystycznej (Wroclaw-Cracow, 1959): 23. Mankowski's work was published as vol. 8 of Studia z historii sztuki. 83. J. Deny, L'armno-coman. . ., op. cit.: 24; la. R. Dashkevich, Armianskie kolonii. . ., op. cit.: 37-38. 84. M. Balaban, ydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 556 ff. 85. K. Bartoszewicz, Antysemityzm w liter aturze polskiej XV -XV II wieku, (Warsaw, 19 14). On the complexity of the notion of anti-semitism as applied to medieval Poland see B. D. Weinryb. . ., op. cit.: 133-134. 86. G. Petrowicz, L' unione degli Armni di Polonia con la Santa Sede (Roma, 1950). la. R. Dashkevich, Armianskie kolonii. . ., op. cit.: 61-65. 87. AGZ, 3 (1872): no. 5. For the text and translation of the privilege see below Appendix 1. 88. la. P. Ki, "Naselenie i sotsial'naia struktura Lvova v period feodalizma," Goroda fodal' noi Rossii (Moscow, 1966): 364-365. 89. O. Stepaniv, Suchasnyi L'viv (New York, 1953): 3 attributed to the si xte nth-century figures reached for the seventeenth century by R. Zubyk, Gospodarka finansowa miasta Lwowa w latch 1624-163$ (Lww, 1930): 6-7. For compari son see figures on other Polish, German and Italian cities in the fifteenth century. Cracow had 12,000 inhabitants, Breslau 19,000, Gdansk (Danzig) nearly 20,000, while Cologne and Nuremberg around 50,000 (the same as Prague in Bohemia). The largest medieval cities were Venice, Milan and Naples in Italy with a population over 100,000. Fr. Pape, op. cit.: 63. 90. la. P. Ki, Promyslovis Lvova. . ., op. cit.: 27-28. 91. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 244 ; M. Olea, op. cit.: 74. 92. A. Czolowski, Pomniki dziejoue Lwowa z archiwum miasta, 4 vols (Lww, 1892-192 1); vol. 2: Ksigi przychodw i rozchodw miasta 1 405-1 41 4 (Lww, 1896); vol. 3: Ksigi przychodw i rozchodw miasta 1 414-1426 (Lww, 1905). For the unpublished records registering citizenship grants for the period 14611604 see A. Gilewicz, "Przyjcie do prawa miejskiego we Lwowie w latch 14051604," Studja z historii spolecznej i gospodarczej poswicone Prof. Dr. Franciszkowi Bujakowi (Lww, 1931): 375-414. For the citizenship records of 1624-1635 see R. Zubyk, op. cit., 364-368, who discusses also the requirements of property and married status. 93. A. Gilewicz, art. cit.: 382-383. 94. Ibid.: 408-409, 412-414. 95. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 40-41, 70-71, 97-100. 96. Ibid.: 274-275; M. Olea, op. cit. : 74. 97. On the Assumption Brotherhood, see M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia UkrainyRusy, 6 (Kiev-Lviv, 1907): 506 (reprint New York, 1955). Lviv. A symposium. . ., op. cit.: 108-117. M. Yaremko, Galicia-Halychyna, from separation to unity (Toron to-New York- Paris, 1967): 80 (Shevchenko Scientific Society, Ukrainian studies, 18, English section, 3). 98. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 276, n. 1. 99. Volumina legum. . ., op. cit., I: 93. For the privilege of May 20, 1572 see L. Charewiczowa, art. cit.: 200. Lviv. A symposium. . ., op. /./80-82 (chapter written by M. Andrusiak). 100. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 283. 101. Ibid.: 280-282. 102. The Latin phrase denotes the Catholics as Roman by religion, the Ruthe-
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nians as Greek (Orthodox) and the Armenians by the name of their national church. Quoted in ibid.: 281. 103. Arkhiv higo-zapadnoi Rossii, part 7, II (Kiev, 1890): 165. 104. See the monographs of M. Balaban quoted above in n. 66. For an updated and comprehensive approach see B. D. Weinryb, op. cit.: 134-137, 160-165, 172, 176-178. 105. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 257. 106. Fr. Pape, op. cit.: 92-94. . Maleczyski et al., Lww i ziemia czerwienska (Lww, s.d.) : 107. 107. . Balzer, Sqdownictwo ormianskie. . ., op. cit.: 6, n. 1. 108. E. Tryjarski, "O oglnej sytuacji jzykowej w gminach Ormian polskich," Rocznik orientalistyczny , 23 (i960): 12-13. Lviv. A symposium. . ., op. cit.: 82-83. The Lvov Tatars were still in existence around 1509, which is confirmed by the privilege of Sigismund to Lvov's burghers. D. Zubrzycki, op. cit.: 136. 109. M. Balaban, ydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 6-7. no. AGZ, 3, n 32. St. Lewicki, Historja handlu w Polsce, op. cit.: 33. in. AGZ, 4, n 75. Ladislas Jagellon exempted in 1425 Lvov's inhabitants from customs duties in Poland. In 1391, Mircea, Hospoda of Vallachia, granted a trading privilege to Lvov. See L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 63-64. In 1408 the Moldavian Hospoda Alexander bestowed a privilege of free trade upon the merchants of Lvov. Akty otnosiashchiesia k istorii iugo-zapadnoi Rossii, 1 : 136115Q8 (SPb, 1863), n 2i. 112. M. Hrushevsky, op. cit., 6 : 28. 113. J. Rudnicki, A page of Polish history. Lww (London, 1943): 3. 114. M. Hrushevsky, op. cit., 6: 58. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 37, 126, n. 44 (polemics againts Lewicki's reconstruction of this route). T. Makowski, Orient. . ., op. cit.: 50-51. 115. L. Charewiczowa, Handel..., op. cit.: 36. M. F. Kotliar, "Armiane v ekonomike srednevekovogo L'vova (xiv-xv w.), " in Istoricheskie sviazi. . ., op. cit., 3: 204. 116. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit: 37. F. Macler, Rapport. . ., op. cit.: 62. The Moldavian route to Constantinople is also attested by the travelogue of Simeon Lekhatsi whose journey from Lvov to Constantinople in 1608 included stops at Sniatyn-Suceava-Iasi-Vaslui-Barlad-Galati-Masin-Harsova-Bazarcoh-Bravat-Aidos-Kirkllis. See Simeon Lehatsi, Putevye zametki, edited by M. O. Darbinian (Moscow, 1965): 34-36. According to Erazm Otwinowski who travelled to Constantinople in 1551 from Belz, this land route took about one and a half months. . J. Kraszewski, Podraze i poselstwa polskie do Turcji (Cracow, i860): 9-12. 117. See above n. 112. The inscription on the Catalonian map of the world reads that "To the City of Lion (ciutat de Leo) arrive various merchants from Levant who continue later across the German Sea to Flanders." See la. D. Isaevich, "K kharakteristike istochnikov po istorii armianskikh kolonii Ukrainy i blizhnego Vostoka v kontse xiv-nachale xvi w.," in Istoricheskie sviazi. . ., op. cit.: 339. 118. D. I. Myshko, "Zhizn Armian v Podolii v xiv-xvn w.," in ibid.: 195. 119. M. Malowist, Wschod a Zchod Europy w XIII-XVI wieku (Warsaw, 1973): 185. 120. The oriental carpet trade was very profitable, the carpets were often left as security in pawn shops of sixteenth-century Kamenets-Podol'sk or used to pay debts. This trade is attested by court acts of Armenian community of KamenetsPodol'sk. Dokumenty na polovetskom iazyke, op. cit.: 82-83. 121. E. M. Podgradskaia, op. cit.: 58 compares the privilege of Stefan III granted to Lvov merchants on July 3, 1460 which contains the list of goods destined for Moldavia. 122. Based on Moldavian toll tariffs (ibid.: 61-64). 123. M. Mafowist, Wschd. . ., op. cit.: 185. 124. The privilege of 1408 specified these commodities as so-called "Tatar goods". The name "Tatar goods" (tovar tatar'skyi) did not point to the origin of the goods which came from the Orient and Far East but rather indicated that the merchants had brought it to Lvov through Kaffa. Cf. P. Panaitescu, art. cit.: 178. E. M. Podgradskaia, op. cit. : 47. 125. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 88.
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126. Ibid.: 87. See also the register of goods sent by merchant Mehmed to Poland and Muscovy from Ottoman Porte, Z. Abrahamowicz, op. cit.: 189. 127. St. Kutrzeba, "Dzieje handlu i kupiectwa krakowskiego, " Rocznik Krakowski, XIV (1910): 8. 128. Ibid.: 30. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 92. 129. As we find out from Lvov's city records in the fifteenth-sixteenth centuries more expensive kind of cloth would include cloth from Brussels (usually in black, yellow, green or brown shade), Thuin (black), Ypres, Mechelen (red and black), Louvain (black and yellow), Dendermonde, Lierre, Kortrijk, Herenthals and Eysden as well as from England made in London fpannum lundense) or Colchester. Italian cloth on Lvov's markets came from Florence. Simpler, cheaper kinds were Silesian cloths (from Breslau, Zittau [Zytawa], Oppeln [Opole], Gorlitz), Moravian, Prussian and Polish. Cf. M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, op. cit., 6: 67. St. Kutrzeba, "Dzieje. . .," art. cit.: 6. 130. L. Charewiczowa, Handel..., op. cit.: 92-93. The biggest slave market in medieval ages was in Kaffa. Until the fall of Kaffa in 1475 the slaves were trans ported via Lvov to Genoa and Venice. See M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, op. cit., 6: 20-21. 131. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 97-98. 132. Ibid.: 102. M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, op. cit., 6: 68. 133. M. Balaban, ydzi lu-ou-scy. . ., op. cit.: 393-394. 134. See Appendix 2, tables 1,2,3,4,5. 135. St. Kutrzeba, " Datastanagirk. . .," art. cit.: 664. 136. M. Olea, op. cit.: 24. 137. See the Magdeburgian privilege, in Appendix. Also ibid.: 31. O. Balzer, Sadownictwo ormianskie, op. cit.: 22. 138. M. Oies, op. cit.: 43. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .," art. cit.: 41. 139. O. Balzer, Porzadek sqdow i spraw prawa ormianskie go z r. 1604 (Lww, 1912): 13. 140. The date of their first arrival is uncertain. See D. I. Myshko, art. cit.: 185. J. Deny, op. cit.: 10. . Balzer, Statut ormianski, op. cit.: 142, 150. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .", art. cit.: 56. I. Krypiakevych, "K voprosu o nachale armianskoi kolonii vo L'vove," in Istoricheskie sviazi. . ., op. cit.: 122. 141. AGZ, 3, n" 5 (June 17, 1356). 142. O. Balzer, Sqc/oivnictwo ormianskie, op. cit.: . 143. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .", art. cit.: 20. 144. In contemporary sources of the thirteenth century, Crimea was called Great Armenia. Cf. Z. Dubiska, "Z bada nad psalterzami ormiaskimi w jzyku kipczackim," Przeglqd orientalistyczny, 38 (1975): 204. J. Deny, op. cit.: 7. 145. Z. Dubiska, art. cit.: 204-205. It is considered that the change was brought about indirectly as a result of religious union with Rome in 1630. See E. Tryjarski, "Z badn nad psalterzami ormiaskimi," Rocznik orientalistyczny, 23 (i960): 8. Of a certain interest for our topic is also the linguistic literature dealing with the idioms used in medieval Lvov's trading communities. On the languages of the Armenians see besides the studies of Grunin and Deny (above n. 45, 49). M. Lewicki and R. Kohnowa, "La version turque-kiptchak du Code des lois des Armniens polonais d'aprs le ms. n 1916 de la Bibliothque Ossolineum," ibid., 21 (1948): 153-300, as well as the above mentioned E. Tryjarski, "O oglnej sytuacji. . .," art. cit.: 8-27. Z. Dubiska, art. cit. 146. A GZ, 3 (1379): 58-59; 3 (1380): 60-61; 3 (1387): 75-76, 79-80; 4 (1415): 85-87. 147. A GZ, 4, n 4: 8-9. 148. F. Bischoff, op. cit., n 15: 26-28. 149. Ibid., n 16: 28 (the privilege of Casimir Jagellon of 1476). 150. Ibid., n 21: 34-36 (King Alexander's privilege of 1505). . 151. L. Charewiczowa, "Ograniczenia gospodarcze nacyj i ydw we Lwowie," Kwartalnik history zny , 39 (1925): 208. 152. F. Bischoff, op. cit., n 37: 72-73. 153. Ibid., n 40: 79-81. 154. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 210. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .," art. cit.: 52. 155. AGZ, 10 (1884) n 267: 18, 15 (1894): 90. 156. I. Krypiakevych, art. cit.: 126.
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157. The date of the founding is uncertain, according to J. Deny, op. cit.: 17, the Armenian church was founded in 1361; F. Macler, "Rapport. . .," art. cit.: 15 established the date as 1363. 158. I. Krypiakevych, art. cit.: 126. According to Kronika miasta Lwowa, op. cit.: 107 (63 names). 159. In 1489 Sultan Bayezid II granted the Polish Armenians the right to trade in the Ottoman Empire. Cf. St. Lewicki, "Ormianie polscy," Kwartalnik historyczny, 73 (1966): 410. 160. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 211. In addition 19 small stores were owned by Armenians in 1589. S. Barcz, Rys dziejw ormianskich, op. cit.: 117. 161. Z. Abrahamovicz, op. cit., 66. 162. T. Makowski, "Wyprawa. . .," art. cit.: 209. 163. E. M. Podgradskaia, op. cit.: 157. Iwaszkowicz karavan sent from Con stantinople to Lvov in 1600 contained goods worth 12,185 ducats (camlets, carpets, Brusa belts and one bale of silks). See W. Loziski, Patrycyati mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 271-272. 164. Gh. de Lannoy, uvres (Louvain, 1878) : 54. 165. S. Lekhatsi, Putevye zametki (Moscow, 1965): 244. 166. K. Heck, ycie i dziela Bartlomieja i Szymona Zimorowiczw (Krakw, 1894): 38. E. Horn, Walka. . . op. cit.: 66. 167. V. V. Grabovetskii, "Armianskie poseleniia na zapadno-ukrainskikh zemliakh," in Istoricheskie sviazi..., op. cit.: 98. 168. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .," art. cit.: 64. W. Loziski, Patrycyat i mieszczans two..., op. cit.: 306. 169. G. Petrowicz, op. cit.: 2. 170. J. Deny, op. cit.: 11. 171. F. Macler, "Rapport. . .," art. cit.: 46. 172. . D. Weinryb, op. cit.: 36 confers that the term servi camerae was not used in Poland. Cf. also B. Mark, op. cit.: 431-445. 173. The Jews of Lvov entered into several trade agreements with the city authorities, so-called Pacta judaica. The first took place in 1581, the second in 1592 and the third in 1629. M. Balaban, ydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 17, 37, 105. 174. E. Horn, ydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. . ., op. cit.: 13. 175. AGZ, 3 (1872), no 5. 176. . D. Weinryb, op. cit.: 141. M. Balaban, Zydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 288. 177. J. Ptanik, Miasta i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 290-291. E. Horn, ydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. . ., op. cit.: 15. 178. See above n. 172. . Mark, op. cit.: 431-445 for the period to mid-six teenthcentury, while B. D. Weinryb, op. cit.: 36 is stressing the opposite tendency of this development. 179. AGZ, 10 (1884), n 1633: 109. 180. AGZ, 10 (1884), n 1007: 67. 181. On the Council of Four Lands, see above n. 104. 182. M. Balaban, ydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 340. 183. Ibid.: 566-568. 184. Ibid.: 41-52. 185. I. Krypiakevich, review of Balaban's book, Zapysky NTSh, 77 (1907): 77-79186. M. Baiaban, Zydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 7. 187. Ibid.: 3-12. 188. Ibid.: 231 ff. in detail on the community organization; 267 ff. on the rabbinate. 189. E. Horn, ydzi na Rusi Czerwonej. . ., op. cit.: 16. 190. For the statistical data on Lvov Jews in 1550-1578, see ibid.: 62-63. 191. Ibid.: 65. 192. M. Balaban, ydzi Iwowscy. . ., op. cit.: 395. 193. See sources in M. Baiaban, "Materyaty," in op. cit.: 4-7, also 396-398. 194. AGZ, 10 (1884), n 391. 195. I. Schipper, Dzieje handlu ydowskiego na ziemiach polskich (Warsaw, 1937): 35-36196. Ibid.: 61. 197. M. Balaban, "Materyaiy," in op. cit.: n 16: also 408-413.
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198. A GZ, 10 (1884), n 2531. M. Baiaban, "Materyaty," in op. cit.: 405-406. 199. AGZ, 10 (1884), n 2576. M. Baiaban, "Materyaty," in op. cit.: 419-420. 200. Two Jewish traders from Turkey, Jacob Mur or Meyer and Joseph of Jerusalem, who possessed the monopoly on the import of Polish wax are known from the message of Selim II to Sigismund August dated July 8-Aug. 4, 1567. See A. Bennigsen and Ch. Lemercier-Quelquejay, art. cit.: 366. 201. M. Baiaban, "Materyaty," in op. cit.: 25. About rabbi Jacob Sydis and his participation in malmsey trade, see W. Loziski, Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 50-51. On Turkish Jews see M. Schorr, Monatsschrift (Berlin, 1897): 228237. M. Baiaban, "Materyaly," in op. cit.: 459 ff. 202. W. Loziski, Patrycyat i mieszczanstwo. . ., op. cit.: 52-53. I. Schipper, Dzieje handlu. . ., op. cit.: 32-33. 203. J. Morgensztern, "O dziaialnoci gospodarczej ydw w Zamociu w xvi i xvii wieku. Handel," Biuletyn ydowskiego Instytutu history czne go, 56 (1965): 17. Z. witalski, "Przyczyny wycofania sie ydw tureckih, uchodcw z Hiszpanii, z handlu lewantyskiego Rzeczypospolitej w ostatnch latch xvi w.," ibid., 37 (1961): 65. 204. M. Baiaban, "Materyaly," in op. cit.: 453. 205. Ibid.: 44. 206. . Dipping, Histoire du commerce entre le Levant et l'Europe depuis les croisades jusqu' la fondation des colonies d'Amrique (Paris, 1830): 207-209 called attention to Kaffa slave trade, but did not mention Lvov. 207. St. Kutrzeba, "Handel polski. . .," art. cit. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit. and Ograniczenia gospodarcze, op. cit. 208. As an entity per se from 1925 (Charewiczowa), as a part of the oriental trade of Poland (Kutrzeba, 1903), as a part of the Levantine trade of Europe from 1879. W. Heyd, Geschichte. . ., op. cit., II: 195, 719 and Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen Age, II (Leipzig, 1886): 193, 730-731. 209. This trade was connected with the fairs of Champagne until the end of the fourteenth century. It is quite possible that the goods imported from Tataria (samite, silk), Russia and Poland (wax, grey squirrel) were brought to Troyes via Lvov, although we lack decisive evidence. See F. Bourquelot, tude sur les foires de Champagne , mmoires prsents par divers savants l'Acadmie des Inscriptions et Belles-Ixttres, 5 (Paris, 1865): 206-207. On these fairs in connection with the trade between the Baltic Sea and the Mediterranean, J. Lacour-Gayer, Histoire du commerce, 2 (Paris, 1950): 275-277. 210. The land route to Akkerman is also known as frequented by Jewish pi lgrims going to Jerusalem. From Akkerman they travelled by sea to Samsun in Asia Minor. W. Heyd, Histoire. . ., op. cit., 2: 731, n. 2. On Lvov's trade with Moldavia, L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit. and E. M. Podgradskaia, op. cit. 211. A. Dziubinski, "Drogi handlowe polsko-tureckie w xvi stuleciu," Przeglqd historyczny, 56/2 (1965): 233-259 (the route Lvov-Constantinople: 240 ff.) 212. A. Szel^gowski, Pieniqdz i przewrt cenwXVl i X VII wieku w Polsce (Lww, 1902): 52-53. 213. R. Rybarski, Handel polski. . ., op. cit., 2: 282 (cattle), 285-287 (hides, furs), 287-294 (textiles, beverages, metals, minerals), 296-298 (spices), 300-310 (cloth), 313-314 (money) ; 1: 245-249 (trade balance). 214. According to B. Weinryb, op. cit.: 66 there was no consistent trade policy in the Polish Kingdom at all. Similarly R. Rybarski, Handel polski. . .. op. cit.: 292-294. 215. Ibtd.: 342-358216. A. Szelagowski, op. cit. mentions Lvov only once: 60. 217. L. Charewiczowa, Handel. . ., op. cit.: 87. 218. . Baranowski, Znajomo Wschodu w dawnej Polsce (Lod, 1950): 135. I. Schipper, Dzieje handlu. . ., op. cit.: 90. P. Panaitescu, art. cit.: 24. 219. . Heck, op. cit.: 41. L. Charewiczowa, Handel..., op. cit.: 116-117. M. Hrushevsky, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy, op. cit., V: 257-259. 220. On the impact of the geographic discoveries starting with the end of the fifteenth century see J. Dabrowski, "Conseguenze economiche delle scoperte geografiche nel territorio dal Baltico al Mar Nero," in La Pologne au VIIe Congrs international des sciences historiques, 3 (Varsovie, 1933): 9-14. On the economic impact of the Turkish conquest see Die wirtschaftlichen Auswirkungen der Tiirken-
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kriege hrsg. von O. Pickl (Graz, 1971); especially the paper of J. Malecki on change in the trade of Cracow and Poland during the Turkish wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. An attempt to confront the socio-economic structures of Eastern and Western parts of Europe from the Eastern European vantage point was made by M. Malowist, Wschd..., op. cit. 221. Ibid.: 184-185. T. Lewicki, review of the monograph of ZakrzewskaDubasowa (see above p. 349), Kwartalnik historyczny, 73 (1966): 407-411.
APPENDIX 1 THE MAGDEBURG LAW PRIVILEGE GIVEN TO THE CITY OF LWOW ON JUNE 17, 1356 In nomine domini amen. Quod magnifica regum decrecit fieri auctoritas pro commodo subditorum, ratum atque stabile dbet perpetuo perpetuo permanere, Ea propter nos Kazimirus dei gracia Rex Polonie necnon Terrarum Cracouie, Sandomirie, Syradie, Cuyauie, Pomoranie Russieque dominus et hres, notum facimus universis: quod pia consideracione zeloque regie maiestatis provide advertentes disturbia et incommoda quam plurima, quibus civitas nostra Lww perplexa noscitur ab hostibus quibuslibet importunis et ut eadem civitas in utilitatibus, profectibus, commodis et prosperitatibus per amplius valeat adaugeri, in consolactionem itaque dicte divitatis et ipsius fidelium incolarum augmentm damus et perpetuis temporibus tribuimus predicte civitati lus Thewtunicum, quod vulgariter Madeburgense [sic] appellatur removentes ibidem omnia Iura Ruthenicalia et consuetudines Ruthenicales universas quocumque nomine censeantur, que ipsum lus Thewtunicum turbare seu impedire quomodolibet consueverunt. Absolvimus insuper civitatem predictam et incolas ipsius ad omnibus iurisdiccionibus Castellanorum, Pallatinorum, Iudicum, Subiudicum, Ministerialium et a potestatibus quibuscumque, quocumque nomine dicantur, ita quod coram ipsis vel eorum aliquo in causis tam magnis quam parvis nulli penitus respondebunt nisi cives coram suo Advocato, Advocatus veo coram nobis aut Capitaneo nostro, qui in ibidem per nos deputatus fuerit, non aliter quam si per literm nostram seu Capitanei nostri invitatus seu evocatus fuerit tantummodo suo lure Thewtunico respondebit. In casusis autem criminalibus vel quibuscumque emergentibus Advocato dicta civitatis iudicandi sentenciandi, puniendi et determinandi, secundum ipsum lus Thewtu nicum exigit et requirit, plenam et omnimodam concedimus facultatem. Et licet toti civitati predicte et omnibus habitantibus et communicantibus in ea tribuimus lus Madeburgense supradictum tamen ex speciali nostro favore alys gentibus habi tantibus in eadem civitate, videlicet Ormenis, Iudeis, Saracenis, Ruthenis et alys gentibus, cuiuscumque condicionis vel status existant, tribuentes graciam specilem, volumus eos iuxta ritus eorum in ipsorum lure illibatos conservare, dantes tamen facultatem eis, ut pro quibuscumque causis vel criminibus inter ipsos aut inter eos vel alias quibuscumque super causis vel articulis emergentibus habuerint questionem, licitum sit eis predicto lure Madeburgenese uti coram advocato et perfrui iuxta eorum peticionem petitam et oblatam. Sin autem refutaverint predictum lus Madeburgense, quo prefrui debeat civitas antedicta, tune dicte naciones Ormenorum, ludeorum, Saracenorum, Thartharorum, Ruthenorum, et aliarum quarum-
384
cunque nacionum, que ibidem congregate et advinvente fuerint, quilibet sue nacionis Iure, tamen presidente Advocate civitatis eidem idicio, ipsorum quelibet questio debebit terminari et diffiniri. Volentes insuper predictam civitatem Lww gracia prosequi speciali, attribuimus dicte civitati pro melioracione eiusdem septuaginta mansos franconicos in silvis et mericis, pratis et pascuis, secundum quod inibi enumerari sive mensurari poterint; de quibus manis sexaginta volumus esse censuales singulis annis in festo beati Martini de quolibet manso pro censu nobis solvendo viginti quatuor grossos computando Ruthenicales; postquam vero fuerint exstirpati reliquos decem mansos in loco vicino civitati antedicte, qui vulgariter Belohoscz appellatur, dimittimus eis pro pascuis sine cuiuslibet pecunie solucione. Ad maiorem autem melioracionem civitatis sepedicte damus eidem civitati ex speciali nostra gracia et favore, ut nullus Terrigenarum, religiosorum, civitatensium aut aliarum quarumcumque personarum locet, limitet aut edificet Thabernam vel Thabernas per unum milliare mensuratum ab eadem civitate distantem. In quorum omnium testimonium et ad evidenciam pleniorem sigillum nostrum in robur perptue firmitatis duximus appendum. Actum Sandomirie feria sexta infra Octavam festi Pentecostes Anno domini M0 CCC quinquagesimo sexto. Presentibus hys testibus nostris fidelibus et dilectis Iohanne Iura Castellano Cracouiensi, Wylczkone domino Sandomiriensi, Dobislao Wisliciensi Castellanis, Floriano preposito Cancellario lanciciensi, Petro tribuno Cracouiensi, Andrea Cracouiensi, Raphale Sandomiriensi Subcamerarys, Iohanne doctore decretorum preposito Gneznensi et Cancellario Russie et alys eciam nobilibus terre Russie videlicet Wolczkone de Drochouicze, Ywano dicto Loy de Skarzeszow, Sluneczcone de Rosbora heredibus et alys multis fidedignis. Datum et ordinatum per manus domini Iohannis nostri Cancellary Russie antedicti.
385
A PPENDI X 2 Table i Commodities checked at the custom house of Halich in 1536 g .2 & Lvov Seret Suceava Greek From Constant inople Delatyn Constantinople Romanow Unidentified Places Total 24 35 98 738 3 3 18 18 49 91 12 3 8 3 9 6 10 590 50 12 36 i 12 2 3 45 84 3 23 2 5
g. PO
5464 1 8 2
Sources: R. Rybarski, Handel i polity ka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku, 2 (Poznan', 1929): 259-260. The figures, except for cattle, refer to wagon loads (total 266). The data for the cattle are given in heads. 1 wagon 1 cetnar 5 kamienie 160 medieval Polish pounds according to the Trade Statute of 1565 confirmed by the Diet. 1 kamien 32 pounds. A Lvovian pound equalled 405.2 grams around the seventeenth century. See E. M. Podgradskaia, "Ob ormianskikh poseleniiakh v Moldvii," in Istoricheskie sviazi i druzhba ukrainskogo i armianskogo narodov, 3 (Erevan, 1971): 219. We are not converting medieval Polish weight measures to modern equival ents,since they differed greatly for various commodities and were in flux also after 1565. On medieval Polish measures see R. Rybarski, op. cit.: 332-340 and St. Hoszowski, Les prix Lwow. XVIe-XVIIe sicles (Paris, 1954): 32-36.
386
ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI Table 2
Commodities checked at the custom-house of Grdek in 1 546- 1 549 Destination Busko Cracow Jaroslaw Kamenets-Podol'sk Lvov Przemysl Tarnow 13 other Various other places in Poland Breslau Total 1546 1547 33 746 60 30 1,012 7 16 332 1548 75 530 34 712 29 8 361 1549 118 305 41 32 990 5 104 456
g8i 55 87 985 16 118 381
124 20 2,693
51 2,236
145 .749
114 2,051
Source: R. Rybarski, Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku, 2 (1929): 253. The figures above refer to horses with load. It is accepted that the average load for one horse was 5 cetnar or the load of one wagon (see above). For some of the places the nationality of the traders is indicated. All the traders of Busko checked in 1546 and 1547 were Jewish; in 1548, of the total of 75 traders, 56 were Jews. The data for Lvov are even more intriguing:
Loads checked at Grdek Customs Nationality of Traders Armenians Jews Ruthenians Total for nationals Total for Lvov Source: R. Rybarski, op. cit. * All the traders were Jewish. 1546 127 48 117 292 985 1547 121 41 39 201 1,012 1548 1549
24 39 63 712 * 990
ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV Table 3 Cattle run through Grdek to the West Social origin of traders Merchants: a) Paying custom duty b) Exempted from custom duty Szlachta Total 1546 20,083 1,022 21,105 1547 15,122 875 982 16,979 1548 18,056 50 2.535 20,641
387
1549 16,803 581 4.578 24,962
Source: R. Rybarski, Handel i polityka handlowa Polski w XVI wieku, 2 (1929): 253. The participation of the minority traders in the cattle trade is illustrated by the following figures:
1546 Armenians Jews Ruthenians Total !.635 2,294 1,217 5>I46
1547 2.35 1,718 55 4,6i8
1548 123 3,023 43 6,476
1549 1,788 3,482 230 5.500
Table 4 Metals and metallic goods exported from Lvov in 1578 Goods Iron Tin Iron sheets Brass sheets Scythes Knives Razors Nails Quantities 1 wagon 2 faski and quantity worth 20 zlotys 20 faski and 13 baryly 1 fasa and 1 faska 600 and 2 faski 3,300 and 22 fasy, 25 faski, 1 case 4 faski and 3 lagwie 30 faski, 1 bary la
'
Source: R. Rybarski, Handel i polityka handlowa Polski wXVI wieku, 2 (1929): 256. The numbers without specification indicate single pieces. 1 fasa = 13-14 pieces (mid-seventeenth century) 1 faska = 60 kopy (1547) 96 kopy (1636) i baryla = 1 barrel 1 lagiew = 1 bottle
388
ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI Table 5 Import of wines in Lvov in 1578 Wines ilmsey ingarian Silistrian .lachin ispecif ed
Nationality of Importers Lvov suburbanite Buczacz Jew Kamenets Armenian Jew Suceava Armenian Lvov Armenian Vallachian Constantinople Jews Greek Greeks Crete Greek Lvov Jew Constantinople Greek Chios Greek Constantinople Italian Italians Total i-5 12 IO 2 8 I 377 244 12 62 23 46 15 8x3-5
3.5
3 1 faska
65
302.5 fasy 1 faska
6-5
Source: R. Rybarski, Handel i polityka handlowa Polski wXVI wieku, 2 (1929): 257. All data except for the ones indicated are in dolia. Eng. *tun, cask. A tun = a unit equal to 252 gallons of wine. . Du Cange, Dictionary 3, 1884. 1 dolium = 1 fasa 1 baryla = 24 garnce 1 fasa = 3 baryly 1 garniec = 4 k warty 1 faska = 8 garnce =1/3 baryly 1 kwarta = 0.96 . The Cracow quart was accepted as an all Polish unit for liquids by the Diet of 1565.

Article - CMR - 0008-0160 - 1979 - Num - 20!3!1366 Armenians and Jews in Medieval Lvov

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Article - CMR - 0008-0160 - 1979 - Num - 20!3!1366 Armenians and Jews in Medieval Lvov

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Eleonora Nadel-Golobi

THEIR ROLE IN ORIENTAL TRADE 1 400- 1 600*

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

TO UTHlAMlA 1& *~r v /-*k I 1 Hi ' /

THE SOUTHEASTERN TRADE ROUTES OF LVOV BETWEEN 1400-1600

ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI III

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ARMENIANS AND JEWS IN MEDIEVAL LVOV

ELEONORA NADEL-GOLOBI Table 2

g8i 55 87 985 16 118 381

1549 16,803 581 4.578 24,962

1546 Armenians Jews Ruthenians Total !.635 2,294 1,217 5>I46

1547 2.35 1,718 55 4,6i8

1548 123 3,023 43 6,476

1549 1,788 3,482 230 5.500

302.5 fasy 1 faska

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