AND
QUEERS:
30
YEARS
OF
COMING
OUT
IN
ITALY
AND
THE
UK
-
A
TEXT
COMPARATIVE
STUDY
by
Franco
Zappettini
Department
of
Applied
Linguistcs
and
Communication
Birkbeck
College,
University
of
London
fzappe01@mail.bbk.ac.uk
2010
INTRODUCTION
This
research
investigates
patterns
of
inclusion
and
exclusion
experienced
by
Lesbian
Gay
Bisexual
and
Transgender
(LGBT)
people
in
relation
to
the
construction,
negotiation
and
performance
of
non-heterosexual
identities
in
the
British
and
the
Italian
societies
over
the
last
30
years.
In
particular,
spaces
and
opportunities
for
the
emergence
and
affirmation
of
such
identities
provided
(or
denied)
by
social
attitudes
towards
homosexuality
will
be
examined
by
comparing
and
analysing
corpora
of
texts.
The
corpora
comprise
of
a
variety
of
publications
produced
by
LGBT
Associations
in
the
two
countries
as
well
as
a
number
of
LGBT-related
policy
documents.
These
types
of
texts
were
chosen
because
they
communicate
issues
effectively
and
they
lend
themselves
to
discourse
analysis,
thus
providing
insights
into
different
perceptions
of
LGBT
identities
and
the
social
debate,
tension
and
negotiation
involved
in
their
shaping.
THEORETICAL
FRAMEWORK
A
variety
of
theoretical
models
exist
that
have
explored
the
construction
and
performance
of
identity.
Most
psychological
models
(exemplified
by
Troiden,
1979,
1989)
use
an
essentialist
approach
explaining
identity
as
the
true
expression
of
ones
self
with
individuals
thus
externalising
their
sexuality
as
intrinsically
specific
to
them.
From
a
social
perspective,
however,
both
the
construction
and
performance
of
identity
have
been
in
many
cases
seen
as
relational
(Hall,
1990)
because
they
require
social
interaction
through
negotiation
with
the
other.
As
Burr
(1996)
argues,
one
should
think
of
personality
as
existing
not
within
people
but
between
them
(p.
28)
and,
ultimately,
one
is
who
one
can
make
oneself
accepted
to
be.
With
regards
to
gender
and
sexual
identities,
Turner
et
al.
(1987)
suggest
that
individuals
are
socially
encouraged
to
ascribe
themselves
to
categories
which
are
perceived
as
relevant
to
them,
thus
creating
in-groups
and
out-groups
whose
differences
sustain
identities.
Similarly,
Herek
(1998)
argues
that
we
learn
to
be
a
gender
by
being
exposed
to
socially
recognised
gender
models
(primarily
parents)
and
by
internally
accepting
(or
not)
the
implicit
social
rules
carried
by
belonging
to
that
gender.
Boys
are
thus
typically
expected
to
be
assertive
and
dominant
and
girls
nurturing
and
passive.
Historically,
the
emergence
of
LGBT
as
a
source
of
personal
and
social
identity
is
a
rather
recent
construction
that
Foucault
(1978)
ascribes
to
the
normalization
of
sexuality
by
governments.
Although
sexual
and
romantic
bonds
between
same-sex
individuals
are
well
documented
in
the
Imperial
China
of
the
Quing
Dinasty
(Hinsch,
1992)
and
in
Ancient
Rome
and
Greece
(Crompton,
2003),
physical
and
emotional
attraction
between
individuals
of
the
same
sex
was
never
self-perceived
as
an
exclusive
source
of
social
identity
nor
it
was
a
defining
or
integral
part
of
a
persons
identity
(Yee,
2003).
For
Foucault,
the
introduction
of
sodomy
laws
in
the
19th
century
contributed
to
the
creation
of
sexual
categories
and,
in
particular
through
the
heteronormative
use
of
language,
to
the
construction
of
the
heterosexual/homosexual dichotomy with the consequent labelling of non- normative groups. It is though only with the Stonewall riots in 1969 (that saw gay residents of Greenwich Village rising together against the police) that a proper LGBT movement as we know it today has emerged (Duberman, 1993). For the purpose of this study the theoretical framework proposed by Castells (1997, 2010) will be used to analyse the documents. Castells sees identities as constructed through a process in which social actors derive a major source of meaning and experience from cultural attributes socially constructed and negotiated (p. 6). Unlike roles, however, which are primarily organised around norms and defined by arrangements, identities carry a deeper significance for individuals because they are internalized by them. Castells categorizes identities into legitimizing, resistance and project identities suggesting that categories are shifty in nature and identities that start as resistance may also transform themselves into projects or legitimizing. For Castells, a resistance identity will typically be generated by those actors who are in positions/conditions devalued and/or stigmatized by the logic of domination (p.8); they will thus separate from the group they have been excluded from and will reject its culture. He writes that identities can also be built around a project when social actors, on the basis of whatever cultural materials are available to them, build a new identity that redefines their position in society and, by so doing, seek the transformation of overall social structure (p.8). By aspiring to affirm themselves as subjects, individuals thus become collective social actors in order to give a holistic meaning to their life experiences. Finally, legitimizing identities are introduced by the dominant institutions of society to extend and rationalise their domination vis-a-vis social actors (p. 8), suggesting that identities that originate as roles negotiated with institutions can be internalized as identity sources. Castells argues that the three types of identity construction theorized would lead to different societies with civil societies, communes or communities and subjects being the products of legitimizing, resistance and project identities respectively.
ANALYSIS
THE
GAY
LIBERATION
The
first
set
of
texts
analyses
the
gay
liberation
themes
of
the
early
years
by
comparing
the
first
issue
of
FUORI!
(1972)
and
the
Manifesto
of
the
UK
Gay
Liberation
Front
(1971,
revised
1978).
FUORI!
(Annexe
1),
the
official
monthly
publication
of
the
Fronte
Unitario
Omosessuale
Rivoluzionario
Italiano
was
issued
in
Turin,
between
1972
and
1982.
A
magazine
of
sexual
liberation
(as
it
described
itself),
the
publication
derived
its
title
from
the
acronym
of
its
publisher
which
is
also
the
Italian
word
for
out.
Coming
out,
pride,
and
sexual
liberation
are
indeed
the
dominant
themes
encountered
throughout
the
issue.
The
discourse
of
sexual
liberation,
emphasising
ones
right
to
the
self-determination
of
ones
own
body
(similar
to
that
argued
by
the
feminist
movement),
develops
into
a
social
critique
of
the
patriarchal
family
with
gender
roles
as
constricted
patterns
of
masculine
and
feminine.
The
opening
article
(p.1)
criticizes
the
roles
that
our
society
has
already
created
for
each
of
us
arguing
that,
whilst
the
roles
of
mother
and
father
typically
come
with
social
recognition
(as
well
as
responsibilities)
the
role
of
homosexual
comes
only
with
the
expectation
that
we
should
apologize
(if
not
hide
and
feel
guilty)
for
our
homosexuality.
Similar
themes
emerge
from
the
1971
Manifesto
of
the
UK
Gay
Liberation
Front
(Annexe
2),
an
organisation
founded
at
the
London
School
of
Economics
on
the
example
of
the
post-Stonewall
American
Gay
Liberation
Front.
The
Manifesto
aims
to
give
voice
to
all
homosexuals
angered
by
an
oppressive
system
and
oppression
is
the
dominant
theme
throughout
the
document.
The
system
that
has
fostered
and
maintained
the
inescapable
gender
roles
paradigm
is
blamed
for
the
oppression
of
homosexuals.
The
traditional
family
(consisting
of
the
man
in
charge,
a
slave
as
his
wife,
and
their
children
on
whom
they
force
themselves
as
the
ideal
models)
is
thus
identified
as
one
of
the
ways
in
which
the
heterosexual
paradigm
is
reinforced
by
social
institutions.
Rejection
of
society's
blueprints
for
the
couple, including gender roles and monogamy, is advocated as a way out of oppression. Similarly, the education system, the Church and the media are seen as obstacles to the free expression of LGBT identities because, by expecting individuals to conform to traditional values, they contribute to make feel homosexuals ashamed, guilty and failures. The social exclusion of homosexuals is also denounced in other social contexts. For instance, the workplace is pointed at as where being married is the respectable guarantee, but being homosexual apparently makes us unstable, unreliable security risks. Discrimination is also exposed in the legal treatment of different age consents for heterosexuals and homosexuals and the exclusion of homosexuals from the armed forces or the navy. Furthermore, it is denounced, the oppression has been perpetrated by the established psychological view of homosexuals as disturbed and the use of therapy conversion practices that would seek to treat them. Similarly, FUORI! (p.3) reports of a demonstration launched by a group of LGBT activists at the first International Congress of Sexology in Sanremo (5/4/1972) who challenged the notion of homosexuality as deviance claiming that Normality does not exist (p.3). In Castells framework, the elements analysed so far would strongly suggest the initial construction of LGBT identities as resistance and project identities alike. For instance, Castells (p. 9) maintains that resistance identities construct forms of collective resistance against otherwise unbearable oppression. Resistance would have then emerged as a source of identity for LGBTs in counter reaction to the oppressed condition imposed on them by mainstream society through the systematic alienation, stigmatization and devaluation (which are for instance described by FUORI! as historical experiences shared with Black and Jews (p.2)). LGBT identities for resistance would have then created communes through a distinct separation from the dominant heteronormative group they had been dominated by and excluded from by rejecting its culture. LGBT (sub)culture would have thus been able to provide their members with relatively complete values and patterns of behaviour (even if stemmed from the mainstream groups hostility) which were distinctive enough to support stand-alone subgroup identities. 5
Castells argues that resistance identities can be constructed even [with] the pride of self-denigrationinverting the terms of oppressive discourse all in the name of the exclusion of the excluders by the excluded (p.9). In FUORI! the language is often used in a reverse discourse strategy that, by inverting the terms of oppressive discourse, reverses the values and strengthens the separateness. An article (Issue 3, p. 9) for instance, explains the heterosexual perversion whilst another (Issue 14, p.39) reclaims the Italian derogatory term frocio for homosexual (the term gay is not used unless in an anglophone context) to turn them into positive labels that LGBTs should now be proud to wear. In the British Manifesto, on the other hand, a more positive approach to definitions is called for (including the stigma-neutral term gay originated in the U.S.) pointing at homosexuals negative self-perception as a consequence of adopted and internalized straight people's definition of what is good and bad. On another level, the two texts suggest the emergence of a distinctive LGBT project identity as exemplified by these extracts from FUORI! (Issue1, p. 2): for the first time now homosexuals are coming out of a historical oppression that has seen the society labelling and stigmatizing individuals coming out openly to other homosexuals like you with pride. This message is exemplified by the picture on page 16. No one will tell us ever again what we are and who we are we have finally understood that our abnormality rooted in oppressionis indeed a privilege that needs no excuses but rather should be a source of dignity. The liberation of homosexuals should be a joyful coming out to an awareness of their homosexual condition it is time that us, homosexuals, woke up and started something contagiously beautiful. Not dissimilarly, the Manifesto encourages LGBTs to become aware of their oppression so that a free society of the future can be achieved, based on a new
life-style that rejects heterosexual models and demands reforms that would lead to tolerance legal equality and protection civil rights. In both documents homosexuals are encouraged to increase their visibility by disclosing their sexual orientation (coming out) and in general a pattern is recognizable in the discourse calling for a shift from the shame paradigm to that of pride. This would then be consistent with Castells framework that suggests that new identities can be built around a project seeking to redefine social actors position in society whilst generally changing the social system itself. AIDS REDEFINING IDENTITIES National health policies in relation to the emergence of AIDS represent the second set of texts which is examined to analyse the inclusion and exclusion of LGBTs and the impact on their identities. Since it largely affected the homosexual male population in the early 80s, HIV infection soon became associated with homosexuality and promiscuity in the eyes of the public (Troiden, 1988). However, the LGBT communitys focus on supporting its members and educating them about prevention with dedicated awareness campaigns has succeeded in reversing the trend, so that HIV+ homosexual males currently represent only 38% of the infected population in Western Europe (advert.org.uk). Nevertheless, the stigmatization of homosexuals is to some extent still traceable, for instance, in the EUs blood donation polices (Recommendation 98/463 and subsequent 2002/98 and 2004/33 directives) and those of member states. The overall discourse of such EU policy documents in relation to the risk assessment of potential infection in blood donation (that would determine the exclusion of unsuitable donors) suggests a terminology shift from the risk group categorization of the early days to that of risk behaviour. Whilst dissociating what one does from what one is (in Foucaults view the paradigm of the social construction of homosexuality) was intended as a non-judgemental categorization to prevent discrimination against gay men, the very concept is used by the 2004 Directive to 7
require member states to permanently defer persons whose sexual behaviour puts them at high risk of acquiring severe infectious diseases that can be transmitted by blood ( p.8). This requirement has filtered down into the Italian and British legislative systems somewhat differently. Italian Health Ministry Decree 78/2001 (Annexe 3) states that: the doctor is ultimately responsible for the selection of suitable [blood] donors based on the information collected from a questionnaire in which the donors give details about their lifestyle [including sexual behaviour] (Articolo 9) Although the law has been generally interpreted and applied in favour of homosexual donors being allowed to give blood, doctors discretion to identify risk behaviours has in some cases resulted in healthy gays being refused as donors (La Repubblica, 15/7/2010). In the UK, the NHS National Blood Service policy (Annexe 4) asks all men who have ever had sex with mennot to give blood (blood.co.uk). Whilst the NHS states that this exclusion rests on specific sexual behaviour rather than sexuality, Tatchell (2009) denounces that the ban effectively affects any man who has ever had sex with another man - even just once, even with a condom, even 50 years ago and even if they now test HIV-negative. Furthermore, at a discourse level, the political correctness of the men who have sex with other men definition (that emphasizes the behaviour rather than the orientation) is ironically dropped when stating that the exclusion does not apply to gay men who have never had sex with a man. The impact of these policies on the shaping of LGBT identities has been duplex. On the one hand, whilst the gay liberation of the `70s may have been instrumental in the shaping of LGBT identities along the identity pride line, the AIDS crisis had the opposite effect replacing identity pride with identity fear due to the stigma attached to homosexuality (Troiden, 1989). In Castells terms, alienation and stigmatization could have contributed, once again, to the construction of forms of collective resistance against the dominance of society. One example that might seem supporting this argument is the emergence of movements like OutRage! in 8
the early 90s. A self defined broad based group of queers committed to radical, non-violent direct action and civil disobedience to assert the rightsof queers (Outrage website), OutRage! has supported a separatist ideology, rejecting the identity politics approach to gay rights as alienating to those who do not fit into the mold (Slagle, 1995: 86). On the other hand, the spread of AIDS was a great individual and collective trauma that marked the shift in the public discourse from that of body self determination to new strategies of social and political legitimazion (Cavarocchi, 2010: 4). This occurred with the creation of support networks amongst the LGBT community and, crucially, through engaging in a dialogue with institutions (in order to gain recognition). This would have started a culture of gradual acceptance and institutional inclusion. For instance, a European Council recommendation presented in 1981 by the Commission for Social and Health issues (strongly campaigned for by LGBT associations across Europe) would have been instrumental in the removal of homosexuality from the list of mental disorders by the World Health Organization in 1984 (Fuori!, issue 30). In the NHS case, the blood donation policy document links up with The Terence Higgins Trust - THT (originally set up as a LGBT organisation to provide support to AIDS affected individuals and now the UKs largest HIV charity) committing to a policy review that the THT has been calling for. The THT, in turn ask people to abide to the [NHS] policy whilst waiting for a review in what would appear a reciprocal legitimization. THE QUEST FOR LEGITIMIZATION Legitimizing identities will be analysed in more depth in the last set of texts that relates to the legal recognition of same-sex couples. Since the Danish government passed a law allowing for same sex couples to register their union and be legally treated as spouses in 1989, an increasing number of European states have introduced similar provisions (ILGA, 2010). Whilst the UK Government passed the Civil Partnership Act in 2004, Italy is currently lacking any form of recognition, 9
despite a long and politically polarised debate that saw a proposal of a bill regulating the matter being discussed in the Italian Parliament for two years to be finally abandoned in 2008 due to strong opposition by a number of MPs and the demise of the Prodi 2 Cabinet (La Repubblica, 27/2/2008). During the Parliamentary debate over the bill that would have had same sex couples recognised, several initiatives took place in support of either side of the argument. One of such initiatives is represented by the Manifesto for Equal Rights, an appeal endorsed by a group of LGBT activists and supported by various liberal Italian politicians, presented to the President of Italy and the Italian Government in 2007 (Annexe 5). Referring to the values and fundamental principles of equality enshrined in the Italian Constitution, the document emphasizes how equal social dignity is denied to citizens who have been systematically discriminated on account of their sex or their sexual orientation and how this treatment is impacting on the full development of the [LGBT] person. This request for recognition is embodied in the demand for granting full access to marriage (and no surrogate provision) to same-sex couples in virtue of their right to accomplish a project of common life. Nowhere in the document is the word homosexual or gay used, but rather citizen(s) and (same-sex) spouses. Further calls are made to ensure that the matter is dealt with by the Government in the respect of laicity (secular) principles and the European Charter of Human Rights. Europe is often cited as a benchmark against whose ideals and legislation Italy falls short: a Europe-wise vision is needed. legislation similar to that of Spain, Belgium, the Netherlandsmust be adopted we call for an affirmation of freedom to all who share secular values belonging to the Europe that we want to create On the EU side, The Agency for Fundamental Rights has systematically denounced the discriminatory condition of Italian LGBTs (2008 report) and calls have been made by the EU Parliament to member states urging them to take legislative action by converging towards a mutual recognition of homosexual couples in application of 10
the principle of equality (75/76/77 European Parliament resolution of 14 January 2009). The UK document analysed is Responses To Civil Partnership: A framework for the legal recognition of same-sex couples (Annexe 6). Published in November 2003 by the Government Equalities Office (the department responsible for equalities legislation and policy in the UK), it offers valuable insights into the institutional views that would lead to the Civil Partnership Act in 2004. The document informs that as the Government has no plans to allow same-sex couples to marry (p.14) it nevertheless intends to provide them with a legal recognition of their relationship for reasons of general equality and social justice (p. 21). According to the report, under this new legal status, same-sex couples will now be treated in the same way as opposite-sex couples especially in relation to income-related benefits. Moreover, it is crucially stated that civil partnerships are designed to support stable families and to recognise committed, interdependent and loving relationships, qualities that the Government does not believe are exclusive to heterosexual peoples relationships (p. 32). In both documents, the struggle for recognition of civil rights has been primarily conducted by LGBTs through negotiation with and (in the UK) granted by the dominant institutions. This could be interpreted in terms of what Castells refers to as the identity legitimization process. For instance, historically states have used citizenship rights as a leverage tool to include or exclude citizens to the political life. As citizens, therefore, we derive our validation as nationals from accepting and performing identities based on these values as a consequence of our allegiance to the state. Legitimization, however, can be seen as a zero-sum game: for Castells, legitimizing actors reproduce the identity that rationalises the sources of structural domination (p. 8) that is they contribute to keep the system functioning and expanding in what Foucault sees as a normalization of identities achieved through domination. Castells argues that legitimizing identities generate a civil society as theorized by Gramsci (1975); that is the creation and extension of a system of apparatuses (or state institutions) on one hand, whilst allowing people to embed themselves among such institutions on the other, thus making it possible to seize the state without launching a direct, violent assault (p. 9). In this light, the impact of 11
marriage provisions on LGBT identities could be dually interpreted. Allowing LGBT couples to access legal provisions that recognise them as such reinforces their social inclusion (widening the democratic participation of non-conformist identities) and, at the same time, enables them to reproduce the citizen identity that state institutions need for the civil society to function. By contrast, their legitimization has opened up new opportunities for LGBTs to construct new and more varied identities around the shifting concept of family, ironically embracing the very same traditional family values that they were distancing themselves from in the gay liberation discourse. Nevertheless, in the case of the UK, although LGBTs represent citizens worthy of same rights and obligations as heterosexuals, they have not been granted access to marriage but only to a parallel institution to accommodate certain religious views of marriage as exclusively heterosexual. In the Italian case, by aspiring to European standards, legitimization (denied by the Italian state) is sought from a higher institution that is more willing to provide such validation. At present, however, the status of European citizen (that is nationals of any member state) does not entitle LGBT individuals to the same treatment across borders despite the freedom of movement within the EU. It is worth noting that Castells frames the quest for legitimization by LGBTs in a context of diversification of family arrangements experienced by modern society and (perceived) attacks on the patriarchal family. He argues that same-sex couples have challenged the power system of patriarchalism traditionally based on compulsory heterosexuality (p. 216) and this has in some cases resulted in forms of homophobic fundamentalist restoration. In the light of this, some data on the Italian society showing that in 2008 50.2% of Italians believed that homosexuality is never justifiable compared to 29.9% in 1999 (World Value Survey) and that homophobic attacks went from 75 (of which 9 were lethal) in 2008 to 123 (of which 12 were lethal) in 2009 (Arcigay) would indeed suggest a reactionary radicalization.
12
CONCLUSIONS
The
documents
analysis
suggests
that,
in
many
cases,
the
construction
of
Italian
and
British
LGBT
identities
has
not
been
a
linear
process
and,
overall,
it
has
involved
constant
negotiation
with
a
diversity
of
social
attitudes
that
have
impacted
on
the
levels
of
acceptance
and
support
of
LGBTs.
Conversely,
the
fluid
and
relational
nature
of
identities
has
also
meant
that
different
strategies
have
been
dynamically
adopted
by
LGBTs
to
shape
and
perform
their
identities.
These
have
been
discussed
in
the
light
of
Castells
framework,
many
elements
of
which
have
indeed
been
related
to
the
texts
analysed.
Overall,
this
study
has
been
able
to
established
that
both
the
Italian
and
the
British
LGBT
movements
have
largely
developed
their
discourses
alongside
similar
ideological
tracks.
However,
whilst
the
early
discourses
of
British
and
Italian
LGBT
movements
encountered
resistance
among
mainstream
societies
respectively
(resulting
in
patterns
of
social
exclusion
of
LGBTs)
there
is
much
evidence
suggesting
that
since
the
early
90s
the
British
society
has
developed
a
more
inclusive
attitude
to
non-standard
sexualities.
By
contrast
this
social
shift
has
not
occurred
to
the
same
extent
in
Italian
society
thus
resulting
in
an
increased
gap
between
the
two
society.
This
is
even
more
conspicuous
in
the
which
has
not
been
matched
by
mof,
s,
Finally,
it
would
appear
that,
in
the
wider
European
context,
where
in
spite
of
equality
rights
and
recognition
policies
supported
by
the
European
institutions,
these
have
only
filtered
down
to
individual
countries
and
been
adopted
as
national
policies
insofar
as
the
local
attitude
has
allowed
them
to
be.
Note:
all
English
translations
of
Italian
texts
quoted
have
been
provided
by
the
author.
13
ANNEXES Annexe 1: FUORI! Issue 1/June 1972 Pages 1-4; Picture 1 p. 16 FUORI! Issue 3/September 1972, p. 9 FUORI! Issue 14/Spring 1975, p. 39 Annexe 2: Manifesto of the UK Gay Liberation Front, London 1971 (Revised 1978) Annexe 3: Italian Health Ministry Decree 78/2001 Decreto Ministero Sanit 26 Gennaio 2001 - (G.U. n.78 3/04/2001) Annexe 4: NHS Blood and Transplant Exclusion of Men who have Sex with Men from Blood Donation The Terence Higgins Trust Blood donations by people at higher risk of HIV - our policy The Terence Higgins Trust Man Sex Man Second Edition 2004 Annexe 5: Manifesto for Equal Rights Manifesto per l'Eguaglianza Dei Diritti, 2007 Annexe 6: The Government Equalities Office Responses To Civil Partnership: A framework for the legal recognition of same-sex couples (2003) Franco Zappettini Personal Identifier X7577327 AA300 13 BIBLIOGRAPHY Arcigay Italia Rapporto Omofobia 2008-2009 Available from: 14
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http://www.repubblica.it/cronaca/2010/07/15/news/trasfusioni_gay- 5614730/index.html?ref=search Accessed 20/7/2010 La Repubblica, 27/2/2008 Immigrati, Cus, droga, riforma tv tutte le leggi rimaste nel cassetto Available from http://www.repubblica.it/2008/02/sezioni/politica/crisi- governo-7/leggi-slatate/leggi-slatate.html?ref=search Accessed 15/7/2010 Manifesto for Equal Rights Manifesto per l'Eguaglianza Dei Diritti, 2007. Available from http://www.matrimoniodirittogay.it/ Accessed 15/4/2010 NHS Blood and Transplant Exclusion of Men who have Sex with Men from Blood Donation Available from : http://blood.co.uk/can-i-give-blood/exclusion/ Accessed 4/8/2010 OutRage! website Available from http://outrage.org.uk/about/ Slagle, R.A. (1995) In defense of queer nation: From identity politics to a politics of difference. Western Journal of Communication, 1745-1027, Volume 59, Issue 2, 1995, Pages 85 102 Tatchell, P. (2009) End the gay blood ban available from: http://www.petertatchell.net/blood%20ban%20on%20gays/cif-end-the-gay-blood- ban.html Accessed 25/07/2010 The European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (2008) Homophobia and Discrimination on Grounds of Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity in the EU Member States The Government Equalities Office Responses To Civil Partnership: A framework for the legal recognition of same-sex couples Available from http://www.equalities.gov.uk/pdf/responses%20to%20civil%20partnership%20-
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