”
Carlos Palomares
Analysis of Llego Van Van
Llegó… VanVan was released in the year 1999, which stands out as one of Los
Van Van’s most successful. The Grammy awarded for Llegó was the first for a Cuban-
based dance band recording.1 The same year, Ashé Records released a two-disc greatest-
hits LVV compilation with an informative bilingual 106-page booklet.2 The songs on
these CDs included songs recorded for the Cuban national record label, EGREM, that
were re-mastered to meet North American expectations (technoscapes). The film Van
Van: Empezó la fiesta [The Party Began], released by the national film company, ICAIC,
features retrospective footage of the band’s career, of the Grammy award celebration, and
of a huge outdoor thirtieth anniversary concert in Havana.3 Finally this same year, LVV
Miami.4
Llegó also marked the end of an era before a major transition. Llegó was the last
recording to feature two prominent members of the group. Keyboardist Cesar “Pupi”
1
“The Salsa Censors” 2000, Time 155, no13, April 3, p. 78.
2
For comparison, these liner notes meticulously documented the bands career, personnel,
discography, song lyrics and credits. In Cuban national record label’s 1995 collection of
reissues of the original fifteen LVV releases, each CD was packaged with minimal notes
and inconsistent audio quality. See Appendix for Discography.
3
Formell, Juan and Los Van Van 2000, Van Van: Empezó la fiesta!, VHS, Primer Plano
Film Group, Arca Difusión and Instituto Cubano de Arte e Industria Cinematográfica,
Havana: Video ICAIC.
4
The ethnoscape and ideoscapes were particularly intense when LVV’s Miami
performance was met with major protest from some members of Miami’s Cuban-
American community. With Miami’s mayor calling LVV “The Official Band of Fidel
Castro” Castillo 1999, p 35.
1
Pedroso was a founding member of the band, and only Formell has written more of the
band’s hit songs. The other musician to leave, Pedro “Pedrito” Calvo was an iconic lead
singer with the band for almost two decades. On LVV’s next and most recent studio
Previously always listed as the musical director, Formell Sr. is listed as producer and
general director of Chapeando. Lastly, Pavel Molina now shares bass playing duties with
Juan Formell both on Chapeando and in concert. In fact, at the 2006 concert in Toronto,
Molina played bass on the majority of the songs. Formell sang some and gave directions
1999 was also the year of the release of the Buena Vista Social Club (BVSC) film,
Wim Wenders’ hugely successful documentary about a group of older Cuban son
musicians playing in a traditional style. A record with the same name was released two
years earlier. Ry Cooder, a North American guitarist, was involved in the production of
the first CD. The film was shot when Cooder returned to Cuba to record another album:
Buena Vista Social Club Presents Ibrahim Ferrer, also released in 1999.6 Though Perna
states that the original album was released “with good press response but tepid initial
sales,” the first record must have been lucrative enough to merit Cooder and Wenders
return to film the next BVSC project. Many critics and scholars have noted the film seems
5
Formell, Juan and Los Van Van, 2006, Chapeando, Unicornio Producciones CD AHI-
1051.
6
Ferrer, Ibrahim, 1999, Buena Vista Social Club Presents: Ibrahim Ferrer, Nonesuch
Records CD 79532-2.
2
to portray Cooder as a colonial explorer discovering these forgotten musicians and a
forgotten music.7
Through its old-fashioned sounds and its celebration of elderly musicians, the
album constructed a nostalgic representation of the island promoted by the tourist
industry at the turn of the millennium.9
Perna illustrates that the Cuban Government embraced the marketing of the BVSC, which
proved to be quite lucrative for the government and represented a safer image of Cuba
than the image projected by many of the timba bands. Ironically, the government’s
harshest critics, and perhaps many of those who protested LVV’s 1999 Miami concert,
also embraced the nostalgia of BVSC.10 It is important to keep this context in mind in the
analysis of Llegó. Perna even claims that when Formell named the timba genre at a press
conference in 1998 and this could be seen as a “strategic move.” “[The] leaders of Cuban
dance music bands intended to challenge the equation between Buena Vista and national
music.”11 In other words, Llegó can be seen as challenging the romanticized image
present in BVSC by showing a contemporary music culture up to date with global music
trends.
It appears that all the -scapes lined up just right for LVV in 1999. An examination
of the late 1990s ideoscape shows a significant warming in the relations between the U.S.
7
See for example Katerí Hernández 2002, although I have found several problems with
this article see Palomares 2006 unpublished manuscript. For another side to the BVSC
debate see Godfried 2000. Godfried defends the BVSC project from its critics.
8
See Perna 2005 chapter 9.
9
Perna 2005, 240.
10
Ibid, 263.
11
Ibid, 240
3
and Cuba. During Bill Clinton’s presidency cultural exchanges between the two countries
were frequent. Cuban musicians toured the U.S., and U.S. citizens with state department
licenses traveled to Cuba legally. Turning to the technoscapes, Llegó was recorded at a
new world-class recording studio that had recently opened in Havana.12 Abdala studios
was a project of Silvio Rodriguez, one of the best-known singers of nueva trova, a type of
protest song popular throughout Latin America. Rodriguez founded Abdala with the goal
To release Llegó and circumvent the U.S. embargo, LVV signed a contract with
the Dutch company Harbor Bridge. Harbor Bridge’s relationship with the New York-
based company Havana Caliente and Havana Caliente’s affiliation with the major label
Atlantic Records assured LVV U.S. exposure and distribution.13 This shows how
complexly intertwined the -scapes are. The mediascapes, ideoscape, and financescapes
come into particular focus here. So many different media companies were necessary
because of the U.S. embargo. It is also important to note, however, that Cuban policy was
also involved here, though more historically situated. Only in the late 1980s did the
Cuban government start to allow artists to sign international contracts for themselves.
This was accelerated by the financial crisis of Cuba’s 1990s “special period.” Previously
all artists were state employees and the national record label, EGREM, controlled who
recorded what and when.14 At the risk of taking the model too far, I note also, the
technoscapes and financescapes were involved in the release of the album in Cuba. After
12
See http://www.abdala.cu
13
Mauleón and Faro 1999, 34
14
See Robbins 1991, Moore 2006, and Perna 2005 Chapter 1.
4
being released on CD in the U.S. first, Llegó was released on cassette in Cuba because
THE COVER
The title on the cover of the Llegó reveals the transnational target audience. A
choice was made to print the title prominently both in Spanish and in English: Llegó…
Van Van/Van Van is Here. No other LVV release to date was marked with such a clear
explanations of the Spanish lyrics. At the time, only the greatest hits compilation,
released the same year, included an English/Spanish title and liner notes. Furthermore,
although Llegó is the past tense of the verb Llegar [to arrive], the title is translated as
“Van Van is Here.” When translating the verb literally the title becomes “Van Van
arrived.” 16 This play on “is here” and “arrived,” the present and the past tenses, give the
CD an ironic title for a premier dance band with over twenty previous releases. In fact
LVV arrived many years ago but now calls out to a new audience, “we are here!”
advertising more details about the product. Llegó is available now with a “Grammy
Winner” sticker clearly using this achievement to sell the CD to consumers. Before
winning the award, the sticker proclaimed in English, “Cuba’s greatest dance band
celebrates 30 years.”17 The marketing of the CD illustrates an awareness that LVV could
15
Casteñeda 1998, nn.
16
The CD cover does not include the accent over the “o” on Llegó. Llego is the first
person present tense form, or I arrive. LVV’s official website list the title as Llegó.
(http://www.vanvandeformell.com/discografia.php accessed 16 August 2007.)
17
As found on New York based online Latin music store Descarga.com, and
Amazon.com both accessed 16 August 2007.
5
not count on name recognition alone. Therefore, the marketing of the CD would
An unfamiliar audience may see the cover as a title printed against an abstract
(Hamel’s Alley) in the city of Havana.18 I argue that the implications of this choice are
two-fold. First, as Vincenzo Perna recently pointed out, the CD cover art and several
themes in the 1990s.19 The artist responsible for the mural is Salvador Gonzales. His art,
sold at a gallery on Callejón de Hamel, and mural feature themes of the Afro-Cuban
religions of Cuba, especially Santería. The mural depicts the orichas, or Santería deities.
Secondly, what others have not noted is that the cover art also brings up the issue of
tourism in Cuba. Every Sunday afternoon many tourists attend a rumba, a secular Afro-
18
See Appendix p. 63 for my photos of the mural and rumba from a 2002 trip to Callejón
de Hamel.
19
Perna 2005, 185.
6
Cuban music and the party itself, dance party at Callejón de Hamel.20 Hagedorn discusses
the orichas, Santería, and the prominence of Afro-Cuban religions during the “special
Llegó’s first track, “Permiso que llegó van van” (Excuse me, Van Van has
Arrived), (CD Track 5) gradually presents the orchestral sound and musical concept of
altering the instrumentation through the years, and experimenting with electronic timbres.
LVV’s orchestral origins lie in the charanga tradition; Formell later drew from the
Cuban conjunto tradition by adding brass instruments.22 In 1965 Formell joined a popular
Cuban charanga orchestra, Orquesta Revé, and was already experimenting with North
American elements such as the trap drumset, electric guitar and bass, and other sounds of
20
On the day I visited Callejón de Hamel the rumba party was an even more
transnational event with a Cuban rap group before the rumba performers.
21
See Hagedorn 2001, Chapter 7. For more information on santería see Murphy 1993.
Vélez 2000 is a biographic case study of a drummer in the sacred Afro-Cuban tradition.
22
Charanga: “a specific style of instrumentation, consisting of rhythm section
(contrabass, timbales and güiro), strings (from two to four violins, or any number of
violins with a cello), and one wooden flute. The piano and conga drum were added in the
1940’s” (Mauelón 1993. 252–253). Conjunto: “a specific style of instrumentation
developed around 1940, derived from the septeto ensemble[, a seven piece son
ensemble,] consisting of guitar, tres, contrabass, bongos, three vocalist [who play hand
percussion such as maracas and claves), and two to four trumpets… and the piano and
[conga drum]” (Ibid, 254).
7
rock ’n’ roll. In 1969, among the musicians who left Orquesta Revé to join Formell’s first
incarnation of LVV were a flautist, four violinists, two guitarists, and a cellist. By 1999,
of these instruments, only two violinists and a flautist remained. Two trombones replaced
the electric guitars in 1980, with a third trombone added in 1983; finally, the brass
section had grown to four trombonists by 1999. The addition of trombones could be seen
as a response to international salsa bands.23 Salsa bands also derived their instrumentation
from the conjunto ensembles, which trace their roots to the Cuban son tradition. New
York salsa musicians, particularly Mon Rivera and Eddie Palmiere, started using
trombones in the 1960s.24 What made Formell’s idea unique was the combination of
charanga strings and flute with salsa, or conjunto, brass. Notably, Formell did not add a
trumpet, the first brass instrument added to the son ensembles in the early twentieth-
century and a standard instrument in salsa ensembles. This mix of trombones, violins,
flute, drumset, and electronic instruments has become a signature element of LVV’s
the full orchestra can be heard. This introduction begins with ten seconds of a percussive
groove that may sound disorienting to listeners expecting either salsa or BVSC’s
traditional son. The sonic palette is bare except for a güiro and the drums.26 The steady
rhythm played on the güiro is standard and would be familiar to many Latin music
23
Salsa ensemble: “typically includes vocals, Cuban percussion [such as bongos, congas,
timbales, claves, cowbells, woodblocks, maracas, and güiro], piano bass, trumpets,
trombones and saxophones, and usually ranges in size from ten to fourteen members”
Waxer, “Salsa.”
24
Lankford 1999 dissertation give some historical background of the trombone in salsa.
25
See Appendix p. 62 for stage plot showing the current LVV stage setup.
26
Güiro: serrated gourd tat is scraped with a stick.
8
audiences.27 Figure 12 shows the güiro’s standard pattern: the quarter note is a legato
down-stroke and brief upstroke creating the characteristic scraping sound, while the next
While the güiro churns out its steady groove, Samuel Formell moves around the trap
Figure 3. “Permiso” drum intro and Drum key. Note: Pickup note not transcribed. Clave only implied.
CD Track 5 00:00–00:1228
27
Mauleón 1993,102.
28
Thanks to Drummer’s Bible author Jason Gianni for verifying this transcription.
9
He’ll wait until the next instruments enter to start twisting the steady beat poly-
rhythmically. A live recording from Miami also starts with a drum introduction but
If the untrained ear did not catch on to the uniqueness of the drumset, then the synthesizer
clearly announces to BVSC fans to beware this is not your Cuban band trapped in the
past. The spacey synthesizer sound exemplifies a common thread to LVV’s sound.
Formell has always been open to experimentation with nontraditional electronic timbres.
In the 1960s and 1970s LVV’s use of electric bass and guitars, as well as the liberal use of
reverb, was new to Cuban dance music. In the 1980s, LVV’s sound featured electric
drums and keyboards. On Llegó, the late 1990s sound includes combinations of
ideas presented earlier. His approach is more polyrhythmic one moment playing a three-
against-two rhythm at the eight-note pulse and adding to the tension set up by the odd
synthesizer sound. In addition, the conga drums can be heard to enter very faintly but in
response to the trap drumset’s call. On the second half of the phrase (CD Track 5, 00:22),
the synthesizer becomes static playing chords that emphasize the synthetic nature of the
pulse. On the repeat of the synthesizer’s eight-measure phrase (CD Track 5, 00:33) an
electronic keyboard accompanies the melody. Although this keyboard is also set to an
29
Formell, Juan and Los Van Van, 2004, Van Van Live at Miami Arena, Havana
Caliente/Pimienta Records, 2 CDs and 1 DVD 245360585-2.
10
electronic timbre, the sound is not as distinctive. The keyboard sounds closer to a Fender
While the drum intro may be read as representing an “African” past, I note two
aspects here. First, the güiro is one of the few instruments thought to have survived from
Cuba’s indigenous past.30 Secondly, the sound of the trap drumset along with how it is
being played challenge any notion of a traditional sound. Therefore in just under one
minute LVV has linked themselves with the past tradition (güiro, indigenous Cuba, clave,
and “African” rhythm) and modern sound (clean production, trap drumset, synthesizer,
Nearly one minute into the song the rest of the orchestra enters (CD Track 5,
00:51), showcasing the full sound of LVV’s novel instrumentation. After a drum fill and a
steady run of triplets from Samuel, a four-bar instrumental interlude separates the intro
from the vocal entry of the first coro, or chorus. Here the brass, strings, and electric bass
enter together, strongly reinforcing the three side of the clave. On the second half of the
phrase the strings break away from the instruments with a countermelody that brings
back Samuel’s triplet run that prepared this phrase. Now as the band hits the main groove
full force, the vocal chorus enters. For those who had any doubts: Van Van llegó!
30
Although as Mauleón, and others, explain the güiro has both African and indigenous
American roots (Mauón 1993, 255).
11
Figure 4. Son and rumba clave in 3:2 direction.
Berríos-Miranda refers to clave as an important criterion “for the criticism and evaluation
[crossed]. It is used derogatorily to describe someone playing against the clave. In other
words, if a melody calls for a 3:2 clave and a musician plays a part in the 2:3 clave that
musician might be accused of being cruzado.32 At times determining the direction can be
challenging. “The proper application of the clave concept has been a theme of much
One interesting technique that contrasts LVV from much U.S.-based salsa is
whether the first measure of the two-measure clave phrase has two or three beats, that is,
whether the clave rhythm is struck in either the 3:2 direction or 2:3 direction. This can
31
Berríos-Miranda 2002, 37.
32
In looking beyond the New York-Puerto Rico-Cuba salsa triangle Berríos-Miranda
(2003) examines Venezuelan salsa and attitudes towards salsa, she found musicians that
did not believe that clave rules were inflexible. They claimed that if the music “still
swings it is still good” even if the musician is cruzado (37). Berríos-Miranda finds that
some question Venezuelan musicians ability and knowledge of clave concept (38).
33
Ibid. See also Gerard and Shuller 1989 and Mauleón 1993.
12
Analysis of the introduction to “Permiso” illustrates the basics of the clave
concept. For the first phrase of the intro to “Permiso,” Samuel’s playing keeps things
sparse. (See Fig. 11) The steady güiro pattern is a one measure pattern and therefore
clave neutral. Samuel’s line shows the first measure is quite syncopated while the second
is not. This indicates a 3:2 clave direction with the three side of the clave being the
syncopated half. The 3:2 clave will be further reinforced when the full band enters at the
musical interlude.
Kevin Moore calls one way of handling the clave direction “New York Style,”
because of the tendency of New York salsa arrangers to maintain the clave direction
strictly throughout a song.34 In other words, once a song begins, in either 3:2 or 2:3 clave,
the clave direction never changes. If a melody does call for a different direction of the
clave, the arranger will use a phrase with an odd number of measures. On the other hand,
Formell has been quoted as stating that this strict maintenance of the clave direction is
only one option. Formell claims that Cuban musicians have a “clave license” to jump the
clave if necessary in an arrangement if “the clave must be interrupted” for the sake of the
song.35 This technique “jumps clave” by simply repeating the necessary 2 or 3 side of the
clave.
“Permiso” maintains the 3:2 clave throughout the song, the arrangement of Llegó’s third
song, “Eso dámelo a mi” (Give me That) (CD Track 6), includes a passage where LVV
invokes their “clave license.” For the first two minutes, the groove is in the 3:2 son clave
direction. This is evident in the piano montuno, which melodically articulates the clave.
34
Moore, “The Four Great Clave Debates.”
35
Ibid and Mauleón 1999, 16.
13
Furthermore when the verse enters at (CD Track 6, 00:21) the vocal melody reinforces
the clave direction. At this same moment, a wood block enters stating the son clave
rhythm.36
Figure 6. Example of clave change using clave license change. CD Track 6 01:59–02:23)37
The transcription in figure 16 shows the clave, which at this point is implied. The second
line of the transcription shows the band’s rhythmic accents. Measures 3, 5, 13, and 15
36
The wood block part enters on the “and” of beat 2, which is called the bomba, as the
verse begins.
37
Thanks to Kevin Moore for his assistance with this transcription.
14
show the band accents most clearly maintaining the clave direction. At measure 17 (CD
Track 6, 02:19), after the solo, a new coro begins in the 2:3 clave direction.38 Note that
measures 16 and 17 both show the 2-side of the clave. There is no odd-measure phrase;
the two-side of the clave pattern is repeated to jump clave and match the phrasing of the
new coro. The other option, or the “New York Style,” would have been to add one more
measure between 16 and 17 or remove measure 16. This would have maintained the 3:2
clave throughout, however the affect of the passage would have been drastically different.
THEMATIC APPROACH
In studying for her musicology degree in Cuba, Gonzáles Bello devised a system
for analysis and classification of LVV’s music. She studied the linguistic and literary
elements of LVV’s repertoire and emphasized the themes and how the themes were
addressed.39 She completed her dissertation work before Llegó was released
commercially in Cuba, but she applies the system to Llegó in a later article (2000). Aside
from a concluding remark, her emphasis relies on subcultural knowledge not necessarily
available to the audience that, I argue, LVV is introducing themselves to. The exception is
a paragraph at the end noting that perhaps for North American audiences the songs are
shorter than usual and fade out before closure of the musical discourse.40
music and on Llegó. They are love, society, music, and character types with the first two
38
The rhythm of coro melody indicates the 2:3 clave, in addition a 2:3 bell pattern can be
heard.
39
Gonzáles Bello 2000, 7.
40
Ibid, 13.
15
being the predominant themes.41 She notes that under society fall themes of religion,
identity, and contemporary social issues of Cuba.42 These themes are addressed through
allegory, chronicles of the people, and humor.43 Humor appears two different ways; first
being obvious, on the surface, though jocularity, hyperbole, irony, and mischief; and
second, songs that require further examination to reveal their humor though a play on
words and history.44 Of course, these themes are not mutually exclusive; some songs fall
under more than one category. At the heart of González Bello’s argument is that Llegó
marks a point of return for the band and that LVV’s approach to addressing the themes
has precedent in previous traditional Cuban popular music. While Llegó doesn’t
completely abandon the timba approach of their 1990s discography, Llegó’s music and
themes are more in keeping with their 1970s and 1980s work.45
Through the text and the music of Llegó, LVV provides their audiences with a
Cuban history lesson. This is true from the first song. The first words heard on the CD are
not in Spanish. “Permiso” begins with a coro in Lucumí, the Cuban version of the
Yoruba language and the language of the Afro-Cuban religion, santería. This is followed
41
“Las cuatro categorías fundamentales creadas para las mismas en el sistema
clasificatorio, entiéndase lo amoroso, lo social, lo musical y personajes tipos; de ellas,
las dos primeras con un predomino significativo” Ibid, 7.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.
45
Ibid 6–7.
16
The verses tell the history of the band. The first verse includes (CD Track 5, 01:14–
01:21):
The second verse includes a reference that is hidden from unknowing ears. The date
December 4, 1969 has double significance; this is the day of LVV’s premier, and
December fourth is the feast day for Santa Barbara, which in santería is syncretic with
Changó, the deity of the drum.46 The religious themes of “Permiso” continue throughout
the song.
The song is not just a self-congratulatory history; it also makes reference to the
1990s social context with the prominence of Afro-Cuban sacred and secular themes. The
liner notes say Formell sings “Appapas del calabar” (CD Track 7) in the secret language
of Abakúa, the secret Afro-Cuban all-male society with roots from the Calabar region
(Nigeria) of Africa. Formell actually sings some of the song in Spanish as well. González
Bello says “Appapas” is the first case where the Abakúa have been approached
46
Although Quintana was not in the band for this debut or on this record, his nickname,
“Changuito,” is the Spanish diminutive for Chango, or little Chango.
17
pedagogically in a popular dance music song.47 In the song, Formell draws a classic study
The history lesson on Llegó continues with the incorporation of two traditional
Cuban dance music genres: son and rumba. Son developed in the eastern rural regions of
Cuba and made its way to Havana in the early 20th century. “During the 20th century the
son has taken shape as the most important [genre] in present-day Cuban music, especially
because of its influence on dance music.”49 Most of the songs on Llegó illustrate the
band’s debt to traditional son form.50 The classic son form consists of two parts: first, a
closed strophic verse, called canto or tema, followed by an open montuno. The montuno
is said to be open because it only ends when the singer runs out of ideas. The montuno
can also refer to the pattern played by the tres or piano, as illustrated above in Figure 7.
The montuno of the son form consists of a short repetitive refrain, or estribillo also called
coro, sung by a group in response to a lead singer whose improvised lines are called
inspiraciones. During this section the band plays a vamp, one frequent example is the
piano montuno of Figure 7.51 The montuno is frequently extended through the use of
multiple coros building tension by shortening the duration of the coro (in number of
measures). Additional variety is added through mambos. Not to be confused with the
1950s mambo dance craze, the mambo here refers to horn passages over the vamp. At
times tension is further built as coros, inspiraciones, and mambos begin to overlap.
47
González Bello 2000, 10.
48
Ibid, 9.
49
Alén Rodríguez 1998, 60.
50
The prevalence of son form in many salsa songs is one reason leading some to say that
salsa is just Cuban son.
51
Also see Appendix p. 64 salsa rhythmic foundation from Waxer, “Salsa” to see how the
piano montuno would be modified to incorporate extended jazz harmonies.
18
On Llegó, the song “El cheque” (The Check) is an example of rather strict
adherence to the son form (Table 1), while other songs are variations on it.
Tema:
Intro 8 measures
Verse 1 32 bars AABA form
Verse 2 32 bars AABA’ form
Interlude 4 Measures
Montuno:
In “El Cheque” the montuno spells out a progression using the tonic, sub-dominant, and
dominant chords in the key of A.
Notice that the coro changes from calling to responding in the final section of the
montuno.
Drawing from another tradition, the tema of “El cheque” consists of two 32-bar choruses
in AABA, or Tin Pan Alley form. The use of Tin Pan Alley form probably reflects an
earlier era’s intercultural exchange between the U.S. and Cuban musicians. While I have
19
stressed throughout this essay the flow from Cuba to the U.S., the Tin Pan Alley form
and LVV’s rock, jazz, and funk influences illustrates that the flow goes both ways.
Son became the quintessential Cuban music through the construction of a Cuban
national identity drawing from both Spain and Africa. Son’s “rhythmic variations,
refrains, percussion techniques, intonations, and sonorities reveal both original sources”
blending Spanish and African elements.52 The construction of a national mulatto identity
can be traced to the appropriation of Afro-Cuban cultural expressions in the 1920s by art
Before this moment Cuban intellectuals imagined an indigenous past that erased African
culture from Cuba. The elite and bourgeois of Cuba, along with the Afro-Cuban middle
class, previously derided son. The Afrocubanismo movement along with an international
rumba craze for popular Cuban music changed attitudes toward the Cuban popular music
genre son. 53
the construction of a national mulatto culture. In “Somos Cubanos” (We are Cubans),
LVV acknowledges that very little remains of the indigenous culture of Cuba, having been
exterminated by disease and cruel conditions as Spain first colonized the island:
“Somos Cubanos” (We are Cubans) from Llegó… Van Van (1999). (CD Track 9 00:44)
52
Orovio 2004, 203.
53
See Moore 1997 about this era.
20
La Cubana The Cuban (women)
era una mezcla diferente was a different mix
con mucho sabor with a lot of flavor
acompañada de la rumba y el accompanied by the rumba and guaguancó
guaguancó owners of the clave
dueños de la clave and the magic of the three plus two
y la magia del tres mas dos that made us so special
que nos hizo tan especiales gracias a thanks to God
Dios
Coro: Coro:
Somos Cubanos, Español y Africanos We are Cubans, Spanish and African
On the band’s previous record (1997) they show a more complicated mix and their own
“Te pone la cabeza mala” (It Drives You Crazy) (1997) (CD Track 10)54
Din dan con rumba y rock Din dan with rumba and rock
Mambo con conga y pop Mambo with conga and pop
Salsa con mozambique Salsa with mozambique
Y clave de guaguancó And the clave from guaguancó
Cumbia con jazz con swing Cumbia with jazz and swing
Songo con samba y beat Songo with samba and beat
Merengue con bomba y son Merengue with bomba and son
Y clave de guaguancó And the clave from guaguancó55
54
Formell, Juan and Los Van Van,1997, Te pone la cabeza mala, Caribe Productions CD
9506.
55
Mauleón and Faro 1999, 96. Rumba, mambo, conga, mozambique, guaguancó, songo,
and son are all Cuban genres. Cumbia is originally a Columbian genre but has variations
throughout Latin America. Merengue is a popular dance music from the Dominican
Republic. Bomba is a traditional Puerto Rican genre. I am not clear what Din dan is.
21
“Somos Cubanos” challenges previous national mulatto identity projects that
actually accepting the Afro-Cuban people. The final coro (CD Track 9 02:48) of “Somos
Cubanos” quotes Arsenio Rodríguez’ (1911–1970) classic song “Bruca manigua” (Witch
from the Bush).56 Rodríguez is one of the most important Cuban son musicians of the era.
Rodríguez celebrated his African heritage writing songs commenting on the status of
oppression by singing in bozal, an “Africanized” Spanish which would not have been
understood by the white Cuban audiences.58 Also “Somos Cubanos” is not a son, but a
rumba. While the son became the national music of Cuba, the rumba maintains its
The rumba emerged in the mid-19th century and developed in the urban slums
and at the shipping docks of the Western Cuban cities of Havana and Matanzas. The
percussion section consists of three drums and palitos, sticks struck against the shell of
one of the drums. Initially the drums were shipping boxes for codfish switching later to
three congas drums with the smallest high-pitched drum responsible for improvisation.
The vocal section includes a lead vocalist and a chorus.59 The rhythm heard as “Somos
Cubano” begins, also heard on the song “Consuélate Como yo” (Console Yourself Like I
56
Translation from Ibid 19.
57
See Garcia 2006
58
Ibid, 19–20. In addition, Gonzalez Bello (2000) cites other intertextual references in
“Somos Cubanos,” and cites “Bruca manigua” as a reference to Vincento Valdés. As
Arsenio Rodríguez is one of the most prominent musicians in Cuban music history it
seems more likely that to refer to his more famous song.
59
For more details on rumba see Crook 1982 and Alén Rodriguez 1998, 81–98.
22
Do) (CD Track 11), is a specific type of rumba, the guaguancó. The figure below shows
the standard guaguancó rhythm provided by the palitos and a composite rhythm of the
Both songs begin with this rhythm, which identifies the songs as guaguancó. However
the inclusion of LVV’s full band and not just the percussion and vocals of traditional
rumba means the songs are hybrids, which González Bello classifies as songo-
known as Tío Tom.61 LVV’s version adds other typical rumba elements missing from
“Somos Cubanos.” The song begins like many traditional rumbas, with the vocables of
the introductory diana, which sets up the tonality of the song. This is followed by a
passage that informs the listener why the singer, Mayito Rivera, sings “Consuélate como
yo.”62 Before the guaguancó rhythm continues any further (CD Track 11 1:07) the band
breaks into a salsa sound. I call this a salsa feel in large part because the typical
anticipated bass of salsa played by Formell and the traditional sounding piano montuno.63
60
González Bello 2000, 12.
61
Acosta 1991 writes about Tio Tom to contest the anonymous nature of oral traditions
like rumba. The essay, written from a Cuban Marxist perspective, presents Tio Tom and
the rumba as an expression of the proletariat class.
62
See Alén Rodríguez 1998, 85.
63
See Appendix p. 64 for Grove illustration of salsa rhythmic foundation. Note the
typical anticipated bass. This is not to say that Formell never plays this type of bass line,
but he is more likely to play a different bass line than what is heard on many salsa
23
Just after entering the salsa section (CD Track 11 01:22) Rivera quotes the classic song
“Bemba colorá” (Red Lips) made famous by the salsa singer Celia Cruz, know as the
queen of salsa.
González Bello states that Llegó features many intertexual references, an element
common to both LVV and Cuban music in general.64 While González Bello illustrates
purpose is to show a connection or commentary on salsa through what the literary theorist
Henry Louis Gates Jr. calls signifyin(g). Encyclopedia Britannica describes signifyin(g)
comment on an idea in dialogue with the past.65 He applies his theory of signifyin(g) to
connecting it to an African past, Gates turns again and again to Afro-Cuban culture and in
particular santería.66 The key here is Gate’s idea that signifyin(g) is repetition with
difference. This difference can be both motivated and unmotivated, with unmotivated not
meaning without intention but without the negative critique of motivated signifyin(g).67
records. Also see K. Moore’s definition of songo and notice the use of bass starting on
beat one.
64
González Bello 2000, 9. “La intertextualidad, quizás uno de los recursos más
utilizados en Van Van” (Intertextuality, perhaps one of the most utilized resources in Van
Van].
65
“Gates, Henry Louis, Jr.,”Encyclopædia Britannica. 2005.
66
See Gates 1988, Chapter 1.
67
Ibid, xxvi.
24
Signifyin(g) is recurrent in the music of LVV. A classic example is LVV’s 1989
song “No soy de la gran escena” (I’m Not from the Big Scene) (CD Track 12).68 The
lyrics critique a Cuban television show, La gran escena, which featured art music but not
popular music. The music underscores the point by quoting Tchaikovsky’s Piano
Concerto No. 1 with rumba clave throughout.69 The signifyin(g) on Llegó that I am
looking at here comments on salsa or the salsa debate. The quotation of Rodríguez’
“Bruca manigua,” which the original itself was an example of Rodríguez signifyin(g), in
“Somos Cubanos” also can be said to point to the salsa.70 That is because Rodríguez is
Through both humor and boastfulness more signifyin(g) can be heard on “El
negro está cocinando” ( The Black Man is cooking) (CD Track 3). Though she does not
connect the song to salsa or signifyin(g), González Bello’s sees “El negro está
cocinando,” as a return for LVV to both depicting character types and the double
entendre. Several earlier LVV songs use culinary double entendres. That “El negro está
cocinando” is a case in point would be pretty obvious to any Spanish speaker (CD Track
3 00:26–00:44):
No no no no no no no no, No no no no no no no no
68
Formell, Juan and Los Van Van, 1999 The Legendary Los Van Van: 30 Years of
Cuba’s Greatest Dance Band, Volume 1, ¡Y Van! Los Van Van 1969 to 1989 Ashé
Records, CD 2007A
69
Mauleón and Faro 1999, 23.
70
See Garcia 2006, 19–20. Rodríguez signifies by masking critique of Cuban racism
through the use of bozal dialect which was appropriated in Cuban equivalent of blackface
minstrelsy. So while white Cuban audiences did not understand Rodríguez’ critique they
associated the language with something they of were familiar with.
71
Garcia 2006, 6.
25
No me la toquen Don’t knock on my door
Gonzales Bello also illustrates that the song contains an intertextual reference to a classic
son, Ignacio Piñero’s “Échale salsita” (Put Some Sauce on It). Also about a man who is
very skillful in the kitchen and all the women want to sample his cooking. Piñero’s song
is, however, frequently referred to as the original use of the term “salsa” in Latin, or
Cuban, music.
Lastly song “Temba, Tumba, Timba” may be an allusion to the salsa debate.
González Bello says it is an allegory. She says, “It alludes, in reality, to the evolution of
Cuban music from the most traditional forms to timba, this term being the most
contemporary.” 72 The song appears to be a strange love pentagon about three men and
two women. In the chorus a chain begins where Temba’s wife leaves him for Tumba.
Tumba’s wife leaves him for Timba. Gonzalez Bello reads this as an allegory alluding to
the evolution of Cuban music from the traditional forms to timba. González Bello calls
No quiso bailar más rumba She didn’t want to dance any more rumba
Y quiso cambiar de estilo and wanted to change style
Cambiando temba por tumba Changing Temba for Tumba
Así cambia de Marido. This is how she changes husbands
… …
Tú le darás la razón You give her the reason
Sabiendo que está muy Linda Knowing that she is very pretty
72
“Se alude, en realidad, a la evolución de la música cubana desde las formas más
tradicionales hasta la timba, siendo éste el termino más contemporáneo.” González Bello
2000, 8.
26
De Tumba pasó pa’ Timba From Tumba she passed to Timba
para cambiar de sabor to change flavors
In addition to the culinary reference, “sabor” is a word frequently used in Latin musical
situations much like the word swing in jazz. One would compliment a musician by saying
that the music “tiene mucho sabor” [has a lot of flavor]. Perhaps the lesson to draw here,
accepting that this is an allegory for music, through the humorous way that LVV discusses
the changes of flavors from one style to the next may indicate that the name of the music
doesn’t matter as much to the band. Salsa, timba, rumba, rock, or son, it does not matter
what you call the music—LVV doesn’t take the terms so seriously. This same attitude
could probably be mapped onto the song “Te pone la cabeza mala” transcribed above.
Alternatively, if we wanted to see this all as motivated signifyin(g), then LVV could be
saying it doesn’t matter if you call it timba or salsa, it is all still Cuban music.
These quick references do not tell us much about attitudes towards the salsa
debate. Further research would have to determine to what extent this could be motivated
There was a moment when we had to accept the word “salsa” because of the
international situation. At that time we were on the defensive, but now we are on
the offensive and we can say, No, that’s not what we do. We’re somewhere
between traditional son and salsa.73
It is worthy to note that the music of Celia Cruz, the singer quoted in “Consuélate como
yo,” was banned in Cuba because of her outspoken stance towards the Cuban
government. She was also one of the older musicians who said salsa was just Cuban
music.74 But any assumptions of harsh criticism of salsa must keep in mind that, for
73
Quoted in Casteñeda 1998, nn.
74
Cruz 2004, 130–132.
27
commercial reasons, it makes sense for LVV to align themselves with salsa, a market that
in Llegó.
LVV’s history lesson is not all stuck in the past. According to Gonzáles Bello,
LVV’s approach to the chronicles of the people is handled differently than usual.75 LVV is
more critical of core social problems in contemporary Cuba. Two songs look at a man
being abandoned by his woman and her sexual and economic relations with one or more
foreigners. The relationship is a more complex arrangement than prostitution, not always
including a sex for money arrangement, and is called jineterismo [literally a jinetera
would be a female jockey] in Cuba.76 The two examples she gives are “Mi chocolate” and
Jineterismo is just one example of the results of the financial crisis in Cuba of the 1990s.
75
González Bello 2000, 7.
76
“Abandono del hombre cubano por parte de la mulata criollas y las relaciones
sexuales sostenidas entre estas y uno o varios extranjeros en las que media un interés
económico, a lo que se denomina jineterismo.” González Bello 2000, 7. Aparicio 1997
examines the image of the mulata in Latin music.
28
In another example connecting LVV to the socio-cultural present, “El cheque” the
financescapes come into further focus. Faced with extreme shortages, some Cubans
depend on the dollars they receive through checks or cash from family overseas. The
song “El cheque” looks at the financial needs of Cubans of a diverse nature and the
aspirations and longings for the chance to have access to some money.77 In this song, the
protagonist awaits a check he has been told is coming from abroad, but the check does
not arrive. While waiting, the people around him make various plans including things to
fix up the house, a Santería ritual, and even a pair of Nike tennis shoes. It is important to
note that these difficult issues are always handled with a sense of humor and a driving
rhythm not likely to leave the listener dwelling on the situation. The humor only adds to
the ambivalence of comments such as in “El cheque” when Calvo laughs, “como tengo
The “Havana City” (CD Track 15) is the last song on Llegó and of my analysis.
While the lyrics of “Havana City” are another example of LVV drawing from themes
relevant to the socio-cultural context of the 1990s, the music of the song takes listeners
back in time. The lyrics evoke the collective national and individual dependence on
tourist dollars through the image of guided tours in classic 1953 Chevrolets. Note also
that these tour guides do not refer to the capital by its Spanish name, La Habana, but in
Havana city
Havana crazy
77
González Bello 2000, 8.
29
Havana Vieja [Old, La Habana Vieja is the name of the oldest part of the city.]
Welcome to the capital
In the last history lesson of Llegó the music at the end of the CD hints at the rock-
Today, few in the U.S. or Cuba see rock as much of a threat. At the time of LVV’s
founding, however, rock music was thought by the North American political
In Cuba, on the other hand, the political establishment frowned on rock music because it
represented a North American cultural influence. Even in the 1950s as rock ’n’ roll
expanded its market into Latin America it was meet with contrasting opinions:
[Rock ’n’ roll] was welcomed by some (primarily young) people as an expression
of urban modernity, youthful exuberance, and liberated nonconformity, but more
commonly, it was rejected vigorously (primarily by their elders) as a symbol of
U.S. cultural decadence and the seemingly unlimited power of the United States
to force it products on unwilling nations.78
Pacini Hernandez and Garofalo (2004) challenge the cultural imperialism thesis by
examining how musicians, fans, and the government negotiated a place of rock music in
Cuba. Cuban state policies “succeeded in driving rock underground [, but] could not
eliminate the enthusiasm of urban young people–even those committed to the revolution–
for rock.”79
It is hard to determine how actively the government prohibited rock music; this
has been debated in Cuba as noted by Pacini Hernández and Garofalo. In their essay they
state that rock was only prohibited from media outlets between 1964 and 1966, with the
78
Pacini Hernandez and Garofalo 2004, 43.
79
Ibid 44.
30
impact of the Beatles worldwide forcing the censors to give in.80 Manuel, on the other
hand, writes that “the only break in rock airtime occurred in early 1973.”81 It is interesting
that both articles include questionable minor details about LVV. One problem in Manuel
is perhaps just a typo calling songo “sougo,” but this is followed with the statement that
“rock is consumed but not produced in Cuba.”82 Pacini Hernandez and Garofalo
thoroughly dispute that claim illustrating many examples of Cuban rock music.83 Pacini
Hernández and Garofalo also claim that LVV’s songo indicated a gradual shift away from
rock and towards traditional son, however songo was part of LVV’s earliest experiments
in with rock.84 Furthermore, they write that Formell “never abandoned electric guitars”
but as of 1980 the electric guitar was almost abandoned, until “Havana City.”
The mellow groove of “Havana City” is distinct from anything else on Llegó and
probably a sound none of LVV’s dance band contemporaries at the time would have
imagined trying. In 1999 the hard driving rhythms and hip-hop influences of timba were
at their climactic peak, driving Cuban dancers into a frenzy. For this song, however, the
electric guitar returns to LVV. The electric guitar sound and solo (CD Track 15 01:47–
02:50), the vocables “sha la la la la la” (CD Track 15 03:22), the overall groove, and the
voicings of the vocal harmony give the song a mellow Latin rock sound and remind
listeners of LVV’s rock roots. This nostalgic song also features another LVV flashback
with the return of Angel Bonne for lead and harmony vocals. Bonne was only with the
80
Ibid, 47.
81
Manuel 1985b, 163.
82
Manuel 1985b 162.
83
Further comment should be noted as in Pacini Hernandez and Garofalo regarding the
racial dynamics of rock in Cuba. The authors discuss the prevalence of light skinned
Cubans favoring rock and dark skinned Cubans favor Cuban Dance music (see 53 and
65–66). My experience in Cuba confirmed this to some degree.
84
Pacini Hernández and Garofalo 2004, 62.
31
band for a short time in the 1990s but was called back by Formell for this track. All that
said, “Havana City” also updates the early rock sounds of LVV. Missing are the dated
twangy guitar and keyboard sounds, and the reverb drenched mix that can be heard on the
LVV classic “Marilú” (CD Track 16) written by Formell and released on the first LVV
recording in 1969.85
For the listener not sure if this song was intended to peek back at LVV’s past, a
clue appears after the music of “Havana City” fades out at 4:40; then at 5:05, after a
moment of silence, a drum solo fades in that is reminiscent of the first song on LVV’s
second release (1974)—not so coincidentally, the title of this old song is “Llegada” (CD
Track 17).86 Llegada translates to arrival. And here we return to the beginning. On the
1974 record, Formell’s first attempt at the album concept, “Llegada” announced the
arrival of Quintana and his version of songo.87 On Llegó he announces the arrival of LVV
and the latest version of songo on the North American music scene.
Ironically, in challenging the BVSC image of Cuba, Llegó ends with the same old
Chevrolets driving the streets of Havana. Throughout Llegó, however, LVV tells the
listener about the context of 1990s Cuba. The economic struggles of the so-called
“special period” has Cubans finding any way possible to keep these cars on the road not
merely as an aesthetic statement, because it looks good on film, but out of need. Then the
owners of these cars shuttle, or jockey, tourists around Havana city in order to participate
85
Formell, Juan, Los Van Van, 1995, Colección Juan Formell y Los Van Van Volumen I,
EGREM CD 0126.
86
Formell, Juan, Los Van Van, 1995, Colección Juan Formell y Los Van Van Volumen II,
EGREM CD 0127.
87
Kevin Moore notes that “Llegada,” “introduces the world–at least on LP–to the genius
of” Quintana. Moore, K. 2007, “Roots of Timba.”
32
CONCLUSION
To announce their arrival thirty years after first forming, LVV gives a history
lesson. While the album has many moments that offer a window back on the band’s
career, the themes of Llegó are firmly rooted in the socio-cultural context of 1990s Cuba.
LVV’s longevity provides a window on Cuban musical and cultural change during this
controversial era. While choosing any one CD to analyze provides only a partial view, the
CD Llegó illustrates many of the musical techniques that make up LVV’s sound—a sound
that is both traditional and open to experimentation. It also refers back throughout the
band’s entire career and back through Cuban popular music history.
In this essay I have shown some of the techniques used on Llegó to examine
LVV’s place in the transnational flows of popular music (whether you want to call it salsa,
songo, or timba). I argue that Llegó illustrates many of the group’s important sub- and
shows that the CD could be understood as (1) an introduction to the U.S. market, (2) a
response to salsa, and (3) a contrast to images of Cuba isolated and trapped in time.
CODA
In some ways by examining the music of LVV, I am asking how my life would
have been different if my parents had not left Cuba. Gustavo Perez-Firmat probably
33
expressed it best, when he spoke of living on the hyphen between Cuban-American.88 As
the son of Cuban exiles, I feel too Cuban to be American and too American to be Cuban.
out who I am, I have used music to negotiate a space where I can be both Cuban and
American.
Growing up in my family meant hearing one side of the Cuba story. My family
passed on to me the sense of losing their homeland, the loss of personal freedoms for
those remaining in Cuba, and the oppressive rule of the government. When I moved to
Berkeley and San Francisco, I heard another side. I heard about the corruption of the
Batista government, the inequities that led to the Revolution, and the goals of the
Revolution.
In 2002, I went to Cuba to see for myself. I expected to find evidence that
contradicted my parents’ side of the story. At the same time, I never believed that Cuba
would turn out to be the socialist paradise that others wanted me to think it was. I was
surprised, when I returned, how much more I agreed with my parents. The problems I
saw in Cuba and the conversations I had with Cubans made me question the Revolution
more strongly than I ever had. On the other hand, and with some reservations, I am more
willing than my parents to acknowledge some positive outcomes of the Revolution. The
career of LVV has spanned the course of my life. Investigating their music and social
history may show what life in Cuba might have been like.
88
Perez-Firmat, 1994.
34
APPENDIX
Personel:
Produced By Charlie Dos Santos
Co-Produced by: Juan Formell
Recorded and mixed by Charlie Dos Santos at Adbala Studios Miramar, La Habana,
Cuba
Musicians:
Juan Formell: Musical Director, Baby Bass, and Vocals
Cesar “Pupi” Pedroso: Piano
Samuel Formell: Drums, Timbales, and Campana [Cowbell]
Pedro “Pedrito” Calvo: Lead Vocal (on 5, 7, and 9)
Mario “Mayito” Rivera: Lead Vocal (on 2, 4, 6, and 10) and Chorus
Roberto “Robertón” Hernandez: Lead Vocal (1, 3, and 8) and Congas
Hugo Morejon: Trombone, Organ, and Synthesizer
Gerardo Miro: Violin
Julio Norña: Güiro [Gourd scraper]
Jorge Leliebre: Flute, Chorus, and Maracas
Boris Luna: Keyboards
Alvaro Collado: Trombone
Edmundo Pina: Trombone and Percussion Pad
35
Manuel Navarrera: Tumbadoras [Conga drums]
Pedro Cesar Fajardo: Violin
Compiled from: Fernadez Bendroyo et. al. 1999, Mauleon and Faro 1999, and Official
Van Van web site.
(The first 15 releases were released on LP [or LD Larga Duración] on the National record
label: EGREM.)
(EGREM re-released these in 1995 under the title: Colección Juan Formell y Los Van
Van: Edición Especial)
36
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. I • 1969 CD: 0126
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. II • 1974 CD: 0127
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. III • 1974 CD: 0128
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. IV • 1974 CD: 0129
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. V • 1976 CD: 0130
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. VI • 1980 CD: 0131
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. VII • 1982 CD: 0132
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. VIII. • 1983 CD: 0133
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. IX • 1984 CD: 0134
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. IX • 1984 CD: 0135
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. X • 1985 CD: 0136
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. XI • 1986 CD: 0137
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. XII • 1987 CD: 0138
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. XII • 1988 CD: 0139
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. XIV• 1989 CD: 0140
Juan Formell y Los Van Van. Vol. XV• 1990 CD: 0141
Mango Records:
Murakami’s:
Caribe Productions:
37
Havana Caliente (Universal Music Latino)
Van Van Live at Miami Arena:Double CD, Bonus 3 hour DVD. CD245 360 585-2
Ahí-Namá Music
Ache Records
The Legendary Los Van Van: 30 Years of Cuba’s Greatest Dance Band 1999
Vol 1. Y Van CD 2007A
Vol 2. Vanvanéate CD 2007B
Several other companies have also released other greatest hits compilations and live
recordings. In addition, some of the above records have been licensed to other labels for
re-release.
38
4. PHOTOS OF CALLEJÓN DE HAMEL
39
More Salvador Gonzales Art from Callejón de Hamel gallery
40
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