An Orientation to the Sources and Study of Early Islamic Egypt (641868 CE)
Maged S. A. Mikhail*
California State University, Fullerton
Abstract
This article surveys the most important Christian (Coptic and Melkite) and Islamic sources for the study of Egypt from the Arab conquest (641 CE) through the mid-ninth century. Beginning with a discussion of reference works, the article turns to narrative, hagiographic, and apocalyptic texts that focus specically on Egypt. The latter section identies the essential print and online resources for the study of Greek, Coptic, and Arabic papyri through the ninth century.
Four catalysts have transformed the study of early Islamic history, and especially that of Egypt, into a burgeoning eld of historical inquiry. P. Browns The World of Late Antiquity, AD 150750, which sparked general interest in the Late Roman Empire, may also be credited with pushing the boundaries of the post-classical world beyond the mid-seventh century.1 Although not the rst to do so, since the publication of his inuential study scholars have routinely surveyed the initial phases if not the entirety of Umayyad rule in their discussions of late antique subjects.2 On several fronts, this was a positive development that infused the eld with the perspectives of late antique and Byzantine specialists. Renewed interest in early Islamic historiography and conquest (fut uh) narratives in particular has provided a second catalyst. In general, the historiographic predicament in Arabic historiography is that the earliest texts postdate the events they chronicle by well over a century; and where Egypt is concerned, the gap between event and text is considerably longer. As a result, Arabic literature addressing the rst centuries of Islamic rule often betrays the perspectives and priorities of later generations. Earlier scholarship, following J. Wellhausens lead, addressed this difculty by assigning authors, such as al-W aqid and Sayf ibn Umar, to historical schools that purportedly adhered to ideological viewpoints championed by the two fonts of early historical traditions: Medina and Iraq. Authors representing the school of Medina were ostensibly more pietistic in their outlook and retained more accurate chronologies than their Iraqi counterparts. Conversely, Iraqi historians were described as favoring political agendas.3 Within that framework, scholars proceeded to contrast the various compilations and postulate likely scenarios for any specic event. All this changed with A. Noths monumental study of early traditions,4 which has persuaded historians to adopt a thematic, atomistic approach to the sources that challenges the concept of schools and standard chronology, but meticulously dissects individual traditions with the aim to identify the historical, social, political, religious, and juristic trends that shaped them. Noths methodological approach provides a lens through which early Arabic traditions must be (re)read. The historiographic shift of the last few decades had another aspect: the rise of a highly revisionist historiography of Islamic origins. Several scholars, most notably J. Wansburogh, M. Hinds, P. Crone, M. Cook, Y. Nevo, and G. Hawting, have challenged the normative reading of early Arabic sources and have forwarded alternative accounts for Islamic
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origins.5 These revisionist publications stimulated a barrage of academic (and popular) studies that have accepted, supplemented, and challenged their conclusions. While exploiting the ssures and contradictions found in early sources (often without providing a tenable substitute as critics are quick to point out), this historiographic shift has emphasized the importance of non-Islamic sources in supplementing and providing a control for the early Arabic tradition. Renewed interest in post-conquest papyri has provided a nal catalyst more specic to the study of Islamic Egypt. Several papyrologists have revitalized interest in Greek documents written under Islamic rule, and while interest in late Coptic and early Arabic papyri is not new, hitherto both lacked a scholarly community. Individual scholars dedicated their lives to the study and editing of Coptic and Arabic papyri, but academic interest was wanting in terms of individuals who specialized in these disciplines and those who utilized such sources in their research. Fortunately, the past thirty years have witnessed a resurgence in these elds of study. The remainder of this article surveys the salient Islamic and Christian sources for the study of Egyptian history and society during the rst two centuries of caliphal rule.6 Reference Works and Surveys The Encyclopedia of Islam (2nd edn.) remains a fundamental resource, ubiquitous in Islamic and medieval studies.7 Both the second edition, and the available portions of the new third edition, which commenced in 2007, may be accessed in print or online through a subscription service to <http://www.BrillOnline.nl>. Another resource, the Coptic Encyclopedia, contains numerous erudite entries that have hitherto retained their value.8 Unfortunately, not all entries measure up to the same high caliber, which has led to mixed academic reviews of the work. Most problematic are the entries pertaining to Coptic Christology and medieval patriarchs; the rst require revision even correction, while the latter require lengthy amendments. Several conference proceedings are worthy of note, although two are of direct relevance and should be regularly surveyed. Convening every four years under the auspices of the International Association for Coptic Studies, the proceedings of Coptic Congresses appear in print two or three years after the conference is held.9 In addition to addressing a wide spectrum of issues, the proceedings preliminary papers provide excellent historiographic essays that survey new publications and recent historiographic developments. The proceedings of the rst eight congresses are now in print. A younger organization, the International Society for Arabic Papyrology, convenes regularly and has published some of the papers presented at its rst two conferences.10 R. S. Bagnall, ed., Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300700 provides an important survey of historical developments up to the eve of the Arab conquest, which is discussed in its nal chapter.11 For the conquest and its immediate aftermath, R. G. Hoylands Seeing Islam provides important discussions and partial translations of a wide assortment of early sources.12 More systematic surveys of the rst two centuries of Islamic rule in Egypt may be sought among the Cambridge Histories; the most crucial of which is the rst volume of the Cambridge History of Egypt.13 In addition, the last volume of the Cambridge Ancient History (New Edition), the Cambridge History of Africa, and the Cambridge History of Eastern Christianity provide several chapters of value.14 A. S. Atiyas History of Eastern Christianity, which dedicates several chapters to the history of the Coptic church under Islamic rule, proves useful,15 as do the publications of the late O. Meinardus, which analyze Coptic history from St. Marks initial missionary efforts to the present.16
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Several forthcoming publications are of direct interest. M. N. Swansons Coptic Papacy in Islamic Egypt, the rst volume of The New Cambridge History of Islam, and A. Papaconstantinou, ed., Multilingualism in Egypt are now in press.17 In addition, P. M. Sijpesteijns Shaping a Muslim State and M. S. A. Mikhails Beyond Late Antiquity, which will soon appear as monographs, focus on various aspects of early Islamic Egypt.18 Reference works for Egyptian topography and cartography represent some of the best examples of their genre. Identifying the villages and towns referenced in the primary sources of this period is no easy task. Non-standard orthography, particularly for towns that derived their Arabic toponyms from Coptic, are especially problematic (e.g., the Coptic village of Ts e is attested in Arabic as Its a, Ts , T si, Tibs a, and even Bits a). In general, while the above-referenced encyclopedias may be consulted, for topographic entries gypten in arabischer Zeit is indispensable.19 W. Kosacks S. Timms Das christlich-koptische A Historisches Kartenwerk remains a standard for cartography, but may also be supplemented with several oversized maps based on Timms work.20 In addition, one may consult M. Ramz am us al-jughr af .21 s al-Q Finally, three series address the period at hand, although only one is exclusively focused on Egypt. The rst, Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam [SLAEI], publishes pertinent monographs as well as proceedings from a series of workshops on this transitional period. Twenty four volumes have appeared thus far; the rst volume, in four parts, provides a broad orientation to the sources and issues that have come to domitantiken und koptischen nate scholarly activities of late. A second series, Arbeiten zum spa gypten, includes several important monographs and textual editions. The last series, A The Formation of the Classical Islamic World, provides thematic collections of inuential articles. Edited by renowned scholars, the introduction to each volume provides a current historiographic essay on the dominant theme. Articles in foreign languages have been translated into English for this series. Narrative Sources Narrative sources for Egyptian history during the rst few centuries after the Arab conquest are primarily recorded in Coptic, and Arabic, and stem from three confessional groups: Copts, Melkites, and Muslims. Richly documented before and after the period surveyed, evidence for the Jewish community in Egypt throughout the early postconquest centuries is regrettably lacking.22 Individual authors and sources that focus on Islamic Egypt have been surveyed in C. F. Robinsons Islamic Historiography, R. S. Humphreys Islamic History, and A. Cameron et al., Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East (SLAEI I.1, I.2, I.3, I.6).23 In general, to supplement the individual translations cited below, English translations of Arabic and Islamic texts may be sought in M. Andersons Arabic Materials in English Translation and, more recently, P. Skreslet and R. Skreslet, eds., The Literature of Islam.24 Arabic primary sources for Egypt have not been collated into a separate volume. Hence, one has to skim through the pertinent sections of the two major reference works: C. Brockelmanns Geschichte der arabischen Litteratur and, more importantly, F. Sezgins Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums.25 For a quick read of Arabic texts, the al-waraq website <http://www.alwaraq.net> is easily accessible and hosts a tremendous volume of Arabic historical and theological literature; still, published editions should be sought out and referenced. To contextualize early Islamic literature and its various themes, one should consult F. M. Donners Narratives of Islamic Origin, which may be supplemented by H. Berg, ed., Method and Theory, A. F. L. Beeston et al., Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad
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Period, and J. Ashtiany et al., Abbasid Belles-lettres, especially the chapter by S. M. Ayyad on Egyptian literature.26
ISLAMIC NARRATIVE SOURCES
Several compilations, which likely circulated orally rather than in writing, predate and, to various degrees, are enshrined within the available sources.27 The earliest surviving Arabic narratives from Egypt are attributed to Abu Ubayd al-Q asim ibn Sall am (d. 838), Abu Muhammad Abd All ah ibn Abd al-Hakam (d. 829), his son Abd al-Rahm an ibn Abd All ah ibn Abd al-Hakam (d. 871), and Muhammad ibn Yu suf al-Kind (d. 961). A massive bibliography of additional authors, such as al-Bal adhur , Yaqub , and al-Tabar , along with interesting though late texts, such as Fadail misr, may be also consulted. Overwhelmingly, however, when addressing Egypts history during the rst two Islamic centuries, such texts directly quote or paraphrase from the core group of authors and texts discussed here. Similar to other tax manuals, such as those attributed to Abu Yu suf and Yahy a ibn 28 Adam, Ibn Sall ams Kit ab al-amw al surveys legal, historical, and administrative traditions. Moreover, it reects Egyptian traditions and has been translated into English.29 Less accessible are the writings of another jurist, Abd All ah ibn Abd al-Hakam (d. 829), a leading gure in the M alik school of law, whose biography of the Umayyad caliph Umar II (d. 720), S rat Umar ibn Abd al-Az z, has long been published and recognized as an important work; unfortunately, however, that text does not directly relate to Egypt.30 More recently, his al-Mukhtasar al-kab r f al-qh [Major Compendium of Jurisprudence] has attracted greater attention thanks to the studies by J. E. Brockopp.31 Abd All ahs son, Abd al-Rahm an (d. 871), attained greater renown than his father by compiling Fut uh misr, the foremost reference on the conquest of Egypt. (Like his father, Abd al-Rahm an is often simply identied as Ibn Abd al-Hakam.) A signicant portion of Fut uh misr has been translated by Y. Hilloowala based on C. C. Torrys Arabic edition,32 while the section detailing the conquest of Spain has long been translated into English and French.33 While Fut uh misr constitutes the normative anthology of Egypts conquest narratives, the text has retained many traditions that reect ninth-century historiographic sensibilities rather than seventh-century details. Hence, the compilation has to be read in light of A. Noths above-mentioned Early Arabic Historical Tradition and R. Brunschvigs thorough analysis.34 Its shortcomings aside, Fut uh misr proves central to all academic discussions of the conquest, including those of A. J. Butler, A. Beihammer, and L. Chagnon.35 Abu Umar Muhammad ibn Yu suf al-Kind ab provides two additional works: Kit al-wul at and Kit ab al-qud at [Book of Governors and Book of Judges (of Egypt)]. Neither has been translated, and both are best read in R. Guests edition, which supersedes the earlier publications by N. A. Koenig and R. J. H. Gottheil.36 Both books remain true to their titles; the rst details the political infrastructure under successive gubernatorial administrations, while the other focuses on the judiciary. A few late authors and texts are noteworthy. Al-Maqr z (d. 1442), the preeminent historian of his day, purposefully sought out and incorporated the compilations of his predecessors, be they Muslim or Christian, into his works. Two of his books are of interest for the early period: al-Khitat and al-Bay an. First published in 1854, the Khitat has been reprinted and partially reedited in several publications that are now superseded by A. F. Sayyids 2004 edition, which is based on an autograph of the work.37 The nal section of the Khitat, which details a history of the Copts, has long been translated into German
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and English.38 In another work, Kit ab al-bay an, al-Maqr z records historical traditions pertaining to various Arab tribes and details their early settlement patterns in Egypt.39 A nal text, Fut uh al-bahnas a [Conquest of al-Bahnasa] (Gr. Oxyrhynchus), provides a late (no earlier than the 12th c.) but intriguing conquest narrative that is full of anecdotal information. Fut uh al-bahnas a has been ascribed to al-W aqid since the manuscript tradition retained it as part of his Fut uh al-sh am; it should, however, be attributed to Muhammad ibn Muhammad al-Muizz. The text has been routinely omitted from recent publications of Fut uh al-sh am. Hence, one has to track down older editions of the work or rely on E. Galtiers French translation.40
CHRISTIAN NARRATIVE SOURCES
Coptic texts that pertain to this period are routinely identied in surveys of Coptic literature, of which T. Orlandis and M. Krauses are the most thorough.41 Christian Arabic literature is primarily cataloged in G. Grafs Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literature, which is supplemented (and in some respects superseded) by a series of articles in Islamochristiana and the recently published D. Thomas et al., Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History.42 Apologetic and polemical texts exchanged between Christians, Muslims, and Jews are cataloged in M. Steinschneiders Polemische und apologetische Literatur,43 but one should also consult the above-mentioned Christian-Muslim Relations. S. H. Grifth provides an essential introduction and grounding in Arabic Christian literature in his Church in the Shadow of the Mosque.44 Among Christian sources, the Chronicle of John of Nikiou (d. ca. 700 CE) provides one of the earliest and most signicant compilations. Most likely, John was but a child at the time of the conquest. Still, his Chronicle predates all Arabic conquest narratives and, hence, may act as a control against the normative historiography of ninth-century sources. Regrettably, the section detailing the early phases of the conquest is lost, and the Chronicle survives in a single Ethiopic manuscript, which in turn reects an earlier Arabic translation of a lost Coptic possibly Greek original.45 A few other Christian texts may date to those early post-conquest decades, the most important of which are the Life of Isaac of Alexandria and portions of the History of the Patriarchs (discussed below) as well as the extant writings of Patriarch Benjamin I (622661 CE) and the Panegyric of the Three Holy Children in Babylon.46 The preeminent Christian source remains the History of the Patriarchs [HP]. Beyond its crucial signicance for Coptic studies, the HP is a rich resource for Egypts political and cultural history. It provides the earliest documentation for the careers of various ofcials and a wide range of events attested in later Islamic sources. The HP survives in two recensions, primitive and vulgate, which were redacted in the 11th and 13th centuries, respectively. A portion of the Arabic text of the primitive recension has been published, but the entirety of the vulgate recension is available along with an English translation.47 Of the two versions, the Arabic text of the latter is more rened and typically more laudatory. A series of patriarchal biographies, the HP has been traditionally attributed to Saw s ru ibn al-Muqaffa, the Bishop of al-Ashmunayn (d. ca. 1000 CE), who was a prominent theologian and the rst Coptic Arabic author. Nonetheless, medieval Coptic authors and current scholarship positively exclude Saw s as an author or editor of the HP and attriru bute the denitive recension to an Alexandrian deacon, Mawhu b ibn Mansu r (ca. 1025 1100 CE).48 The text had been compiled over generations, but Mawhu b served as the principle translator and redactor of the biographies composed by his predecessors, whose
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writings are now lost (though some Coptic excerpts survive): Menas the Monk (mid-fth c.), Archdeacon Jirja (early eighth c.), John the Deacon (third-quarter eighth c.), John the Monk (third-quarter ninth c.), and Bishop Michael of Tinn s (d. 1056 CE).49 As an author, Mawhu b added two biographies, which he composed in Arabic those of his contemporaries, patriarchs Christodoulos (d. 1077 CE) and Cyril II (d. 1092 CE). Several later compilations that quote or comment on earlier sources are of signicance for the study of early Islamic Egypt. The Arabic Annals of Eutychius, the Melkite (i.e., pro-Chalcedonian) Patriarch of Alexandria (d. 940 CE), survive in two versions. The older Alexandrian recension has been recently published along with a German translation, while the later Antiochean version accompanied by a Latin translation has been in print for almost a century.50 The later recension is longer and decidedly more polemical, particularly where the Copts and other anti-Chalcedonian populations are concerned. Finally, the Coptic Arabic Synaxarium (Synax ar) should be consulted. It draws upon a wide spectrum of sources, many of which have not survived. Three editions of this work exist.51 I. Forget and R. Basset each produced a version based on medieval Arabic manuscripts; either may be consulted, although ideally one would compare the Arabic text in both editions before attempting a translation. The third version, an ecclesiastical rendition that may be easily procured online and in print, should be strictly avoided. While retaining the basic structure and text evidenced in Forget and Bassets publications, the current ecclesiastical edition has been edited, reedited, and corrected by a host of individuals over the past century with an eye toward current sensibilities rather than manuscript evidence or historicity. In addition, the English translation of that edition is often awkward and erroneous.
HAGIOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE
Hagiographic sources remain an underutilized source for Egyptian history. Although dated, the main reference source is the Bibliotheca hagiographica orientalis,52 which must be checked against the historical and bibliographical discussions in H. G. Evelyn Whites Monasteries of Wadi al-Natrun along with several recent conference proceedings.53 Primarily Christian and pietistic in tone, these texts nonetheless provide a wide array of glosses on everything from internal developments within the Coptic church to governmental policies and popular attitudes and beliefs. A sizable hagiographic corpus may be surveyed. Some biographies are of saints who lived and died under Islamic rule, while others were authored during the early Islamic period, although they focus on late antique gures. Published texts include: Life of John Hegumen of Scetis,54 Life of Isaac of Alexandria,55 Life of John Kame,56 Life of Samuel of Qalamun (Coptic and Arabic recensions),57 and the Life of John the Little (extant in Coptic, Arabic, and Syriac).58 John the Little died in the early fth century, but his Life was composed by Bishop Zacharias of Sakh a (d. early 8th c.), who worked in the early d w an prior to becoming a monk and, later, bishop.
APOCALYPTIC SOURCES
Egyptian Muslims read and circulated apocalyptic texts and ideas (identied as tan or mal ahim), but they did not author such texts, in spite of Egypts prominence in apocalyptic sources. Drafted in Syria or Iraq, early Islamic apocalypses were hardly more than brief glosses, which were rst collated in Nuaym ibn Hamm ads (d. 844) Kit ab al-tan.59 Coptic Christians, on the other hand, produced a sizable dossier of Coptic and Coptic
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Arabic apocalypses. Useful orientations are provided by F. J. Martinez and J. van Lent, and a thorough discussion can be found in the above-referenced Christian-Muslim Relations.60 Apocalyptic texts certainly add depth and breadth to the historical record, but equally important is their methodological utility. These texts provide popular, or at least nonofcial, socio-historical commentaries that augment the normative sources, which were typically authored by urban elites. Still, these texts present formidable interpretative obstacles; they are highly repetitive, enamored with topoi, and pose enigmatic historical allusions that have not failed to lead even prominent historians astray. Nonetheless, what may appear as eschatological ranting, at times, veils incredibly rich data; these popular texts provide some of the most intriguing evidence for the social history of Egypt under Islamic rule. The total number of Coptic Arabic apocalyptic texts is open question, and accessibility remains an issue. Most publications are focused on one of three texts: Third Apocalypse of Athanasius, the Vision of Daniel, and the Apocalypse of Samuel which is by far the most intensely studied text to date.61 Still, even a rough survey reveals that at least 14 texts are recognized as belonging to his corpus, and another ve have been provisionally earmarked, although they await academic study. Thus, the total number of texts may be as high as 19, with an unknown quantity of translations and recensions. (In addition to Coptic and Arabic versions, several texts have found their way into Syriac and Ethiopic translations.) The apocalyptic genre was especially popular during and hence the texts seem to cluster around turbulent junctures in Egyptian history. The earliest texts, the Third Apocalypse of Athanasius and the First Apocalypse of Shenoute, were composed in the early 700s against the background of Marwanid reforms and the unpopular regulations of two local ofcials, Qurrah ibn Sharik and Ubaydallah ibn al-Habhab. Masquerading as the last chapter of the Bohairic version of the Book of Daniel, the Fourteenth Vision of Daniel was likely composed during the last decade of Umayyad rule, but did not take its present form until the tna, or civil war between al-Am n (81113 CE).62 n and al-Mamu A second set of texts, including the Letter of Pisentius, the Apocalypse of Samuel, and the Homily of Theophilus were likely composed by the late tenth century; a period of tremendous social transformations that overlapped with the oppressive decrees of al-H akim bi Amr All ah (9961021 CE).63 Papyrological Evidence Egypt is unique in the volume of papyri excavated from its ruins. Due to the factors that determine its survival, very few papyri pertaining to the period at hand have survived in the Delta; the only signicant exceptions are texts from the Khalili collection.64 Most documents have been unearthed in Middle and Upper Egypt, where the arid climate enabled the preservation of the papyri. The sheer volume of documentary evidence has led some to postulate that Egyptian history should be primarily based on such texts, to the exclusion of the biased literary sources. The evidence is tantalizing and plentiful, but also problematic. And in general, a healthy marriage between narrative and documentary sources is advisable. Still, papyrological studies can yield micro-histories, such as T. G. Wilfongs Women of Jeme, which cannot be replicated using narrative texts.65 Papyrological evidence abounds in Greek, Arabic, and Coptic, and while much of the material awaits publication, what may be readily accessed is impressive.66 A list of published Greek and Coptic papyri has been compiled in J. F. Oates et al., Checklist of
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Editions (5th edn.), which is posted and updated at <http://scriptorium.lib.duke.edu/ papyrus/texts/clist.html>.67 More recently, P. M. Sijpesteijn, J. F. Oates, and A. Kaplony published a similar list for Arabic papyri. First appearing in the Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists, an updated version of that list is posted at <http://www.ori.uzh.ch/isap/isapchecklist.html>.68 Many of the documents included in these lists may be accessed and read online. For Greek and Coptic papyri, see the Advanced Papyrological Information System (APIS) and the Duke Data Bank of Documentary Papyri, both of which may be accessed through <http://www.papyri.info>. An ever increasing number of Arabic papyri may be accessed through the Arabic Documentary Database <http://orientw. uzh.ch/apd/project.jsp>. By virtue of its history in modern academia and the sheer number of researchers, the study of Greek documents is further evolved than those in Coptic or Arabic. In general, The Oxford Handbook of Papyrology serves as an essential introduction and reference tool for the discipline, although it is regrettably lacking where late (i.e., post-conquest) Coptic papyri are concerned.69 Undoubtedly, R. S. Bagnalls Egypt in Late Antiquity remains the most accessible monograph utilizing papyri.70 Although concerned with an earlier period than the focus of this article, the work is a rare example of how papyrological evidence may be used and the range of questions that it may address. More focused on methodological and interpretive questions, Bagnalls Reading Papyri is another noteworthy volume, which may be read in conjunction with E. G. Turners Greek Papyri.71 P. W. Pestmanns New Papyrological Primer remains the standard introduction to reading Greek papyri.72 For his part, F. Preisigke founded several important reference tools. His rterbuch is a dictionary based on papyrological evidence (for which Hans-Albert RupWo precht has edited several supplements), and the Namenbuch provides an aggregate of prosopographic data. Preisigke also inaugurated the Greek Sammelbuch (1913), which reproduces edited texts that have appeared in academic journals.73 Twenty seven volumes of the Sammelbuch have been published thus far. Greek documents of the seventh and eighth centuries have received the greatest scholarly attention. Among that corpus, the papyri published by H. I. Bell (Aphrodito papyri), mondon (Papas archive), J. Gascou, N. Gonis, and F. Morelli are of particular R. Re interest.74 They provide an essential grounding for the diffuse discussions pertaining to early Islamic administration and taxation,75 as well as the renewed debate focused on the nature of early Umayyad rule.76 In regard to literary papyri, evidence suggests that much of the Coptic churchs ofcial correspondences and declarations, such as the Festal Letter of Patriarch Alexander II, were drafted and circulated in Greek until the early ninth century, though few of these documents have been identied or edited.77 In recent decades, three tools have aided the study of Coptic papyri. B. Laytons A Coptic Grammar (2nd edn.), though based on literary sources, has emerged as the standard grammar for the Coptic language.78 Access to published documentary texts has been greatly improved due to M. R. M. Hasitzka, ed., Koptisches Sammelbuch; three volumes are in print.79 Finally, H. Fo rster published an impressive lexicon of Greek words in Coptic documentary texts.80 Publications of Coptic papyri are steadily increasing. Often overlooked in this regard are library and Museum catalogs, the most important among which are those of the Vatican archives, British Museum, Pierpont Morgan Library, and the John Rylands Library.81 While these publications rarely publish long passages, they do provide working editions and translations of a large volume of fragmentary and short texts. Coptic contracts and legal texts have attracted a great deal of scholarly interest.82 Most Coptic papyrologists, including W. Till, A. A. Schiller, and L. S. B. MacCoull devoted
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considerable time and energy in reading and editing such texts. Crum and Steindorffs Koptische Rechtsurkunden remains the largest publication to date.83 Other legal texts, including the eleventh-century Teshlot papyri, have been reedited in a series of articles by T. S. Richter.84 Monastic documents provide another area of interest. Coptic papyri and ostraca from several monasteries, including those of Balaizah and St. Apollo at Bawit, present fascinating glimpses at the internal workings of monasteries and their interactions with adjacent villages and the Islamic government and society.85 The most important work in this respect has been by E. Wipszycka, L. S. B. MacCoull, A. Delattre, A. Boudhors and S. J. Clackson.86 Another topic of sustained interest of late is the linguistic transition from Coptic to Arabic and the extent of the bilingualism that existed in Egypt under Islamic rule.87 The basic trajectory for the translation of Coptic literature into Arabic has been charted by S. Rubenson,88 while recent studies are again probing documentary evidence to better understand the linguistic shift among the Egyptian populace. The most recent work has been by T. S. Richter and the forthcoming A. Papaconstantinou, ed., Multilingualism in Egypt.89 Several publications may serve as an introduction to the eld of Arabic papyrology proper, which extends to the eleventh century (at which time paper largely replaced papyrus as a writing material in Egypt). Recently, A. Gacek has published a second volume to his discussion of the Arabic manuscript tradition, which is accompanied by a thorough bibliography and glossary.90 Papyrological surveys may be found in A. Grohmanns From the World of Arabic Papyri and R. G. Khourys Chrestomathie de papyrologie arabe.91 For grammar, S. Hopkins Studies in the Grammar of Early Arabic remains a standard.92 The modern study of Arabic papyri had several pioneers, including Silvestre de Sacy, J. von Karabacek, C. Becker, N. Abbott, and A. Grohmann.93 For documentary texts, Grohmann remains the towering gure who has left an indelible mark on the discipline. His voluminous publications, including P.Cair.Arab,94 and his mastery of Arabic, Greek and Coptic (among other languages) enabled him to produce several outstanding critical editions as well as erudite textual notes that betray his deep understating of the trilingual matrix in which the early documents were embedded. More recently, R. G. Khourys work on the archive of the judge Abd All ah ibn Lah a (d. 790 CE), G. Frantz-Murphys Agricultural Leases, G. Khans publications from the Khalili collection, W. Diems work on Arabic letters, and Y. Raghibs publication of a merchant familys archive have all contributed to the current state of the discipline.95 Decidedly, the above survey earmarked sources and historiographic issues, but it is far from exhaustive. The evidence used to study early Islamic Egypt is ever-increasing as are the nuanced questions historians and papyrologists are now asking of the sources. One eagerly anticipates the advances of the next two decades, and hopes for greater collaboration and synthesis, particularly among historians and papyrologists, on the one hand, and among scholars of the pre-modern Middle East and those who focus on Coptic studies, on the other. Short Biography Maged S. A. Mikhails research focuses on the social, religious, and political ramications of the Islamic conquests of the Middle East and, in particular, Egypt. He has recently published Notes on the Ahl al-Diwan in the Journal of the American Oriental Society, and his Workshop of Virtue: the Life of John the Little, which he co-authored with Tim Vivian,
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is forthcoming from Liturgical Press. Currently, he is nalizing a monograph-length study on the rst three centuries of Islamic rule in Egypt. Mikhail holds a Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles. He is now an assistant professor of history at the California State University, Fullerton. Notes
* Correspondence: CSUF Department of History, 800 N. State College Blvd., Fullerton, CA 92831-3599, USA. Email: mmikhail@fullerton.edu.
1 P. Brown, The World of Late Antiquity, AD 150750 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971; repr. Norton, 1989). 2 G. Fowden, Empire to Commonwealth: Consequences of Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993); idem, Qusayr Amra: Art and the Umayyad Elite in Late Antique Syria (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004); G. W. Bowersock, P. R. L. Brown and O. Grabar (eds.), Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World (Cambridge: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1999). 3 ltesten Geschichte des Islams, VI, in ibid., Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, 6 vols. (Berlin: J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena zur a Georg Reimer, 18841899; repr. De Gruyter, 1985), 1160. Also see A. A. Duri, The Rise of Historical Writing among the Arabs, trans. and edited by L. I. Conrad (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983). 4 A. Noth, The Early Arabic Historical Tradition: A Source-Critical Study, 2nd rev. edn. with L. I. Conrad, SLAEI 3 (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1994). The German rst edition was published in 1973. 5 E.g., J. Wansbrough, The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1978); P. Crone and M. Cook, Hagarism: the Making of the Islamic World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); G. R. Hawting, The Idea of Idolatry and the Emergence of Islam: From Polemic to History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999). 6 All dates are given according to the Common Era, and I have employed a simplied transliteration for Arabic names and titles. 7 P.J. Bearman, Th. Bianquis, C.E. Bosworth, E. van Donzel and W.P. Heinrichs et al., Encyclopdia of Islam, 2nd Edition, 12 vols. with indexes (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 19602005). 8 A. S. Atiya (ed.), The Coptic Encyclopedia, 8 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1991). Hereafter CoptEncyc. 9 For the IACS, visit <http://rmcisadu.let.uniroma1.it/~iacs/>. 10 For the ISAP, visit <http://www.ori.uzh.ch/isap.html>. P. M. Sijpesteijn, L. Sundelin (eds.), Papyrology and The History of Early Islamic Egypt (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2004); P. M. Sijpesteijn, L. Sundelin, S. Torallas Tovar, A. Zomen o (eds.), From al-Andalus to Khurasan: Documents from the Medieval Muslim World (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2007). 11 R. S. Bagnall (ed.), Egypt in the Byzantine World, 300700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 12 R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw It, SLAEI 13 (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1997). 13 C. F. Petry (ed.), The Cambridge History of Egypt, vol. 1, Islamic Egypt, 6401517 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998). 14 A. Cameron, B. Ward-Perkins and M. Whitby (eds.), The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 14, Late Antiquity: Empire and Successors AD 425600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); J. D. Fage (ed.), The Cambridge History of Africa, vol. 2, From c. 500 B.C. to A.D. 1050 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), ch. 8; M. Angold (ed.), Cambridge History of Christianity, vol. 5, Eastern Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), ch. 16. 15 A. S. Atiya, A History of Eastern Christianity (London: Methuen, 1968; Kraus reprint, 1980). 16 His earlier publications, Christian Egypt Faith and Life (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1970) and Christian Egypt Ancient and Modern (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1977) are difcult to nd. Still, much of their content, often updated and supplemented by articles published over his long career, have appeared in Two Thousand Years of Coptic Christianity (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1999), Christians in Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2006), Coptic Saints and Pilgrimage (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2004). 17 M. N. Swanson, The Popes of Egypt, vol. 2, The Coptic Papacy in Islamic Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, forthcoming); C. F. Robinson (ed.), New Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 1, The Formation of the Islamic World, Sixth to Eleventh Centuries (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 2009); A. Papaconstantinou (ed.), Multilingualism in Egypt (Aldershot: Ashgate, forthcoming). 18 P. M. Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim State: Papyri Related to an Eighth-Century Egyptian Ofcial, Ph.D. diss. (Princeton University, 2004); ibid., Shaping a Muslim State: The World of a Mid-Eighth-Century Ofcial (Oxford: Oxford University Press, forthcoming); M. S. A. Mikhail, Egypt from Late Antiquity to Early Islam: Copts, Melkites, and Muslims Shaping a New Society, Ph.D. diss. (University of California Los Angeles, 2004). 19 gypten in arabischer Zeit, 7 vols. (Wiesbaden: L. Reichert, 19841992). S. Timm, Das christlich-koptische A
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2010 The Author Journal Compilation 2010 Blackwell Publishing Ltd History Compass 8/8 (2010): 929950, 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00704.x