Pitch Accent Kluw 002

Evolutionary typology and Scandinavian pitch accent
Patrik Bye
University of Troms/CASTL July 8, 2004 Abstract. The origin and typological differentiation of the realization of the Scandinavian pitch accent distinction can be attributed largely to the well-documented phonetic mechanism of tone target delay. The account makes it possible to understand the complex typology and diachrony of compound accentuation. The paper argues that typology should be accountable more generally, not only to phonetics, but to historical linguistics and dialect geography as well, rather than linguistic cognition as in OT. The paper thus offers a strategy for conducting typological research without assuming typology is inherent in the grammar. Keywords: Scandinavian, pitch accent, peak delay, evolutionary phonology
1. Introduction: metatypological considerations Classical Optimality Theory (OT) can be understood as a theory of the possible states the language faculty can assume in the course of and as the result of language acquisition: it is a theory of the possible I-language grammars which result on the permutation, in all possible rankings, of the innate constraints in the universal constraint set C ON (Prince and Smolensky, 1993, McCarthy and Prince, 1993). According to this view, all languages ultimately make the same generalizations: they simply prioritize them differently. In OT, the goals of describing the form of phonological knowledge and capturing attested typological variation are uniquely intertwined and OT grammars have what Smolensky dubs inherent typology. That is, the description of any one particular language in OT has global implications for the typology of human languages in general. This conception makes the space in which languages vary essentially closed. In recent years, a new direction in phonological research has been gathering pace which is founded on the rigorous separation of formal, or computational, problems from questions of what is typologically natural in phonological systems. This paper seeks to connect with this research and adopts the (neo-)Saussurean view that phonological knowledge should be analyzed on its own terms without heeding substantive considerations of naturalness. This general view of phonology is represented by such works as Bach and Harms (1972), Hyman (1975), Sommerstein (1977), Foley (1977), Hellberg
Thanks to Sylvia Blaho, Mark Hale, Mark Liberman, Marc van Oostendorp, Charles Reiss, Curt Rice, Keren Rice, Tobias Scheer, Jen Smith and Donca Steriade for feedback. c 2004 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.1
Patrik Bye
(1978), Hellberg (1980), Anderson (1981), Lass (1984), Coleman (1998), Dolbey and Hansson 1999a, 1999b, Hale and Reiss (2000), Hale (2000), Reiss (2000) and Buckley (2000). This view entails that cross-linguistic regularities are not the direct product of the innate language faculty. In recent years, a complementary paradigm has been developing, guided by the idea that cross-linguistic regularities are emergent, reecting universal extragrammatical constraints on domains such as articulation, perception and memory formation. Examples include Ohala (1981), Ohala (1993), Ohala (1997), Lindblom (2000), Blevins and Garrett (1998), Blevins and Garrett (2004), Blevins (ming), Boer 2000, 2001, 2002, Harrison et al. (2002), and Kochetov 2001, 2002. Whatever OTs merits, the frameworks commitment to inherent typology has had some unfortunate results. OT deals poorly with unnatural phenomena such as phonologically opaque or morphologized alternations without resort to unsatisfactory devices of one kind or another. These devices have included positing ad hoc functionally arbitrary constraints in descriptions of particular languages (Hayes, 1999), placing arbitrary restrictions on G EN to ensure that unwanted candidates are not generated in the rst place (McCarthy, 1993) or grafting on a rule-based component to the OT grammar (Blevins, 1997, Kibre, 1999). Reacting to such hybridization, Halle and Idsardi (1997) argue that such moves are tantamount to giving up on the entire enterprise. Any of these descriptive practices weaken OTs claim to be a theory of phonological knowledge. Nonetheless, despite OTs lack of success in dealing with such phenomena, the last ten years have yielded a wealth of insights into typological variation, and many of the values embodied by the OT research programme deserve to have a continued role. As phonologists increasingly reevaluate their choice of formal theory in the current climate, it is important to retain a typological perspective. In the absence of naturalness conditions on phonological development, the space in which languages can vary is in principle open, substantively speaking, and the typology of attested languages cant be taken as approximating the shape of this space. This paper addresses the question of how typology might look given a formalism which underconstrains the range of attestable languages. I argue that typology is not inherent in the grammar, and thereby accountable to linguistic cognition as assumed in OT, but accountable to a different range of disciplines, including historical linguistics and dialect geography as well as, of course, phonetics. The integration of typology and dialectology is already proving fruitful (Bisang, 2004). This point will be illustrated using data from Scandinavian pitch accent. Here I propose that the origin of the Scandinavian pitch accent distinction and the typological differentiation of its realizations is largely attributable to a single well-documented phonetic mechanism: pitch target delay.
Scandinavian Pitch Accent
2. The Scandinavian accent typology As is well-known, most dialects of Scandinavian have a lexical pitch accent distinction between Accent 1 and Accent 2.1 This is exemplied in the stylized tone curves below for the citation forms 1 the lamb and 2 to lamb in Standard Eastern (Oslo) Norwegian in (1) below. The distinction is rendered phonologically in terms of the presence versus absence of a H tone on the rst mora. For motivation of this analysis, see Kristoffersen (2000). (1) Accent 1 vs. Accent 2 in Oslo Norwegian Accent 1 Accent 2
H

the lamb
to lamb
The pitch accent distinction carries little functional load in any of the Scandinavian languages. Nevertheless, Kloster-Jensen (1958) is able to list 2400 minimal pairs for Norwegian, a selection of which is given in (2). (2) Tonal accent minimal pairs in Standard East Norwegian (Oslo) (Kloster-Jensen, 1958, Popperwell, 1963)
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
peas banner the feather rather the jumps the cult mountain summer farm completely
2 2 2 2 2 2 2
tease(s) (pres) curses the beach incline(s) (pres) the mares unpleasant seats split(s) (pres)
Scandinavia is historically a dialect continuum which raises certain problems of nomenclature. Most of the major dialect divisions within Sweden have conventional English names, which are used here. These are Scanian (Skne), Gutnish (Gotland), Gothian (Gtaland), Sweonic (Svealand), Dalecarlian (Dalarna) and Bothnian (North Sweden and Finland). The dialects of Hrjedal and Jmtland historically group with the dialects of East Norwegian. The major dialect divisions of Denmark also have English names. These are Zealandic (Sjlland), Funish (Fyn) and Jutlandic (Jylland). The major dialect divisions of Norway, however, are known as East, West and North Norwegian.
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For Standard Swedish, Elert (1972) includes a list of 350 minimal pairs exemplied in (3). (3) Tonal accent minimal pairs in Standard (Stockholm) Swedish (Elert, 1972)
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
shoulder Beta the lane the moor Lydia the stucco the door knobs
2 2 2 2 2
2 2
axle; axis beet gone heathen obedient (pl) stung; prodded the wrath
There are two major conditions on the distribution of lexical pitch accent with broad although not absolute jurisdiction throughout Scandinavia. First, the distinction is generally limited to words of two or more syllables (4): in monosyllables the opposition is neutralized to Accent 1. (4) P OLYSYLLABICITY C ONDITION Monosyllables cannot bear lexical tone.
In many parts of Scandinavia, however, the Polysyllabicity Condition is no longer active. In some dialects, apocope has applied in original disyllables with Accent 2 giving rise to a monosyllabic allotone of Accent 2 generally known as circumex (Kristoffersen, 1992). Second, lexical tone is restricted to the head of the Accent Phrase: elsewhere the distinction is neutralized in stressed and unstressed syllables alike. In most Scandinavian dialects, compounds form a single Accent Phrase, which means that the lexical pitch accent of any but the most prominent constituent is suppressed. (5) H EAD C ONDITION A TBU bearing lexical tone must be head of the Accent Phrase.
The realization of the Accent 1Accent 2 distinction in disyllabic simplex words varies widely on a dialect-to-dialect basis. This was rst established in a now classic study by Meyer 1937, 1954, who elicited disyllabics with declarative intonation for 100 Scandinavian dialects, 93 of which were dialects of Swedish, 5 Norwegian and 2 Danish. The typology of Scandinavian pitch accent is now richly described in the literature. Generally, however, typological and dialect-geographical questions have been pursued along national lines as Swedish, Norwegian and Danish researchers have communicated surprisingly little. For Swedish, see Grding and Lindblad (1973),
Grding (1975), Grding (1977), Bruce (1977), Bruce and Grding (1978), Grding et al. (1978); for Norwegian see Fintoft and Mjaavatn (1980). A major recent advance in Scandinavian accent typology which takes a signicant step in transcending these traditional divides is the work of Tomas Riad (1996, 1998a, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2003), to whom this paper owes a signicant intellectual debt. According to Grding and Lindblad (1973) and Grding (1977), the Scandinavian tone accent typology can be captured in terms of two major qualitative parameters. An approximate description of these parameters is given in (6).2 (6) Grding and Lindblads parameters (Grding and Lindblad, 1973, Grding, 1977) a. Number of peaks in Accent 2 (i) Type 1 One peak in Accent 2 (ii) Type 2 Two peaks in Accent 2 b. Peak timing in both accents (i) A Relatively early. (ii) B Relatively late.
These two dimensions cross-classify to give the four types 1A, 1B, 2A and 2B as shown in (7). (7) Grding-Lindblad typology
Many examples in the primary sources are rendered in one of the Scandinavian dialect alphabets, Svenska Landsmlsalfabetet, Norvegia or Dania. For reasons of accesibility, all examples have been retranscribed into the IPA using the key in Eriksson (1961). Standard references on the historical phonology are Prokosch (1939) and Voyles (1992) (Germanic), Seip (1955) (Norwegian), Kock (1921) and Hesselman (1953) (Swedish), and Skautrup (1944) (Danish). For Scandinavian accentology in particular, see Kock 1885, 1901 and Liberman (1982), Meyer 1937, 1954, Grding (1977) and Bruce (1977). For surveys of dialectology and dialect geography, see Christiansen (1948) and Sandy (1996) (Norwegian), Wess en (1969) (Swedish) and Brndum-Nielsen (1927), Ringgaard (1971) (Danish).
6 Type 0 Accent 1
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Accent 2
Region Finnmark, Finland, North Sweden, South Denmark
1 1A
One peak early in stressed syllable
One peak late in stressed syllable
South Sweden, West Norway
1B
late stressed syllable
in
early in post-stress syllable
Gotland, Bergslagen (Sweden)
2 2A
One peak late in stressed syllable
Two peaks one in each syllable
Central Sweden, West Nyland, Southwest Norway
2B
in post-stress syllable
one in each syllable
Gta, East Norway
In Type 1 dialects, both accents are realized with a single tonal peak. The criterion for dialects of Type 2, is that Accent 2 is associated with two peaks. Accent 1 is always realized by a single peak irrespective of whether the dialect in question is of Type 1 or 2.3 Grding and Lindblad also make reference to a Type 0 dialect, which lacks a pitch accent distinction. However, unlike Type 1 and 2, which are dened by phonetic criteria, Type 0 is simply dened by the absence of an accentual contrast, which doesnt say anything about the shape of the associated pitch accent curves. Although most
Although the emphasis is different, the distinction between Type 1 and 2 corresponds with the difference between high-tone and low-tone dialects used by Norwegian phonologists.
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of the Type 0 dialects happen to have H*(L%) pitch accent, other shapes occur. Type 0 dialects with this conguration are found in Iceland, the Faeroe Islands, Finland, North Sweden, the islands south of Sjlland (Lolland, Falster, Mn) and at various places along the western Norwegian coast. In the case of Iceland and the Faeroes, it is doubtful that they ever had a pitch accent distinction (although see Haugen (1970) for a different view). In the case of Finland, however, it is clear that at least some dialects had a lexical pitch accent distinction at an earlier stage but subsequently lost it, a development hastened no doubt by contact with Finnish, which lacks the distinction (Ahlbck 1945, 1946, 1956). Another example of loss is the dialect of East Mlardal Swedish (cf. Meyers curve M14 for Simtuna), immediately to the northwest of Stockholm. This dialect has, rather unusually, generalized the pitch accent conguration of what is Accent 2. Aside from this example, the distribution of Type 0 dialects is broadly characterized by geographical peripherality and non-contiguity, suggesting that the pitch accent distinction is a Central Scandinavian innovation. The geographical distribution of the four accentual types is shown in Figure 1.
3. Anatomy of tone Attention is limited here to the citation forms, which I take to be fully-edged Intonation Phrases (IntP). The structure of the IntP may be taken to be roughly as in (8). For additional discussion of intonation in Scandinavian see Bruce (1977), Nilsen (1989, 1992), Kristoffersen (1993a, 1993b, 2000, 2004), and Lorentz (1995, 2002). (8) Structure of the Intonation Phrase IntP AccP PrWd (Tlex ) T T%
The distinction between Accent 1 and Accent 2 is generally taken to be a privative one, in which Accent 2 is marked with a lexical H or L tone and Accent 1 with zero. Type 2 dialects seem to have exclusively lexical H, while (at least some) Type 1 dialects have lexical L. Kristoffersen (2004) points out that there are dialects (of Type 1) for which a privative characterization of the pitch-accent distinction may be inappropriate. These include North Norwegian and some dialects of West Norwegian. In such dialects, the distinction turns instead on the association of the H prominence tone within the bimoraic main-stressed syllable. The dialects in question have all implemented
Patrik Bye
Figure 1. Geographical distribution of accent types.
the Quantity Shift, whereby all stressed syllables are bimoraic (Prokosch, 1939, Riad 1992, 1995). Using the terminology of Zec (1995), prominence H associates to the strong mora (s ) of the stressed syllable in Accent 1, while in Accent 2, it associates to the weak mora (w ). The possibilities for the phonological encoding of the distinction are summarized in (9). (9) Accent 1 vs. Accent 2 Accent 1 H

Accent 2 H

Opposition associative
Type 1A
L

privative
1B
H

privative
2A, 2B
the lamb
to lamb
At least in those dialects in which the pitch accent opposition is privative, Accent 1 [. . . ] is pure intonation, while Accent 2 is a lexical tone plus intonation (Riad, 2003). Following Riad (2003), I will assume that the anatomy of a citation form, qua complete Intonation Phrase is as follows. Following any lexical tone Tlex , which associates to the stressed syllable of the PrWd, there are at least two tones, a prominence tone T, which associates to the head of the AccP, and a boundary tone T% which associates to the right boundary of the IntP. The prominence tone T always has opposite polarity to the lexical tone, so that dialects in which the lexical tone is H have an L prominence tone and dialects in which the lexical tone is L have an H prominence tone.4 (10) exemplies the integration of lexical tone and intonation for Oslo Norwegian. (10) Lexical accent and intonation in Oslo Norwegian H L H% L H%

the lamb
to lamb
The identity of the prominence tone essentially serves as the basis for Norwegian terminological distinction between high-tone dialects (with H prominence tone) and low-tone dialects (with L prominence tone). Although the criteria used in the Norwegian tradition of dialect typology are different, high-tone dialects turn out to be roughly equivalent to Grding and Lindblads Type 1 while low-tone dialects are equivalent to Type 2.
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As Riad notes, the specic (pragmatic) functions of these tones varies from dialect to dialect despite the limited range of structural types. Shifts in the alignment, and phonological association of tones bring about reassignments to function. Riad (2000c) also assumes this: When the pitch curve is shifted, the lexical, focus and boundary functions are distributed somewhat differently, but the lexical pitch accent distinction is maintained and lives on with the same lexical distribution as earlier5 . This type of variation is abstracted away from here, pending more elaborate treatments of tonal function in various dialects.
4. Tonogenesis 4.1. O LD S CANDINAVIAN

VS .
P ROTO -N ORDIC
ORIGINS
The origin of the Scandinavian tone distinction is a perennial issue in the diachronic phonology of Scandinavian languages (Kock, 1901, Oftedal, 1952, hman, 1967, Elstad, 1980, Riad, 1998a,2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2003, Kristoffersen, 2004). Contributions to the ongoing origins debate have generally taken one of two stances (Oftedal, 1952). The traditional and best known hypothesis (Oftedals Hypothesis A) is that the pitch accent distinction is of Old Scandinavian origin (10001200 AD, but possibly even later). This O LD S CANDINAVIAN H YPOTHESIS is associated with the work of Oftedal (1952), hman (1967), Elstad (1980), Lorentz (2001, 2002), and Kristoffersen (2004). According to this hypothesis, words which were monosyllabic in Old Scandinavian have reexes with Accent 1, whereas words which were polysyllabic in Old Scandinavian have reexes with Accent 2. For example, ON kr, eld, was monosyllabic in ON but is now disyllabic, giving for example Modern Swedish 1 . For reasons which will become clear, these researchers assume that the most accentually conservative dialects are those of Type 1. The second hypothesis (Oftedals Hypothesis B) is due ultimately to Kock (1901). Kock pointed out data which could not be explained according to the Old Scandinavian Hypothesis and attempted to trace the distinction back to the Syncope Period of Proto-Nordic (800850 AD). According to this P ROTO -N ORDIC H YPOTHESIS, words which lost a medial syllable in the Syncope Period acquired (or retained) Accent 1, while those which did not lose a medial syllable acquired (or retained) Accent 2. The strongest argument in favour of this hypothesis is the reexes of irregular comparatives in (from syncopated * ), such as Sw. 1 less (cf. Gothic
5 Nr kurvan frskjuts distribueras funktionerna lexikal, fokus och grns ngot annorlunda, men den lexikala tonaccentdistinktionen behlls och lever vidare, med samma lexikala distribution som tidigare.
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higher, minniza), 1 bigger, 1 older, 1 younger, 1 1 lower, 1 better and 1 worse. In fact, the presence of Accent 1 in words of this type need have nothing to do with syncope. The Old Scandinavian forms show that these comparatives were further subject to apocope, giving OSc , etc. At a subsequent stage, epenthesis took place across Scandinavia. In the standard dialects, epenthesis took place at the right edge of the word, e.g. . However, in North Norwegian, epenthesis broke up the consonant cluster which had arisen in the wake of earlier syncope, e.g. * > > , younger. Further, Oftedal (1952) showed that apocope as attested in Old Scandinavian did not take place in all dialects. In those dialects in which a disyllabic environment was retained in syncopated comparatives, Accent 2 was the result. Such dialects are found in Halland (Sweden) and large parts of South Norway (West Norway, Setesdal, Telemark). And so the main piece of evidence for Kocks Hypothesis B crumbles. In a review of the remaining classes of word which lost a medial syllable, Oftedal shows that their accentuation in the modern languages overwhelmingly supports Hypothesis A. Kocks hypothesis is unable to account for the facts without heavy reliance on analogy. Notwithstanding all this, the Proto-Nordic Hypothesis has been revised and defended in a vastly more sophisticated form in a remarkable series of recent papers by Tomas Riad (1998a, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2003), who draws on DAlquen and Brown (1992). Riad starts out with the assumption that the most conservative dialects are those, such as Stockholm Swedish, in which Accent 2 is realized with two tonal peaks, i.e. dialects of type 2A. The diachronic implications of this hypothesis are explored at length in Riad (2003). Riads hypothesis attempts to link the two-peaked realization of Accent 2 with prosodic conditions in Proto-Nordic. A review and critique of Riads proposals is offered in 6.1.
(11)
Origins of lexical pitch accent distinction (Oftedal, 1952) a. FOR: Old Scandinavian Hypothesis (i) When: 10001200 AD (ii) Mechanism: peak delay in polysyllabic words (iii) Conservative dialect: 1A (e.g. Bergen) b. AGAINST: Proto-Nordic Hypothesis (i) When: 800850 AD (ii) Mechanism: double pitch accent, stress clash resolution (iii) Conservative dialect: 2A (e.g. Stockholm)
This article essentially a response to Riad and argues the case of the Old Scandinavian Hypothesis. The immediate inspiration for the present response to Riads work is Lorentz (2001, 2002), who proposes a different mechanism for the origin of the lexical pitch accent distinction peak delay. This idea
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has several points in its favour. For one thing, it allows us to adopt the null hypothesis regarding the identity of the default pitch accent in Old Scandinavian: H*(L%). In addition to being cross-linguistically unmarked H*(L%) characterizes declaratives in the Germanic languages in general (Elstad, 1980). Furthermore, like the Germanic languages in general, Old Scandinavian was in prolonged contact with the Finno-Ugric languages, which also largely have H*(L%). Indeed, Salmons (1992) sees contact with Finno-Ugric as the most promising explanation for the emergence of the Germanic accentual system from the free accent of Proto-Indo-European. This contact increases the likelihood that the same was true of Old Scandinavian as well. 4.2. TARGET
DELAY
The present proposal builds on the phenomenon, frequently observed in tone languages, of peak delay, or peak lag. Peak delay refers to the situation whereby a H* pitch accent is post-aligned with the syllable which sponsors it, the syllable bearing the phonological accent. Trough delay refers to a similar misalignment of an L* pitch accent (Yip, 2002). As a cover for both of these phenomena, I will adopt the term target delay. (12) Target Delay a. Peak delay Peak of H* pitch accent is post-aligned with the syllable which sponsors it (Farrar and Nolan, 1999). b. Trough delay Peak of L* pitch accent is post-aligned with the syllable which sponsors it (Yip, 2002).
The rst stage in the development of the pitch accent distinction was the introduction of allophonic variation in peak alignment conditioned by the number of syllables in the word. In words of more than one syllable the high tone peak became skewed towards the right. In monosyllables, however, no such shift occurred. The resulting pattern of allophony is shown in (13). (13) Allotones of H* by number of syllables a. No delay b. Peak delay
Subsequently, the non-delayed and delayed allotones became lexicalized when a new class of disyllables was created from monosyllabic inputs through two crucial processes. First, liquid-nal reverse sonority clusters in monosyllables
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were broken up by epenthesis: segl segel, sail. Second, the denite article was cliticized: and innanden, (the) mallard. (14) (15) Epenthesis CVC1 C2 CVC1 C2 , where C2 >sonority C1 . (C2 is a liquid.) Ordering of peak delay and epenthesis H Input C V V C V Peak Delay Epenthesis Other changes (Quantity Shift) Output H C V V C V n/a n/a H C V V C V H C V C L n/a H C V C V L H C V V C V L H C V V C V L
A role for peak delay has been discovered in dialect variation in British Isles English (Farrar and Nolan, 1999) and Irish (Dalton and Chasaide, 2003). There is nothing new about the hypothesis that something like peak delay plays a crucial role in the development of the Scandinavian pitch accent distinction. Peak delay, or something like it, is clearly at work in the theories of hman (1967) and Elstad (1980). Bailey (1990) paraphrases hman:
Phrases ending with a monosyllabic word had a truncated rise-fall phrase nal pattern, resulting in an earlier fall. Phrases ending with a polysyllabic word had high pitch which started on the stressed syllable and continued one syllable and then fell, resulting in a later fall. (Bailey, 1990)
In Lorentz (2001, 2002) and Kristoffersen (2004), the role of peak delay is made quite explicit. However, none of these theories get beyond according target delay a role in the origin of lexical pitch accent. The novelty of the present proposal with respect to its treatment of Scandinavian pitch accent is that it takes target delay as the engine of almost all further typological differentiation. The direct result of these opacifying processes in terms of the GrdingLindblad typology is dialects of Type 1A, contra Riad. In dialects of this kind, Accent 1 has a peak early in the stressed syllable, while Accent 2 has a single peak late in the stressed syllable. At this early stage, we can assume that the accentual distinction was encoded associatively as in (9) rather than privatively.
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Let us briey review the dialect geographic evidence for the claim that Type 1A represents the original state of affairs. Within Scandinavia, Type1A has a peripheral and discontinuous geographical distribution.In Norway, 1A is limited to the dialects of the West. According to Grding, 1977 (p. 47, g. 3.5:A), the greatest concentration of dialects of Type 1A within Sweden is found in the far south (Skne and Blekinge). However, Type 1A dialects also occur sporadically within areas which are otherwise 1B/2A and 2B. For example, a large swathe which covers Smland, Vstergtland, stergtland and Vrmland is 2B. Within this area, isolated Type 1A dialects apparently occur in Jnkping and Gislaved in Smland (in the far south of this area) and Kil in Vrmland (in the north). Type 1A dialects also occur in Dalecarlia (Dalarna) which is otherwise 1B, e.g. Orsa. This combination of peripheral distribution and the existence of islands suggests 1A is a relic feature (Chambers and Trudgill, 1998).
5. Target delay as the engine of pitch accent variation 5.1. S IMPLEX

WORDS
So far we have explored the role of tone delay in tonogenesis and shown how it is possible to generate dialects of Type 1A. It remains to be shown that the same mechanism is involved in the further differentiation of the Scandinavian pitch accent types. In what follows we will trace the evolution of pitch accent in disyllables of the form . As pointed out earlier, the vast majority of Scandinavian dialects have implemented the so-called Quantity Shift, whereby main-stressed syllables were made to conform to a bimoraic template. As a result of this change, disyllabic words with an initial light root ( ) merged with the type through lengthening of the stressed vowel nucleus or the following consonant. For more in-depth treatment of this change, see (Prokosch, 1939, Torp, 1982, Riad, 1992,1995).6 5.1.1. Peak delay in the further evolution of one-peak-dialects: 1A to 1B Taken together as a class, 1A and 1B have a clear relic distribution. The status of 1B considered in isolation is less clear. In Sweden, dialects of Type 1B occur in two separate but well-dened areas: Gotland (Gutnish) and the
6 In dialects which preserve the Old Scandinavian distinction between light and heavy root syllables, the application of peak delay seems to have had different results in light and heavy root words. In heavy root words, the peak remained aligned within the stressed heavy syllable, but in light root words, the peak shifted into the post-tonic syllable, creating a mismatch between the location of the metrical and the tonal prominence. This conguration, known as level stress (Nor. jamvekt) has been much discussed in the dialectological literature (Kristoffersen, 1990a, 1990b).
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Mining District straddling Lower Dalecarlia, Vstmanland and Uppland (socalled Dala-Bergslagen) (Gustavson, 1948). We have already mentioned Orsa as a probable 1A relic in a 1B area. There is no similar relic on Gotland. In Type 1B, Accent 1 has a late peak in the stressed syllable, while Accent 2 has a peak in the post-stress syllable. The relation between 1A and 1B is thus essentially one of phasing. In addition, there seem to be dialects which are intermediate between the 1A and 1B types in that the H tone peak of Accent 2 coincides more or less with the syllable boundary as opposed to being aligned early in the post-tonic syllable. This appears to be the situation in North Norwegian, as well as certain West Norwegian dialects (Kristoffersen, 2000, 2004). Dialects of this type, 1A1B are conated with Type 1B in Grding and Lindblads typology. Many of these dialects occur in the same areas we nd clear cases of both 1A and 1B, i.e. Dalecarlia, lending further support to a close diachronic connection between the two types. Some dialects have taken the development further. At a late stage, when the H tone of Accent 2 moves over into the post-tonic syllable, the stressed syllable is left without a tone. I will assume that learners reanalyze at this point by inserting an L tone onto the stressed syllable. This results in a reanalysis of the nature of the phonological opposition as privative (L vs. ) rather than associative. These developments are summarized in (16). (16) Evolution of 1A to 1B by peak delay H L Stage 1 1A . Stage 2 1A1B H L . H L . H L . H L . H L . H L . L H L .
Stage 3
1B
Stage 4
1B (reanalyzed)
Summing up, Type 1B developed out of Type 1A through a combination of peak delay and limited reanalysis. This analysis is also consistent with the dialect geographic facts.
5.1.2. Trough delay and the evolution of two-peaked dialects: 1B to 2A In prospecting for evidence for the hypothesized change from 1B to 2A, we have to look at areas in which dialects of both types occur contiguously. We nd such areas in Swedish Uppland, Hlsingland and Jmtland. The data provided by Meyer (1954) for Uppland Swedish is particularly interesting in
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this regard. There are ve dialects in this category, Uppsala, Vaksala, Vdd, Simtuna and Norrby, for which Meyers curves are reproduced in (17). (17) Pitch accent curves for Uppland Swedish Accent 1 Uppsala (M11) Vaksala (M12) Vdd (M13) Simtuna (M14) Norrby (M15) Of these, Norrby appears squarely 1B since the opposition seems to be between HL% and LHL%. However, three of the other four evince tendencies to Type 2A. Simtuna, which neutralizes the distinction between Accents 1 and 2, does not have the effect (it has generalized Accent 2), but in Uppsala, Vaksala and Vdd there is clearly a relatively high onglide to the lexical L of Accent 2. If anything, the tendency towards the double peak appears clearest in Uppsala. From the perspective of the mechanisms involved in the spread of linguistic innovations geographically (Chambers and Trudgill, 1998), this is in line with what we would expect. Uppsala is the main centre in Uppland and is close to Stockholm, which is 2A. We would thus expect speakers of Uppsala Swedish to adopt prosodic features of the capital rst, with speakers in more rural centres following suit later. At this incipient stage of two-peaked accent development, we may notate the opposition as HL% HLHL%, where H marks the high tone onglide. Whether this onglide is explicitly present in the phonological representation or not is not an issue I will address here. What is important in this connection is that the high onglide becomes reanalyzed as a lexical H tone in dialects of Type 2A. Similar transitional types occur sporadically within Sweden. Meyer provides two curves for Hlsingland: Jttendal (HL.HL) and Hassela (HL.HL), the latter with the high onglide. In ngermanland, too, we nd Junsele (HL.HL) and Ed (HL.HL), the latter again with the high onglide. Another example would appear to be the dialect spoken in N. Finnskoga in Vrmland. This Accent 2
17
dialect is atypical in the way the tones align with syllables: Accent 1 is L.HL and Accent 2 is HL.HL. The other dialects with this property have LH.L in Accent 1, which suggests that L.HL is a late development in this dialect, occurring after the development of the high onglide in Accent 2. Another interesting area is Dalecarlia, which, with the exception of a couple of locations, is Type 1. Type 1A dialects cluster around Lake Silja, e.g. Siljansns, Leksand, Rttvik, Boda, Mora and Orsa. Otherwise, the rest of Dalecarlia is Type 1B or transitional between 1A and 1B. This prosodic difference correlates with a major isogloss which separates Upper Darlecarlian from the remainder of the Sweonic dialects (Levander, 1928). Some of Meyers curves seem to suggest dialects of a type transitional between 1B and 2A, although the effects are not nearly as strong as that found in Uppland. The dialects in question are Ster and Hedemora. Within Dalecarlian proper, the exceptions seem to be lvdal and Transtrand Swedish. Transtrand is the parish immediately to the west of lvdal. lvdal is Type 2A. Transtrand, however, seems to evince variation between Type 1B and Type 2A. These cases seem to establish some kind of diachronic relationship between 1B and 2A, although they say little of the direction of the change. However, if anything, Uppland would seem to be something of a relic area within a more broad Type 2A area, which is only gradually being brought into the orbit of two-peaked Accent 2. (18) illustrates the mechanisms whereby the shift from one-peaked to twopeaked dialect takes place. (18) Evolution of 1B to 2A by trough delay L H L H L Stage 1 1B . . Stage 2 1B2A H L . H L . L H H L . H L H L .
Stage 3
2A
5.1.3. Peak delay in the further evolution of two-peak dialects: 2A to 2B In Type 2A, Accent 1 has a late peak in the stressed syllable or early in the post-stress syllable, while Accent 2 has a peak in each syllable. In Type 2B, the situation in Accent 2 is the same: given the disyllabic frame, the peak has moved as far to the right as it can. In this sense, the second syllable of a disyllabic word in Type 2A behaves like a monosyllabic word with respect to the possibilities of peak delay. Accent 1, however, undergoes further peak
18
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delay to end up with its peak in the post-stress syllable. The 2B dialects are concentrated in Gtaland. A closer look at Meyers curves for Dalsland, Bohusln, Gtaland and Smland turns up some interesting variation which falls outside the GrdingLindblad typology. This variation turns on whether there is a nal L% boundary tone in the citation forms or not. We nd LHL% (Accent 1) and HLHL% (Accent 2) in stergtland as a whole, as well as the only dialects Meyer documents for Dalsland (ml [M68]) and Bohusln (Skee [M69]). In Vstergtland and Smland, the picture is more varied. In Vstergtland, only Vnersborg (M71) has nal L%. The other Vstergtland dialects in the sample (Mariestad [M70], Kind [M72], Bors [M73]) all have LH% (Accent 1) and HLH% (Accent 2). In Smland the picture is particularly confusing. In Smland, the L% dialects of Type 2B are Vstervik (M79) and Kalmar (M83). Of the other 2B dialects, Nssj (M78) would appear to lack the L%. Sommen (M82) appears to have the L% in Accent 2, but lack it in Accent 1. land (Kastlsa [M84]) is a mixed type, since it has LHL% in Accent 1 and HLH in Accent 2, possible evidence of truncation having applied in Accent 2 to eliminate tonal crowding on the second syllable. Ignoring Smland, Gta Swedish dialects of Type 2B fall into two subtypes: those in which the nal L% remains and those in which it has been truncated. The truncated variety is most obviously associated with central area of Vstergtland, while the non-truncated varieties occur peripherally in the Gta-speaking area: in the western peripheries Bohusln and Dalsland, and in stergtland to the east. The geographical distribution is thus consistent with the truncated varieties arising out of a later development. In respect of this change I dont have a great deal to add to what has already been proposed by Riad. As he shows (Riad, 2003), Stockholm Swedish has variable realization of Accent 2 in trisyllabic simplex forms such as the owers, and he suggests that the right-oriented variant is precisely the variant which has become generalized in dialects of the Gta type. The reason for the rightward shift of the H tone is unclear, but it may have to do with enhancement since, in shifting to the nal syllable, the H tone becomes part of a salient contour. Many of the Gta dialects have subsequently lost this contour, by getting rid of the nal L%. This kind of process is welldocumented as truncation (Grnnum, 1991, Grice, 1995, Ladd, 1996). (19) summarizes the mechanism whereby dialects of the type 2B evolved from 2A. Again, I assume limited reanalysis. Movement of the H tone off the stressed syllable, in Accent 1 this time, triggers the insertion of a L* tone on the stressed syllable. (19) Evolution of 2A to 2B by peak delay
19 Accent 2 H L H L . H L H L . H L H L . H L H L .
Stage 1
2A
Accent 1 H L . H L . L H L . L H L .
Stage 2
2B
Stage 3
2B (reanalyzed)
Stage 4
2B (truncated)
In sum, peak delay is further implicated in the shift from 2A to 2B. Again, this appears highly consistent with the dialect geographic facts, since 2A and 2B are contiguous. The relative recency of 2B is also revealed by a geographic integrity which is unfragmented by later innovations. This would tend to favour the interpretation that Type 2 in general is relatively recent compared to Type 1. Bergen and Skne: 2B to 1A? The dialects of West Norway (Bergen, lesund) and Skne (Malm) classify according to the Grding-Lindblad scheme as a dialect of Type 1A. The most straightforward interpretation of the geographical distribution of the relevant dialects is that they represent the conservative type. However there is an interesting difference between Bergen/Malm/Trelleborg and other dialects of Type 1A which should give us pause before accepting this conclusion. This difference is revealed by closer inspection of Meyers curves and so far has not been explained. While North Norwegian, and other dialects in Skne realize the accent distinction as HL% LH.L%, Bergen Norwegian and Malm/Trelleborg Scanian Swedish have HLH% LHLH% apparently with nal boundary H% in citation forms. This nal rise is a striking feature of the dialects in question (Andersen, 1949). The extra nal H% makes these dialects the exact mirror image of Stockholm, which is 2A. The question is where this nal rise comes from. There are two hypotheses. One possibility is to derive the pattern from Type 2B by means of the mechanism of target delay, e.g. Accent 1: LH% > HLH% > HLH%, Accent 2: HLH% > LHLH% > LHLH%. This would entail that these dialects were ultra-advanced diachronically. A second possibility is that the H% boundary tone in citation forms arose from a readjustment of the mapping between intonation melody and pragmatic function. Many dialects of English have a contrast between (falling) H*L and (rising) L*H or H*H pitch accents (Ladd, 1996). In RP it has been the
20
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case that H*L has had a declarative force, while a high-rise terminal (HRT) signals tentativeness. Over the last twenty years or so, the use of L*H and H*H has, amongst younger speakers, spread in utterances with declarative force. In some varieties of English HRT has become neutral in statements. See Grabe (2002) for the implications of variation for prosodic typology. As Grabe shows for a range of dialects in the British Isles, each utterance type (statement, wh-question, yes-no question, declarative question) generally has more than one competing melody. Some sense of the likelihood of each of these scenarios may be obtained from examining Meyers curves and checking their provenance. Bergen is bordered to the east by 2B (East Norwegian) and to the south by 2A (Stavanger, Southeast Norwegian). It is conceivable that Bergen pitch accent is a development of Type 2B. The same holds of Skne, since it borders on dialects of Type 2. In Halland and Kalmar, both of which border Skne and Blekinge immediately to the north, we nd dialects of type 2A and 2B. However, when we look at the curves for Skne generally, we nd both types of 1A. While Malm and Trelleborg evince the nal rise, Lund does not. It is not likely that 1A contours with HRT represent an innovation from 2B. Another reason has to do with the clustering of dialect features. 1A is one of a raft of dialect features which separates West Norwegian from East Norwegian and Scanian Swedish from the rest (Brndum-Nielsen, 1927). Nonetheless, further research is needed to resolve this question since all typological research on Scandinavian pitch accent has had declarative utterances as their point of departure. 5.1.4. Accent variation in simplicia: conclusions Grding and Lindblads two discrete parameters may be understood in terms of a single continuous phonetic parameter. Typological variation between Grding and Lindblads discrete types 1A, 1B, 2A and 2B can be largely understood in terms of target delay. The relationship between Grding and Lindblads types is thus a diachronic series 1A1B2A2B. This interpretation was shown to be consistent with the known facts of dialect geography. In the following sections I will put the account to work in explaining additional accentual features of Scandinavian. 5.2. C OMPOUND
WORDS
Riad (2003) shows that previous accounts of the Scandinavian accent typology have been too narrow in their focus on simplex words. He goes on to show that the typology of accentuation of compound words is rich in implications for our understanding of the diachrony of pitch accent in general. In his typology of compound accent types, Riad introduces a distinction between connective and non-connective compound accent. However, I pro-
21
pose to distinguish four patterns of compound accentuation: initial, nal, connective and double. Riad does not distinguish between connective accent proper and double accent. The initial state in Old Scandinavian was, we may assume, initial accent. On the basis of dialectal and historical evidence, I will argue that (1) as a result of peak delay, initial accent could develop into either nal or connective accent and (2) that double accent arises out of a previous stage with nal accent. (20) provides stylized curves for each accentuation type. (20) a. Initial (Troms)
mid sommer dansen b. Final (North Bothnian)
the midsummer dance
mid sommar dansen c. Connective (Bod, Narvik)
the midsummer dance
mid sommer dansen d. Double (Stockholm)
mid sommar dansen There are signicant tonal differences between the compound accentuation types. Dialects with initial accentuation generally have Accent 2 in compounds, although some, such as Malm Swedish and Oslo Norwegian have a lexical distinction between Accent 1 and Accent 2 in compounds. Final accent almost always entails Accent 1 on the head PrWd, while connective accent always entails Accent 2. Double accent seems to entail Accent 2 on the rst stressed PrWd and Accent 1 on the last stressed PrWd. Thus Bruce (2003) proposes to analyze Standard Swedish compound accent as H*L. . . L*H. . . . (21) Standard Swedish compound accent (Bruce, 2003) H*L L*H L% midsommardansen
22
Patrik Bye
5.2.1. From initial to nal compound accent As I will attempt to show, these differences are not accidental, but relate crucially to the way these different accentual types interrelate diachronically. The typology of compound accent rst becomes intelligible when we relate it to peak delay. Let me outline the mechanism I have in mind by asking the reader to imagine two different types of disyllabic word (or mainstress domain), simplex and compound. The simplex disyllable will be a single foot: [( )]W d , while the compound disyllable will consist of two feet: [( )(` )]W d . Crucially, the second syllable of the compound disyllable is stressed, entailing greater prominence relative to the second syllable of the simplex disyllable. Peak delay, it must be assumed, applied in simplex and compound disyllables alike, resulting in a rightward shift of the H pitch accent. It is striking that some dialects with nal compound accent are of Type 1A such as Scanian (Olsni, 1879), i.e. Accent 2 is realized by delay of the peak within the stressed syllable. This entails on present assumptions that nal compound accent is a very old feature that must have originated in dialects of Type 1A. The implied vintage of the phenomenon is certainly consistent with the dialect geographic facts, since nal compound accent turns out to have a ubiquitous, yet sporadic, relic-type geographical distribution within Scandinavia as a whole. The most comprehensive recent survey of nal compound accent in Swedish is Selenius (1972). According to her, the phenomenon is found all over Sweden. The situation in Norway is entirely analogous, where it is best known in Verdal (Trndelag), Ottadal, Gudbrandsdal and Troms. We observe similar things in Danish.7 (22) Final compound accent in Swedish dialects (Selenius, 1972)
Further evidence of the archaic nature of nal compound accent comes from Standard East Norwegian, which has nal compound accent on a restricted set of lexical items (Kristoffersen, 2000), although the default pattern is overwhelmingly primary stress on the 1 initial constituent. Examples are , Maundy Thursday; 1 , Good Fri1 1 1 1 day; , crucify; , revelation; , little girl; , cobbler. It is striking that most of the words with this property have a conservative ecclesiastical association. Also, placenames in which the rst constituent is the name of a Norwegian king also receive nal stress: 1 (Fredriksborg); 1 (Kristiansand); 1 (Olavsvern).
23
Norrbotten
Lappland Vsterbotten
ngermanland Eastern Jmtland Medelpad Uppland
Sdermanland Vrmland Vstergtland Bohusln Southern Halland Blekinge Gotland Skne West Nyland (Finland)
verkalix (Noreen, 1907, Pihl, 1924), Nederkalix and Tre (Rutberg, 1930), Pite (Zetterholm, 1946) Arjeplog (Wallstrm, 1943) Burtrsk (Lindgren, 1890, Larsson, 1929), Degerfors (strm, 1888) Larsson (1929) Vestlund (1923) Vestlund (1923) Hesselman, Witting, Schagerstrm, Schagerstrm and Eriksson, Upmark (1905, 1968, 1882, 1945, 1869) Ericsson (1914) Fryksdalen (Noreen, 1877, Noreen, 1907) Gtlind (1940) Skee (Lindberg, 1906), Srbygden (Noreen, 1907) Wigforss (1917) Swenning (1917) Klintberg, Gustavson (1885, 1948) Kock, Ols eni, Noreen (1885, 1879, 1907) Selenius (1972)
Initially, the nding that dialects of Type 1A may have nal compound accent appears somewhat surprising since, naively, we might expect nal compound accent to have arisen in those dialects in which the H tone had already tipped over into the second syllable, i.e. those of 1B. However, we neednt assume that the peak shifted all the way into the second syllable if we address the problem at the appropriate level of resolution. There are good reasons to expect moderate peak delay to behave in this way. The crucial factor is coarticulation: even if the actual high tone peak is located late in the rst syllable, decay will be gradual and relatively high pitch will persist into the second syllable. However, the discrete effect of maintaining the coarticulatory effect of the H tone into the second syllable may be expected to differ depending on the prominence of the second syllable. Specically, variation in prominent positions are likely to be more readily perceived and phonologized by new
24
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generations of speakers than variation of a similar magnitude in less prominent positions. It is this difference in the aptitude to phonologize that lies at the heart of the evolution of nal compound accent. Because pitch accents associate phonologically with stressed syllables, the mere fact of aligning the tonal peak in the direction of a stressed syllable will signicantly increase the chances of triggering a phonological reanalysis by which H delinks and reassociates to the following stressed syllable. The possibilities are summarized schematically below in (23). (23) Peak delay and H tone reassociation in compounds a. Compounds: reanalysis
` H
` H
` H b.
Simplex: no reanalysis
Notice the peak delay hypothesis generates a concrete prediction, which on initial impressions is somewhat surprising. It should be possible to nd dialects with predictable distribution of both initial and nal accent such that nal accent occurs whenever the rst PrWd has a monosyllabic main-stress domain and is followed directly by a (secondary) stressed syllable; otherwise the pattern defaults to initial main stress. (24) Accentuation and number of syllables Where the rst member of the compound is a monosyllable, we predict nal accentuation. Where the rst member is disyllabic or longer, we predict initial accentuation.
There is actually both dialectal and historical evidence which supports this prediction. Let us address the dialectal evidence rst. We return to the historical evidence in 5.2.5. In the south Scanian dialect of Skytt (Kock, 1885),
25
compounds may receive either initial or nal accentuation. In compounds in which the rst member is disyllabic or trisyllabic, the stress falls on the rst member. (25) Compound stress in Skytt Scanian (Kock, 1885) a. initial PrWd is monosyllable cabbage stonewall enclosure household male individual lefthanded full of big words highly educated swine-like tool magic initial PrWd is polysyllable
2
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
b.
2 2 2
2
oatmeal beechwood sojourn mirror glass person who lacks clothes
Further evidence of the age of nal compound accent may be found in the treatment of Old Scandinavian monosyllables with a rising sonority coda, which surface with the nal pattern despite having undergone epenthesis in many cases. As we have seen, accentual variation must predate epenthesis. (26) Skytt Scanian: initial PrWd is original monosyllable
1 1 1 1 1
hailstone spider layer of leaf fat ngertip gimmer, ewe-lamb
(ON hagl, hail) (ON eitr, venom) (ON str, leaf fat; fatty food) (ON ngr, nger) (ON gymbr, gimmer)
In South Halland Swedish (Wigforss, 1917), there is a similar pattern, although there are some interesting and telling differences. Like South Scanian, accent is initial in compounds whose rst member is di- or trisyllabic. (27) South Halland Swedish: initial PrWd is polysyllable (Wigforss, 1917)
2
2
2
wild rye porridge spoon clothes brush
26
2 2
Patrik Bye
2 2 2 2 2 2
herring barrel juniper bush summer potato testimony Christian name people who drive to town (on market day) carpenters shop eyelashes
In compounds whose rst constituent is monosyllabic, stress may fall on either on the rst or last constituent, the distribution being determined lexically, e.g. 1 , bee hive vs. 2 , hum of bees; 1 , godson vs. 2 , godmother. Some lexical items evince facultative and , blueberries. geographic variation, e.g. 1 2 (28) South Halland Swedish: initial PrWd is open monosyllable a. Final accent 1 godson 1 bee-hive 1 predator 1 beetroots 1 logging saw 1 wooden bridges 1 little pigs b. Initial accent 2 godmother 2 hum of bees 2 blood money 2 red-haired 2 forest magpie 2 wooden ploughs 2 the little lakes
However, there is a telling difference between South Scanian and South Halland Swedish. In South Scanian, any two-word compound whose rst member was originally monosyllabic bears nal accent. In South Halland Swedish, however, only compounds whose rst constituent is an open monosyllable have the lexical option of receiving nal accent. If the rst member of the compound is a closed monosyllable, the accent must be initial. (29) South Halland Swedish: initial PrWd is closed monosyllable
2
2
2
backwards chives ghost
Scandinavian Pitch Accent 2 2
27
mosquito bites nickname
The reason for this difference would seem to have to do with the relative degree of coarticulation following a closed monosyllable compared to an open monosyllable. Apparently, the presence of a coda entailed a greater proportion of the decay took place before the post-tonic syllable, inhibiting the perception of high pitch in the post-tonic syllable of the compound in South Halland Swedish, resulting in the asymmetry described by Wigforss. The dialect of Tre and Nederkalix in Norrland in the far north of Sweden (Rutberg, 1930) demonstrates yet another interesting variation on the nal compound accent pattern, which is reminiscent of South Halland Swedish. When the initial syllable of the compound is a light syllable CV(C) or pair of light syllables CVCV, nal accent results; where it is heavy CVCC or CVVC, the compound receives initial accent. (30) Compound accentuation in Tre and Nederkalix Swedish a. Final accentuation (i) First constituent CV 1 sea water 1 snowake 1 vain (ii) First constituent CVC 1 pitch black 1 little girl 1 table leg 1 porridge bowl 1 inkwell (iii) First constituent CVCV 1 just as good 1 poor wretch 1 the nostrils 1 eternity b. Initial accentuation 2 ght, brawl 2 brooding hen 2 christening 2 the black animals 2 the ginger
Notice that the shift from initial to nal stress changes the words accent from Accent 2 to Accent 1. This is exactly what we should expect if nal accent is the result of peak delay. Consider the shift with respect to the compound , house god.
28 (31)
Patrik Bye
Shift of initial to nal compound accent (1A) L H L H L

However, Accent 1 itself may be further subject to further peak delay, as argued throughout 5.1. Assuming the input to the reanalysis is a dialect of Type 1A, the compound starts out life with initial stress and Accent 2, i.e. rising tone on the rst syllable. Attraction of the H tone into the second syllable, however, results in a falling contour on that syllable, giving Accent 1. (32) Final compound accent shift to 1B L L H L

L H L
5.2.2. Generalizing nal/connective accent to polysyllables Not all dialects with nal accent restrict its occurrence to two-PrWd compounds in which the rst PrWd is a monosyllable. Stockholm is bordered immediately to its north (Uppland) and south (Sdermanland) by dialects in which nal compound accent is fully generalized. Schagerstrm and Eriksson (1945) document the use of nal accent in Grs Swedish on the Uppland coast. As in South Scanian, nal accent is the dominant pattern in disyllabic compounds (33-a). However, nal stress is also the rule in compounds generally in this dialect (33-b). (33) Compound stress in Grs Swedish (Schagerstrm and Eriksson, 1945) a. Initial PrWd is monosyllable wood for arrows paternal grandmother spirits, liquor eyelid full moon Initial PrWd is polysyllable
1 1 1 1 1 1 1
b.
judgment day livestock
29
1 1 1 1 1 1
one who dresses the bride eld ploughed for the second time faeces stable dung heap the morning of Good Friday plum compot
Examples from Sdermanland Swedish are provided in (34). (34) Compound stress in Sdermanland Swedish (Ericsson, 1914)
1 1 1 1 1 1
(no gloss) raspberry conserve spa (health-wellspring) coffee-pan engagement party the wedding day
The Sweonic dialects surrounding Stockholm are the most southerly in a vast area extending to the far north of Sweden in which nal accent was once fully generalized. We have already seen examples from Tre/Nederkalix Bothnian, in which nal and initial stress vary. The dialect of verkalix, which lies immediately to the north of Tre and Nederkalix (and is the northernmost parish on the Swedish coast), has fully generalized nal compound accent. (35) Compound stress in verkalix Swedish (Pihl, 1924) a. Initial PrWd is monosyllable bow-legged sh shoal strongly whiteglinting (of horses eyes) woodpecker womens trousers cottongrass Thor wall (storm cloud) Initial PrWd is light disyllable task river (water ood) paunch yellowhammer Initial PrWd is polysyllable
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1
b.
c.
cobble stone north wind sum of money
30
1 1
Patrik Bye
christened child (supernatural) forest woman
Clearly, what I have proposed thus far is not sufcient as an explanation of this pattern since disyllabic and trisyllabic rst members, even with peak delay, are unlikely to generate the kind of coarticulatory effect which appears to have been responsible for the Scanian and Halland Swedish patterns. Dialects like Grs may have come about through the generalization of the Scanian compound accentuation pattern to compounds with an initial polysyllabic PrWd. Precisely what the mechanism involved is I leave to further research, although I suspect a major role is played by the statistical preponderance of two-member compounds whose rst member is a polysyllable. This pattern would have served the basis for generalization of nal accent throughout the entire lexicon. Another observation, which may have its basis in the learnability of accentual patterns, is that there do not seem to be any compounds of three or more constituents which have accent on the second member. If accent shift was the result of peak delay alone, we might expect to see accent patterns like [W d ][W d ][W d ` ] or [W d ][W d ][W d ` ][W d ` ], and so on. Perhaps such patterns are inadmissible on grounds of learnability: accent can be initial or nal, but not medial as indeed is suggested by the edge-oriented nature of main stress in languages generally (Hayes, 1995). 5.2.3. From initial to connective compound accent Connective accent, as dened here, involves the spreading of a H tone from the head of the rst PrWd to the head of the nal PrWd in the compound. Interestingly, this pattern is only attested for dialects of Type 1B, such as Nordland Norwegian, Lower Dalecarlia and Gotland. (36) shows how connective accent works in the Gutnish dialect of Lau on Gotland. (36) Connective accent in Lau Gutnish (Klintberg, 1885) LH*L% a.

spectacles case L% LH* b.

stubbornness L% L H* c.

fty riksdaler banknote Accent 2 in simplex disyllables in many 1B dialects is characterized as having a peak on the syllable boundary or early in the second syllable. However,
31
there are additional phonetic properties in Nordland Norwegian simplicia which suggest why there might be an afnity between this accentual type and connective compound accent. Starting from the traditional assumption that North Norwegian dialects are low-tone dialects, Kristoffersen (2000) (p. 238n.) observes that In many North Norwegian dialects, the initial L of accent 2 seems to be absent, so that the difference between the two accents is not one of tonal composition, but of timing [. . . ]. The auditory impression of Nordland Norwegian Accent 2 disyllables is frequently that the high tone is smeared out over both syllables in a way which invites the following phonological interpretation of the accent distinction in (37). (37) Possible phonological analysis of Nordland Accent 2 Accent 1 Accent 2 H L

H L
lamb
to lamb
This straddling of syllable boundaries that we nd in Accent 2 in dialects of this type is very similar to connective accent, and so the seeds were already present in the phonetic implementation of Accent 2 in simplex words. Plausibly, the situation which led to the evolution of connective accent is similar to the one already explored for nal accent: the pattern nucleated around twomember compounds whose rst member was monosyllabic. It is possible we might nd dialects of type 1B in which the distribution of connective accent has not been generalized beyond this stage. However, this question I will leave to future research. (38) Shift of initial to connective compound accent H L H L

5.2.4. From nal accentuation to double accentuation in compounds In 5.2.2, we looked at accentuation in Grs Swedish compounds and established that nal accent was the default pattern in this dialect. Nevertheless, Grs Swedish does have a number of compounds with exceptional initial stress, as shown in (39).
32 (39)
Patrik Bye
Exceptional initial compound stress in Grs Swedish (Schagerstrm and Eriksson, 1945)

bark of the Frangula woodpecker schoolmaster archbishop
In Grs Swedish, the distribution would seem to be lexically determined. However, in other dialects, such as Sdermanland Swedish (Ericsson, 1914), nal and double accent are in free variation, strongly suggesting a genetic connection. In this section, I propose that double accentuation is a relatively late development of nal accent which connects more generally with the evolution of two-peaked accent 2. Interestingly, some dialects seem on traditional to invert the relation between syllable count and nal accent that we saw in Scanian and Halland. Kock mentions the case of ngermanland Swedish (1885, p. 307, and 1901, p. 179), which has many nally accented compounds in which the rst constituent is disyllabic. Finally accented compounds in which the rst constituent is monosyllabic, on the other hand, are apparently hard to come by. The situation in ngermanland Swedish is undoubtedly related to what Bruce (1982, 2003) has documented for Lule Swedish. In two-member compounds in which the rst member is a monosyllable, the pattern of accentuation is the same as in Standard Swedish: H*L . . . L*. (40) Compound accentuation in Lule Swedish (Bruce, 1982, Bruce, 2003, Riad, 2003) a. Default teachers meeting lrar mte ice-hockey team ishockey lag sommar stuga summer cottage b. Compound with initial monosyllabic constituent hund( )kx cow parsley vit( )sippa wood anemone minute hand mi nut visare
Bruce describes the difference between Standard and North Bothnian as simply a matter of timing. In Standard Swedish, the L prominence tone is timed to occur no later than the post-tonic syllable. In North Bothnian, however, the H* tone apparently spreads rightwards, forcing the prominence L over to the syllable preceding the last stressed syllable of the compound. (41) Compound accent in Standard Swedish and North Bothnian compared (Bruce, 2003)
33 stress clash stress gap
compound word
EAST NORTH In the case of compounds whose rst member has a monosyllabic main-stress domain, there is a stress clash. In this case, the H* tone is naturally inhibited from spreading rightwards. Given this analysis, the nal stress of the forms with a stress gap has a perceptual cause. The spread of the H* tone entails that the only tone contour in the compound word falls on the head syllable of the nal PrWd, which has greatest prominence as a result. Phonologically, however, the head of the rst PrWd in the compound is also stressed. The North Bothnian pattern may thus be seen as furnishing an interesting variation on double compound accent and its development must also be seen as connected to the evolution of two-peaked Accent 2. What I am suggesting is that the rst constituent acquires a pitch accent. At rst, this would appear to be equally unmotivated. However, I suggest the motivation may tie in with the development of the H onglide in Accent 2 in the transition from Type 1B to Type 2A. Recall that the shift of the H tone onto the second syllable results by hypothesis in an instance of reanalysis in which a L* tone is inserted on the stressed syllable. In a compound with Accent 2, the initial L stretch at the beginning of a compound is identied as the same as that in a simplex word. tone, then, the compounds follow Where simplicia undergo prothesis of a H suit. The rest of the story is the same as for the subsequent development onglide squarely into the in compounds. Further peak delay brings the H stressed syllable. In the case of compounds in Stockholm Swedish, this results ultimately in the characteristic H*L. . . L*H. . . melody. Between each of the H tones there is a L tone stretch between the rst and last stressed syllables. It is this property which lead Riad to identify double accent as a kind of connective accent. However, as I have argued, connective accent as instantiated in Nordland Norwegian and double accent as found in Stockholm Swedish have latterly rather different motivations despite a common historical basis in peak delay. (42) Shift of nal to double compound accent
34 L H L

Patrik Bye
L H L
H L

L H L
L H

L H L
If correct, this hypothesis may provide us with an estimate as to what point Stockholm shifted to Type 2, since this would have gone hand in hand with the shift from nal to double accent. Such a shift in compound accent is well-documented as having occurred between the 18th and 19th centuries in Standard Swedish. This would tend to lead to the conclusion that the development of two-peaked Accent 2 is of rather recent origin, e.g. 300 years, as opposed to being a legacy of Proto-Nordic (1400 years). It follows from these considerations of the relationships between the compound accent types that connective accent, as dened by Riad, is not monolithic. We should instead distinguish between connective accent proper and double accent. Double accent itself may occur in a non-connective (Sweonic) and a connective (Bothnian) variant. The double accent of the Sweonic (2A) and Gothian (2B) dialects on the one hand (with low tone plains between high tone peaks), and the connective accent of Gutnish and North Norwegian (both 1B with high tone plateaus between low tone valleys) on the other, are separate developments, both centring on peak delay but in rather different ways. In the case of 1B, this relationship is fairly direct since it is the result of H tone spread. The L tone stretch in double accent, on the other hand, is simply a matter of interpolation between two L tones not L tone spread as is implied in Riads connective interpretation. This interpretation is in line with recent work by de Lacy (1999), who proposes that there are no constraints which would require the spreading of a L tone to a stressed syllable. The conclusion that connective and double accent are only remotely connected with eachother isnt really surprising when we consider that, phonetically, the connective accents of Type 1B and Type 2A/B dialects are near mirror images of eachother. Given this, it is not clear how 1B connective accent could mutate into Type 2 connective accent or vice versa. 5.2.5. Historical evidence for compound accent shift The dissertations on historical accentuation by Kock (1885, 1901) provide a great deal of support for the model of accent shift in compounds described here. Kock bases his conclusions on a number of important historical treatments of accentuation from the 17th century onwards.
35
According to Andreas Arvidi Strengnensis, who described the accentuation of Stockholm Swedish in a manual of Swedish poetics (Thet Swenske Poeterij, 1651) compounds consisting of two monosyllabic words could be stressed on either the rst or the last element.8 Kock investigated a further four contemporary poetical works a found a number of words which receive initial stress in Modern Standard Swedish received nal accentuation in the 17th century. (43) Final accentuation in 17th century Swedish kring g af grund o maak hem wist klff saal brud gum svart soot rtt sint ogud achtig ofr gngeligh to go around abyss without like residence seamed saddle bridegroom jealousy honest ungodly immortal, eternal
From this we can conclude with Kock that during the 17th century, the variety of Swedish spoken in the capital allowed facultative nal compound accentuation where the rst constituent of the compound was a monosyllable. As we have already seen, nal accentuation in words of this sort was the norm in South Scanian. The next claim, that the nal accent pattern was generalized to compounds in general, as was argued to be the case for Grs Swedish in Uppland and Sdermanland, is more difcult to substantiate by appeal to the available historical evidence. Kock (1885) discusses three early grammars which describe generalized nal compound accent. However, at least two of these, Nils Tillmans Grammatica suecana (1696) and Erik Alrots Kort utkast till then Swenska Rimkonsten (1727), were written by northerners and, as we have seen, generalized nal compound accent is a feature of North Swedish. The third, Prosodia Suecana (1745) is attributed to a West Bothnian, Carolus Renmarck. Kock raises serious doubts about this attribution (p. 306n), but on the basis of the dialect characteristics ascribes the work to a northerner. Alrot describes the accentuation in disyllabic compounds as initial in the unsufxed form but as vacillating between initial and nal in the sufxed form.
8 [A]lle the Ord, som re kompne tilsamman aff twenne Monosyllabis, hwilke hafwa samma arten som Monosyllaba, aff hwilka the sttias tilsamman, s at the kunne antingen sttias lnge eller krte til bgges Stafwelserne.
36 (44)
Patrik Bye
Disyllabic compounds in Alrots Swedish tnstop tnstopettenstpettin stoup brgart brgartenbergrten mineral slsken slskenetsolsknet sunshine nsduk nsduken nsdken handkerchief
Compounds in which the rst PrWd was disyllabic received nal accentuation according to these authors. The same was true for certain derived words. (45) Disyllabic-initial compounds in Alrots Swedish derlta bloodlet myrtenkrna misteltoe crown sommarvrme summer heat plommonslt plum jam hemlighlla keep secret lderdm age kpenskp purchases uselht wretchedness
What is not clear is to what extent, if at all, this pattern was reective of Stockholm Swedish of the 18th century. It is not impossible. Although born in ngermanland, Tillman studied in Uppsala and had a priesthood in Stockholm. Alrot was from Gvle which, although not far from Uppsala or Stockholm, is sometimes considered as belonging to the North. The Renmarck manuscript was an Uppsala dissertation. What is clear, though, is that dialects bordering on Stockholm both to the north (Uppland) and south (Sdermanland) had precisely this generalized form of nal accent. For Uppland see Schagerstrm and Eriksson (1945); Sdermanland Ericsson (1914). Kock concludes that the balance of evidence favours the interpretation that Swedish generally had nal compound stress.9
[. . . ] (in contrast to the normal state of affairs in the 19th century standard language) main stress in the older language (at least dialectally) could often fall on a later constituent in compounds, even when the rst constituent [. . . ] was disyllabic, and in some cases even on the fourth syllable from the beginning [of the word].
Kock, 1885 (p. 310f.)
[. . . ] att (i motsats till det vanliga frhllandet i 1800-talets rspr.) fortis i det ldre sprket (tminstone dialektiskt) ofta kunde ligga p en senare kompositionsled, fven nr frsta kompositionsleden [. . . ] var tvstavig, och i vissa fall till och med p fjrde stafvelsen frn brjan.
37
6. Other accounts In this section we will review competing accounts of the origin, typology and diachrony of Scandinavian pitch accent, focusing on the proposals put forward by Tomas Riad (1998a, 2000a, 2000b, 2000c, 2003), Ove Lorentz (1995, 2001, 2002) and Gjert Kristoffersen (2004). Not all of these researchers address all three to the same degree. While Riad and, more recently Kristoffersen, attempt an integration of all three, Lorentz emphasis is more typological than diachronic. 6.1. T HE P ROTO -N ORDIC H YPOTHESIS In this section we return to the Proto-Nordic Hypothesis (see 4.1) which forms the backbone of Riads work, which is addressed in 6.1.2. Before we review this work, however, we turn in 6.1.1 to the work of DAlquen and Brown (1992), which feeds directly into that of Riad. 6.1.1. DAlquen and Brown 1992 DAlquen and Brown (1992) state their basic position as follows:
[W]here in Germanic and Proto-Norse postradical elements constituted a heavy syllable [. . . ], either original sufx accent or a special heavy syllable accent developed resulting in a double accent (root and sufx), which became Accent II; otherwise a single accent (root only) arose, which became Accent I. Any form reduced to a monosyllable takes Accent I. DAlquen and Brown, 1992 (p. 62)
According to the DAlquenBrown hypothesis, the basis for the later development of Accent 2 was in essence the presence of a secondary stress foot. Such a secondary stress foot could be derived in one of two ways. First, any heavy syllable constituted a moraic trochee. Word-nal consonants did not count towards making a syllable heavy. Second, trisyllabic words received somewhat special treatment according to DAlquen and Brown. If the second and third syllables were light, they were parsed into a moraic trochee. This resulted in a stress clash with the rst syllable, which received main stress irrespective of weight, i.e. ( )( ), e.g. * , hammer, )( ), e.g. * , shepherd, metrically equivalent respectively to ( * , cock, rooster and * , guests. In support of this thesis, DAlquen and Brown studied correlations between reconstructed Proto-Nordic forms and Modern Norwegian. Here are examples of some of their correlations. (46) PN and Modern Norwegian correspondences a. Words lacking secondary stress foot
38
Patrik Bye
b.
PN ModN 1 arm * 1 * army 1 guest * 1 * fjord 1 foot * 1 * daughters 1 * feet Words containing secondary stress foot PN * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * ModN
1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
2 2 2 2
mane cock, rooster heart daughter arms armies manes guests shepherd saying fjords cocks, roosters hammer summer shepherds sayings hearts
As shown in (46-a), all words which lack a secondary stress foot surface as Accent 1 words in Modern Norwegian. On the other hand, (46-b) shows that all the words which do have at least one secondary stress foot surface as Accent 2 words in Modern Norwegian. The one exception, * , mane has undergone apocope, and therefore cannot bear Accent 2. Modern Norwegian has undergone considerable morphological simplication since the Old Scandinavian period. In many Proto-Nordic paradigms, there was an alternation in the words prosodic type, since some forms would have had a secondary stress foot and others not. Nevertheless, in some paradigms, the prosodic basis of later Accent 2 was shared by all forms. In weak verbs,
39
for example, the conditions for the later development of Accent 2 were met throughout the paradigm. Consider the conjugation of the verb * to judge in the present indicative in (47). (47) d omijan, to judge
SG PL
1 2 3
Some of the correspondences presented by DAlquen and Brown are at rst blush problematic for the present approach. To take an example, consider the fact that the present and preterite indicative forms of strong verbs is overwhelmingly Accent 1 in both Norwegian and Swedish. In the modern standard languages, person and number distinctions were eliminated, with generalization of the singular form. In the present tense, two of the three person-number sufxes were light, which is condition for the evolution of Accent 1. Another apparent problem is the development of root stem nouns10 such as * foot, whose reconstructed paradigm is shown below. (48) PN f ots, foot
SG NOM ACC GEN DAT PL
* * * *
* * * *
Assuming generalization of the nominative, DAlquen and Brown predict the plural form in Modern Norwegian to be Accent 1, which indeed it is. On the present approach, however, if * is the form directly input to the Norse plural, then we would counterfactually predict Accent 2, since it is disyllabic. For the present proposal to work here, it would have to be the case that the vowel was lost in the plural prior to the development of accent. After this, epenthesis of a vowel would have occurred to break up the reverse sonority cluster. This is in actual fact precisely what happened as can be seen from the Old Scandinavian paradigm. The accentual properties of root stem nouns thus relate far more directly to the number of syllables in Old Scandinavian. (49)
10
OSc f otr, foot
Voyles -class in Voyles (1992).
40
Patrik Bye
While the correlations speak for themselves, we must recognize that these are merely correlations, not pairings of input and output in some diachronic phonological process. In making these correlations DAlquen and Brown have not actually established what the input to the development of accent was, simply because they do not discuss any possible intermediate stages. In fact, there is dialectal evidence that the correlation between post-radical heavy syllables in Germanic and Accent 2 is not the whole story. Standard Norwegian and Swedish have eliminated all of the morphosyntactic distinctions in the nominal paradigm leaving only the distinction between singular and plural, which overwhelmingly generalize the Old Scandinavian nominative form. In dialects which preserve a wider range of morphosyntactic distinctions, however, such as lvdal Dalecarlian, we apparently nd Accent 2 from sources other than a Proto-Nordic post-radical heavy syllable short nasalized vowels. The consideration that post-radical heavy syllable is not a necessary condition for Accent 2 in simplex words requires that we abandon the Proto-Nordic Hypothesis for the Old Scandinavian Hypothesis. Syncope largely eliminated unstressed short vowels in Proto-Nordic, but aparently left short unstressed nasal vowels unaffected. Voyles, 1992 (p. 120f.) describes Syncope as applying in two stages. Syncope I targeted any wordnal non-high vowel as well as any non-footed word-nal high vowel. The rule also applied before the inectional ending . Syncope II extended the process before other consonants. Because, however, Syncope failed to apply to short nasal vowels, there are short vowel reexes of at least some ProtoGermanic short vowels. The Proto-Nordic Hypothesis predicts, counterfactually, that we should have Accent 1 in these cases.11 One case in point is the accusative plural form of masculine nouns. Consider the following paradigms in Proto-Germanic (Voyles, 1992), Old Scandinavian (Haugen, 2002) and lvdal Dalecarlian (Levander, 1909). The important correspondences are the ones in boldface. (50)
11
Development of a Germanic u-class masculine noun, son
In response it may be possible to maintain that the nasal vowels of Proto-Germanic were long. However, Proto-Germanic is reconstructed as having had a legacy distinction between short and long vowels in unstressed syllables, and this contrast apparently also extended to the nasalized vowels. A near minimal pair is *blind, blind (m.acc.pl) (< PIE *bh l endh ons) vs. h h *blind:, blind (f.acc.pl) (< PIE *b l end a:ns).
41
a.
PGmc
* * * *
SG
* * * *
PL
b.
ON
NOM ACC GEN DAT

SG

PL
c.
lvDc
NOM ACC
1 1
2 2
DAT
As we can see from (50), the correlation between the Old Norse forms and the lvdal Dalecarlian forms is exactly as we would expect given the Old Scandinavian Hypothesis: words which are monosyllabic in ON have reexes with Accent 1, while polysyllabic words acquire Accent 2. We nd a similar failure of Syncope in the paradigm of n-class neuters. Here it is the dative singular form which the Proto-Nordic Hypothesis predicts, counterfactually, to surface with Accent 1. The reex in lvdal Dalecarlian is Accent 2. (51) Development of a Germanic n-class neuter noun a. PGmc
* * * *
* * * *
b.
ON
42
Patrik Bye

SG

PL
c.
lvDc
NOM / ACC
2
DAT
Without allowing for the (as far as I know) unattested possibility of vowels attracting secondary stress purely by virtue of nasalization the correspondences between Proto-Nordic and Modern Scandinavian in all its dialectal variety become difcult to state. (52) PGmc * * * ON > > >

lvDc > > >

2
2 2
days (m.acc.pl) guest (m.acc.pl) blind (m.acc.pl)
6.1.2. Riad 1992, 1998, 2003 As we have seen, DAlquen and Brown (1992) provide an impressive set of correspondences between Proto-Nordic and Modern Scandinavian. In the last section, I argued that these correspondences provide a spurious basis for theorizing about the origin of Scandinavian pitch accent distinction. Another problem is that they provide no phonetic mechanism for relating the two. This is where the work of Tomas Riad comes in.12 Using the lexical correlation proposed by DAlquen and Brown (1992) between sufxes inducing Accent 2 today and sufxes which carried secondary stress in late Old Norse, Riad proposes a phonetic mechanism to account for the change in accentuation
Riad largely adopts the metrical reconstruction of DAlquen and Brown with one exception. These are the trisyllabic words consisting of three light syllables, which DAlquen and Brown unconventionally parse ( )( ). Riad opts for what is cross-linguistically undoubtedly the safer option, ( ) (Hayes, 1995), but this move leaves him with additional complications to resolve. While Accent 2 follows directly for DAlquen and Brown here, Riad has to assume that the secondary stress arises at a later stage, after deletion of the before the nal and subsequent total assimilation to to give a nal heavy (hence secondary stressed) syllable.
12
43
from Proto-Nordic to Modern Scandinavian. An entailment of the theory is that dialects with two-peaked Accent 2 come out as the most archaic. Riad uses four main arguments to support this theory. (1) the lexical correlation between sufxes inducing Accent 2 today and sufxes which carried secondary stress in late Old Norse. (2) We nd two-peaked accents in both lexical and connective function, establishing a parallel between the development of accent in simplex and compound words. Riad takes this as evidence in favour of the hypothesis that the prosodic conditions which gave rise to simplex Accent 2 and connective Accent 2 were in fact identical, or near enough. (3) In contemporary Swedish, compound words are realized with Accent 2. (4) Finally, according to Riad, the dialect evidence is consonant with his hypothesis. Syncope and stress clash Riads central premise concerns the realization of secondary stress. He hypothesized that the last secondary stressed syllable in a Proto-Nordic word under focus was associated with a focus (phrasal) H tone and that any previous stressed syllable (the main-stressed syllable) gets a redundant H tone. Since the main-stressed syllable in the word was also associated with a H tone, any word with a secondary stress would have a two-peaked prole, much like a compound word in Modern Standard Swedish. The development of Accent 2 in disyllables is also bound up with Proto-Nordic Syncope (Noreen, 1923). Many modern disyllables are the reexes of Proto-Nordic trisyllables. Syncope has the unusual distinction that much of it can be followed in rune inscriptions. On the basis of these inscriptions, Riad, 1992 (p. 113f.) sets up the following chronology in (53). (53) Riads chronology of Syncope Stage I ca. 625 AD ca. 675 ca. 700 625700 Stage II ca. 830 medial syncope in heavy stems * > medial syncope in light stems * > nal syncope in trisyllables > , * > * nal syncope in heavy stems > , * > , * > * nal syncope in light stems > , >
44
Patrik Bye
Syncope increased the number of words in the pool with a stress clash. The mechanism is shown in (54). (54) Syncope, stress clash resolution and Accent 2 X x X x X I painted
>
>
>
X x
>
shepherds
>
X x
>
I placed
>
X x
>
kettles
On resolution of stress clash, the postulated tone contour was retained, yielding the two-peaked shape characteristic of Accent 2 in Stockholm Swedish. However, Riad allows the entire hypothesis to rest on the dubious assumption that even simplex words containing a non-initial heavy syllable received more than one pitch accent. Such a situation would be typologically marked to say the least. In fact, as far as I know, there are no other languages, let alone Germanic languages or any of the language groups with which they have been in contact, which assign pitch accents to secondary stressed syllables in simplex words in this way. The assumption, that high tone is one of the familiar phonetic correlates of what we perceive as stress (Riad, 1998a) does not generalize to secondary stress. Riad, 1998a (p. 75) sees a telling parallel in accentuation between compounds in Modern Stockholm Swedish and the putative input to the whole process, two-peaked accent in PN. The observation is compounds are Accent 2, with their rst peak in the rst (main-stressed) syllable and the second on the last secondary stress. The same generalization holds for certain stressed derivational sufxes. In PN, Riad assumes, focus (phrasal) H occurs near the last stress in the focus domain, and any previous stress receives a redundant H tone. The difference between compound and simplex words is then merely that compound do not eliminate the stress clash. This follows from the fact that each PrWd in the compound PrWd opens a new stress domain. (55) Syncope but no resolution in compounds
45
>
X x
bridegroom
Within the frame of Riads assumptions, this is an elegant account. However it neglects the fact that many Scandinavian dialects have nal compound stress. The putative conservativeness of Central Swedish In this section I will review and attempt to counter some of Riads other arguments for the claim that two-peaked Accent 2 is a direct legacy of ProtoNordic. Riad, 2003 (p. 95) cites the case of lvdal Dalecarlian (Levander, 1909, Levander, 1928), which has two-peaked Accent 2. This dialect has long been a byword amongst students of Scandinavian for linguistic conservativism. If lvdal Dalecarlian has some feature, the reasoning goes, it must be truly old. However, this argument fails to hold up to scrutiny on both internal and comparative grounds. It is true that in several respects, lvdal Dalecarlian is more conservative than most. It has, for example, preserved more or less fully intact the system of four cases found in Old Norse. (Not so, however, the system of verb inection, which has undergone leveling in much the same way as Scandinavian in general, as opposed to Icelandic.) All the same, lvdal Dalecarlian is not the dialect which time left unravaged, and in a whole raft of other respects too numerous to list, lvdal Dalecarlian is nothing if not innovative. In its segmental phonology, there is both vowel harmony and extensive diphthongization. Given this, there is no reason why it shouldnt turn out that its two-peaked realization of Accent 2 is similarly an innovation as opposed to a relic. Building as it does on the mechanism of peak delay, the present proposal obviates the necessity of seeing two-peaked Accent 2 as so unlikely, and with it the need to see it as representing the original accentual state of affairs.13 The argument seems to operate on the false premise that conservative dialects, such as those often found in small endocentric speech communities, are not susceptible to innovation. As shown by Andersen (1988) this is demonstrably not the case: conservatism and innovativeness are not, in fact, incompatible with eachother. The difference is that change in such dialects is generally in the direction of greater phonological opacity and unnaturalness, e.g. so-called crazy rules (Bach and Harms, 1972). Further, lvdal is one of several dialects spoken on the northern shore of Lake Silja to which it is possible to impute a generally conservative character. However, as pointed out earlier, two-peaked Accent 2 is not a feature of this area as a whole. On the contrary, types 1A and 1B, which we are taking as representing the archaic
Many of these points were raised in talks by Yair Sapir 2004 and sten Dahl 2004 at the First Conference on lvdal Dalecarlian held in lvdalen in June 2004.
13
46
Patrik Bye
state of affairs, are at least as well represented. In Meyers sample, of which fully 28 curves out of 100 are drawn from Dalecarlia, the area represents a microcosm of the kind of variation found in Scandinavia more generally. Since, according to this fallacy, conservatism is imputed to languages as entities, the possession of a single conservative feature can be used to argue for other features as being archaic. A case in point is Riads discussion of the conservatism of lvdal Dalecarlian in respect of Quantity Shift. Since the dialect has not implemented Quantity Shift (an archaic feature), its pitch accent characteristics must similarly be archaic. However, there are a number of dialects in Sweden and Norway which, like lvdal Dalecarlian, have not implemented the Quantity Shift, and there does not seem to be any necessary connection between not having implemented QS and accentual type. For example, Orsa in Dalecarlia is Type 1B (Bothius, 1918). Riad, 2003 (p. 96) points out that there is a correlation between the range of vocalic contrasts in unstressed syllables and accentual type. He observes that in Type 2A the reduction of vocalic contrasts seems to have been inhibited. It is natural to link this to the presence of an extra peak in the unstressed syllable. However, East Swedish appears to display the same resistance to the reduction of contrast, yet is overwhelmingly Type 0 (Vendell, 1884, Freudenthal, 1889, Danell, 1905, Wiik, 1986, Wiik, 2002). The presence of a second peak is not a necessary condition for the preservation of vocalic contrast. My next point concerns Riads use of the dialect geographic evidence, in particular his interpretation of the distribution of Type 2A on the map. As I have argued, there is nothing inevitable about the interpretation, and he acknowledges the possibility: However, a look at the same map also allows for a different interpretation, namely that the Bergen-Dala-Malm type [1A P.B.] is archaic. Bergen and Malm are in the outer regions, and Dala could be a relic area. This interpretation would favour a view that the two-peaked type has spread as an innovation Riad, 2003 (p. 127). 2A nevertheless has a very wide distribution in the dialect map. However, there are two locations, Kalmar and Halland, where Type 2A turns up in an area which is otherwise overwhelmingly Type 2B, and he cites this as evidence of 2As relic status. The question is, though, relics relative to what? Both Riad and I are in agreement that Type 2B has evolved from Type 2A, so the existence of 2A islands in a larger 2B area would still make perfect sense without having to assume that Type 2A has a more general relic status relative to 1A and 1B as well. My nal set of points concerns the phonetic mechanisms which Riad relies on to account for putative shifts between accentual types. These mechanisms are forced, I suggest, by the assumption that two-peaked Accent 2 is the input to typological differentiation. It is an assumption which requires resorting to implausible and unattested mechanisms. For example, dialects of Type 1B, he argues, must have developed from 2A by a process of leftward accent
47
shift. As evidence for this, Riad builds on data from the Eskilstuna dialect, spoken about midway between Stockholm and the Mining District, which he interprets as a transitional type. (56) Riads putative shift 2A1B: leftward accent shift (Accent 2) LH L] Stockholm (2A) H* H* (L) H L] (H) L* Eskilstuna H L] Lower Dalecarlian (1B)
Riad doesnt explicitly address the shift from 1B to 1A, although presumably this would be accomplished by a further round of leftward shift, bringing H onto the rst syllable. It is possible to object to this account on the basis of attested phonetic mechanisms. Whereas peak delay is a well-documented phenomenon, I have found no convincing cases involving leftward shift of pitch accents (Retraction of boundary tones is another matter, as we shall see below.) Speaking of the alternative to leftward shift, Riad (2003) comments A change in the opposite direction would require a complication from three to four tones, an assumption that is hard to motivate (p. 105). This perceived complication is simply an artefact of Riads phonological bias according to which accentual variation is seen as essentially discrete. As I have tried to show, this very alternative can be motivated by appeal to the mechanism of trough delay, bringing the bulk of attested accentual variation under a single explanatory rubric. There is indeed discrete phonological variation, but this is supervenient on the variation in continuous phonetic parameters. 6.2. T YPOLOGICAL
CONSIDERATIONS
What I have proposed in the preceding sections is that multidimensional discrete phonological variation may emerge from adjustments on a small number of continuous phonetic parameters. The engine of variation is phonetic. When typological variation is approached directly as discrete, however, as in OT, it becomes difcult to constrain the variation space. OT has been positive in bringing phonologists to consider the phonetic motivations underlying patterns. Yet, this has only worked up to a point. When we arrive at this point, OT constraints may rather end up obscuring than laying bare substantive motivations. More over, this failing stems directly from the representation of the variation in discrete terms. In this section, I will compare previous analyses of pitch accent variation from the perspective of OT. There are now several of these, which include Riad 1996, 1998b, Lorentz 1995, 2002 and Kristoffersen 2004. All of these analyses overtly or covertly imply the existence of dialects which are not attested. A brief review of Riads and Lorentz analyses will sufce to make the point.
48
Patrik Bye
Riad (1996) assumes bitonal pitch accents for the Stockholm and Malm types, but in Riad (1998b) complete privativity of the accent opposition is assumed. This move entails reassignment of some of the tones. (57) Riads typology a. Riad (1996) Type Stockholm Malm Gta Dala b. Riad (1998b) Type Stockholm Malm Gta Dala (58) Lorentz typology Type Stockholm Malm Gta Dala Accent 1 Accent 2 H* L* H* L* Focus T H L L H Boundary T L] H] H] L] Accent 1 Accent 2 H* L* H* L* Focus T LH HL L H Boundary T L] H] H] L] Accent 1 HL* LH* Accent 2 H*L L*H H* L* Focus T H L L H Boundary T L] H] H] L]
Certain dependencies hold between the tones. If the boundary tone is L, the focus/prominence tone must be H and vice versa. If the prominence tone is H, any preceding tone must be L and vice versa. This Riad and Lorentz both interpret as an instance of the O BLIGATORY C ONTOUR P RINCIPLE OCP (Leben, 1973), which bans consecutive identical tones. For Lorentz, the OCP is implicated in generating the two-peaked patterns as well. The two-peaked pattern is found exclusively in Accent 2. Lorentz interpretation of this is that two peaks arises precisely when the lexical tone and the focal tone have the same polarity. In this case, the ranking OCPD EP -T forces epenthesis of a
49
tone of the opposite polarity to break up the violating conguration. In the present proposal, OCP plays no role. Elegant as Riads and Lorentz analyses are, they raise problems when we consider the diachronic relations between the dialects. For one thing, the permutation of the constraints predicts dialects which do not occur in Scandinavia. For example, using Lorentz account, there are apparently no dialects which opt not to epenthesize between identical lexical and focal tones, i.e. there are no dialects where D EP -TOCP. On the assumption that Type 2 is a development from Type 1, this would be unexpected. We might imagine, for example, that the Stockholm type grew out of the Dala type by inverting the polarity of the lexical tone. If this happened, we would expect an intermediate dialect without epenthesis. Also problematic for Riad and Lorentz, although in different degrees, is the nature of the constraints on lexical tones. Neither of them address what these constraints are explicitly, but presumably they would have to gure in a complete account. This problem is exacerbated in Riads typology because in addition to allowing H* and L*, he also allows bitonal pitch accents. Lorentz account is more restrictive in the sense that it only permits pitch accents with a single tone. Nevertheless, we can imagine constraints like L EX T = H and L EX T = L. Given this, the shift from Type 1 to Type 2 would have to come about by permuting the ranking of these two constraints. However, this is obviously uninsightful as a proposed diachronic mechanism.
7. Conclusions The fundamental question addressed in this paper is what our typologies should be accountable to. One of the most positive effects of Optimality Theory is that it has made the typology of phonological phenomena phonetically accountable. What I have argued here is that typology should also be made accountable to diachrony and the facts of dialect geography. This I have done on the basis of data on accentual variation in Scandinavian in both simplex and compound words. In addition to being phonetically tractable, geographical variation in accent within Scandinavia is also relatively well documented, thanks in large part to the pioneering efforts of Scandinavian dialectologists for more than a century. However, in order to make the move to diachronic and geographic accountability, typology cannot be inherent in the grammar as conceived in Classical OT, i.e. typology cannot reasonably be held accountable to linguistic cognition. The space in which languages vary is not xed and cannot be considered apart from its spatio-temporal context. In sum, typology is (or should be) a theory of what is linguistically natural (given the E-language environment); it should not have any role to play in a theory of what is linguistically possible (in the absence of any E-language
50
Patrik Bye
environment). Mainstream phonology has pursued answers to both of these questions as part of a formal research programme over the last fty years. Its time to assign these questions their appropriate place in a more rationalized division of labour. Let me now offer some conclusions in respect of the empirical issues raised here. Over the last few years Tomas Riad has written a series of papers on the typology of Scandinavian accent. These papers are groundbreaking in several ways. In addition to being informed at a deep level by intertwining diachronic, dialect-geographic and typological considerations, they have dened a new set of questions for the study of Scandinavian accent. These papers argue the position that the pitch accent distinction is a direct legacy of the way words were stressed in Proto-Nordic. According to this view, Accent 2 emerged in simplex words with secondary stress feet and compound words which, since they contained more than one PrWd, always contained at least one secondary stress foot. In response, I have argued that Riads hypothesis depends on assumptions about the assignment of pitch accents to syllables under secondary stress which ultimately do not hold up on comparative or typological evidence. As an alternative, I have argued for the traditional hypothesis that the pitch accent distinction is of relatively recent (Old Scandinavian) origin. I believe this allows us to assume that the input to the differentiation was the cross-linguistically and largely pan-Germanic unmarked (one-peaked) falling pitch contour (H*L%). The phonetic engine of change was argued to be target delay, which has independently been proposed as the motivation behind accentual variation in the British Isles and Germany. By placing target delay in the centre of the account, I believe it is possible to unify several apparently unrelated aspects of Scandinavian accent variation in addition to obviating the need to construe two-peaked realizations of Accent 2 as especially marked. First, target delay is the engine of variation in simplex words generally, a position which procures a signicant gain in explanatory economy. Second, target delay permits treatment of differences in compound accent in a more inclusive and insightful way by rendering intelligible the diachronic links between initial, nal, double and connective compound accent.
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Evolutionary typology and Scandinavian pitch accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.1

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.2

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.3

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Scandinavian Pitch Accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.5

Region Finnmark, Finland, North Sweden, South Denmark

One peak early in stressed syllable

One peak late in stressed syllable

South Sweden, West Norway

late stressed syllable

early in post-stress syllable

Gotland, Bergslagen (Sweden)

One peak late in stressed syllable

Two peaks one in each syllable

Central Sweden, West Nyland, Southwest Norway

one in each syllable

Gta, East Norway

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.6

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.7

Figure 1. Geographical distribution of accent types.

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.8

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.9

4. Tonogenesis 4.1. O LD S CANDINAVIAN

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.10

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

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Scandinavian Pitch Accent

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.13

5. Target delay as the engine of pitch accent variation 5.1. S IMPLEX

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Scandinavian Pitch Accent

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Scandinavian Pitch Accent

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Scandinavian Pitch Accent

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pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.20

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

mid sommer dansen b. Final (North Bothnian)

the midsummer dance

mid sommar dansen c. Connective (Bod, Narvik)

the midsummer dance

mid sommer dansen d. Double (Stockholm)

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.21

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.22

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

ngermanland Eastern Jmtland Medelpad Uppland

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.23

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.24

Scandinavian Pitch Accent

oatmeal beechwood sojourn mirror glass person who lacks clothes

hailstone spider layer of leaf fat ngertip gimmer, ewe-lamb

wild rye porridge spoon clothes brush

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.25

backwards chives ghost

pitch-accent-kluw.tex; 10/08/2004; 12:51; p.26