Croatian Spring

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The Croatian Spring (Croatian: Hrvatsko proljee, also called masovni pokret or MASPOK, for "mass movement") was a political movement from the early 1970s that called for greater rights for Croatia which was then part of Yugoslavia as well as democratic and economic reforms. The movement was set in motion when a group of influential Croatian poets and linguists published a Declaration on the Status and Name of the Croatian Standard Language in 1967. After 1968 the patriotic goals of that document morphed into a generic Croatian movement for more rights for Croatia which received grassroots support, especially amongst many student organizations which actively started to voice their support for the cause. Among the main demands were greater civil rights for Croatian citizens; the right to take pride in one's history was prominently featured. This irritated Tito's communist government which, though not banning nationalist feelings, did not parade them around, as wounds from the Second World War were still fresh. Some in the movement also voiced demands for the decentralization of the economy, which would have allowed the republic to keep more of the profits made from tourism within Croatia. Accordingly to some sources as much as 50% of all foreign currency that entered Yugoslavia came through Croatia, but Croatia itself kept only 7% of it. An independent National Bank of Croatia would have allowed for a fairer distribution of profits. By waiving the right to use the federal bank of Yugoslavia, the republic would also have to waive its right to use the federal fund for underdeveloped regions. However, because Croatia was much wealthier than the other republics, with the exception of Slovenia, it used only 16.5% of the money from the federal solidarity fund between 1965 and 1970, while Serbia used 46.6% almost exclusively for its undeveloped autonomous region of Kosovo i Metohija which, for itself was a province with high level autonomy. Concerns were also raised about the monopoly of the Yugoslav Investment Bank and the Bank for Foreign Trade from Belgrade on all foreign investments and trade.

The Croatians also protested against general economic issues such as the increased economic emigration into Western Europe. They objected that the Yugoslav government did too little to curb such trends. Among the issues raised was the usual practice of Yugoslav People's Army sent people for mandatory military service into other republics rather than leaving them in the one they originated from. There were also attempts to bring the notion of including Herzegovina into Croatia to the attention of the authorities (similar to the Banovina of Croatia that existed within the Kingdom of Yugoslavia from 1939 to 1941), but this was far from anything that the movement leaders were proposing. In fact, such red herrings were often used to denounce the demands related to decentralization and autonomy as expansionist and ultimately separatist. The movement organized demonstrations in 1971 and thousands of Zagreb students publicly protested. Three Croatian linguists, Stjepan Babi, Boidar Finka and Milan Mogu, published a spelling and grammar textbook in 1971 called Hrvatski pravopis (Croatian Orthography), rather than the accepted Srpskohrvatski (Serbo-Croatian). It was summarily banned. However, one copy survived and found its way to London where it was printed and published. The Yugoslav leadership interpreted the whole affair as a restoration of Croatian nationalism, dismissed the movement as chauvinistic and had the police suppress the demonstrators. After the calls to the student strike, in December 1971 Tito persuaded to resign some unreliable, in his view, public figures like Savka Dabevi-Kuar, Miko Tripalo and Dragutin Haramija and make a sweep in Croatian communist party and local administration. Many student activists were detained and some were even sentenced to years of prison. Some estimate that up to two thousand people were criminally prosecuted for participation in these events. Among those arrested at this time were future president of Croatia Franjo Tuman and dissident journalist Bruno Bui. In 1974, a new federal constitution was ratified that gave more autonomy to the individual republics, thereby basically fulfilling the main goals of the 1971 movement. Several student leaders from the Croatian Spring later emerged as influential political figures after the collapse of communism. Ivan Zvonimir-iak became the leader of the Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights. Draen Budia became the leader of the Croatian Social Liberal Party. Savka Dabevi-Kuar, Miko Tripalo and Dragutin Haramija became founding members of the new Croatian People's Party. The fourth edition of the Babi-Finka-Mogu Hrvatski pravopis is used today as a standard definition of the Croatian language. Retrieved from "http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Croatian_Spring" Categories: History of Croatia | Second Yugoslavia

Hrvatsko proljee
Izvor: Wikipedija
Skoi na: orijentacija, trai

Hrvatsko proljee je bio politiki pokret koji ranih 1970-ih traio vea prava Hrvatske u okviru Jugoslavije. Politiki protivnici nazivali su ga i masovni pokret, odnosno MASPOK.

Sadraj
[sakrij]

1 Razvoj 2 Hrvatsko proljee po republikama i pokrajinama SFRJ o 2.1 Hrv. proljee u BiH o 2.2 Hrv. proljee u Crnoj Gori o 2.3 Hrv. proljee u Hrvatskoj o 2.4 Hrv. proljee u Makedoniji o 2.5 Hrv. proljee u Sloveniji o 2.6 Hrv. proljee u Srbiji o 2.7 Hrv. proljee u uoj Srbiji 2.7.1 Hrv. proljee na Kosovu 2.7.2 Hrv. proljee u Vojvodini 3 Hrv. proljee izvan SFRJ 4 Poznati proljeari 5 Utjecaj 6 Izvori 7 Vanjske poveznice

Razvoj [uredi]
Objavljivanjem Deklaracije o nazivu i poloaju hrvatskog knjievnog jezika 1967. pokrenuta je javna debata o poloaju Hrvatskog naroda u Drugoj Jugoslaviji. Hrvatsko proljee je bio pokret koji je bio prihvaen od naroda, i mnoge studentske skupine podravale su ovaj pokret. Jedan od glavnih ciljeva pokreta bila su vraanje civilnih prava Hrvatima, tj. vraanje ponosa pripadnosti hrvatskom narodu to je bilo oduzeto nakon rata sustavnom negativnom propagandom jugoslavenskog reima, zbog grijeha NDH. Ovo sustavno potiskivanje nacionalne pripadnosti reim je objanjavalo potrebnim da bi se ouvao mir izmeu dva najbrojnija naroda u Jugoslaviji: Hrvatima i Srbima, no te mjere su ile iznad ouvanja "delikatnog mira". U to vrijeme u Jugoslaviji ekonomija Hrvatske bila je izrabljivana od strane federalne vlade: 50% deviza ulazilo je preko Hrvatske dok je hrvatska zadravala samo 7%, isto tako od federalne vlade SR Hrvatska je dobivala samo 16.5% prorauna dok je SR Srbija dobivala oko 46.6%

(1965 do 1970). Mnogo puta SR Hrvatska se "odricala" svoje alokacije u korist "nerazvijenih krajeva". Do trenutka kada je 1971. godine dolo do dogaaja vezanih uz Hrvatsko proljee, Matica hrvatska se jasno isprofilirala kao jedna od najvanijih kulturnih, pa i znanstvenih ustanova u Hrvatskoj, koja je svojim programom, aktivnostima, izdavakom djelatnou privukla velik broj uglednih intelektualaca, studenata i radnika. Matica hrvatska je u zbivanjima vezanim uz Hrvatsko proljee odigrala jednu od najvanijih uloga iznimno aktivno zastupajui kulturne, gospodarske, ali i politike interese SR Hrvatske i hrvatskoga naroda. Upravo zbog te injenice tu su ustanovu najvii hrvatski politiki krugovi tijekom tog razdoblja promatrali s osobitim interesom, osjeajui da ona odraava stajalita cijelog hrvatskog naroda. Na koncu, zbog takve svoje uloge Matica hrvatska kao ustanova, a osobito pojedini njezini najistaknutiji lanovi, nakon sloma Hrvatskog proljea doivjeli su teke trenutke.[1]

Hrvatsko proljee po republikama i pokrajinama SFRJ [uredi]

Hrv. proljee u BiH [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Crnoj Gori [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Hrvatskoj [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Makedoniji [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Sloveniji [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Srbiji [uredi] Hrv. proljee u uoj Srbiji [uredi]
Hrv. proljee na Kosovu [uredi] Hrv. proljee u Vojvodini [uredi]

U razdoblju od 1968.-1972. u podruju kulture, tamonji Hrvati su uspjeli ostaviti traga. Objavili su oko 20 knjiga i antologija hrv. pisaca, od kojih su neke djela kapitalne vrijednosti, obnovili javnu proslavu etvenog obiaja bakih Hrvata, Duijance koja se nakon 1945. odravala samo kao crkvena. Obnovilo se manifestaciju Veliko prelo, kalendar Subotiku Danicu, knjievni asopis Rukovet je dobio hrvatski karakter, a Narodno kazalite postavlja djela hrv. autora [2]. tavie, kultura je bilo jedino ime su se vojvoanski hrvatski proljeari bavili. Vrlo su dobro znali to sve nedostaje u ouvanju identiteta Hrvata u Bakoj, Srijemu i Banatu, kao to su "kole na hrvatskom jeziku, radio emisije, novine", jer toga doslovno nije bilo. Budui da nisu bili politiki organizirani, niti su imali ikakvi forum na kojem bi mogli o tome govoriti, jedino podruje gdje su djelovali je bilo kulturno. S druge strane, baki Hrvati nisu imali nikakvih politikih akcija, niti su istupali s politikih

pozicija. Unato svemu tome, konzervativni komunistiki krugovi (Opinski komitet SK, SUP) koji su bili nastrojeni protiv ikakvog podizanja hrvatske samosvijesti su bake proljeare etiketirali, optuivali tekim optubama, sasluavali na brojnim "informativnim razgovorima". ak i benigna prijateljska sastajanja su bila okarakterizirana kao "urotnika" i "neprijateljsko djelovanje", a unato iskljuivoj kulturnoj orijentiranosti pokreta, ti su krugovi proljeare vidjeli kao neto "negativno, drutveno opasno i ruilako" [3]. Slomom proljea se situacija jo vie pogorala, posebice u Subotici. Uslijedile su progoni, hajke i prozivanja svih Hrvata koji su bili istaknutije osobe prigodom organiziranja "proljearskih" priredaba i djelatnosti, a u njihovim domovima i na njihovim radnim mjestima su raene premetaine, a suci Hrvati su izgubili radna mjesta sudaca na Okrunim sudovima, kao to je bio sluaj sa Nacom Zeliem, Balintom Vujkovim, Ivanom Stantiem i inima. [3]. " Bila je to sudbina i Marka Horvackog, Ivana Tikvickog, Ivana Vukovia, Ivana Tikvickog Pudara, Jakova Kujundia i Zvonimira Budimira". Na udaru su bili i Hrvati u drugim strukama. Konzervativne komunistike snage su u antihrvatskoj histeriji proganjali i poznate lijenike, kao to je bio prim. dr. Vinko Peri, dr. sc. Stjepan Skenderovi, dr. Kreimir Glavina i dr. Zvonimir Ki. Onemoguili su rad novinarima Lazaru Merkoviu i Milivoju Priu, a u Gradskoj knjinici Beli Gabriu, Milivoju Priu, Amaliji Kuleevi, Gezi Antunoviu, Josipu Priu i drugima. I u inim slubama se proganjalo (prosvjetne radnike, lanove pokrajinskog vodstva)[2], pa je preko stotinu ljudi bilo ikanirano i izbacivano iz svih moguih udruga i radnih mjesta, a oni koji su bili u SKJ, izbacili su ih iz lanstva. Pojedine se kazneno progonilo, kao primjerice Matiju Poljakovia i Grgu Baliju, a neke kulturne djelatnike se uhitilo i sprovelo u zatvore kao najokorjelije kriminalce, sa lisiinama na rukama, kao Antu Sekulia, Belu Gabria i Jurja Lonarevia[3]. Prava teina ove dravne represije i antihrvatske histerije konzervativnih komunista je bila u tome to je kod vojvoanskih Hrvata izazvala veliki strah i pomutnju, "jer tada rei da si Hrvat odmah je znailo i upletenost u te dogaaje."[3]. Ta represija je proizvela takve ostracistike uinke na progonjene, jer se obini puk povlaio u sebe, a kada bi obiljeene hrvatske proljeare primjeivali na ulici, izbjegavali su susret prelaskom na drugu stranu, jer u suprotnom bi ve ljedeeg dana zbog susreta sa njima "imali velike anse biti privedeni na sasluanje i biti optueni da su i oni "drutveno opasni"." [3] Hajka je polako poputala, ali nije prestala sve do 1990-ih [2]. 22. oujka 1969. godine mjesni su Hrvati dogovorili osnivaku skuptinu ogranka Matice hrvatske. lanovi tog Inicijativnog odbora za osnivanje ogranka i odravanje osnivake skuptine su bili suci Okrunog suda u Subotici Balint Vujkov, Ivan Stanti, Ivan Tikvicki, Naco Zeli i prof. Bela Gabri[3]. Taj je taj pokuaj bio osujeen [4]. Govor Josipa Broza Tita u Titogradu, u kojem je osudio in osnivanja ogranka u Subotici, koji je zapravo bio zapovijed, uinio je to da su Matica hrvatska i politiko vodstvo SR Hrvatske odustali od potpore osnivanja ogranka pa su mjesni proljeari, umjesto ogranka, godinu kasnije, [18. sijenja]] 1970. osnovali HKUD "Bunjevako kolo" [3]. Najslikovitije stvari oslikava Titova izjava, dana iz politikih razloga Tito u jednom govoru na Kosovu: "A to se ovi Bunjevci na sjeveru Bake bune?". Proturjena situacija se rasplela na tetu bakih Hrvata: subotiki stranaki odbor (partijski komitet) SKJ je ak sugerirao

utemeljenje hrvatsko kulturno-umjetnikog drutva, koje je i osnovano poetkom '70-ih. Onda stvari kreu naopako po hrv. zajednicu, jer je popis utemeljitelja ogranka Matice hrvatske stigao u ruke antihrvatskih histerika. Sve skupa je rezultiralo estokim udarom na subotiku hrvatsku inteligenciju: brojni su ostali bez posla, proglaeni nepoeljnima za izdavanje njihovih radova, brojni su iselili u SR Hrvatsku itd. Ta kretanja su dovela do toga da je Subotica izgubila jedan duhovno-kulturni i politiki kontinuitet[nedostaje izvor]. Slikovit opis udara je dao Vojislav Sekelj u razgovoru sa Ivanom Zvonimirom ikom: "Zagreb je manje stradao u tom kontekstu od Subotice, jer je za Suboticu odlazak stotinu intelektualaca teko nadoknadiv gubitak, a opet oni koji su ostali, bili su uutkani." [5] Ondanji predsjednik Saveza komunista u Subotici, Antun Milodanovi-Dela, istaknuti komunist Hrvat, nije se poveo za "sjeom" i progonom bakih Hrvata uglednika (koja je poprimala oblik i razmjere srednjovjekovnih "progona vjetica"), nego ih je tovie titio. Ipak, antihrvatski nastrojenim komunistikim monicima takvi postupci nisu mogli proi nezapaeno, pa je Milodanovi uskoro smijenjen.[6] Od poznatijih imena tadanjih hrvatskih kulturnih preporoditelja iz Vojvodine, valja navesti Ivu krabala, Balinta Vujkova, Matiju Poljakovia, Petra arevia, Antu Sekulia i dr..

Hrv. proljee izvan SFRJ [uredi] Poznati proljeari [uredi]

Stipe Mesi Savka Dabevi-Kuar Dragutin Haramija Sreko Bjeli Pero Pirker Franjo Tuman Bruno Bui Miko Tripalo Ivan Zvonimir-iak Ante Paradik Draen Budia Petar Kriste Marko Veselica ime odan

Utjecaj [uredi]
Hrvatsko proljee nakon svoga gaenja imalo je veliki utjecaj na Tita. Jugoslavenski ustav bio promjenjen 1974. na taj nain da je ispunio pojedine uvjete Hrvatskog proljea: dozvoljena je secesija, svaka republika imala je svoju autonomnost. Ovim promjenama u ustavu, te kasnijim egzilom mnogih disidenata i aktivista Hrvatskog projea udarilo je klicu novog hrvatskog pokreta za samostalnost. Dolaskom Slobodana Miloevia na vlast u Srbiji, demokratskim

promjenama u Jugoslaviji, padom Berlinskog zida mnogi proljeari se aktiviraju i vraaju iz inozemstva, te stvaraju nove hrvatski orijentirane stranke. Godine 1990. ostvaren je cilj Hrvatskog proljea, osamostaljenje Hrvatske, koja je kasnije trebala obraniti svoje pravo na slobodu na bojitu u Domovinskom ratu.

Croat de primvar
: - The Indological Knowledgebase : - Baza de cunostinte Indological The Croatian Spring ( Hrvatsko proljee ) was a political movement from the early 1970s that called for greater rights for Croatia which was then part of Yugoslavia . De primvar croat (Hrvatsko proljee) a fost o micare politic din 1970 timpurie care a cerut drepturi mai mari pentru Croaia, care a fost apoi o parte din Iugoslavia. The things were set in motion when a group of influential Croatian poets and linguists published a Declaration on the Name and Position of the Croatian Literary Language in 1967 . Lucrurile au fost puse n micare cnd un grup de influeni poei croai i lingviti a publicat o declaraie cu privire la numele i funcia literare croat lingvistice n 1967. After 1968 , the patriotic goals of that document morphed into a generic Croatian movement for more rights for Croatia, and it was beginning to receive grass roots support and many student organizations actively started to voice their support for the cause. Dup 1968, obiectivele patriotice a acestui document, transformat ntr-o micare generic croat pentru mai multe drepturi pentru Croaia, i a fost nceput s primeasc iarba rdcini de sprijin i de multe organizaii studeneti au nceput s-i exprime n mod activ sprijinul pentru cauza. Among the main demands were civil rights of the Croatian citizens, among these rights the right to take pride in one's nationality was prominently featured. Printre cerinele principale au fost drepturilor civile ale cetenilor croai, printre aceste drepturi dreptul de a lua mandria lui ntr-o singur naionalitate a fost proeminent recomandate. This irritated Tito 's communist government which had made every attempt to suppress and erase all such notions ever since World War II , fearing loss of stability and eventual breakup of the country due to ethnic tensions. Acest Tito iritat e guvern comunist care a fcut orice ncercare de a suprima i terge toate aceste notiuni nc din al doilea rzboi mondial, temndu-se pierderea de stabilitate i de destrmarea eventuala a tarii din cauza tensiunilor etnice. The banning of national symbols was intended to suppress all fascist ideological symbols such as the Ustaa or etnik markings, but it also extended to

banning most patriotic songs and customs. Interzicerea simbolurilor naionale a fost destinat de a suprima toate simboluri fasciste ideologice, cum ar fi Ustasa sau marcaje etnik, dar, de asemenea, extins la interzicerea cele mai multe melodii patriotice i vamale. Some in the movement also voiced demands for decentralization of the economic system which would allow the republic to keep more of the profits made from tourism within Croatia. Unele n micarea i-a exprimat, de asemenea, cererile de descentralizare a sistemului economic, care ar permite republicii s pstreze mai mult din profiturile realizate din turism n Croaia. On average, over 50% of all foreign currency that entered Yugoslavia came through Croatia, but Croatia itself kept only 7% of it. n medie, peste 50% din toate valut strin, care au intrat Iugoslavia a venit prin Croaia, dar Croaia n sine pstrat doar 7% din acesta. An independent National Bank of Croatia would have allowed for a fairer distribution of profits, but if it waived the right to use the federal bank of Yugoslavia, the republic would then also have to waive its right to use the federal fund for the underdeveloped regions. Un independent de Banca Naional a Croaiei ar fi permis pentru o distribuie mai echitabil a profitului, dar dac ea a renunat la dreptul de a utiliza Banca Federal Iugoslavia, Republica ar fi, de asemenea, atunci trebuie s renune la dreptul su de a utiliza fondul federal pentru regiunile subdezvoltate. Croatia used 16.5% of the money from the federal fund between 1965 and 1970, while Serbia used 46.6%. Croaia utilizat 16,5% din bani de la fondul federal ntre 1965 i 1970, n timp ce Serbia utilizate 46,6%. Concerns were also raised about the monopoly of the Yugoslav Investment Bank and the Bank for Foreign Trade from Belgrade on all foreign investments and trade. ngrijorri au fost, de asemenea, ridicate cu privire la monopolul iugoslav de Investiii i Banca pentru Comer Exterior de la Belgrad cu privire la toate investiiile strine i a comerului. The Croatians also protested against general economic issues such as the increased economic emigration into Western Europe, and that the government did too little to curb such trends. Croaii, de asemenea, a protestat mpotriva general de probleme economice, cum ar fi emigrarea creterea economic n Europa de Vest, precum i faptul c guvernul a fcut prea puin pentru a stopa aceste tendine. Among issues raised was the fact the Yugoslav People's Army sent people for mandatory military service into different republics than the one they originated from. Printre problemele ridicate a fost faptul Armata Popular Iugoslav a trimis oameni pentru serviciul militar obligatoriu n republici diferit de cea care provine de la. There were also attempts to bring the notion of including Herzegovina into Croatia to the attention of the authorities (similar to the Banovina Hrvatska that existed 1939-1941), but this was far from anything that the movement leaders were proposing. Asemenea, au existat tentative de a introduce noiunea de, inclusiv Heregovina n Croaia n atenia autoritilor (similar cu Hrvatska Banovina care a existat 1939-1941), dar aceasta a fost de departe de tot ce liderii micrii au fost propuneri. In fact, such red herrings were often used in anti-nationalist propaganda to discredit the demands which were related to decentralization and autonomy as expansionist and ultimately separatist. De fapt, astfel de heringi roii au fost deseori folosite n propaganda anti-naionalist pentru a discredita cererile care au fost legate de descentralizare i autonomie ca expansioniste i n cele din urm separatiste.

The movement organized demonstrations in 1971 and thousands of Zagreb students publicly protested. Micarea a organizat demonstraii, n 1971 i mii de studeni din Zagreb au protestat public. Three Croatian linguists ( Stjepan Babi , Boidar Finka and Milan Mogu ) published a spelling/grammar book in 1971 called Hrvatski pravopis (note hrvatski Croatian rather than srpskohrvatski Serbo-Croatian or similar) which was summarily banned and all copies of it were burned. Trei lingviti croat (Stjepan Babi, Boidar Finka i Milano Mogu), a publicat o ortografie / carte de gramatic, n 1971, numit pravopis Hrvatski Hrvatski (nota-croat, mai degrab dect Srpskohrvatski-srbo-croat sau similare), care a fost interzis sumar i din toate copiile din ea au fost arse . However, one copy managed to get smuggled to London and get printed there. Cu toate acestea, o copie a reuit s obinei de contraband la Londra i a obine tiprite acolo. The Yugoslav leadership interpreted the whole affair as a restoration of Croatian nationalism , dismissed the movement as chauvinist and had the police suppress the demonstrators. Conducerea iugoslav interpretat toat afacerea ca o restaurare a nationalismului croat, a respins micarea ca ovine i a avut de poliie suprima demonstrani. Many student activists were detained in December 1971 and some were even sentenced to years of prison. Activiti student Muli au fost reinui, n decembrie 1971 i unele chiar au fost condamnai la ani de nchisoare. Some estimate that up to two thousand people were criminally prosecuted for participation in these events. Unii estimeaz c pn la dou mii de oameni au fost urmrite penal pentru participarea la aceste evenimente. The leadership of the Croatian Communist Party , Vladimir Bakari, Milka Planinc and others were keen on punishing the dissidents and they did indeed expel and imprison several members of the Communist student organizations and members of the Communist Party itself, mostly including university professors and the like (in January 1972). Conducerea Partidului Comunist croat, Vladimir Bakari, Milka Planinc i alii au fost dornici de a pedepsi pe disideni i au fcut expulza nchide ntr-adevr i mai muli membri ai organizaiilor studeneti comunist i membri ai Partidului Comunist n sine, inclusiv cea mai mare parte profesori universitari i articole similare (n ianuarie 1972). However, some of the high-ranked members of the Communist Party from Croatia such as Savka Dabevi-Kuar and Mika Tripalo also supported these ideas so the government couldn't sweep it all under the rug. Cu toate acestea, o parte din membrii mai nalt rang al Partidului Comunist din Croaia, cum ar fi Savka Dabcevic-Kucar si Mika Tripalo, de asemenea, sprijinite aceste idei, astfel nct guvernul nu a putut matura totul sub covor. In 1974 , a new federal Constitution was ratified that gave more autonomy to the individual republics, thereby basically fulfilling the main goals of the 1971 movement. n 1974, o nou Constituie federal a fost ratificat de care a dat o mai mare autonomie pentru a republicilor individuale, astfel practic care ndeplinesc obiectivele principale ale micrii 1971. One of the provisions of the new constitution was that each republic officially had the option to secede, an option which most of them utilized twenty years later. Una din prevederile noii Constituii a fost ca fiecare republic oficial, au avut posibilitatea de a se separa, o opiune care cele mai multe dintre ele utilizate douzeci ani mai trziu.

Several student leaders from the Croatian Spring later turned out to be influential political figures. Mai muli lideri student de la primvar croat mai trziu s-au dovedit a fi influente figuri politice. Ivan Zvonimir-iak became the leader of the Croatian Helsinki Committee for Human Rights . Ivan Zvonimir-iak a devenit liderul de la Helsinki croat al Comitetului pentru Drepturile Omului. Draen Budia became the leader of the Croatian Social Liberal Party . Draen Budia a devenit lider al Partidului Social Liberal Croat. Savka Dabevi-Kuar and Mika Tripalo became founding members of the new Croatian People's Party . Savka DabcevicKucar si Mika Tripalo au devenit membri fondatori ai Partidului Popular noul croat. The fourth edition of the Babi-Finka-Mogu Hrvatski pravopis is nowadays an official definition of the Croatian language . A patra ediie a Babi-Finka-Mogu pravopis Hrvatski este astazi o definiie oficial a limbii croate.