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MP for a while, and who had the fortune of being the son of FP leader
M.Tiruchelvam) generated among the Tamils, Kasi Anandan’s
influence among the younger generation of Tamils in the 1970s was
greater.
(3) What confidence one can have in the opinion of Congress (I)
sources, regarding the Rajiv Gandhi-Kasi Anandan meeting of March
5th? Isn’t these same sources which denied such a meeting in the first
instance? Since now it has been acknowledged that such a meeting did
take place in Rajiv Gandhi’s private residence, how about asking Sonia
Gandhi about what transpired between Rajiv and Kasi Anandan?
Certainly Rajiv Gandhi would have discussed this issue frankly, as
opposed to the ‘diplomatic niceties’ exchanged between him and the
Deputy High Commissioner of Sri Lanka on March 10th. The three
reporters make no mention about whether they approached Sonia
Gandhi about verifying the truth of Rajiv-Kasi Anandan meeting. And
this cable no.222 sent by the Deputy High Commissioner to the foreign
ministry in Colombo is really interesting. Has the complete transcript
of this cable been released to the public, if it is really revealing? Has
the LG able to receive a copy of this purported cable no.222? If so,
will you publish it in full for the record?
(4) Jon Swain’s republished report which states that Nadesan
Satyendra also met Rajiv Gandhi on March 5th has been exposed as
incorrect and the London Sunday Times did print a correction and an
apology. Will LG also do the same?”
Editorial Comment: (relating to item 4 in the above letter): “We did not
spot the Sunday Times correction. We regret the error.”
After Pirabhakaran was named as the first accused in the charge sheet
prepared by the Special Investigation Team (SIT) of Central Bureau of
Investigation (CBI) in India in May 1992, I wrote another letter to the Lanka
Guardian commenting on the contents of the charge sheet. It was as
follows:
Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case
[Lanka Guardian, Oct.1, 1992]
I thank you for publishing in detail the ‘Final Report in 9/S/91
/CBI/SCB/Madras - (Rajiv Gandhi Assassination Case) Under Section
173 Criminal Penal Code’ (LG, Aug.15). What strikes me vividly is its
selectivity and superficiality in regurgitating the political events which
happened in Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka. For instance, nothing of the
following has been included in this document.
(1) The role of Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) in training the
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Even for a non-lawyer like me, it is apparent that the so-called ‘Final
Report’ resembles the field note book of a RAW agent, than a legal
document.”
Then I felt that it would be prudent to wait for the ‘results’ to appear from
the Indian investigations in court of law and the two appointed commissions.
Now that the verdict at the Indian court of law on the Rajiv Gandhi
assassination trial has been delivered, and the findings of two appointed
commissions (namely the Verma Commission and Jain Commission) had
been released, albeit in truncated versions, for public consumption, I wish to
revisit this assassination for two reasons. One is to focus on how the name of
Pirabhakaran was used by the Indian operatives (prosecution team,
journalists who were fed by the Indian intelligence wallahs, publicity
seekers like Subramanian Swamy and even the guardians of law) to advance
their image and own agenda. A second reason is, from the standpoint of an
analytical scientist, to highlight the paucity (or more probably, suppression)
of forensic details in the public domain, relating to the deaths of 18
individuals in Sriperumbudur on May 21, 1991, which included the
prominent victim Rajiv Gandhi and his purported woman assassin, named
Dhanu. As an example, I provide the following box-story which appeared in
the India Today magazine of Dec.15, 1991, reported by Anirudhya Mitra
with the blaring caption, ‘Rajiv Assassination: Conspiracy Surfaces’, and a
titillating lead sentence: “Investigations by the SIT and ‘Q’ Branch of the
Tamil Nadu Police, reveal that Rajiv’s killing was part of a larger plot to
form a greater eelam.” It carried the photos of Pirabhakaran and Pottu
Amman, adjacent to this lead sentence. The box-story was on the ‘Letter
Leads’, purported to be unearthed by the SIT officers.
The first clincher is a letter that the assassin, Dhanu, wrote to Pirabhakaran
on May 10, 1991, from LTTE’s Kodungaiyur hide-out. Thanking
Pirabhakaran for entrusting her with the ‘important’ task, Dhanu details her
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It would come as no surprise that these two planted ‘Letter Leads’ were
more likely forgeries. In my March 1992 column written to the Tamil
Nation, I questioned the validity of the first quoted letter by Dhanu to
Pirabhakaran, dated May 10, 1991. The second letter of Santhan to
Pirabhakaran, dated September 7, 1991, was rejected as “not admissible in
evidence” by Justice D.P.Wadhwa, in his Supreme Court verdict of 1999
[p.189 of Justice Wadhwa’s verdict].
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Readers should note that I wrote this in February 1992, based on the then
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May 27, 1991: Verma Commission (Justice J.S.Verma) was set up to inquire,
“(a) whether the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi could have been averted and
whether there were lapses or dereliction of duty in this regard on the part of
any of the individuals responsible for his security; (b) the deficiencies, if
any, in the security system and arrangements as prescribed or operated in
practice which might have contributed to the assassination.”
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Sept.4, 1991: At 2115 hours, the BBC Tamil broadcast relayed the
Pirabhakaran interview in which, the LTTE leader stated that “there is no
connection between the assassination of Shri Rajiv Gandhi and the LTTE
organization whatsoever. The Indian Government appears to tarnish their
organization at international level” [Jain Commission report 1997, vol.8,
chapter 49]
May 20, 1992: SIT of the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) filed a
449-page charge sheet (Final Report) before the Designated Court in
Madras, naming 41 persons as the accused. 26 among the 41 were Sri
Lankan nationals. Pirabhakaran was listed as the first accused. Pottu Amman
@ Shanmuganathan Sivasankaran was listed as the second accused. Akila @
Akilakka was listed as the third accused. [@ refers to ‘alias’.] The
designated court Judge S.M.Siddick passed an order that none of the
proceedings should be published; even the names and addresses of the
coded witnesses were not allowed to be published.
June 12, 1992: Verma Commission submitted its findings to the then Home
Minister of India.
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Nov.24, 1993: The Designated Court framed charges against the 26 accused.
These proceedings were allowed to be covered by two news agencies – the
Press Trust of India and the United News of India. The 26 accused who
faced the trial were as follows:
Accused 1: S.Nalini (the only one who was present at the scene of the
crime); Indian; arrested on June 14, 1991; confessional statement
recorded on Aug.9, 1991.
Accused 2: T.Suthendraraja @ Santhan; Sri Lankan; arrested on July
22, 1991; confessional statement recorded on Sept.17, 1991.
Accused 3: Sriharan @ Murugan @ Thas @ Indu Master; Sri Lankan;
arrested on June 14, 1991; confessional statement recorded on Aug.8,
1991.
Accused 4: Shankar @ Koneswaran; Sri Lankan; arrested on May 19,
1992; no confession.
Accused 5: D.Vijayanandan @ Hari Ayya; Sri Lankan; arrested on
May 16, 1992; no confession.
Accused 6: Sivaruban @ Suresh @ Suresh Kumar @ Ruban; Sri
Lankan; arrested on May 16, 1992; no confession.
Accused 7: S.Kanagasabapathy @ Radhayya; Sri Lankan; arrested on
July 4, 1991; no confession.
Accused 8: A.Chandralekha @ Athirai @ Sonia @ Gowri; Sri
Lankan; arrested on July 5, 1991; confessional statement recorded on
Aug.29, 1991.
Accused 9: B.Robert Payas @ Kumaralingam; Sri Lankan; arrested on
June 18, 1991; confessional statement recorded on Aug.15, 1991.
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Jan.19, 1994: The assassination trial began, with the examination of the
witnesses. Proceedings were conducted in camera. Other notable statistics
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Aug. 1997: The Jain Commission submitted its Interim Report, consisting of
17 volumes, to the then Home Minister Indrajit Gupta. According to Prabhu
Chawla of India Today (Nov.17, 1997), this interim report was 5,280 pages
long, comprising of 8 volumes of interim findings, and 9 volumes of
annexures. The report carried the testimonies of 110 witnesses.
Mar.7, 1998: The Jain Commission submitted its Final Report, consisting of
2,000 pages.
Mar.27, 1998: The Supreme Court stayed till ‘further orders’ death
sentences of the 26 accused which have been imposed by the Designated
Trial Court judge.
May 11, 1999: Three judge bench of the Supreme Court confirmed the death
sentence on Nalini (Accused 1), Santhan (Accused 2), Murugan (Accused 3)
and Perarivalan (Accused 18). Death sentences to Robert Payas (Accused
9), Jayakumar (Accused 10) and Ravichandran (Accused 16), delivered at
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If one point was proved convincingly from the Rajiv Gandhi assassination
trial, I would say that, there live quite a number of Saint Vyasa’s
‘descendants’ in India, among the legal tribe. By general acknowledgement,
Mahabharata is recognized as the longest extant epic in any culture. Pious
Hindus believe that Saint Vyasa composed this epic, while Lord Ganesa [the
Hindu god of wisdom], took the pains to record Vyasa’s words into script.
The assassination investigation of Rajiv Gandhi generated documents which
ran over 1,000 pages, along the lines of Saint Vyasa’s masterpiece. A list is
as follows:
It was impossible for me to get in my hand, every single page of these four
documents. But, I had taken pains to study the three documents which more
or less had distilled the essence of judge Navaneetham’s verdict (1,600
pages) and the submitted prosecution documents (exceeding 9,000) pages.
These three documents were, namely,
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Act 1967, Foreigners Act 1946 and the Indian Wireless Telegraphy Act
1933 was laid against 41 persons, 12 of whom were already dead
having committed suicide and three absconded. Out of these, 26 faced
the trial before the Designated Court. Prosecution examined 288
witnesses and produced numerous documents and material objects.
Statements of all the accused were recorded under Section 313 of the
Code of Criminal Procedure (Code). They denied their involvement.
The Designated Court found them guilty of the offences charged
against them. Thereafter all the accused were heard on the question of
sentence. Designated Court awarded death sentence to all of them on
the charge of conspiracy to murder. ‘A judicial massacre’, bemoaned
Mr.Natarajan, learned senior counsel for the accused, and rightly so in
our opinion…”
The mere fact that these three Supreme Court Justices, in their May 1999
verdicts, had overruled the (a) ‘judicial massacre’ on 22 of the 26 accused
who stood for the trial, and (b) many other questionable conclusions of
Designated Court judge Navaneetham, suggest that, one can bypass the
10,000-odd pages of legal muck-heap without any trepidation.
However, Justice Wadhwa in his verdict had observed his doubt on the
validity of wireless-radio intercepts, as follows:
(1) “Suspicion however strong does not take the place of proof. Wireless
messages are transmitted and received in coded language. It is nobody’s case
that Robert Payas (Accused 9) knew the nature or the contents of the messages.
It must not be lost sight of that LTTE had various activities and all LTTE men
were not necessarily involved in achieving the object of conspiracy. Evidence
shows that other LTTE activists who had come to India were also engaged in
arranging houses for various purposes like housing the injured LTTE cadre,
storing of medicines, etc.” [p.174 of verdict; analysis under the activities of
Robert Payas (Accused 9), Jayakumar (Accused 10) and Shanti (Accused 11)]
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