This Brochure presents the findings of the diploma thesis submitted in January 2012 at the Faculty of Architecture at University of Technology Graz:
Murnig, Boris: (Re)Constructing Calcutta. A study describing uncontrolled urban development, Diploma Thesis at University of Technology, Graz (Faculty of Architecture), Graz 2012 Supervisor: Gethmann, Daniel, Mag.art. Dr. phil. (Institute of Architectural Theory, History of Art and Cultural Studies) Project-Website
http://dl.dropbox.com/u/9557512/re-constructing_calcutta.html
a search. [...] It is felt to be more important to leave in apparent contradictions than to eliminate steps which are necessary to an understanding of the process and intentions of the whole.
This is a record of
(Re)Constructing Calcutta.
A study describing uncontrolled urban development.
03: CONSTRUCTION
pt. 01
POSITION
(Re)Constructing Calcutta is dedicated to describing and understanding the phenomenon of uncontrolled growth in large urban areas through a close study of Indias third-largest metropolis. Precedent research on Asian cities has shown the complexity and difficulty of understanding and determining the development of fast-growing cities. The uncontrolled density and enlargement of these cities is a concern that architecture has the ability to investigate.
presents the final death of planning. Why? Not because it is not planned in fact. [...] its most dangerous and most exhilarating discovery is that planning makes no difference whatsoever. Buildings may be placed well [...] or badly [...]. They flourish/perish unpredictably.
Rem Koolhaas in Generic City
spatial structure
Uncontrollability, however, should not be misunderstood as a loss of control itself. Following Koolhaas Generic City (Koolhaas 1995) the very possibility of grasping the variety and multitude of influences, although impossible, does not negate the ability to learn from and make predictions of possibility for urban growth development. The study focuses on the eastern fringe of Calcutta. Traditionally being used for local food supply the region had faced an increasing pressure of urbanisation since the early 1980s. The investigation concentrates on the Eastern Metropolitan Bypass (EMB), which once had been conceptualised to relieve the overcrowded inner-city streets. But it had also made East-Calcutta accessible and attractive for investors which lead to an automation of fast and fragmented urban development even before its completion. In this context the realisation of the EMB represents the beginning of acrimonious controversies regarding social and environmental responsibilities (concerning urban growth influenced by neo-liberal interests). As a result the ideological positions started polarising and finally were reduced to either pro or contra. Thus it became clear that it would be impossible to work out acceptable and sustainable strategies for both parties: contradictions should become a central point in Calcuttas urban future.
Against this background, the work is an attempt to describe different states of control (as well as loss of control). Rather than to follow formal approaches it is the process of change which is put into focus of attention. Thus the research undertaken presents a differentiated approach to urbanisation by dealing with the dynamics of contradictory and individually set actions. I attempt to reconstruct lines of action and processes of urbanization through the use of a method which employs two differing perspectives linked via scale.
SYSTEM A SYSTEM B ELEMENT C ELEMENT A ELEMENT B SYSTEM C
The System-Scale focuses on the locality, the situation as a whole, and deals with the role of the individual in the framework of a spatially-fragmented structure. In consequence infrastructure linking two or more individuals is put in the centre of attention. The Element-Scale on the other hand focuses on the site by putting interaction between the actors and their physical environment centre stage. In contrast to System-Scales focus on connecting infrastructure it is isolation and segregation which dominate this view.
of the city under a tremendous population pressure had gradually changed the geographical form of the city. [] Ignoring the known disadvantages, where the guiding principle had been the proximity to the core city rather than the quality of land.
pt. 02
RECONSTRUCTION
Using the two perspectives of System and Element-Scale allows me to consider distributed and spontaneously organised aspects as well as central and durable facets without compromising these two opposites: It is still a question of two poles which by provoking tensions ensure a continuous process of development.
By intending to render an interpretation rather than to only work out a fact-based reconstruction argumentations and conclusions always will be influenced by spontaneous and subjective impacts. Hence the study reflects the moment at which the research had been undertaken by being influenced by current discussions, problems and scarcities. Thereby it is revealed that the research-method uses the same strategy it actually is trying to understand. The intention to reconstruct lines of action therefore can be best understood as establishing different types of interpretations for discovered phenomenons and situations. In this manner urban activity is defined as a way of participating in disorderly urban growth processes. In contrary to my analytical interpretations forms of urban activism (Urban Think Tank 2005) found in East-Calcutta can be described as spatial interpretations which show off in apparently disordered and uncontrolled processes of urban change. Any subsequent forms of urban development are detected and assessed with reference to the collected data. The intention is to reveal and to characterise systematically applied practices of exertion of influence. Calcuttas administration has always refused to work out and execute general regulatories on urban expansion which could have become a legal framework for future development. Clarity and
design principles such as master plans in this context have been almost completely replaced. System-Scale in this context views infrastructural interventions as the base of spatial change and urban expansion. In this way it seems to be much easier and more subtle to control and influence urban changes: even if it is not possible to actively participate in urbanisation itself (realisation of projects) structural impacts are becoming even bigger by consciously setting long-term impacts. In this manner infrastructural interventions represent a powerful tool to initiate and promote fragmented and disordered urban growth on the one hand while on the other hand never run the risk of getting beyond control itself. What happens is a consciously set state of uncontrollability! Effects of such a loss of control can be recognised for example in individual adaptations of rules and restrictions. The lack of objectivity makes it hard to compare different intentions or even clearly name general benefits of single projects. Hence such projects can no longer be regulated within a development process as a whole and subsequently can neither be legitimised through generally accepted guidelines. In practice this aspect less concerns legal matters than the question of responsibility and commitment towards society and environment which have to be legitimised. This debate can also be found in the context of contemporary
urban studies such as the so-called informality discourse. By definition it is distinguished between fixed order (formal) and the term which opposes the formal: informality, development which certainly did not occur according to standard rules (Urban Think Tank 2005). Problems within the use of these attributes arise due to the discrepancy between the alleged objectification (distinction in terms of opposites: either / or) and the practice-related subjective perception of the circumstances. It quickly becomes clear that a differentiation in practice is hardly objectively possible, which further means that such attributes can be exploited to some extent by deliberately using and employing them in order to gain influence within developmental processes. The actual problem here can less be seen in the lack of objectivity than in the specific and systematic application of such classifications. Generally spoken they lead to further marginalisation of those who already cannot participate in the modern development rather than to visualise their needs and provide support to them. While the discussion on informality on a theoretical level is largely conducted on moral considerations in practical terms an increasing selective application of these terms is recognised. Against this background it seems to be more appropriate to speak of informalisation, a tool to actively participate in
uncontrolled urbanization, than to differentiate between formal and informal. Informality permanently visualises the discrepancy of using subjective categorizations. In other words it represents a subtle way of legitimation rather than a spatial capturable typology. Thus informalisation as a tool does not necessarily describe the consciously executed division into informal and formal but the opportunity to do so if felt necessary. It creates uncertainty for some while others are invited to profit from these uncertain conditions. It is generally noticed that conventional planning strategies in such situations become less important due to the dynamics of autonomous and selfcontained development processes. This tendency can be observed especially in East-Calcutta where master plans, spatial concepts, and regulations obviously suffer the loss of influence which at some points barely exists any more. On this basis the last part of the work intends to question and rethink planning strategies and aims for a new way of describing urban development. In doing so the question which is felt to be most important deals with the practical advantages of a strategy based on the loss of controllability. This leads to the construction of a describing model which opens up the opportunity to acquire internal conflicts and ambivalences to operate methodically.
DIVERSE STRUCTURE global global region region city city district district
global
region
city
district
HIERARCHY OF TRANSPORTATION: DIFFERENT DISTANCES CAN BE BRIDGED HIERARCHY OF TRANSPORTATION: DIFFERENT DISTANCES CAN BE BRIDGED car driven by chauffeur car / motorcycle bus / train / tram bike / by foot HIERARCHY OF TRANSPORTATION: DIFFERENT DISTANCES CAN BE BRIDGED car driven by chauffeur car / motorcycle bus / train / tram bike / by foot
car / motorcycle
bike / by foot
SENSITIVITY FOR IMMEDIATE ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO INDIVIDUAL MOBILITY SENSITIVITY FOR IMMEDIATE ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO INDIVIDUAL MOBILITY
JOB SENSITIVITY FOR IMMEDIATE ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO INDIVIDUAL SHOPPING SHOPPING MOBILITY SHOPPING JOB SHOPPING BUS SHOPPING BUS
JOB JOB
SHOPPING SHOPPING
SHOPPING
JOB
LEISURE
BUS
HIGH HIGH
benefi se t fr on clo t develo om infrastr n dence u pment depen environme & impro ctural te benefi dia vemen se t from imme ts on clo t e in c deve fr n DEPENDENCE ON IMMEDIATE ENVIRONMENT ACCORDING TO INDIVIDUAL MOBILITY e a n d str lopme depen environme nt & im uctural provem diate ents imme benefi t fr develo om infrastr u pment & impro ctural vemen ts
se on clo t n dence depen environme diate imme
HIGH
HIGH
LOW
LOW
SCHOOL
MED. SUP.
LEISURE
SCHOOL SCHOOL
agriculture Scheme: urbanisation of informal inhabited territory Scheme: urbanisation agricultural land
agriculture Scheme: urbanisation of informal inhabited territory Scheme: urbanisation agricultural land
agriculture
agriculture agriculture EXISTING STRUCTURE agriculture agriculture EXISTING STRUCTURE agriculture INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT agriculture INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT agriculture INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT agriculture FRAGMENTED & HARDLY CONTROLLABLE URBANISATION agriculture agriculture agriculture
migration
EXISTING STRUCTURE
Cycle of informalisation
CASE STUDIES
HOWRAH STATION
HL YR IVE
MAIDAN
2 KM
N ME
TROP
OLD HARBOUR
PARK CIRCUS
OLITA
N BYP
ASS
BOTANIC GARDEN
HO
OG
SCIEN
RO
AD
SECTOR V
NCE CITY
EEW: EASTERN
EXPRESSWAY
BAGUIATI
KMA (Kolkata Metropolitan Area) KMC (Kolkata Municipal Area) Main Roads EMB (Eastern Metropolitan Bypass) proposed EEW (Eastern Expressway) proposed Connectors Railway built-up Area
0 1 5 KM
KALYANI
T
SOVABAZAR
CHINSURA
T E
R L
E L B
SECTOR V
L
L
S B T R E
0
EMB Phase I EMB Phase I EMB Pahse I built-up Are Sewage drai Main Road proposed Co Railway Hospital Leisure /Sho Business /Ho Traffic Residential / Education / S
1
AI R PO R T
BELEGHATA
L E
KR IS HN
U AP
TANGRA
B B L L
PARK CIRCUS
ESSWAY
TOPSIA
EASTERN EXPR
B E
BAS
B R
R
T
T
ANT
IR
KASBA
EAST KOLKATA WETLANDS
E.M. B YPASS
R B R L E
R R
L E T
KOLKATA METROPOLITAN AREA Map showing Eastern Metropolitan Baypass & Eastern Expressway
PR
OP
OS
ED
SO
NA
PU
RR
I II III ea in
PROPOSED
AGRICULTURE
WETLANDS
onnector
CONNEC
TOR
2 KM
GEPLANTER BY
/Township Science
PASS
opping otel
PRO
TILJALA
POS
ED C
ONN
ECT
OR
WETLANDS
WETLANDS
EMB
OA
EMB
UR N CA AL
RASH BE HARI CONN ECTOR
WETLANDS
SERVICE POINT
CON
NEC
TOR
SERVICE POINT
WETLANDS
ROA
WETLANDS ?
GENESIS HOSPITAL
RASH BE
TOWNSHIP TOWNSHIP
DESUN HOSPITAL
HARI CONN ECTOR
RUBY HOSPITAL
SHOPPING
TOWNSHIP TOWNSHIP
WETLANDS ?
TOWNSHIP
existing settlement proposed Township sewage drain existing road proposed road
BA
GJ
A OL
CA
E.W
NA
. MA
JOR
ART ERI AL R
OAD
PR
OP
OS
ED
S EA
R TE
EX
S RE
SW
AY
ACTION AREA IV
LEAT
IT-HUB
CA NA L
NA
RTERIA
MAJ
RT OR A
ERIA
L RO
L ROAD
AD
KR I
FISH E
CBD RAJARHAT
SH
RY F
PU R
EEDIN
G CA
NAL
ACTION AREA I
LIN
KR
OAD
BAS
ANT
I ROA
NEW TOWN IN RAJARHAT Map showing master-plan for action Areas I & II as well as several projects to be developed in action Area III
NO RTH
ACTION AREA II
MAJOR A
PRO
POS
ED S
ONA
PUR
ROA
2 KM
BIDY
A DH
ARI
RIVE
SCHEME: DIFFERENT STATES OF URBAN TAKE-OVER Process of Informalisation based on actual situations found in Rajarhat in 2011. To illustrate the impacts of this tendency more clearly the different states have been arranged in a virtual chronological order.
pt. 03
CONSTRUCTION
Regarding pre-decided urban activism two forms could be detected during the preceding analysis. Both of them show possibilities to initiate and participate in disorderly urban growth processes but at the same time seem to follow different motivations.
While Infrastructure intends to link single elements informalisation deals with the differentiability and segregation of individuals in relation to their physical environment. Generally spoken these two motivations could be summarised in consensus- and dissent-driven actions. The socalled bi-polar model presents these findings by defining parameters that can describe a schema for uncontrolled urban development. On one hand it is a question of contextual layers which are dedicated to the influences affecting single elements and follow the consensus-oriented perspective. These layers are described as decentralized and dynamic identity-forming systems. Networks which follow different intentions under the influence of randomly chosen inputs. The intensity in turn is basically looking for the unique and particular atmosphere of the city by focusing on
ELEMENT A
ELEMENT B
ELEMENT C
the interface between different contextual layers. Thereby conflicts and confrontations on ideological and social level play a more important role regarding the forming of identity than the actual spatial constellation. Loss of control in favour of a controversy-related, self-contained development therefore has to be seen as a systematically and consciously applied strategy rather than as a result of external circumstances: It is a kind of calculated loss of control, which by consciously compromising on the one hand (eg. direct influence of the planner) is able to prevent such elsewhere. Loss of control becomes a planning strategy which if felt necessary can shirk spatial concepts and ideological responsibilities: Loss of control: a mode of urbanisation!
In an attempt to describe Calcuttas urban development two major motivations have been made out: Context (consensus-orientated) and Intensity (dissensus-orientated). The following description of five aspects each is an attemt to establish a model which is able to assimilate predominant contradictions rather than eliminate them at any cost.
CONTEXT: COMMUNICATION.
Contexts are ideological arrangements networks which virtually bundle its associates. Hence contexts form a spatially disperse structure in which public places hardly exist. Within such a structure it is difficult to find neutral places which could provoke spontaneous communication and interaction. Therefore it can be assumed that almost every form of exchange underlies a selective process: Communication among as well as within Contextual-layers takes place exclusively.
CONTEXT: VELOCITY.
By dealing with network-structures, description of Context especially focuses on the connections between single individuals. These connections only exist temporarily in the form of movements of different velocities. Indeed the routes of these movements overlap but thereby dont necessarily have to interact with each other.
CONTEXT: RHYTHM.
Motional rhythms qualify type and character of Contextual-layers. Node points so-called hubs for instance can communicate basic informations according to their rhythm. Periodic motions of large groups for example can point out commuting movements while spontaneous single moves would rather indicate a residential area.
CONTEXT: DENSITY.
Exchange between a Context and its individuals is based on a relative relationship. Hence a Context can change its proportion it can expand or decrease - without necessarily affecting the situation of the single individual. In fact the contextual density argues the converse: The structural organisation of a Context can only be revealed by following the impact of dynamic changes.
CONTEXT: QUANTITY.
Context defines itself through its quantitative attributes. Thus Contextual-layers establish and maintain a hierarchical system which is represented by the mode of transportation: The easier distances can be bridged, the more selective social and economic relations can be chosen. Hence quantity is an important aspect of identification by revealing an association with a certain contextual network.
INTENSITY: CONFRONTATION.
Unlike Context, Intensity focuses on confrontations which arise through the spatial accumulation of differently contextualised elements. Due to constant confrontation, it is never possible to archieve a balanced situation: It can best be compared to a pendulum which swings between two extremes. Balance can only be found in continuity of recurring extremes.
INTENSITY: QUALITY.
Engagement, participation and identification with a confrontation is more important than the number of different Contexts engaged. By provoking cross-contextual interaction and exchange Intensity deals with processes which Contexts actively try to prevent. Quality describes the relation between a specific place and its occurring confrontations a constantly polarising situation which therefore becomes an important aspect in identity-building.
INTENSITY: FLUCTUATION.
Intensity does not deal with motions but documents processes of exchange and correlations. It records temporary screenshots of particular situations which turn to a sequence when put together. These sequences trace lines of actions, reveal spatial correlations and document initiatives and their actual impacts. By translating these processes into spatial events fluctuation reveals a new temporal structure: the interval.
INTENSITY: DENSITY.
While contextual density deals with structural issues a relative relationship between an individual and its contextual network Intensitys density indicates an absolute number within a certain area. Hence within Intensitys perspective Contexts always appear in differently dense configurations. This means that there is always a spatial predominance of some Contexts while others only show little presence.
INTENSITY: OVERLAYS.
Intensitys perspective focuses on the in-between of differently orientated individuals. Since there always has to be an in-between - space for frictions and confrontations - overlays dont exist in this perspective. Furthermore it has to be assumed that the immediate environment of a single individual is generally considered to be a stranger. This leads to an introverted organisation and a programmatic differentiation.