Ikorean "Comfort Women": The Intersection of Colonial Power, Gender, and Class

Korean "Comfort Women": The Intersection of Colonial Power, Gender, and Class Author(s): Pyong Gap Min Source:
Gender and Society, Vol. 17, No. 6 (Dec., 2003), pp. 938-957 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3594678 . Accessed: 08/10/2013 05:05
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KOREAN "COMFORTWOMEN" The Intersection of Colonial Power, Gender,and Class

PYONG GAP MIN Queens College, City University of New York
During the Asian and Pacific War (1937-45), the Japanese government mobilized approximately 200,000Asian womento militarybrothelsto sexuallyserve Japanesesoldiers. Themajorityof thesevictims were unmarried young womenfrom Korea,Japan's colony at that time.In the early 1990s, Korean feminist leaders helpedmorethan200 Koreansurvivorsof Japanesemilitarysexual slavery to comeforward to tell the truth,which has further accelerated the redressmovement for the women. One major women" issue is whether issue in the redressmovementand researchrelatingto the so-called "comfort Japan's colonization of Korea or gender hierarchy was a more fundamental cause of the Korean women'ssuffering.Using an intersectionalperspective, this article analyzes how colonial power,genand class were inseparablytied togetherto makethe victims'livesmiserable.By doingso, der hierarchy, it shows that a one-sided emphasison colonizationor gender hierarchywill misrepresentthefeminist the "comfortwomen's"experiences. political issue and misinterpret Keywords: sexual violence against women; colonial power; gender; class
About 200,000 Koreanand other Asian young women were mobilized to serve Japanese soldiers in military brothels established in China and other Asian and Pacific countriesduringthe Asian and Pacific War(1932-45). Helped by feminist movements in South Korea and other Asian countries, several hundredof these
AUTHOR'S NOTE This is a revision of the paper presented at the annual meeting of the American D. C. I would like to acknowledgemy thanksto Sociological Association in August2000 in Washington, ChristineBose, the editorof Gender& Society,andseveralanonymousreviewersofthejournalfor helpful commentson the earlier versions of this article. I also want to acknowledgethat this article is based on data collectedfor researchprojectsfinancially supportedby a 1995fellowship by theAsian Research a 1996 PSC-CUNYResearch Instituteat KyungnamUniversity, Award,a 1996-97 QueensCollegePresa 1999 PSC-CUNYResearch identialResearchAward,a 1997 KoreaFoundationfellowship, Award,and Award.Finally,I wish to thankthe 19 survivingvictimsof Japanesemilia 2001 PSC-CUNYResearch tarysexualslavery who sharedtheirhorriblestories withme and to manyleaders of the KoreanCouncil about thevictims Draftedfor Military SexualSlaverybyJapanwho gave me information for the Women and the redressmovement. REPRINT REQUESTS: Pyong Gap Min, Department of Sociology, Queens College of CUNY Flushing, NY 11367; e-mail: min@troll.soc.qc.edu.
GENDER& SOCIETY,Vol. 17 No. 6, December 2003 938-957 DOI: 10.1177/0891243203257584 ? 2003 Sociologists for Womenin Society
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Min / KOREAN "COMFORT WOMEN"
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women came forwardin the early 1990s to testify abouttheirhorribleexperiences, breakinga half-centuryof silence. Feminist and democraticmovementsin Asian countries,along with the victims' testimonies,have led to an active redressmovement. Although this movement has pervadedseveral Asian countries,it has been most active in South Korea,which has the majorityof the victims, and Japan,the the crime. countrythat perpetrated One majorissue in the redressmovementandresearchon the so-called "comfort women"problemin Koreaand Japanis whetherJapan'scolonization of Koreaor the gender hierarchyin Japan and Korea was a more fundamentalcause of the Korean women's suffering. Both Korean women activists and researchersconcernedwith the issue have emphasizedJapan'scolonizationand nationalprejudice cause of the victimizationof manyKorean againstKoreansas a more fundamental the women as sexual slaves (Chung 1997; Kang 1993; Yun 1988, 1997). Naturally, leadersof the movementhave focused on the Japanesegovernment'sacknowledgment of the crime and apology and compensationto the victims as the basic solution to the problem. Some KoreanandJapanesefeministscholarsarecriticalof this nationalisticdisUeno ShizukoandYamashita courseby Koreanactivistsandresearchers. Yeongae, since other Asian in particular, that women, includingJapanesewomen, also argue were victimized by Japanesemilitarysexual slavery,gender hierarchyshould be the "comfortwomen" issue (Kang considered the key variable in understanding and Yamashita1993; Ueno 1998; Yamashita1996, 1999). Korean activists and researchersconsider it importantto make a distinctionbetween Koreancomfort women as forced sexual slaves and Japanesecomfort women as voluntaryparticiarguethatJapanesecompantsfor commercialpurposes.YetUeno and Yamashita fort women basically do not differ from Koreancomfort women in that, like the Koreanwomen, they were victimized by the military"comfort" system createdfor sexual slavery.In theirview, the Japanesecomfort women also were involuntarily drafted,in the sense thatpovertypushedthem to militarybrothels.They claim that has led the leadersof the redressmovementin an overly nationalisticinterpretation Korea to focus on the Japanesegovernment'sapology and compensationand to neglect treatmentof the survivingcomfortwomen as sexual victims. The victimizationof Koreancomfortwomen has three majorcomponents:(1) their being forced into military sexual slavery, (2) their suffering inside military brothels, and (3) their half-century of agonizing experiences after their return home. More Koreanwomen were mobilized for Japanesemilitary sexual slavery than were women from other Asian countries, and Koreancomfort women were treated more cruelly than were Japanese comfort women, mainly because of Japan'scolonizationof Korea.Thus, the colonizationperspectiveused by Korean feminists is relevantto understandingthe Koreanexperiences of sexual slavery. However,the state-supported patriarchal system in Japanwas centralto the estabcustoms in Korea have lishment of Japanesemilitary brothels while patriarchal been mainlyresponsiblefor the Koreanvictims' lifelong sufferingaftertheirreturn home. Accordingly, the feminist perspective used by some Japanese feminist
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scholarsis equally relevantto the Koreanvictims' experiences.In addition,as is the case with some othertypes of sexual assault,the Koreanvictims' lower-classbackrole in theirforced mobilization groundplayed a less significantbut still important for the militarysexual service. Using an intersectionalanalysis, this article intends to show that colonization, gender,and class were inseparablytied togetherto make the lives of Koreancomfort women extremely miserable, althougheach factor has greatereffects on one componentof their victimizationthan on the others. By emphasizingthe intersecandclass, I arguethata one-sided emphation of colonial power,genderhierarchy, sis on colonization or gender hierarchy as the fundamentalcause cannot fully explain the suffering of the Koreanvictims of sexual slavery. The race-gender-classintersectionalperspectivehas been popularin the social science disciplines in the United States (Anderson and Hill Collins 2001; Chow, Wilkinson,andBaca Zinn 1996; Hill Collins 1991; Jayawardena 1986; King 1988; and but it has been Torres Russo, 1991), Mohanty, largely applied to Black and otherwomen of color, especially in connection with their marginalizedsocioeconomic status. Few studies have applied the intersectionalperspective to gender issues cutting across two or more countries,such as those relatedto international migrationor colonization (Hondagneu-Sotelo1994; Mohanty,Russo, and Torres 1991). This article contributesto the literatureon the race (nation)-gender-class intersectionby applying it to women's political movements in South Korea and Japanand to sexual violence against women duringwar. HISTORICAL AND CONTEMPORARY BACKGROUND Between 1932 and 1945, Japan was involved in an imperial war with many Asian countries and the United States, commonly referredto as the Asian and Pacific War.During thattime, the Japanesegovernmentmobilized a large number of Asian women to militarybrothels to "comfort"Japanesesoldiers stationedin Asian and Pacific countries (Hicks 1995; Korean Council 1997; Shin and Cho 1997; Yoshimi 1993a). Japanesetroops in Shanghaiestablishedthe first military "comfortstations"in early 1932 to preventJapanese soldiers from raping local women (Chung 1997, 102;Yoshimi 1993a,54-55). The militarysexual slaverysystem was formalized after the 1937-38 period when Japanopened an all-out war with ChinaandoccupiedNanking(Chung1997, 103; C. I. Kang 1997). In the early 1940s, the Japanesemilitaryestablishedcomfortstationsin otherpartsof the Asian occupied territories,such as Indonesia,Indochina,Thailand,and the Philippines. They also establishedthemin manypartsof the Pacific Islands,as well as in Japan, Okinawa,Korea,and Taiwan. The exact numberof womenmobilizedto Japanesemilitarybrothelsis currently unknownbecause the Japanesegovernmentburnedkey historicaldocuments.But based on a few documentsindicatingthe ratio of Japanesesoldiers to the comfort women,historiansroughlyestimatethatthenumberrangesfrom80,000 to 280,000
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(KoreanResearch Institutefor Jungshindae2000, 30).' The women were mobilized from many Asian countries,including Korea,Japan,Taiwan,and the Philippines, andeven some Dutch women in Indonesiawere victimized (Hicks 1995, 5859). But Japanese government documents suggest the majority of the young women were fromKorea,Japan'scolony at thattime (Chung 1997; Yoshimi 1993a, 69-72). Interviews with 76 Koreanvictims by members of the ResearchAssociation (Korean Council 2001a, 2001b; Korean Council and the Research Association 1993, 1995, 1997, 1999) andmy own interviewswith 19 victims revealtheirhorrible experiences at the hands of the Japanesemilitary.Confined to filthy shanties, the sexual slaves were forcedto haveintercoursewith Japanesesoldiers,from 10 to 30 times per day. They were regularlysubjectedto torture,beating, burning,and sometimes stabbing. Some women died of venereal disease in militarybrothels, while otherwomen committedsuicide. Testimoniesby both the victims and Japanese witnesses reveal that Japanese soldiers abandonedthe comfort women, in some cases killing them, when Japanwas defeated in World WarII (Yun 1997, 291). to Koreaafterthe war,because of shamethey Although many victims returned could not live with theirparents.Physically and mentally sick, most of them could not live normalmaritallives. Although most eventually got married,many were laterdivorcedearlybecause of theirinfertilityortheirhusbands'knowledgeof their secret past, or they became young widows because of theirhusbands'much older age. Althoughthey workedhardday andnight,mostly as maids, waitresses,or peddlers, they could hardlysupportthemselves (Yi 1997). All victims sufferedfrom a numberof healthproblemsandpsychological traumascausedby theirsexual slavery experiences.Many victims continuedto sufferfrom venerealdisease, andsome had hysterectomies. They regularlyhad nightmaresin which Japanese soldiers were chasingthem,but they hadto hide theirhorribleexperiencesfor morethan50 years. Women's fight against sex tourismby Japanesebusinessmen, the prostitution near U.S. militarybases, and sexual violence against activist women college students by the police in South Koreain the 1980s led Koreanfeminist leadersto pay attentionto the comfort women issue (Lee 1992). To take concertedactionagainst the Japanese government, 36 Korean women's organizations established the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Sexual Slavery by Japan(hereafter referredto as the Korean Council) in November 1990. The KoreanCouncil has helped more than 200 Koreansurvivingvictims in South Korea and other Asian countriesto come forwardto tell the truth,which has furtheracceleratedtheredress movementfor the victims (H. C. Lee 1997).2 Koreanfeminist organizationshave made broadcoalitions with Japaneseand other Asian women's and humanrights to make the Japanesegovernmentacknowledgethe crimecommitted organizations its by predecessors and compensate the victims (H. C. Lee 1997). The redress movementhas in turnacceleratedresearchon the comfortwomen issue, leading to
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the publicationof severaldozen books andnumerousarticlesfocusing on the issue in Japanand Korea. DATA SOURCES This researchis partof a larger study that focuses on Koreancomfort women and the redressmovementin South Korea.It is based on my personal interviews, observation,and many Korean-and Japanese-language secondary my participant materials.I conductedtape-recordedinterviewswith 19 survivingKoreanformer comfort women, severalof them two or threetimes, in the five summersof 1995, 1996, 1997, 1999, and 2001. I completedabouthalf of the interviewsat Nanumeui jip (SharingHouse) where 8 or 9 formercomfort women lived togetherunderthe guidanceof a Buddhistmonk.I conductedthe otherinterviewsatthe victims' apartmentsin Seoul andits adjacentcities. These interviewslastedfrom 35 minutesto 1 hour and 50 minutes. Interviewquestions focused on the following contents:(1) the survivor'searly family background, (2) when and how she was drafted to a Japanese military brothel,(3) how she was treatedin the brothel,(4) how she managedto come back to Koreaafterthe end of the war,(5) how she has lived since coming back to Korea, (6) her testimoniesandotheractivitiesfor the redressmovement,and (7) heropinions abouthow the comfortwomen issue has been handledby JapaneseandKorean governmentsand people and how it should be handled. In the same period, I also interviewed 14 key membersof the KoreanCouncil, most of themtwo or threetimes. Althoughmy interviewswith these staff members focused on the redressmovement, they also shed light on the victims' contempoin the movement.Eachinterview rarylife experiences,includingtheirparticipation lasted an averageof one hour. in about15 weekly demonDuringmy researchtripsto Seoul, I also participated strationsstaged in front of the JapaneseEmbassy,which the KoreanCouncil has organized since February1992 and in which several victims have participated. to eat lunchtogether went to a restaurant the participants Aftereach demonstration, and to talk with the survivors.At the lunch meetings, I was able to talk informally with some formercomfort women. Moreover,I attendedseveralforums focusing on the comfortwomen issue held in Seoul andorganizedby the KoreanCouncil.In addition,in the summerof 2001, I lived at Nanumeuijip (SharingHouse) for 10 observationsdurdays, eating andtalkingwith 8 victims everyday.My participant ing my stay there also comprise a data source. Membersof the ResearchAssociation on the WomenDraftedfor MilitarySexual Slaveryby Japan(hereafterreferredto as the ResearchAssociation) compiled life histories of 76 Korean victims of military sexual slavery, based on several roundsof interviews with each woman. Their life histories were publishedin six volumes (KoreanCouncil2001a, 2001b; KoreanCouncilandthe ResearchAssociation 1993, 1995, 1997, 1999). I use some informationfrom the six-volume life
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histories of the Koreanvictims of Japanesemilitarysexual slaveryfor this article. In addition,a numberof books andjournalarticlesfocusing on the comfortwomen issue have been publishedin Japaneseand Koreansince the early 1990s. This article is partlybased on some of these secondarymaterials. In the following sections, I examineJapan'scolonial power,gender,and class as the threemajorcontributing factorsto the victimizationof Koreansexual slaves. In each section, I firstdevelop the analysis using secondarysourcesandthen examine the fit of such an analysis to the personalexperiences of the Koreanvictims using primarysources. To protectthe informants'privacy,I use pseudonyms.Following Koreancustom, I use theirlast names first. COLONIAL POWER in 1905, ending its diplomaticcontacts with Japanmade Koreaits protectorate other countries,and annexedit in 1910. Japan'scolonization of Korealasted until August 15, 1945, when the PacificWarendedwith Japan'sdefeat.Duringthe colonial period,Japanappropriated a vast amountof landfrom theChosunDynastyand individualKoreansand distributedit to Japanesecitizens (C. S. Kang 1997). In the last stage of colonization(between 1937 and 1945), the Japanesegovernment mainlyused Koreaas a place to supplyfood and otherwarmaterialsfor Manchuria.Koreanswere forced to provide rice, other agricultural products,and even minerals for the Japanesemilitary.More than 100,000 displacedKoreanfarmers were forced to move to Manchuria. Moreover, Japan enforced its monolithic assimilationistpolicy by replacingthe Koreanlanguage, names,religion, and history with Japaneseversions (C. S. Kang 1997). The Japanesegovernmentalso took Koreanlaborers and military draftees to Japanto fill the manpowervacuumcreatedby the expansionof the militaryforces and the warindustry.Beginningin 1939, Koreanlaborerswere collectively sent to Japan and other Asian and Pacific countries more or less involuntarilythrough interventionsby local officials (Kang and Suh 1997). Between 1939 and 1945, 668,000 Koreanlaborerswere draftedto Japan(Yo 1993, 47). They includedabout 200,000 unmarried young women between the ages of 12 and 40, the majorityof whom were sent to Japanin the name of a "women's voluntaryservice corps"in 1944 and 1945 and worked at aircraftpartsor warshipmanufacturing factoriesin Japan(Yo 1993). Koreanconscriptedworkerswere paid less than the equivalent Japaneselaborers,and abouthalf of theirwages were retainedas compulsorysavings to be paid on discharge.Moreover,they were subjectedto cruel treatment by Japanesesupervisors(Yun1997, 302-3), resultingin high casualtiesdue to malnutrition, overwork, accidents, or exposure to the bombing by the allied forces (Dakagi 1995). In the earlyyears of the Asian andPacificWar,JapandraftedKoreanyoung men for militaryservice througha voluntarysystem,but it forcibly draftedmanyyoung
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Koreans. In August 1945, at the end of the war, there were more than 200,000 Koreansoldiers in the Japanesemilitary(C. I. Kang 1997, 299). Koreansoldiers were put in the frontlines in Asian andPacificjungles, leadingto high casualties.In addition,Japanforcibly took more than 150,000 Koreancivilians to work as paramilitaryservicemen in war zones in Japanand Asian countries(C. I. Kang 1997, 300). Some of them (morethan3,200) were assigned to supervisethe alliedprisoners of war capturedin Thailand,Malaysia, Singapore, and Java. After Japanwas defeatedin the war, 148 of the Koreanparamilitary servicemenwere put on trialfor of 28 executed with war, abusingprisoners (Dakagi 1995, 120-21).3 Koreanvictims of sexual slavery are similar to other Koreangroups of Pacific Warvictims in thatthey all were forcibly draftedfor one or anothertype of service to the Japanesemilitaryand inhumanlytreatedmainly because they were subjects of Japan'scolony. Forthis reason,not only Koreanbutalso manyJapanesescholars agreethatthe victimizationof manyKoreanwomen underJapanesemilitarysexual slavery was partly a by-productof Japan's colonization of Korea (M. K. Kang 1997; Suzuki 1991; Yoshimi 1993b;Yun 1988, 1997). The vast majorityof the sexual slaves were drawnfrom Koreabecause it was a colonial country.The Japanese governmentalso mobilized women from Taiwan, anotherof Japan's colonies at thattime, but the numberof Taiwanesevictims is believed to be much smallerthan thatof Koreanvictims,4partlybecauseof the much smallerpopulationin Taiwan.5 The Japanesemilitarydid not use Japanesevirgins in militarybrothelssince it would have resulted in the Japanese public's distrust of the military (Yoshimi 1993a). Japanesecomfort women mainly were prostitutesand others engaged in entertainment jobs. As a result,they were older thanKoreansexual slaves andwere more preparedfor their services before they were shipped to military brothels (M. K. Kang 1997, 25; Kurahashi1994; Yun 1988, 1997). By contrast,almost all Koreanwomen were young, unmarried virgins in their teens and early 20s, all of them draftedforcibly for sexual slavery.Japanesecomfortwomen usually served officers and were paid for theirservices, while Koreansexualslaves usually served a largenumberof enlisted men andwere treatedmore brutallythanwere Japanese comfort women (Kurahashi1994; Yun 1988). Colonial power interplayedwith gender in the mobilization of many Korean women to Japanesemilitarybrothelsin thatthe Japanesemilitaryauthoritiespreferred to mobilize Korean women for sexual slavery because of their prejudice against their colonial subjects. The Japanesegovernmentconsidered the Korean people-whether men or women-mainly as instrumentsto be expended for its war purpose (Yun 1997). They believed that Koreanyoung women could be used effectively for theirwar efforts by meeting the sexual desires of their soldiers.The Japanesesoldiers who used militarybrothels committedextreme forms of abuse andhumiliationagainstKoreancomfortwomen, butthe Japanesemilitaryauthorities did not tryto discouragetheirsoldiersfrom treatingKoreansexual slaves inhumanly.This was probablybecause the Japaneseauthoritieswho establishedmilitary sexual slaveryhad a high level of prejudiceagainst Koreans.6
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The Japanesegovernmentmay have preferredto use Koreanwomen for sexual them to military slavery because of the convenience of draftingand transporting brothelsestablishedin othercountries.Koreanwomen were obtainedusing abduction and other forms of coercion or by making false promises of employment (M. K. Kang 1997).' Coercivemeans were more effective againstKoreanwomen than against other Asian women because Koreanswere colonial subjects, almost completelygovernedby Japaneseofficials andmilitarypolice. Employmentpromises also worked effectively because the Japanese colonial economic policy had devastatedKoreanagricultureso that many young Koreanwomen from farming families were ready to leave home for meaningfuljobs in a foreign country(Kang 1993). Thus,colonial powerintersectedwith genderandclass in the lives of Korean women from poor farmingfamilies. Yoshimi Yoshiaki (1993b; 1995, 160-63), a Japanesehistorian,has suggested thatanotherreasonthe Japanesegovernmentchose KoreanandTaiwanesewomen for sexual slaverywas its assumptionthatit could be construedas not violatingthe international laws banningthe sale of women and childrenfor prostitution.Japan Conventionfor the Suppressionof White SlaveTraffic hadratifiedthe International and the International Convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in (1910) underarticle11 WomenandChildren(1921). However,it exercisedits prerogative, of the 1921 convention,to declarethatneitherof the colonies (Koreaand Taiwan) would be includedin the scope of the convention(Yoshimi 1993b). Thus,the Japanese governmentalauthoritiesassumed that the mobilization of young women from Korea and Taiwanfor sexual slavery would not violate internationallaws (Yoshimi 1993b; 1995, 160-63).8 My interviewswith Koreanvictims suggest thatthey considertheir powerlessness as girls in a colonized society to be mainlyresponsiblefor theirforcedmobilizationto militarybrothelsand inhumantreatment by Japanesesoldiers. Forexamher at Park Ok-Sun the Korean anger government'sfailureto press expressed ple, the Japanesegovernmentto take actions to compensatethe victims. She said, our brothel Weweretakento the military military by theJapanese mainlybecause wasnotstrong us.Therefore, colonized toprotect thisis not country, byJapan, enough butournation's Untilthe Japanese ourindividual problem, problem. government The with Korea. resolvesthe Jungshindae issue, it cannothave normalrelations ontheJapanese to acknowledge Korean should government government putpressure thevictims. thecrimeandcompensate In hertripto Japanfor testimonyin the early 1990s, Lee Ji-Sook,a womanwho had sufferedJapanesesexual slaveryfor two yearsin Taiwan,hada chanceto meet with in 1994. She told me she screamedthe followJapaneseprimeministerMurayama ing words when Murayamaoffered a handshake: I metotheJungshindae, Your mylife.Ifyouhadnotmobilized government destroyed wife.Youshould couldhavebecomeevendaetongryung's [thepresident's] giveme
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in mylife, nowI havenothing backmylostyouth. Afterlosingeverything important of. to be afraid In July 1995, the Japanesegovernmenthelped to establishthe Asian Women's Fund to compensatethe victims using privatelydonatedmonies (Asian Women's Fund 1998a). The Asian Women'sFundtriedto pay each victim in Korea,Taiwan, and the Philippinestwo million yen (about$20,000) in cash and three million yen (about $30,000) more to be paid from the Japanesegovernmentfor the victim's medical and welfare support.The KoreanCouncil and otherAsian women's organizationsinvolved in the redressmovementadamantlyopposed the privatefund as money"or "charitymoney."They demandedvictims' compensationby "sympathy the Japanese government and a sincere apology by the emperor. The Asian Women'sFund sent officials to Koreanvictims' homes to persuadethem to accept the compensationthroughthe privatefund.But staff membersof the KoreanCouncil informedme thatonly 7 of the about200 Koreansurvivingvictims hadaccepted the compensationmoney by January1997. The KoreanCouncil asked the Korean governmentto pay each victim a certainamountof money so that she did not have to accept "charitymoney"from the Asian Women'sFund.In April 1998, the Kim Dae Joong administrationresponded favorably to the request by paying each Koreanvictim 31.5 million won ($21,000) in governmentsubsidy and 6.5 million won ($4,344) from a civilian-raisedfund.9 Between 1995 and 1997, I asked my interviewees to give their opinions about receivingmoney fromthe Asian Women'sFund.They generallyagreedthatgetting because they did not thinkthey wouldlive money as soon as possible was important but a few the Yet all strongfeeling that they should not receive it long. expressed from the Asian Women'sFund. As Kim Soo-Ja, a 70-year-old survivor,said in an interviewconductedin 1995, togeta monetary Itis more togeta sincere thansimply important apology compensation.I amnotmerchandise formoney. Evenif theygivemeJapan that canbetraded as formylifelongsuffering. I willnever a whole,theycannot compensate money accept shouldmakea sincere fromthe AsianWomen's Fund.The Japanese government me. apologyanddirectly compensate The above excerpt indicatesthatthe Koreansexual slaveryvictims hold the Japanese military governmentprimarilyresponsible for their lifelong suffering and, therefore,only the Japanesegovernmentcan take measuresto atone for brutalities committedagainstthemby its predecessor.The strongfeeling of most of the interviewees not to acceptthe "atonement money"from the privatefund also shows the the Asian of the Women'sFundthatstaffmembersof the inadequacy suggestionby KoreanCouncil triedto block the victims from acceptingthe money againsttheir will (Asian Women's Fund 1998b).
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GENDER HIERARCHY Although the victimizationof many Koreanwomen as sexual slaves is closely relatedto Japan'scolonial powerover Korea,Koreancomfortwomen basicallydiffered from other groups of KoreanPacific Warvictims because they sufferedfar more brutalityand humiliation.Furthermore, as victims of sexual violence, they have had to live with shame and humiliationthroughouttheir lives. The subordinationof women to the state and the emperorunderthe statepatriarchal system in of military imperialJapanbecame the ideological foundationfor the establishment brothels to "comfort"Japanese soldiers. Moreover, sexual double standards and relatedpracticesassociatedwith the patriarchal ideology in Koreaplayeda key role in preventingthe former Korean sexual slaves from maintainingnormal family lives andin keepingthemsilent for half a century.Thus,genderhierarchyandpatriarchalcustoms in Japanintersectedwith the imperial war in the establishmentof the military"comfort" system, while the experiencesof Koreanvictims with sexual customsin Koreato keep them silent for half a slaveryinterplayedwith patriarchal century. There have been many examples of sexual violence againstwomen in military contexts (Grossman1997;Hicks 1995;HumanRightsWatch1995, xiv). But in the 20th century,only the Japanesegovernmentpracticedlarge-scale militarysexual slavery.The establishmentof sexual slaveryby the Japaneseimperialgovernment duringthe war reflects the inferiorposition of Japanesewomen before and during the war.The ie system, establishedduringthe early Edo period(1603-1867) based on Confucianprinciplesof patriarchy andprimogeniture, head gave the patriarchal of the family an unquestionedauthorityover his wife and children.Furthermore, the Civil Code, establishedin 1898 by the Meiji government,formally restricted women's rights in marriage,propertyinheritance,divorce,child custody,and voting (Kumagai1996, 94). The adoptionof the imperialsystem and emergingJapanese nationalism during the Meiji period further stressed the devotion of each woman to the state and the emperor. Japanhas a long history of public prostitution.It maintaineda governmentlicensed prostitutionsystem for almost the entire Edo period (1603-1867), which survivedwell into the 20th century(until 1956) (Seigle 1993). Although the Meiji governmentmodernizedJapan,modelingon the Westernpowers, it did not change In fact, as capitalismandindustrialization its earlierpolicy of legalizedprostitution. developed, the trade and traffic in women for public and private prostitution increasedin Japanin the 20th century. In Meiji imperialJapan,each family was ultimatelysubordinate to the statewith the emperoras its head. In the "family state"or "patriarchal state,"women were considered importantmainly because of their childbearingpotential to produce of each family and womanto the futuresoldiers (Chung 1997). The subordination stateandthe emperorwas a uniqueaspectof the Japanesepatriarchal systemin the Meiji period. The establishment of military sexual slavery by the Japanese
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governmenthad much to do with the notion, prevalentin Meiji imperialJapan,that women could be used in any way to serve the purposeof the Japanesestateandthe emperor. As Japanesesoldiers and civilians moved into Koreaand otherAsian countries for colonizationandmilitaryexpansionin the firsthalf of the 20th century,the Japits practiceof legalized prostitution to otherAsian anese governmenttransplanted countriesto meet the sexual needs of the Japanesepeople. Korean,Chinese, and other local women as well as Japanesewomen (the karayuki-san)were used for prostitution.Privatelyruncomfortstationswere alreadyestablishednearJapanese militaryunits duringthe Sino-Japanesewar (1895) (Kurahashi1994, 52-54, cited comfort stationsexisted duringthe Russoin Chung 1997, 105), and military-run war 1997, (1904-5) (Chung 104-5). Thus, the Japanesemilitary sexual Japanese had a historical the Pacific War precedentin the public prostitution slavery during in had been in existence that Japan for hundreds of years (Kang and system Yamashita1993; Yamashita1999). After its defeat in WorldWarII, the Japanese using Japanesewomen for the U.S. governmentcontinuedits militaryprostitution, in Lie 1997). forces 1999, 123-32; Japan(Dower military in Koreaalso played a key role in the sufferingof KoreancomGenderhierarchy fort women aftertheirreturnhome. Most Koreanvictims of Japanesemilitarysexual slaveryspentless than five years in militarybrothels.Yet they had to hide their humiliatingstories for more than 50 years and avoid marriagemainly because of in Korea.In examtraditionsandstrongsexual double standards strongpatriarchal in I wantto make a of the the victims' Korea, postwaradjustments ining problems distinctionbetween sexual slaveryas the primarycause and genderoppressionand Korea'spatriarchal ideology as the secondarycause. The survivingwomen have suffereda varietyof physical damage,as well as psychological andpsychosomatic symptoms, such as bodily pain, venereal disease, infertility,nervousbreakdown, excessive drinking,and fearof men, directlyor mainlycausedby the sexual slavery experience. In addition, they have suffered from shame, social isolation, marital ideology and sexual double stanproblems,and poverty,for which the patriarchal dardsin Koreaareas muchresponsibleas is sexualslavery.Thus,the victims' experiences with sexual slavery are inextricably tied to their gender experiences in Koreathatprolongedtheir sufferingafter theirreturnhome. Researchersin Korea, including most members of the KoreanCouncil, have stressedthe role of the genderhierarchyandpatriarchal ideology in imperialJapan in the establishmentand operationof military sexual slavery (Chung 1997; Kim 1997; Yun 1997). Yet they have neglected to examine the devastatingeffects of in Koreaon the social and psytraditionsand sexual double standards patriarchal to Korea(the exceptions after returned of the victims they chological adjustment areKangandYamashita1993;Yi 1997). As alreadyindicated,some Japanesefeminist scholars are very critical of this nationalist interpretationof the comfort andmovementleaders(Ueno 1998;Yamashita women issue by Koreanresearchers 1996, 1999).
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As noted above, the victims' narrativesof their experiences in the brothels are full of nationalistdiscourse, with little room for a feminist discourse.By contrast, gender figures prominentlyin their narrativesof experiences after they returned home. Giventhe predominance of patriarchal customsemphasizingwomen's chasand in tity,marriage, childbearing/child rearing Koreaat thattime, it is not difficult to figureout whatkind of hardship they experienced.The majorityof my interviewees initially returnedto their parentalhomes but could not tell their parentswhat hadhappenedto them.They could not stay therelong because theirparentsinsisted they get marriedquickly. Most of my informantseither remained single, were divorced (partlybecause of theirinfertilityor venerealdisease), or were widowed young aftermarryingmuch older men. Since the traditionalgender orientationin Korea at that time left women entirely dependenton their husbandsfor financial support,these women had severe difficulty in economic survival.The following report by Kang Soon-Shim, a 68-year-old woman who was taken to a military brothelat the age of 15, reflects the economic survivaldifficulties the Koreanvictims encountered: about me everydayby talking me out,I left Becausemy mother annoyed marrying I tookoddjobsin different I couldnotsurvive. I wenttomy home.Although factories, meoutsaying, aman?" I tried brother's buthekicked won'tyoumarry to home, "Why intotheHanRiver. Buta manwhohappened to be sexucommit suicide byjumping savedmy life. I livedwithhimfor 10years. ally disabled Even in the early 1980s, sexual abuse victims in South Korea,whethermarried or not, rarelyreportedattacksto thepolice becauseof stigmaattachedto sexual victims (Lee 1992, 289). The same stigmaforced the victims of Japanesemilitarysexual slaveryto keep silentfor half a century.Beginningin 1990, the staffmembersof the KoreanCouncilwere anxiouslylooking for a survivingcomfortwomanto challenge the Japanesegovernment'sdenial of responsibilityfor militarysexual slavthat in ery. But Kim Haeng-Ja,the formerdirectorof the KoreanCouncil,reported the summerof 1991, "I was shockedby Kim Hak-Sun'swillingness to testify her experiences as a former 'comfortwoman.' " She describedher initial concern: If Kimhalmeoni reveals herstoryof sexually dozensof solserving (grandmother) it would herintheKorean diers of TVcameras, culpatriarchal every bury dayinfront I was initially to turalmilieu.I didnotwantto kill hertwice.Therefore, hesitating forhertestimony. a pressconference arrange After Kim'stestimonyon August 14, 1991, morethan200 survivingvictims followed her in revealingtheirstorieshiddenfor half a century.It was a little easierfor Kim than for other victims to come forward to testify because she had neither immediatefamily membersnor relatives. But it was extremely difficult for other victims with family members. For example, Lee Ok-Soon, a surviving comfort thataftershe watchedKim's testimonyon TV, woman with threechildren,reported she could not sleep for three weeks, trying to decide whether or not to reporther
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case. It was difficultfor her to reportherpast, especiallybecause she wantedto keep it secretfromherthreechildren.Anothervictim, Lee Ji-Sook, saidthatshe visited a local branchof a majordaily 15 times to reportherpastbutthateach time she came back home withoutdoing so. She continuedto hesitatebecause "Iworriednegative reactionsof my brothersandtheirwives."On her 16thvisit to the daily,she gave her name as a surviving comfort woman, but she told them she was reportingher friend's story. After she appearedon television, as expected one of her sister-inlaws reactednegatively: sawmeappear onTVasa surviving Afteroneof mysister-in-laws "comfort woman," shecalledme andaskedmenotto let it be known to herchildren. Shesaidthenews toherchildren's would notbehelpful education. ... I experienced a lotof stress after I it. reported As the abovequotationindicates,those victims who have revealedtheiridentity to the public throughtestimonies still have to deal with the prejudiceand stigma attachedto sexual victims. This is the main reason why most victims, including in the redressmovement,have triednot to revealtheiridensome who participated tity to theirchildren,spouse, and/orneighbors.KangMi-Kyung,an executive staff memberof the KoreanCouncil, said, "Some victims believed they had succeeded in hiding theirpastto theirchildren,but at theirfuneralstheirchildrenconfessed to me thatthey had alreadyknown their mothers'identity." Koreanvictims of sexual slaveryareangryaboutKoreanpatriUnderstandably, archalcustomsthatforced themto keep silent for half a centuryandstill force some of themto hide theiridentityto theirchildren,spouse,and/ortheirneighbors.When asked why she kept silent abouther suffering for such a long period of time, Lee Young-Ok,a 73-year-old survivorof sexual slavery,responded, At thattime,a woman's wasconsidered moreimportant thanherlife. How chastity couldI tell peopleI was dailyraped It wouldhavebeena great by manysoldiers. humiliation to myparents. I camebackhomealive.Itwould ManytimesI regretted ... Yet,looking havebeenbetter forme to diethere. backI amangry atthefactthat I hadto hidemy pastwithout becauseof traditional Korean customs myselfdoing anything wrong. The redressmovementin the 1990s in South Koreahas helped to change the perceptions of Jungshindae halmeoni (as the surviving comfort women were commonly referredto in Korea) by both the media and the general public. Although people in Koreagenerally accept the surviving comfort women as victims, many people still believe it is a humiliationat the personaland nationallevels to discuss what happenedto them in the hands of Japanese soldiers. My informantswere angrythatmanyKoreansstill laughinglylooked at them when they were picketing in front of the JapaneseEmbassy.10 For example, Lee Ok-Soon said,
Min/ KOREAN "COMFORT WOMEN" 951 If someone comesto meandasksmewhyI takeissuewiththehumiliating past,I will if yourdaughter hadsuffered theatrocities I slaphimon theface andtellhim"what suffered without wrong?" doinganything SOCIAL CLASS The Koreanvictims of sexual slavery sufferedpartlybecause they happenedto be bornas women in a colonized society. However,not all Koreanyoung girls were draftedfor sexual slavery during the war. The Korean victims of sexual slavery were drawn largely from poor families that belonged to the landless tenant or semitenantclass in ruralareasor to thejobless migrantgroupsin cities. The approin priationof vastamountsof landfrom Koreaby theJapanesecolonial government the 1910s resultedin an increasein the numberof landlesstenantsandjobless urban migrantsin Korea (M. Y. Lee 1997). As previously noted, Japan'scolonial economic policy made many young girls from landless orjobless families vulnerable to mobilizationinto militarybrothels throughfalse promises of meaningfuljobs. The majorityof the Koreanvictims of sexual slavery (59 percent) were drafted throughfalse promisesof well-payingjobs in Japan.This suggeststhatJapan'scolonization and the class system in Koreaduringthe colonial period interactedwith each otherto make many young girls vulnerableto forced or enticed mobilization to the militarycomfort system. Many Koreanvictims had been working in other families as maids or adopted childrenbefore theirmobilizationbecause theirown families could not feed them. For example, Young-ImKim, a formercomfortwoman I interviewedthreetimes, left home at 12 to be adoptedby a manfor a littlemoney to buy drugsfor herfather's illness. Her foster parentshad two daughtersof theirown, the youngergirl attending a high school and the older one preparingfor a college in Japan.One night she overheardher foster parentstalking about the difficulty of deciding which of the three daughters(includingherself) to send to a militarygoods factoryin Japanto meet the chunyeogeonchool order,the obligationof each Koreanfamily to send at least one unmarried daughterto a labor service for the war industryin Japan.She who needed money, ratherthan one of her foster sisters, should that she, thought the order. The nextmorning,she toldherfosterparentsshe would volunto respond teer for the laborservice. This is how she was sent to a militarybrothelin Manchuria. This storyrevealshow the daughtersof impoverishedfamilies were selectively mobilized to Japanesemilitarysexual slavery. The other popular technique through which Korean comfort women were No doubt,theJapanesemilitary obtainedwas coercive means,includingabduction. and police targetedKoreanyoung women from poor farmingfamilies, who were powerless andhelpless, "tominimizepubliccriticismandanypotentialcondemnation of theirforceful and deceptive ways" (Keith 1995, 18).
952
Koreangirls from well-to-do families thatbelonged to the rurallandlord,urban professional,orbusinessclasses weregenerallyableto escape frommobilizationto the comfort system. For example, Yun Chong-Ok, who initiated researchon the comfort women in Korea and who has played a leading role in the redressmovement, was able to escape from mobilizationby stoppingattendingschool. As she recalled, In my highschoolyearin 1943,I wasforcedto signin the schoolbasement thatI butmy parents wouldrespond to labormobilization, mademe stopgoingto school andstayinsidethehometo avoidmobilization. She expressed a "guilty feeling" for her ability to escape from the atrocitiesthat manyotherKoreanwomen her age sufferedsimply because she was bornin a wellto-do family. The class-based powerlessness of the Korean comfort women is also partly responsiblefor the burialof the issue in South Korea.In postwarKorea,therewere many newspaperreportsand magazine stories about the victimizationof Korean women in Japanesemilitarybrothels.However,most parentsof the victims did not have theirdaughterscome back home afterthe war.If manyof the victims' parents had held influentialpositions in postwarKorea,they would havepaid special attention to the reportof the Koreancomfort women and pushed the governmentto investigate the issue. Moreover, because almost all the victims' parents had no resourcesin termsof power, money, or information,they could do nothingto find The victims have complainedthatKoreanpoliticians,includingthe theirdaughters. do not pay attention to their demand for compensation especially president, Lee Young-Ok,who because they arefrom a powerless, humbleclass background. worked as a maid before she was mobilized into a militarybrothel, said, "If his [PresidentKim YoungSam's] daughteror sisterhadbeen victimized as a Japanese military 'comfortwoman,'he would have taken some action long ago to makethe Japanesegovernmentacknowledge the crime and compensateto us." As previouslypointedout, the Japanesecomfortwomen were draftedon a more or less voluntarybasis. However, as several feminist scholars argued (Kang and Yamashita,1993; Ueno 1998; Yamashita1996, 1999), they,too, were involuntarily draftedin thatthe povertyof theirfamiliesforced theminto sexual servitudein military brothels.The prewarJapanesesociety drew a sharpline between the sexual norms of lower- and middle-/upper-middle-class women (Ueno 1998, 142-43). Both the governmentand the general public emphasizedthe chastity of middle-/ women, but they believed lower-class women could be mobiupper-middle-class and at the sametime protectthe chastityof theirdaughlized to public prostitution ters and wives. In many cases, poor parentsin ruralarea sold their daughtersinto In othercases, young girls in ruralareasvolunteeredto serveas prostiprostitution. tutes in large cities to help their poor or sick parents(Kim 1997, 45).
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We can see the lower-classbackground of women engagedin the sex industryin and sex tourism in Asian countries. A large contemporarymilitary prostitution number of Japanese, Korean, Filipino, and Vietnamese women have sexually servedAmericanservicemenin U.S. militarybases in Asian countriessince World WarII (Sturdevantand Stolzfus 1992). Also, since the early 1970s, many Asian women have engaged in the sex tourismindustryby servingJapaneseandWestern businessmen (Bishop and Robinson 1998; Korea ChurchWomen United 1988). Poverty and women's lower status intersect in making the lives of these Asian young women miserable.The imperialwar and colonial power addedto these two variablesin making the suffering of Koreanvictims of Japanesemilitary sexual slaveryfar more severe. CONCLUSION To summarizemy argument,first, Japan'scolonization of Korea is the main contributingfactor both to the forced mobilization of a large number of young Korean women to Japanese military brothels and the more brutal treatmentof Koreansexual slaves thantheir Japanesecounterparts. Second, the genderhierarchy in imperialJapanfacilitatedthe establishmentof a militarysexual slaverysystem, while sexual double standardsassociated with the patriarchalideology in to the sufferingof Koreanvictims for morethan50 years.Third, Koreacontributed the women's impoverishedfamily backgroundpartlymadethem more vulnerable to mobilizationto militarybrothels and to their suffering aftertheir returnhome. The experiences of the Korean victims of Japanese military sexual slavery reflect the intersectionof colonial power, gender, and class. In this article,I have examined colonization, gender hierarchy,and class separatelyfor analytic purposes. Colonizationhad greatereffects on the forced mobilization of the Korean women to the militarybrothelsand theirbrutaltreatment there,while genderhiercustoms in Koreahad greatereffects on their sufferingafter archyand patriarchal returninghome. Nevertheless,I cannot separatethe threevariablesin understanding the victims' sufferingandoverallexperiences.Therefore,a one-sidedemphasis on colonization or gender hierarchy as central to the pain and suffering of the the vicfeministpolitical issues andmisinterpret Koreanvictims will misrepresent tims' experiences. This articlecontributesto feminist studiesin at least threedifferentways. First, using the intersectionalperspective, it helps us understandone of the important contemporary international gendered issues and thereby contributes to the advancementof feminist theory. Second, it also improves our understandingof feminist movementsby showing how theirnationalcontextresultsin two different analyses of the same political issue. Finally,by examiningthe sufferingof the victims of militarysexual slavery,this articlecontributesto the literatureon abuseof women's sexuality in militarizedor war situations.
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NOTES
1. A Japanesegeneralreportedthatone comfortwoman was to be mobilized for 40 Japanesesoldiers, while a Japanesemedical officer indicatedthe ratio of comfortwomen to Japanesesoldierswas 100:1. Assuming approximately8 million Japanesesoldiers, paramilitary workers,and governmental officials were mobilized to the Asian and Pacific Warbetween 1937 and 1945, the numberof comfort women mobilized ranges from 80,000 to 200,000. See the KoreanResearch Institutefor Jungshindae (2000, 31-32). 2. Testimoniesby survivingcomfortwomenin SouthKoreain the early 1990s andthe spreadof the redressmovementto othercountrieshave led manyvictims of Japanesemilitarysexual slaveryin other Asian countriesto come forwardto tell theirexperiences. in Asian countriesto work in 3. The Japanesemilitaryforced the allied prisonersof war captured mining andrailroadconstructionundermiserableworkingconditions,which was a violationof regulaof prisonersof war.It forced Koreanyoung men to guide tions of the GenevaTreatyregardingtreatment many allied prisonersof war to the work sites and to oversee them working. 4. While more than 450 survivingKoreancomfort women have been identifiedin South Korea, North Korea, China, and other Asian countries, about 60 such victims have been located in Taiwan (KoreanResearchInstitutefor Jungshindae2000, 31-32). 5. The Koreanpopulationin 1944 was about 25 million comparedto 4 million in Taiwan. 6. Some Koreanresearchers(Chung 1997; Yun 1988, 1997) have even arguedthatthe Japanese government'smobilizationof many unmarried young Koreanwomen for sexual slaverywas a partof its jungchaek). To obliteratethe Koreannation, the policy to annihilatethe Koreannation (minjokmalsal took measuresto pushKoreansinto Manchuria andto bringJapaneseto Koreaand Japanesegovernment which take over lands. As a partof the same policy, it also encouragedKorean-Japanese intermarriages, significantlyincreasedafter 1937. In the view of Koreanresearchers,the forced draftof many young of the Japanesegovernment's Koreanwomen for sexualslaverywas a by-product policy to annihilatethe Koreannation. 7. An analysisof interviewswith 76 Koreansexualslaves revealsthat59 percentwere mobilizedto formof coermilitarybrothelsby false promisesof jobs or going to school, 33 percentby one or another cive means, and the remaining 8 percent throughsales by their own or adopted parentsor husband (KoreanCouncil2001a, 2001b; KoreanCouncilandthe ResearchAssociation 1993,1995, 1997,1999). 8. This assumptionwas wrong. Althoughthe Japanesemilitarydraftedwomen in its colonies, it moved them to the occupied territoriesin Asia and the Pacific Islands and used them as sexual slaves there(Park1997, 442). Thus,the mobilizationof KoreanandTaiwanesewomen as sexual slaves in militarybrothelsestablishedin Japan,China,and otherAsian and Pacific countriesinvolved a violation of the International Conventionbanningtradeand traffickingin women and childrenfor prostitution. 9. If the victims get compensationfromthe Japanesegovernment, they are supposedto returnthe money to the Koreangovernment. 10. BeginningJanuary the KoreanCouncilhas 8, 1992, on everyWednesdaybetween 12 and 1 P.M., in frontof the JapaneseEmbassyin Seoul, in which its staff members,some organizeda demonstration victims of sexual slavery,and other citizens have participated.
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Pyong Gap Min is a professor of sociology at Queens College and the GraduateCenterof the His areas of researchinterestare immigration,ethnicidentity,ethCity Universityof New York. nic business,religion,and gender issues. He is the authorof threebooks, includingCaughtin the Middle:KoreanCommunitiesin New YorkandLos Angeles (1996), winneroftwo nationalbook EthnicIdenawards.He is the editoror coeditoroffive books, includingThe Second Generation: tity amongAsian Americans(2002) andMass Migrationto the United States:ClassicalandContemporaryPeriods(2002).

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KOREAN "COMFORTWOMEN" The Intersection of Colonial Power, Gender,and Class

Min / KOREAN "COMFORT WOMEN"

GENDER & SOCIETY / December 2003

Min / KOREAN "COMFORT WOMEN"

GENDER & SOCIETY / December 2003

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