Lindskoug 2003 Pichao

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao
A study of the different remains at the site of Pichao, North-western, Argentina.

Henrik B. Lindskoug
C-Uppsats Department of Archaeology University of Gothenburg 2004 Supervisors: Per Cornell & Per Stenborg
Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.
Henrik B. Lindskoug
Abstract Since the beginning of the 20th century several Swedish archaeologists have been working in the Calchaqu valleys in N-W Argentina. Pioneer excavations was made by among others Eric Boman in the beginning of the 20th century. Now almost a century later another Swedish project is working in the same region. Since 1989 a Swedish-Argentinean project has been going on in the Santa Mara valley at the site of Pichao, in the province of Tucumn. This paper is a comparison of two different sectors at the STucTav5 site, at Pichao. The study is aimed at investigating the differences between entrances in sector VIII and sector X at STucTav5. Sector VIII is situated on the mountain slope just above the alluvial cone, where most of the site is situated while sector X is situated on a minor slope in the mountain cleft in the most southern part of the STucTav5 site. An important reason for my choice of sector VIII and sector X is the relative geographical similarity between the two sectors. One thing that separates the two sectors is the difference in the ceramics encountered. I will discuss and try to take a closer look at functional and symbolic aspects of different entrances to units/structures/houses and what might happen when we enter into different spheres. I will try to show that an entrance isn't only a hole in the wall to enter a house or some other structure, but it is in fact an important feature which we should give more significance to.
Resumen Desde comienzos del siglo XX muchos investigadores suecos han trabajado en los Valles Calchaqus, noroeste de Argentina. Las primeras excavaciones fueron hechas por Eric Boman, entre otros, a principios del siglo pasado. Hoy, casi cien aos ms tarde, otro proyecto sueco se encuentra trabajando en la misma regin. Desde 1989 este proyecto sueco-argentino centrado en el valle de Santa Maria en el sitio STucTav5 de Pichao, provincia de Tucumn hizo mucho y fueron muchas las personas que han contribuido. Este, que constituye mi primer trabajo en la zona, comenz a realizarse en el ao 2001 y tiene como objeto comparar los accesos a dos sectores del sitio de Pichao, STucTav5, sector VIII y el sector X, ambos situados en la falda de la montaa justo por encima del cono aluvial donde la mayor parte del sitio se encuentra localizado. Se discutir y examinar con detenimiento la funcin de las diferentes entradas (funcionales o simblicas) a las estructuras y lo que puede suceder cuando entramos en las
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diferentes esferas. Se dar primero una breve introduccin a la zona de estudio y el sitio considerando el marco temporal que servir de base para la discusin y el anlisis final. Se demostrar adems que una entrada no es una simple abertura en el muro para acceder a una casa o alguna otra estructura, sino que puede ser un portal de importancia al cual debemos darle un mayor valor significativo. Para este anlisis se definieron los espacios abordando a preguntas como qu es espacio? Cmo definirlo? y qu es "dentro" y "fuera"?. Lo que es "dentro" para nosotros puede significar "fuera" para otros. Una zona con tapia que forma parte de una casa y que no tiene tejado, es dentro fuera? Cmo definir ello? Otro elemento importante es la cermica encontrada en ambos sectores. La mayor parte de los hallazgos superficiales en el sector VIII corresponden al tipo Santa Maria bicolor, mientras que en el sector X aparece en su mayora cermica tipo Belen. Probablemente este ltimo sector habra tenido una ocupacin anterior a la del sector VIII. Esta clasificacin temporal de hallazgos superficiales solo tiene validez si la comparamos con los informes de las excavaciones llevadas a cabo en estos sectores, considerando los procesos naturales que pueden haber desplazado fcilmente la cermica de la superficie y de las capas ms superficiales. De esta manera se tendr un mejor panorama de cundo fueron habitados dichos sectores.
Keywords: Archaeology, Andes, North-western Argentina, Santa Mara Valley, Calchaqu Valleys, Pichao, Santa Mara culture, space, entrances, doorways, openings, exits.
Bokstavsordning tack Kolla Sjdins ref Politis articele Ref till Nordenskilds biblografi
Henrik B. Lindskoug Kronborgsgatan 2C, SE-252 22 Helsingborg, Sweden
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Acknowledgements I wish to thank the whole crew of the 2001 & 2002 fieldseasons in El Pichao my thanks go to: Svend Aage Buus, Pernilla Fgerstrm, Herman Galle, Henrik Lindahl, Annika Pihl and Helene Stjrnqvist. I thank Per Cornell and Per Stenborg, my supervisors during the writing of this study and as well project-leaders in Pichao. My thanks also go to all the students from the National University of San Miguel de Tucumn and the students from Buenos Aries who worked with us during the fieldcampaign 2002. Not to forget those who also worked with us in Pichao and Taf del Valle during the fieldseason of 2001, among them, Joel Levia Benegas, Mara Clara Medina, Gabriel Montini and Fernanda Sansone. From the village of El Pichao my thanks go especially to Abenamar Guanca. Patricia Arenas, deserves a special thanks for letting us stay in her house in Taf del Valle, during the riots in Argentina in December 2001. I also thank everyone who has been involved in the project before me. Im grateful to the organisations whose funding has helped in making this project possible, among them are: Rausing, The Swedish Research Council and The Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation. I myself got a grant from Stiftelsen Henrik E Ahrenbergs stipendie och premiefond (Adlerbertska). Special thanks goes to everyone that provided us with our meals during the fieldseasons. Our meals help us through the sometimes long working days in Pichao. During the fieldseason of 2001 we had biscuits and sometimes mate during the days. Our evening dinners at Juanitas, were always excellent and you could always get a cold Norte (the local beer) at Juanitas, after a hard days work. Centro Vecinal provided us with all our meals during the fieldseason of 2002 both our excellent lunches and our evening supper. I especially won't forget the amazing locro Thank you Juan and Lena Cases Mller for helping me with the translation to Spanish. Gabriel Montini for presenting this paper at the VII Congresso Nacional de Estudiantes de Acqueologa in Tucumn and for helping me with the web-publication of this paper at the NAYA hompage. Special thanks to secretary of the Department of Archaeology at the University of Gothenburg, Annika Pihl, who helped me out several times. Everyone that has read the manuscript and made several interesting comments and contributions deserves a special gratitude among them are: Herman Galle, Henrik Lindahl and Agneta Lindskoug. Also thanks to Ola Rosdahl, Viktor Rosdahl for helping me out on the space discussion and Mikael Bell with the title for the paper. The library at Campus Helsingborg, which is part of the University of Lund helped
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me out several times in my quest for literature. During my several visits in Gothenburg Marcus Kinberg let me stay in his department, I'm most grateful to the old couch where I used to sleep. In Tucumn Im grateful for the assistance from Sergio El Mecha Cano, Florencia Lopez, Pamela Gallardo, Ruy Zurita. Network for Latin American studies.
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Contents:
Abstract ................................................................................................................................................................. i Resumen................................................................................................................................................................. i Acknowledgements .............................................................................................................................................. iii PART I: INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................ 1 1:1 INTRODUCTION /PREFACE .................................................................................................................................... 1 1:2 PURPOSE/AIMS..................................................................................................................................................... 1 1:3 METHOD .............................................................................................................................................................. 2 PART II: SPACE ......................................................................................................................................................... 3 2:1 SPACE, ARCHITECTURE AND DWELLINGS ............................................................................................................ 3 2:2 SPACE IN DIFFERENT CULTURES, HOW WE PERCEIVE SPACE, FLOW OF PEOPLE .................................................... 4 2:3 ACCESS TO AND CONTROL OF SPACE ................................................................................................................... 7 2:4 HOW IS SPACE CHANGING DUE TO AGEING OF SPACE?.......................................................................................... 8 2:5 HOW IS SPACE CHANGING DUE TO DAY/NIGHT, DIFFERENT SEASONS AND DECORATING ...................................... 8 2:6 LIMITS; INSIDE AND OUTSIDE .............................................................................................................................. 9 2:7 ACTIONS IN SPACE ............................................................................................................................................... 9 PART III: THE CALCHAQU VALLEYS -THE SANTA MARA VALLEY ................................................... 11 3:1 SURROUNDINGS, HISTORY OF THE VALLEY ....................................................................................................... 11 3:2 NATURAL ENVIRONMENT .................................................................................................................................. 12 3:3 LOCAL FAUNA ................................................................................................................................................... 13 3:4 CHRONOLOGY IN THE ARGENTINEAN ARCHAEOLOGY ....................................................................................... 13 3:5 NORTH-WESTERN ARGENTINEAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL HISTORY - EARLIER RESEARCH IN THE REGION.............. 14 3:6 CERAMICS .......................................................................................................................................................... 14 PART IV: THE SITE OF PICHAO ......................................................................................................................... 15 4:1 THE SITE OF PICHAO GENERAL OVERVIEW........................................................................................................ 16 4:2 EARLIER INVESTIGATIONS AT THE SITE OF PICHAO............................................................................................ 16 4:3 THE SECTORS ..................................................................................................................................................... 17 4:4 SETTLEMENT REMAINS....................................................................................................................................... 18 PART V: ENTRANCES ............................................................................................................................................ 19 5:1 DEFINITION OF ENTRANCE/EXIT/OPENING......................................................................................................... 19 5:2 INTRODUCTION TO ENTRANCES AT THE SITE OF PICHAO ................................................................................... 20 5:3 SOME PROBLEMS CONCERNING THE DISCOVERING OF AN ENTRANCE/OPENING .................................................. 22
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PART VI: PRESENTATION OF THE MATERIAL FROM PICHAO............................................................... 22 6:1 DESCRIPTION OF SECTOR VIII............................................................................................................................ 23 6:2 ENTRANCES IN SECTOR VIII............................................................................................................................... 24 Some general observations may be made concerning the entrances in sector VIII............................................ 24 6:3 DESCRIPTION OF SECTOR X................................................................................................................................ 24 6:4 ENTRANCES IN SECTOR X................................................................................................................................... 25 Some general observations may be made concerning the entrances in sector X................................................ 26 6:5 ENTRANCES IN OTHER PARTS OF PICHAO ........................................................................................................... 26 SUMMARY OF THE COLLECTED MATERIAL............................................................................................................ 26 PART VII: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................. 27 FUNCTIONAL/PRACTICAL ASPECTS OF ENTRANCES .............................................................................................. 28 7:1 PROTECTION AGAINST THE NATURAL ELEMENTS, WIND AND WATER ................................................................. 28 7:2 PROTECTING AND CONTROLLING THE AREA AROUND A STRUCTURE .................................................................. 30 7:3 PROTECTING AND CONTROLLING THE AREA INSIDE A STRUCTURE ..................................................................... 30 CONTROLLING SPACE AND LIMITS, THE CASA AMBROSETTI EXAMPLE................................................................... 31 7:5 WHY SO DEEP ENTRANCES TO THE STRUCTURES IN PICHAO? ............................................................................. 34 7:6 COMMUNICATION BETWEEN DIFFERENT STRUCTURES ...................................................................................... 35 7:7 ENTRANCES CAUSED FOR AND BY ANIMAL ACTIVITY........................................................................................ 36 7:8 WALLED UP ENTRANCES .................................................................................................................................... 36 SYMBOLIC/RITUAL/RELIGIOUS ASPECTS OF ENTRANCES ..................................................................................... 37 7:9 SYMBOLIC MEANINGS OF ORIENTATION OF DOORWAYS ..................................................................................... 38 7:10 SIZE OF AN ENTRANCE AS A MARK OF SOCIAL STATUS ..................................................................................... 39 OTHER WAYS OF ENTERING STRUCTURES ............................................................................................................. 40 7:11 RAMPS TO ENTER HOUSES ............................................................................................................................... 40 CONCLUSIONS AND SUMMARY OF DISCUSSION ..................................................................................................... 41 7:12 CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................................................................ 39 PART VIII: SUMMARY........................................................................................................................................... 42 REFERENCE .............................................................................................................................................................. 44 LIST OF FIGURES: ..................................................................................................................................................... 50 APPENDIX....................................................................................................................................................................I PLAN OF SECTOR III, COMPLEX B ...............................................................................................................................I PLAN OF SECTOR X, COMPLEX C ...............................................................................................................................II DATA ON ENTRANCES IN SECTOR VIII...................................................................................................................... III DATA ON ENTRANCES IN SECTOR X.......................................................................................................................... IV
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Part I: Introduction
1:1 Introduction /Preface This whole thing started for me when I got to know Per Cornell and Per Stenborg in the autumn of 2000. I was thinking about going to South America and travel for a while and I wanted to do some excavations at the same time. One of my lecturers at the university, Roger Nyqvist, told me to speak to Per and Per, because they had a project that had been under way for a number of years in South America. I talked to Per and Per and was soon invited to join their project in Argentina. Already then I had a burning interest in the archaeology of the New World, which I really got when I travelled in Central America 98-99. This was a really good combination for me being able to travel for a while and combining it with some archaeological fieldwork and the opportunity to write this paper in archaeology. So I left Sweden in October 2001 with a fellow student for South America some time before we were supposed to start working. Unfortunately everything was postponed and we finally started to work in December 2001 at El Pichao. Finally I got to see El Pichao after having been reading about it in books for almost a year. So it happened that it was at El Pichao that I gathered much of my information to do this paper in archaeology. The persons involved in the Pichao project have always tried to establish good relations with the inhabitants in Pichao. We use their services as guides and hire people to help us dig during the excavations. We have also invited local teachers to tell them about what we have been doing and explained to them about our finds. In 2002 guide courses were held for the inhabitants in El Pichao and interested people.
1:2 Purpose/Aims In this work I will deal with settlements and mainly entrances/doorways between and inside of buildings at the site of Pichao in the Santa Mara Valley, north-western Argentina. My study is based on surface observations done during 6 days of field-studies in 2001 at the site of Pichao, documentation from earlier fieldwork at Pichao and literature studies made after my research in Pichao. The focus of this study is on entrances/doorways/exits/openings. I have investigated different parts of the Pichao site to make a comparison between entrances/openings in two different geographical sectors. Questions that I shall try to answered are; Where do entrances lead? Where are they located? What do they connect? Are paths leading between different 1
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entrances? Is there some way of controlling the paths? Who had access to the entrances and the paths. Where are they placed? What is the size of the entrances? Is there a reason behind the size of the entrances? How were they used? These questions are essential when discussing communication between structures and entrances. I will discuss both functional(istic) and symbolic meanings of entrances/exits. I have studied two different sectors in Pichao, sector VIII and sector X. The reason behind the choice of sector VIII and sector X is the geographical similarity of the two sectors. One thing that differs sector VIII from sector X is the different types of ceramics encountered on the surface.
1:3 Method My study is based on both fieldwork and literature studies, as I mentioned before. The fieldwork consists of almost one week of intensive investigations at the site of Pichao in December 2001, with some complementary notes made in July 2002. The investigation is based on ocular inspection and measurements of entrances/doorways. During the fieldwork I measured every entrance/opening I could find in the two sectors in which I worked. Some of the entrances/openings may be the result of recent activities, but I also recorded these. I measured depth, width and sometimes height, but this was quite hard since none of the entrances really had any top part. After this I took photos of every entrance1. I used a compass (400g) to take the direction of the entrance. The direction was measured so that a straight line cuts through the middle of the opening in the depth of the opening. Finally I marked the entrance on different kinds of plans over the site. The plans over the site do not always have entrances marked out, see Mapping the Pichao site for information on plans (Cornell et al MS). I have also studied sourcematerial consisting of pictures from earlier field seasons and earlier field-documentation including old excavation reports. I have also studied the plan of Pichao, which is based on measurements made by a totalstation. I will discuss use of space inside the room-structures and discuss what is defined as inside and outside in the different structures/units. Remains of settlement cover large parts of the Pichao site. When referring to these remains of settlement, we use terms such as complex, unit and structure. In this study I have distinguished between all the different structures at Pichao. A
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After my return to Sweden I developed my film. I discovered that my camera was broken and almost every picture
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structure is any kind of smaller individual enclosure or "room". A unit is several structures connected to each other, a common unit in STucTav5 is termed Casa Ambrosetti. These units consists of one larger rectangular structure connected to one or several smaller circular structures (see figure 3). Units may also consist of clusters of walls, terraces, mortar-blocks and graves. Three groups of several interconnected units or cluster of structures, a kind of conglomerated settlements are termed complex. They are complex A in sector III, complex B in sector VIII and complex C in sector X, however there exists other similar clusters of structures on the site, but they are not referred to as complexes. (Complex however is an old term used during the early years before a proper plan over the site was made and is only used to refer to a specific geographical location at the site.) The conglomerated settlement form found in complexes must not have had any direct relation to the internal organisation of the settlement (i.e. complexes may be composed by individual units). Over the whole site several other units are also interconnected in similar ways but they are not termed complexes and they might or might not have been connected to each other internally. In this paper I will try to evaluate all of my investigations done during December 2001 and try to compare the two different sectors. The Space-discussion is the theoretical base for this analysis and consists of studies in theoretical literature of architecture and space. First I will discuss space and dwelling before I present a basic overview of the area, site and the structures on the site and some more relevant information for this study, like a basic overview of ceramics, the different time-periods, Formative, Regional Development and Spanish-Native Period. I will then analyse the entrances/doorways in the different sectors and discuss entrances/doorways in different perspectives. The two sectors which I have studied the most, are sector VIII and X, but minor studies have also been made in sector III.
Part II: Space

2:1 Space, Architecture and Dwellings What is space? How do we define space? Space is everything that surrounds us from the air that surrounds our bodies to the cold empty void of interstellar space. Space is seen differently from
came out with one half totally black. So I couldnt use many of them in my study.
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person to person, it varies from different places and cultures on our earth. Our own conception of space may be as a container of material objects, an otherwise empty frame to be filled. Our environment exists in terms of our actions and meanings. Space is perceived only as places. The environment is categorized and named (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:3-4). Space is of great importance to everyone, from our personal space which could be anything from the area around our body to ones apartment or similar and to the environment that surrounds us. The environment has a significant role in the space discussion. The physical role of environment have an active roll in what way a structure is built. For example a tree hut made of branches can't be built in an arctic climate, as well as an igloo can't be built in the Sahara desert. "A settlement provides a framework of space and boundaries for the locational activities of the community it contains" (Fletcher 1977:47). Rapoport (1990) means that it is possible to use built form to read out family structures, clans or moieties, religious institutions, sex roles, or status hierarchies. So by studying the entrances in Pichao I hope I will be able to read something out of the material. The tricky part is how one should relate to built form? and How one connect(s) build form and culture? Somehow there must be a relation between architecture and behaviour. If built environment is created to support a desired behaviour then it will be possible to read behaviours in the architecture. This will mean that activities will shape architecture (Rapoport 1990:11). It 's not only humans that construct structures. Animals that we often think of as inferior to us, construct elaborated constructions, like ants, bees, wasps and termites, even birds has been known to learn by experience while building nests (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:2). "Architecture creates boundaries out of otherwise unbound space while the use of space can be seen as a means to organize that unbounded space" (Kent 1990b:2). Sanders (1990) uses the archaeological record to demonstrate how behaviour and environment interact together to produce the built environment. The more complex societies the more elaborated structures as social organisation develops and social differentiation increases residential architecture changes and this is expressed throughout diversification of monumental architecture (Bawden 1990:166167). In a society with a high social differentiation one or several buildings may dominate an area.
2:2 Space in different cultures, How we perceive space, Flow of people How we perceive space varies from culture to culture and time to time. We in the modern western
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world don't perceive space like for instance people did during the 18th century or people living at present in the amazon basin in Peru. Culture structures behaviour in terms of the use of the space and the use of space structures cultural material in form of the built environment (Kent 1990a). "Segmentation in various parts of culture, behaviour, and cultural material increases with the sociopolitical complexity" (Kent 1990b). How we perceive space is of great importance when we for example interpret structures or entrances/exits. Our environment exists in terms of our actions and meanings (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:3) "Culture is a vast domain, built form a small part of it. Social expression of culture, such as family structures, institutions, social networks, status relations, and many others, often have settings associated with them or are reflected in the built environment. These can be both studied and designed" (Rapoport 1990:10). One problem for an archaeologist to try and reconstruct past people's environments is that past people probably named and categorized the world according to concepts and terms that are alien to us. People actively give their physical environments meanings, and then act upon those meanings (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:5). Entrances for example might have both a practical and symbolic/ritual meaning. Lets take a closer look at this. In the modern Swedish society in most houses and apartments there is a hall. This space is perceived differently. Here we receive people ringing the doorbell and open the door, sometimes we let the people coming from outside into our private space (house, apartment, inner sanctum), sometimes we don't let them any further. If a vacuum cleaner salesman rings the doorbell people usually don't let them any further than into the hall, there in that space is the limit. The hall separates the more private space inside the apartment/house to the common space outside the apartment/house. From the hall the door to the outside is close and the hall usually is a small space with no important or valuable things. So from this space it will be quite easy to control the person starting to enter our personal sphere (into our house or apartment). The hall is created to receive people, hang up coats and remove shoes (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:9). Here we will have no trouble deciding if we want the person in question to enter any further into our personal sphere or if we want to show/throw him out because we dont like the person or are feeling threatened. This space is accordingly perceived as a kind of communal space, where we receive or refuse people. This is completely opposite to the concept of the large medieval hall, which was the centre of the house. The medieval hall was used for receiving guest, but also for feasting and commonly shared activities (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:9). Rooms and space within the house are strongly
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demarcated according to use and objects contained, but also accordingly to time. Two different spheres, private and public, can be discerned in houses, these two spheres works like binary oppositions and one can proceed between the two spheres by moving around the house. Sometimes a house have two separate entrances used for different occasions. One entrance (front door) is only used at special occasions like receiving guests, the other entrance (back door) is used when more informal visits are made. The back door is the door that the handyman is supposed to use when he comes to fix something, children are also supposed to use this door (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:1). The back door usually leads into the kitchen or washing-room, rooms which is considered lower status rooms compared to the front-door which usually leads into a reception room or the hall. In the hall persons will also start to expose themselves by removing outdoor clothes. In medieval times the church had a weapons-room where the weapons and armour were removed before entering the church (Holmberg 1989:71). In the weapon-room you have exposed yourself. The hall might be seen in a similar perspective. Here you remove your big jacket and hat and you expose yourself to the person who owns the personal sphere. The cool guy with the big jacket and cap suddenly shrinks to a smaller person. He reveals what he has under the big clothes and somehow he is on the same plane (or closer to your plane) as you. This has both a practical and symbolical/ritual meaning, practical since you wont be needing a lot of clothes indoors. The symbolic/ritual meaning involves the transformation in which the person in question participates when he removes his clothes and exposes himself. The man who removes his clothes will at the same time follow the symbolic rituals made to remove the outer clothes. For example in Swedish societies you also remove the shoes when you enter someone's house or apartment. This is quite practical for the people living in the house since you won't drag a lot of dirt and other things with you inside. Symbolically you have also removed another part of what is your personality and revealed/disarmed yourself even more. If we continue to reason about the vacuum cleaner salesman. If the people living in the house for example is in need of a new vacuum cleaner, they might let the salesman in a bit further. Still the salesman, who wants to show his product will be let into the living room to demonstrate the product, but we rarely let the salesman further into our personal sphere. We won't let him into the bedroom for example. This sphere is considered even more private. Here we sleep and don't want to be disturbed and here we also keep a lot of private stuff.
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In Swedish society among young people living on their own in small apartments, lets say one room, it is usual to have the bed separated from the rest of the furniture in the room. Usually the couch and television or sometimes stereos have central positions in the apartments, it is this space that we gather around. The table next to the couch is a table that everybody uses. Here is a non private space, here we have our drinks and it is more or less OK to investigate the things on this table. The direct opposite to this is our table by the bed, the bedstand, this is a private table. Here we keep more private stuff, the thing that we read before we go to bed, maybe a picture of your girlfriend/boyfriend etc. We don't really like when people go through our things in this table, this is considered a private space along with the bed.
2:3 Access to and Control of Space A modern example of access to different spheres could be a skyscraper. The first two or three floors are usually easy to accede for everyone, except maybe for the occasional bum who tries to enter to beg for money or to look in the garbage cans. The first floor sometimes contains a shopping centre. Here it is easy for everyone to move around, but the higher up you get inside the skyscraper, the harder it is. The levels just on top of the shopping-centre is usually office space and here it is a bit harder to enter, but the higher up you get the more access you need (if there isn't an rooftop restaurant). The area higher up is usually more expensive and held by increasingly more private companies or banks. Here the normal people won't have access. The area higher up is more controlled and often you will need access card or keys to reach the highest floors. So some people will be rejected already outside the shopping centre and the higher up you come the less people will have access. Access to those areas with people with power and money is located high up in strictly controlled areas. Access and control of space in structures on the horizontal plane is widely discussed in Hillier et al (1978) and Hillier and Hansen (1984). The deeper the structure the more control. Access and control of different resources can be seen in the archaeological record. Bawden (1990) points out a barrio in the Galindo2 settlement where the elite class had easy access and control over the watersource. The low status barrio next to the elite area was strictly separated from the area by a substantial wall with only a few openings. The strict separation of the low-
Galindo settlement is a Moche V settlement located in Moche Valley in northern Peru.
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status barrio suggests, accordingly to Bawden a presence of social tensions between the occupants of the area. See later discussion on control for examples in Pichao.
2:4 How is space changing due to ageing of space? Space is changing due to the ageing of space. Everything changes as time goes by, even space. In the nature plants grow old and die to make way for new plants. Structures get old and worn. Everything from paint to tree constructions will decay. Brick constructions, mortar and stoneconstructions will break because of natural elements or/and of human activity.
2:5 How is space changing due to day/night, different seasons and decorating Space varies concerning decoration and what objects that exists in space. Rapoport (1990) discuss the environment consisting of three elements with different features. They are fixed-feature elements (buildings, walls, floors, etc.), semi-fixed-feature elements ("furnishings" interior and exterior, of all sorts) and non-fixed-feature elements (people and their activities and behaviours). If we apply this on a house it will make more sense. The Department of Archaeology in Gothenburg is located in an house which used to be a courthouse. By altering the furniture and people that normally used the building from judges and prosecutors, to archaeologists and students, and make the court-rooms into classroom, the built environment changes. Both due to semi-fixed-feature elements and non-fixed-feature elements. Great monuments shout their presence and instil feelings of awe and wonder, yet a familiar environment is taken for granted (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:3). Space is very changeable. Space is changing according to day and night, summer and winter and so on. During day the sun lights everything up. During night everything is dark. This might mean that the so pleasant forest, where you during the day can hear bird song and different animals running around, changes during the night to a dark often quiet place full of strange noises and a dark gloomy atmosphere full of murders, thieves etc. The word forest is thereby a cultural artefact (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994b). It was gone through a historical transformation, when the industrial revolution started the forest was seen as wild and dangerous the city was the opposite here on could live a peaceful and ordered life in tranquillity. Today this has changed the city is chaotic and noisy and the forest is quiet and a place for recreation. Space changes accordingly to time and depending how limits change. Space changes also owing to decoration, for example a
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room may change incredibly according to decoration and which objects that exists in that space.
2:6 Limits; Inside and Outside What is inside and outside? How do we define inside and outside? Inside for us can mean outside for some people. An area which is fenced but still part of a house but without roof, is this an inside or an outside? How do we define it? "The creation of boundaries as physical features is often associated with needs of defence, territory, shelter and containment. Entrances and physical barriers, such as walls or earthworks, marks differences in domains and thus restrict and control access between them." "Walls, gateways and entrances serve to mark transitions between domains such as inside/outside, scared/profane, male/female, public/private, enemy/friend, elite/commoner or initiate/uninitiate." (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:24). When one discuss space; inside and outside is of importance. The definition of inside and outside is essential when you discuss space and entrances/exits in different structures. Where does the entrance/exit lead to? Another room? or from the outside to inside? or vice versa?. Inside and outside can be seen in a number of different ways. Inside doesn't only have to be for example inside a house or hut, it could also mean inside one's own property, on the back yard for example or inside the rectangular area in the Casa Ambrosetti unit (see section VII for a definition), but this is also somewhere between inside and outside, it's outside under the open sky, but it's still inside a delimited area in close connection to the dwelling. Inside can also be a place existing without mental borders. Inside the woods or inside of the tribes property. Outside of this is the wilderness or lands inhabited by others. Outside can also reflect these characteristics/statements. Outside on the other hand can be outside under the open sky, but also outside in the yard or outside in the woods. Inside and outside works with a kind of dualism in many ways. Here I will use inside when I talk about a unit as a whole if I don't state anything else before and outside will accordingly be outside of the units and complexes, in what is normally termed outside. Inside doesn't need to have a roof.
2:7 Actions in Space Environment and specially built form limits activities in space. If for example your house doesn't have a kitchen or bathroom you will be limited in your activities concerning activities made in these areas. Environments can therefore be created to support certain activities and lifestyles of
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people. Form tends to respond to activities (Rapoport 1990:11-12). Activity systems can be used to get an overall view of cultures. One of the built environments major purposes is to make people act in specific ways to create regulations and patterns. Sidewalks makes people use one specific part of the street to walk on. It is essential that any individual act must occur within an order (Rapoport 1990:13). This makes people dressing and acting to different environments. Entrance will in this case be of importance and creates a central limitation between different spheres. People everywhere act on their environment and are aware of that environment practically and discursively (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:2). Depending on what we want or need we perceive space in different ways. Is someone looking for something special he or she will be concentrating on finding this and maybe miss things he or she would normally notice. Maybe the person in question is looking for a place to get cigarettes. The person in question will be concentrating on finding a store that sells cigarettes and maybe not see the record stores that he or she normally haunts. If we are inside driving a car we look for stopsigns/red-light and trafficsigns or roadsigns. Is he or she on the other hand walking sidewalk the person won't be looking at things like speed limit and so forth, but will on the other hand notice things like dogpoo on the sidewalk or nice butts. If the person is walking in the woods for example he or she may look for birds or squirrels running around in the trees or maybe nice flowers or maybe the person is out looking for mushrooms to pick or maybe searching for a puma, in occasions like this we are concentrating on specific things and will be blocking our awareness of the presence of other objects. Space is perceived different due to cultural conventions (Hodder 1978). The same thing could be applicable for an archaeologist coming to a new place doing prospecting. If he doesnt know the area or doesnt know what the remains in the area look like it is easy to miss them. Naturally if he doesnt know what to look for it is harder to discover any remains or anything at all, but if he knows what he is looking for or if he brings someone along (who can, knows etc.) to help him it will be much easier to identify different objects.
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Part III: The Calchaqu Valleys -The Santa Mara Valley
Figure 1. Archaeological sites in the Calchaqu valley, compiled by Per Cornell and Per Stenborg. From Stenborg (2002b).
Infoga ref till lorandi om resistance 130 r. 3:1 Surroundings, History of the Valley The Santa Mara valley is situated on the eastern flank of the Andes in north-western Argentina. The Santa Mara Valley together with Calchaqu Valley and the Cajn Valley make up the Calchaqu Valleys. During the Spanish conquest this part of present-day Argentina formed a great resistance movement to the Spanish conquistadors, which lasted for almost 130 years.
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Other sites of importance in the Santa Mara Valley includes Tolombn, Fuerte Quemado, Rincn Chico, Punta Balasto and Quilmes, which has been partly reconstructed why it has lost part of its scientific value (Tarrag 1999). The Santa Mara Valley is bounded by high mountains. To the west Sierra de Quilmes and Sierra del Cajn reaches 4700 m.a.s.l. To the east Cumbres Calchaques reach heights of 3800 m.a.s.l. The highest peak in the vicinity is Nevado de Chuscha, which rises 5468 m.a.s.l. (Ahlgren 1990:62). The sites in the area are subjected to various kinds of destructive processes, but natural processes and human activities are damaging the sites. Looting of a lot of cemeteries by Huaqueros3 in the area is a great problem and has been going on for a long time (Cornell and Fahlander 2002:123).
3:2 Natural Environment The Santa Mara river, which runs northward, usually carries small quantities of water. Heavy rains sometimes floods the river (Johansson 1996:95). The small streams in the high mountains surrounding El Pichao normally carry some water all year round. Important water resources for the site of Pichao is Ro Pichao and Ro Trancas. During the rainy season landslides may occur caused by the heavy rain and this sometimes damages archaeological remains as well as modern constructions such as roads. The vegetation is very sparse on the whole site, since the annual precipitation is ranging between 150-250 mm. The more humid period is normally between November and March, with the most rain in January and February (Ahlgren 1990:68-69). Since the climate in Pichao is semi-arid to desert, the typical vegetation is of the so-called Monte type4 and consists of various cactus species, among them the cardn cactus (Trichocereus pasacana), and the algarrobo trees (Prosopis alba and Prosopis nigra) and various bushes (Johansson 1996:98). Among the small trees and shrubs that grow in the valley are: Jarillas (Larrea divaricata), Chaar (Geoffrea decorticans) and Mastuerzo (Prosopis strombulifera), some species are referred to local names (Stenborg 2002a:118). The fruit of the algarrobo tree is known to have had an importance as a food resource. The soil is ranging from sandy loam to loamy sand with gravel(s). The mountains normally consist of gneiss, layered schist, pegmatite and granite
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Local grave robbers. Monte is one of the most important phytogeografical province of the North-western Argentina (Cabrera 1974;
Morello 1958). It extends for all of the Calchaquies valleys, between 1500 and 2500 m.a.s.l.
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(Cornell et al MS:7).
3:3 Local Fauna The mammals that inhabit the area include: tuco-tuco (Ctenomys sp.), cui (Cavia tschudi sodalis), vizcacha (Lagidium vizcacha), puma (Puma concolor puma). There are also wild and domesticated camelids (Lama glama, Lama guanicoe and Lama vicugna). Among the birds that inhabit the area are condor, (Vultrus gryphus), different kind of falcons and colibries. Hawks, doves, parrots and woodpeckers also live here. A range of different kinds of snakes live in the valley, among them the highly poisonous coral (Micrurus corallinus). The poisonous black widow spider (Latrodectus mactans) and the big tarantula spiders (Grammostolea gossei) inhabit the valley. Different scorpions are found in the area as well as a Triatomine bug, the vinchuca (Triatoma platensis), which transmits the Chagas5 disease to humans (Stenborg 2002a:118).
3:4 Chronology in the Argentinean Archaeology The first periodization employed for north-western Argentina was build up by Max Uhle in the first decade of the 20th century (Sjdin 1990:22). The first periodization was later changed by the one made by Victor A. Nez Regueiro (Nez Regueiro 1978:453-484). This is divided into three stages. Foraging stage 13000-500 B.C., Producing stage 500 B.C.-1536 AD and Stage of European trade expansion post 1536. The relevant stage for Pichao is Producing stage which is divided into four periods (Nez Regueiro 1978:466-480) as well as the subsequent SpanishNative Period just after the fall of the Inca-empire. In the case of Pichao and Colalao the SpanishNative Period ended in 1659 (Stenborg 2002a). The Colonial Period starts after the fall of native resistance, which was crushed by the Spaniards.
Archaic Period 500-200 BC. Formative Period 200 BC-1000 AD. Regional Development Period 1000-1480. Imperial Period 1480-1536.
5
mal de Chagas is the name attributed to a disease that causes a high mortality in the rual population in NW
Argentina. The Vinchuca bug carries a micro-organism that carries Trypanasoma cruzi which causes Chagas. The disease affects the heart, stomach and intestinal system (Meltzer 1993:152).
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Spanish-Native Period 1536-1664. Colonial Period post 1664-1810.
3:5 North-western Argentinean Archaeological History - Earlier Research in the Region In the end of the 19th century and early 20th century early archaeological studies were carried out in the north-western part of Argentina. Among the most important of these early researchers were Juan B. Ambrosetti, Eric Boman, Herman F.C. Ten Kate, Carlos Brunch, Erland Nordenskild, Vladimir Weiser and Salvador Debenedetti. Already in the beginning of the 20th century Swedish expeditions were undertaken in north-western Argentina (Andersson 1999:72). During this period most of the excavations were made in cemeteries. Usually the excavations included extensive mapping and a lot of surface material was collected. A lot of work was assigned to ceramics, to create typological series (Johansson 1996:51). Erik von Rosen and Erland Nordenskild (later director of the ethnographic museum in Gothenburg) led several expeditions in the northern part of Argentina in 1901-1902. Other Swedes like Stig Rydn, who was a student of Nordenskild, followed in their footsteps. These expeditions acquired large amounts of object, which are now in the collections of the National Museum of World Cultures in Gothenburg and The Ethnographic Museum in Stockholm (infoga ref frn Nordenskild biografi frn Lund). The close contact with Sweden ended in the fifties. Other foreign archaeologists working in Argentina include the North Americans Wendel C. Bennett, Everett F. Bleiler and Frank H. Sommer. They published Northwest Argentine Archaeology in 1948, which was an important work. In the early fifties Alberto Rex Gonzlez made important advances. His work was based on fieldwork not like Bennett, Bleiler and Sommer who based their work on earlier publications and fieldwork by others. During the sixties and seventies Alberto Rex Gonzlez, Victor Nez Regueiro, Myriam Tarrag, Ana Mara Lorandi and Veronica Williams carried out extensive archaeological projects. They were interrupted by financial and political reasons. Later they have been able to resume their work. Tarrag and Williams are currently working in the Santa Mara valley.
3:6 Ceramics In the valley of Santa Mara the types of pottery during the Regional Development Period include: Santa Mara tricolour, Santa Mara bicolour, Beln, Quilmes and Famabalasto. During
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the Spanish-Native Period: Caspinchago and Yocavil. The Tosca pottery, which is the name of an undecorated coarse ware used for household ceramics and cookingvessels, is also often found in sites in the Santa Mara Valley, but it is not often mentioned in the literature. One of the reasons for this is that it is often found in large quantities and it's so often found at sites which makes it unsuitable for typological dating, but it is used for thermoluminescence dating purpose. San Jos or Andalhuala is present at least during 700-1000 AD, but the temporal extension is a bit unclear, it was most probably used after 1000 AD, this pottery is very similar to Santa Mara in material, but not in shape. The San Jos is more cylindrical and less curved than Santa Mara (Johansson 1996:65-68). On the site of El Pichao there are loads of pieces of pottery and anywhere you go you will find pottery out in the open. The most common are Santa Mara, Tosca, and Caspinchango. In sector XII there are finds of Yocavil. Occasionally there are other finds of ceramics. Santa Mara is usually divided into two types, Santa Mara tricolour and Santa Mara bicolour. Santa Mara tricolour has been classified as older than Santa Mara bicolour. Santa Mara pottery is characterised by a brick-red ware. The exterior of the vessel has usually been covered by a white or cream coloured slip. Santa Mara tricolour consists of painting in red and black on a cream coloured slip. Santa Mara bicolour has black painting on the same kind of slip. Santa Mara tricolour and bicolour are in this text referred to Brick-red with white slip, shorten BR-white, so any confusion about ceramics not is made. The Beln and Quilmes ceramics differs from the Santa Mara type in colour, surface treatment and shape, while often showing some similarities in decoration. The surface is often polished on the Beln ceramics and decorated with incisions and black painting. They are both given the same temporal extension as the Santa Mara types. Beln ceramics is in this text referred to Brick-red, red polished or red slip, shorten BR red. In sector VIII, BR-white is what you will find among the surface finds and of course Tosca ceramics. In sector X, BR-red is found more often than BR-white. In the northern part of the Calchaqu valleys the Casa Morada polychrome or Inca-Paya is found, but mainly in the province of Salta. This style shows a mixed pattern of Inca and local traits. This ceramic style is heavily influenced by the Inca ceramics, Cuzco polychrome, Cuzco red on white, and Cuzco buff (Stenborg 1999:22-26).
Part IV: The Site of Pichao
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4:1 The Site of Pichao General Overview The site of Pichao is located in the Santa Mara valley in the province of Tucumn in northwestern Argentina, about 8 km west of the village of Colalao del Valle. The site is located very close to the modern village of El Pichao, population about 300 persons. Probably parts of the modern village of El Pichao are built on parts of the old settlement. Pichao is situated approximately 2200 m.a.s.l. on 26.4 Latitude south and 65.9 Longitude east (Cornell et al MS). The site of Pichao has remains from the Formative Period to the Spanish-Native Period. The settlement covers approximately 100 ha -including areas of cultivation the total site covers more than 500 ha. Both the modern village of El Pichao and the site are situated on the alluvial fan. Ro Pichao and Ro Trancas are the two most important water sources. Delimitation of the site was made in 1989 by the crew (Cornell 1993:137) and is based of the fact that the site of Pichao had a common water-supply, consisting of Ro Trancas and Ro Pichao.
Photo 1. View of the site of Pichao with the Santa Mara river in the backround.
4:2 Earlier Investigations at Pichao It all started in 1989 with the project: Emergence and growth of Centres: A case study in the 16
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Santa Mara Valley, which was an Swedish- Argentinean joint-project, between the Department of Archaeology at the University of Gothenburg, the Department of Archaeology at University of Stockholm and Institute of Archaeology at the National University of Tucumn. The project was from the beginning an interdisciplinary one with both archaeologists, historians, social anthropologists, bioanthropologists, geologists. Out of this a lot of project has grown and a lot of work has been done. Almost every year since 1989 there has been someone from Sweden working in Pichao. Per Cornell (1993) has been working with household units in STucTav5. Per Stenborg (2002a) has mostly been working with settlement at a larger scale and in particular with settlement parts dating from the Spanish-Native Period (STucTav7) and to a large extent with ethnohistory. Nils Johansson (1996) worked with the cemeteries and grave-material in STucTav6. Susana Sjdin (1990;1991) is working with the ceramics and pottery analysis of the whole site. Leif Hggstrm (Cornell et al MS) has been doing a lot of mapping of the site. Lisbet Bengtsson (1992; 2001) has been working with settlement remains. Other important work has also been made by the following; Sven Ahlgren (1990), Staffan Anberg (in Cornell and Sjdin 1990), Ana Vega Caro (Cornell et al MS), Cecilia Ericsson (1992), Gloria Esteban-Johansson, Mikaela Fristedt, Adriana Muoz, Johan Normark, Victor A. Nez Regueiro (1990???), Eduardo E. Ribotta and Bengt Westergaard. A study of the more resent historical development in the village of El Pichao has been done by Mara Clara Medina (2002).
4:3 The Sectors During the first field-season in Pichao in 1989, the site was divided into different sectors, 12 sectors altogether. This was done in order to get a more organised image of the site and in most cases, it doesnt reflect any prehistoric organisation or division. Sector I-V is situated on the alluvial fan. Sector VI-VIII on the western slopes on the surrounding hillsides. Sector IX and X are situated on small heights in an area located south-west of the alluvial fan and sector XI and XII are situated north of the alluvial fan. The site of Pichao actually consists of four different sites, STucTav5 is the main area, consisting of sectors I-X, STucTav6 corresponds to sector XI and STucTav7 to sector XII. STucTav14 consists of sector XIV which was investigated during the field-season of 2002.
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Figure 2. Pichao, the STucTav5 and STucTav7 sites. From Stenborg (2002a).
4:4 Settlement remains There are different kinds of settlement remains in Pichao. Housestructures and terraces are the most common features at the site of Pichao. There are several different types of terraces. The 18
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most common are small terraces for agricultural purposes. They range from 10-20m long and 35m wide and up to 0,4 m high. These terraces are common in sector IV, V, VII, VIII and XIV, but they are also encountered in the other sectors. In sector VII and VIII there are also larger habitational terraces, approximately 30 m long, 5-20m wide and up to 4m high. Inside these structures there have been found large amounts of ceramic shreds and wall remains. There are also terraces constructed to prevent erosion, there are good examples of this just south of sector X. Johansson tried to differentiate types of terraces and distinguished 10 different types of terraces at Pichao (Johansson 1996:102-105). The lack of monumental architecture is one thing that separate the sites in the Calchaqu valley from the Central Andean archaeology. The sizes of structures at the site of Pichao varies considerably over the whole site. The thickness of the walls are sometimes more than 1 meter wide. Houses are generally built in small clusters, which I call units. Depending on the different periods there are different structures/units. Structures dating from the Formative Period tend to be large circular structures with one or several smaller circular structures attached. Large rectangular structures with attached semi-circles, the so called Casa Ambrosetti, are common during the Regional Development Period (Stenborg 2002a:92-95). Most of these Casa Ambrosetti units are situated on the alluvial fan. Investigations at one settlement dated to the Spanish-Native Period revealed small units composed of interconnected structures of the same size (Stenborg 2002a:187). The structures from this period has not been properly investigated concerning the region as a whole. Investigations in sector XII by Stenborg (2002a) have shown one example of what units from this period look like. Investigations from units supposed to be from the SpanishNative Period were undertaken in the field-season of 2002, but any dates have not yet been received.
Part V: Entrances
5:1 Definition of Entrance/Exit/Opening An entrance is a connection through walls, which you use to go from one part of a building to another or enter/leave a building. The definition of entrances in this work is sections of walls, 19
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where the wall is interrupted and the height of the wall is considerably lower than the height of the nearest parts of the same walls is. This definition I have borrowed from Stenborg (1991:12), but I also extend the definition to the most possible place where people have entered/left the building/structure. Another term that I use is passage. A passage is a particular form of an entrance. A passage is located in connection to entrances to different areas and the entrances forms a part of the passage. The passage forms the path between entrances or are paths that leads into a delimit space. A passage consists of three elements one entrance in each end and a path leading between the two entrances. Passages are paths located inside a cluster of units/structures, leading between units/structures from an entrance/exit to another entrance/exit, for examples see map over complex C (Figure 5 in Appendix section). Ramps have also been proposed to have been used in Pichao to enter houses. The ramps were constructed of stones laid on top of each other to form a ramp so it was possible to enter different structures.
5:2 Introduction to Entrances at the Site of Pichao The structures in Pichao mostly consists of low stonewalls. Since a lot of the buildings are hardly visible above ground it could sometimes be very hard to determine where the entrances really are. It could be quite tricky to see the difference between an entrance and erosion. Sometimes I have only done qualified guesses, but there is always a good reason behind the guess. Doing a proper excavation had in many cases helped a lot but it is time consuming and we didn't have time for this during our short stay in Pichao.
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Photo 2. Entrance. Nr ?? in sector??
Most of the structures in sector VIII and X are placed in mountain slopes, just above the alluvial fan. If you look at the sizes of the entrances they also seem to be more or less the same with sizes reaching between 50-170 cm wide, for most entrances the width is around 80 cm, the greater width is mostly because of modern use/damage to the entrance. The depth is reaching between 70-440 cm, this measurement also is subject to misunderstanding, 70 cm is an entrance between two possible rooms and 440 cm is a long passage between two entrances inside complex C, most of the entrances are around 120-140 cm in depth. The height is almost impossible to determine, since a lot of the structures are under the surface and an excavation is necessary to reveal this measurements. Also if the structures have had some kind of construction on top of the stone-construction this is gone and impossible to determine. See Appendix section for plans and data on all entrances. Almost all of the structures that are placed in slopes have the entrance in that part of the structure which is facing the slope opposite the hillside. The circular structure on the Casa Ambrosetti units usually only have one entrance/opening from the rectangular area into the circular area. I have however in a few cases in Pichao found openings that lead from outside directly into the circular area. This openings might however have a more recent origin and might have been made/created or eroded after the abandonment of the structure. 21
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5:3 Some problems concerning the discovering of an entrance/opening One problem that exists with entrance is that they could be hard to locate. Many times it takes an excavation to find entrances. Sometimes what may seem as an entrance may later be discovered not to be an entrance. This may depend that part of the structure is covered with soil, so what seems like an entrance above ground can during the excavation turn out to be a part of the wall. This was the case of unit 10 in sector III, which was excavated in 1991. The part above ground which was considered an entrance in unit 10, a section with no visible stones above ground, was during the excavation discovered to be a well built wall, not visible above ground (Bengtsson 1992:52). In some cases the entrance is not visible above ground. During the investigations of unit 100 in STucTav5 in the field-season of 2002 some interesting things were discovered underneath the ground. Under the surface two entrances were discovered (Personal observation in Pichao July 2002; Cornell and Galle Nov 2002). One of the entrances was even walled up/blocked. This shows that what might seem to be an entrance doesnt have to be the entrance or in some cases the entrance is hidden under the surface. So to make a more careful investigation of entrances it really takes an excavation to find out if the entrances in question is an entrance or not or where the actual entrance really is located.
Part VI: Presentation of the Material from Pichao

In this part I will present and evaluate the material collected in Pichao. A preliminary observation and assumption is that sector VIII is younger than sector X. This assumption is based on the fact that in sector VIII, I have only found BR-white ceramics, I haven't found any traces at all of BRred which is considered an older kind of ceramic. In sector X there are both BR-white and BRred, but the BR-red is much more common (See dated material in Stenborg 2001). This is a reason why I think that sector VIII is younger than sector X. A reasonable assumption is that sector X has been in used over a longer time period than sector VIII, since there is traces of both BR-red and BR-white in sector X, but when I investigated reports on the material encountered in sector X I realised that sector X most probably was used under a shorter time-span. A lot of the surface material probably have been transported down to sector X by natural elements such as water. 22
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Placement and size of entrances is more or less the same in the both sectors. I started out measuring the height of the openings, but after some moments of consideration it soon showed to be quite fruitless, since all of the units/structures where covered by layers of sediment. It would require an excavation to locate the bottom part of the entrance. In some cases the measurements have been wrong and estimations made. This is however left out in this analysis and in the appendix section. During the field-season of 1992 a couple of test-trenches were made in sector X. One reason was to compare the relationship of sector III, VIII and X. The largest part of ceramics encountered during the excavation was Brick-Red ware, including both Belen (Brick-Red with red slip) ceramics and Santa Mara (Brick-Red with white slip) ceramics. A higher amount of BR-white was encountered during the excavation, but one interesting feature is that if the top 20 cm is excluded (the 20 top cm is a mixed cultural layer, a lot of the top material might have been transported to the present location with water etc.) in the survey BR-red will be dominating (Stenborg 2001:71-79). This is very interesting if you compare with the ceramic material encountered at sector VIII, which primarily consists of BR-white ceramics. The preliminary interpretation made of the results obtained in sector X is that the sector has been used during a short occupation. Indications from the excavations also show that a hasty abandonment may have occurred. The evidence collected shows also that the settlement of sector X might pre-date most of the other sectors on the alluvial fan. No traces of Formative material were encountered so the sector was probably used during the early part of the Regional Development Period (c A.D. 1000-1300) (Stenborg 2001:78-79). The results of the luminescence dating have also shown similar results (Stenborg 2002a:LII; Cornell and Johansson 1993).
6:1 Description of sector VIII Most part of sector VIII is situated on the mountain slope located just west of sector III. Sector VIII consists of various clusters of structures. The largest cluster of structures has been termed complex B and consists of a terraced area with 8 levels of constructions (Sjdin 1990:33). This area was investigated and also two other areas north-east of complex B and the area south of complex B. The results from the excavations done in sector VIII have not yet been presented. Unit 5 and unit 9 were excavated and a preliminary report is given in Stenborg (2002a:XI-XIII). The
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dates suggest that the area was occupied during the later part of the Regional Development Period and possibly continued a bit in to the Imperial Period. Dating of the material from Pichao includes both luminescence (TL, OSL and SARA) and radiocarbon dates. See Stenborg 2002a:LI for further information about the dating made in Pichao. From sector VIII six luminescences samples have been obtained. The results were: 140060, 140060, 140060, 142040, 149030, 149040 (Stenborg 2002a:LII). All the ceramic dated from sector VIII comes from unit 9 in complex B (See table 07 in Stenborg 2002a:LV-LVII and Cornell and Johansson 1993).
6:2 Entrances in sector VIII In sector VIII, 19 entrances were found during the surveys done. Of those 18 is included in this study, because of some insufficient information in my fielddairy. See Appendix section for data and plans on entrances. The entrances in sector VIII vary between 110 cm to 300 cm in depth, the average depth is 190,5 cm. The width of the entrances varies between 62 cm to 163 cm, and the average width is 96,2 cm. In earlier investigations in sector VIII some other entrances were found (Sjdin 1990: 34-36), but they were not visible when I did my investigation, most probably due to erosion.
Some general observations may be made concerning the entrances in sector VIII. Most of the entrances are located in the part of the unit/structure that faces the downward slope. The structures investigated in the north-eastern part of sector VIII have the entrances placed in various positions, most probably since these structures are not located in the slope. The depth always exceeds the width. The depth varies more than the width of the entrances/openings. The average width is around 80 cm.
6:3 Description of sector X Sector X is situated in the southern part of STucTav5. Sector X consists of several clusters of structures. The largest one termed complex C is located in a minor slope in the mountain cleft of sector X. Some minor excavations were done in sector X during the 1992 fieldcampaign
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(Stenborg 2001: 71-79). Complex C was investigated by the author along with most part of the sector. From sector X two luminescences dates have been obtained. The material was dated to 115050 and 122080 (Stenborg 2002a:LII). The two pieces of ceramic as the dating was based on come from unit 19 in sector X (See table 07 in Stenborg 2002a:LVI). During the excavation of structure 5, unit 19 in sector X an entrance was found (see figure 6.10 in Stenborg 2001). The entrance wasn't visible above ground and was found in the southern wall. An interesting feature was that a hearth was found in that entrance. Something on the surface that looked like an entrance in the north-east wall was found to be nothing but a depression in that wall, most likely caused by recent activity (Stenborg 2001:78). This also show how difficult it is to use an ocular inspection to decide if an entrance really is an entrance. There are many factors which can contribute to create openings in walls that looks like entrances. So much more information can be obtained if a proper excavation is done. It takes a proper excavation to be sure if an entrance is an entrance or if it is only an opening in the wall of more recent activity. A lot of the units in Pichao have shown patterns of re-utilization of space. A large amount of secondary refuse in buildings is pointing in that direction. One thing that doesn't fit in this pattern is sector X, which has not shown any direct traces of re-utilization. This indicates that the area was most probably used during a short time period (Cornell et al MS:15). Ceramic BR-W material on the surface indicates that some form of re-utilization of the sector did exist.
6:4 Entrances in sector X In sector X, 33 entrances were investigated under the surveys done, including two passages with two different entrances each. Of those 21 are included in this study, including the two passages with two entrances each. The entrances and passages are presented separately, since I have made a distinction between entrances and passages (see Part V for definition of entrance/exit/opening earlier). The entrances in sector X vary between 70 cm to 400 cm in depth, the average depth is 167,5 cm not including the passages. Including the passages the average depth is 198,8 cm. One of passages is 600 cm and the other 440 cm. The width of the entrances varies between 50 cm to 170 cm, and the average width is 91 cm not including the passages. Including the passages the
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average width is 89,6 cm.
Some general observations may be made concerning the entrances in sector X. Most of the entrances are located in the part of the unit/structure that faces the downward slope. The structures which are not located just below the slope and not part of Complex C have their entrances located in different parts of the structures. The depth exceeds the width in 18 cases of 21. The depth varies more than the width of the entrances/openings. The average width is around 80 cm.
6:5 Entrances in other parts of Pichao I am not the first who has been studying entrances/openings/exits in Pichao. A minor investigation has been made by Stenborg (2002a). A minor comparison of the width of the openings has been made in STucTav5, in sector III and IV and STucTav7, in sector XII (see table 06 in Stenborg 2002a:192-193). Earlier excavations in STucTav5 in unit 1 and 12 have shown that a large quantity of ceramic shreds was found in the openings between the structures (Cornell 1993: 158, 162 and see table 3 and 5). The absolute frequency of ceramic material encountered was higher in the openings between the structures in the case of unit 1 and unit 12 in STucTav5. It was also observed that the frequency of Coarse Ware ceramics was higher in these contexts than inside the structures interpreted as dwellings (see table 10 and 11 Stenborg 2002a:LX). One possible explanation to this is that ceramics were stored in the openings between structures or in some facilities close to the opening (Stenborg 2002a:198). No traces of actual doors or any kind of construction to fasten or lock doors have been discovered at Pichao. However in sector XII these features can be found, but in structures which probably has been re-occupied. This doesnt mean that this feature didn't exist in the prehistoric settlement. Maybe we just don't know how to identify this.
Summary of the Collected Material

According to the luminescence dating made sector X is older than sector VIII. When
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investigating the entrances/openings/exits/doorways in Pichao I haven't noticed that the placement of entrance has anything to do with how the entrance is placed due to the point of the compass. The entrance in both sectors doesn't seem to placed in one general direction towards any specific object or place. The direction varies from structure to structure, but one thing which is a general trait among all the structures is that the entrance is placed so that soil and water not easily comes into the structure, accordingly the entrances face downwards the slope. The size of the entrances in the two sectors is more or less the same. The entrance in sector VIII is both a little longer and a little wider than in sector X, but it is only marginally. The entrances in sector X are in average 23 cm smaller in depth than sector VIII. The difference in width between the two sectors is 5,2 cm. The entrance to a structure could be placed on both short-sides and long-sides of structures. One feature that is common on the site as a whole is that most structures only have one entrance. In some cases a structure can have different entrances, but in most cases they are the result of post-abandonment processes. The exception to this rule is the structures inside the complexes A (sector III), B (sector VIII) and C (sector X) where almost every structure have a number of different entrances. See plans on the Complexes in Appendix section.
Part VII: Discussion and Conclusions

In this part I shall discuss entrances/openings/exits/doorways in different perspectives and try to analyse the collected material from Pichao. Entrances are hard to move, an entrance is an entrance. Many may disappear because of different reasons, for example they may be walled up for different reasons, mostly entrances are in situ, but many things can create and destroy entrances: people, animals, vegetation, erosion, soil, wind, water, and weather. You just cannot find an entrance lying around. An entrance is a part of a construction. One thing that you can do to distinguish an entrance from just a damage wall is to look at the sides of the entrances. If the sides of the entrance are really irregular and there are missing a lot of stones, it might have been something else that has created the opening in the wall. But if the sides are really flat and smooth and it looks more like it's bricked, it's most probably an entrance and not just a hole in the wall. In this discussion I will mainly use examples from sector VIII and X, since my survey mostly deals with those sectors and I will only briefly mention the other sectors. I will begin my discussion 27
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with functional aspects of entrances.
Functional/practical aspects of entrances

There are many reasons for how one should place an entrance in a house or structure. First the location of the house/structure is of importance. A structure that is placed in a slope will face other factors than for instance a structure that is placed on a plain surface or structures placed close to a slope or structures placed close to a stream or river.
7:1 Protection against the natural elements, wind and water One thing of importance is to place the entrance in the structure so that it prevents soil, dust, dirt and water to enter the house/structure. If the entrance is placed in the same side as the uphill slope it will be very inconvenient. Entrances/openings/exits to the different units in Pichao are often placed in the part of the units which is not facing the uphill slope. The main reason for this must be to prevent to get loads of dust, soil and water into the house from up the uphill slope. So most often I think that the most reasonable placement of an entrance in a structure located in a slope would be in that part of the structure which is opposite the hillside. In the case of Pichao all structures located in slopes have their entrance located opposite the hillside (personal observation Pichao 2001).
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Photo 03. Overview of the site of Pichao with Carrizal and the Santa Maria River in the background.
Another factor that might have been of importance is the view. If you place the entrance in that part of the structure which is opposite to the uphill slope, it will give the inhabitants of the house/structure a great view. In the case of Pichao the inhabitants would have had a great view over the valley and the Ro Santa Mara. This might not have been the major reason, but it would have been quite nice every morning you leave your house. This will get us to think that what you saw from your entrance to your house might have been of importance. As Bengtsson suggests (Bengtsson 1992:108) the orientation of entrances/doorways for houses may have a practical reason. Research among the Fulani in Upper Volta (Fasso) has shown that the temporary dwellings they build are made with the entrance to the opposite side of the anticipated rainstorm to prevent water and wind to get inside the house during the rainy season. Other groups of the Fulani orient their dwellings in a hierarchical order to express notion of seniority. The dwellings in Pichao were most probably not temporary like the Fulanis but the prevention of wind and water to enter houses must have been central, also in Pichao. So to prevent water and wind to enter has accordingly been important and I think it is one of the most 29
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important reasons of where to place an entrance.
7:2 Protecting and Controlling the area around a structure Another important reason for where an entrance was placed is the possibility to control and protect the area surrounding the structure. Controlling people entering and leaving buildings has probably been the same in prehistoric societies as it is in today's modern society. An entrance can be placed so that from the entrance one can view one's own property. This will make it harder for anyone to steal or destroy crops, tools or other things you have on your property. So if an entrance is placed in the proper part of a structure one can easily survey one's own property. Protection and surveillance might have been of greater importance during wartime and other trouble times, when the need of higher security is bigger. In trouble times protection is of greater value. If one can look over a great distance from one's entrance one can detect enemies faster, which leads to that one have more time to build up a defence or run away. In times like this usually there are much bigger need of being able to protect house and home and especially food resources. Not only in wartime one might be in need of protecting and controlling the area around one's house. If a lot of dangerous animals inhabit the area one can with the entrance well placed more easily protect and defend oneself against them. Some animals might eat and destroy crops if you easily can survey your crops and from your entrance to your house it will be much easier to defend them from different animals. So from the entrance in the structures placed in the slopes in Pichao one would to some extension have been able to survey and control the area close around the structures. So for being able to control and protect the area around a structure the placement of an entrance is of great importance. In the case of Pichao the socio- economical structures have not been studied. Which makes it hard, not to say almost impossible to draw any conclusions based on this.
7:3 Protecting and controlling the area inside a structure A single entrance to a structure makes it easy to control the access to the structure. Controlling access to structures has always been of importance, from old kings treasure vaults to modern-day bank vaults. This can be seen in some cases in the central Andean archaeology as well. At the site of Cerro Arena in northern Peru there are examples of entire complexes with only one entrance. The entrance is located in the domestic area, well away from the non-domestic area, which
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contained storerooms. This makes access control easy and as well valuable goods in the storerooms are well protected and sealed off from easy access (Bawden 1990:156). If control was an important thing at Pichao is hard to tell, but the entrances/exits were easy to control. The entrances to the different structures were not made for many people to enter/leave simultaneously since the width of the entrances/doorways doesn't allow more than one person to enter/leave the room at the same time. It also has the effect that the person entering or leaving a room will be clearly distinguished by the persons inside/outside the room (Bengtsson 1992:110). Both access to the small rounded structures and the larger rectangular ones could be controlled in this way since the entrances are more or less of the same size. Since almost all of the rounded structures only are accessible from the rectangular structures, both content and access is controlled from the rectangular structures (Bengtsson 1992:35). If controlling the entrances had importance it will take further investigations/research to conclude. One explanation can be that the people at Pichao didn't have the technology to construct larger and more elaborated entrances to the different structures. Maybe they didn't need larger entrances due to the small number of people moving in or out of the structures. The population may have been so low that the risk of bumping into another person was very low. An important feature is that the entrances are quite deep since the thickness of the structures is around one meter.
7:4 Controlling Space and Limits, The Casa Ambrosetti Example Among the settlement remains in Pichao there are household units, some of the quite common household units is of the type termed Casa Ambrosetti. The unit consists of a large rectangular area with one or several smaller rounded structures attached. There are several different interpretations of the use of space in the different parts of the structure. The rectangular area has been interpreted as patios or yards which has been used as a multipurpose area (Cornell 1993:151). On the other hand Bengtsson (1992) and Giani and Berberin (1999) has interpreted the rectangular area as a dwelling/habitional area. The rectangular area are quite large and has probably not been roofed. No postholes have been found here and it is just a little too large to roof, but may be part of this area has been roofed. So is this inside or outside? The area is delimited by a stone wall but it hasn't got a roof or maybe only part of it has been roofed. This multipurpose area is between inside and outside. In one sense it's outside, but on the other side it's inside.
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Figure 3. A Casa Ambrosetti unit. STucTav5, sector III, unit 1 with trenches. This plan was made, using a level instrument. From Stenborg (2002a).
The rounded semi circular structures, that are attached to the larger rectangular structures, have been interpreted as dwellings by Cornell (1993). This is based on the different floor layers which have been found inside the structure, but Bengtsson (1992) who has been working in Peru before has an alternative approach to these structures. Bengtsson thinks it has been a storage
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room. Bengtsson is basing this on data from similar cases in Peru. The circular structures aren't, according to my own observations, placed on a particular place on the units, it differs from unit to unit. I will use the interpretations made by Cornell here, since I have come to think that the most reasonable case is that the circular structure has been used as a dwelling/habitional area and the rectangular area as a multipurpose area. Control: If we look for example of a Casa Ambrosetti unit, it is easy to control people entering the unit. At first a person has to enter the large rectangular sphere. The access to this area is easy to control since the entrance is a quite narrow deep doorway. Here a lot of people can't enter at the same time. The person entering will be easily distinguished by everybody inside the rectangular structure. Here we have let the person enter the first sphere, a more public sphere. For the person who has just entered the rectangular structure, it will be more difficult to enter the next sphere, the circular structure, because it is a more private sphere. All the people in the rectangular area will see him or her entering the next sphere as well as the person inside the inner-sanctum will see if a person enters since the entrance to this area also is quite deep and narrow and only let one person at a time enter. The inner sanctum is also small and anyone inside will directly notice that a person has entered the most inner centre of the whole structure. Control is accordingly an important factor when persons enter different spheres and to be able to control ones own property. If this is a storeroom or this is a dwelling/habitation area here will be things of importance. Since access to this inner sanctum is controlled by a number of entrances it will be difficult to remove things from this sphere without being noticed by anybody. The question is still: did the people living in prehistoric society at the site of Pichao really have any real use of control and need of controlling different areas? Protection: if we use the Casa Ambrosetti structure once again for investigating different spheres. We now know that access was easy to control for the circular structures. This area is also the hardest to enter. So here it's easy to protect things since there are two different entrances for a person to get through before it is possible to enter this space. If protection was essential, at the time when the structure was in use, against different foes, why was not the inner-sanctum built inside the large rectangular area? This might show that protection wasn't an essential thing during the time of usage, otherwise it would have been much wiser to construct the dwelling inside of the rectangular unit.
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7:5 Why so deep entrances to the structures in Pichao? Well one basic reason is that the wall is wide and then the entrance automatically will be deep as well, this is obvious so there must be some other reasons as well. If you have a deep entrance heat doesn't escape easily, small and deep/long entrances effectively prevent heat from the fire to escape easily in the cold periods, it also prevents the cold wind from entering the structure. For example during a cold winter-day someone is making a fire indoors to make it a little bit hot, and because there is a quite a deep entrance to the house the heat stays inside the house. If the entrances should be shorter the heat would much faster disappear out of the entrance. If the entrance is deep it protects the inner area, which is shut off from peoples view. I think that the main reason might have been to prevent the heat to escape from inside the structure, but to seal off the inner part from peoples view might also have been of some significance. The deeper entrance/exit the harder it's for the heat to escape and the cold wind to enter. A lot of the entrances in Pichao are quite deep, up to approximately 4 meters, so this would have been ideal on the cold winter nights in Pichao. Erosion can have played a significant role in why the walls are so thick. Thick walls may have been constructed to prevent erosion. If one studies the plan over complex C (figure 5) one can see that the walls in the upper part of a structure usually are thicker than walls located on the opposite side, that is the wall located on the lower part of the structure. The constructions of thick walls would have been one way to try to prevent erosion. An entrance placed in a thick wall will naturally become quite deep, but since the thick walls usually are placed in the upper part of the structure there are normally no entrances in that part of the structure. Another reason is that if the entrance/exit is deep it will prevent that a lot of soil and dirt blows directly into the structure. One interesting feature is the entrance to unit 1 in sector XIV, STucTav14. The walls of the structures appeared to be shellwalls. The inner and outer wall overlaps each other. This entrance is elongated and curved (see plan over unit 1, STucTav146). This phenomenon creates a kind of airlock, which will be even more effective in preventing the cold winds to enter and the heat to escape. This would be very practical for the inhabitants of the structure on cold winter
6
The plan of unit 1, STucTav14 has not yet been published, but the plan can be obtained from the Department of
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nights. Similar architectonic features have not yet been discovered anywhere else on the site.
7:6 Communication between Different Structures Communication might be another issue, when one decides where the entrance shall be placed in a structure. Communication has always been of importance whether its a question of communications on a grand scale, like communication between different areas, like the highland or lowland or communication on a smaller scale, like communication between villages or maybe even communication inside villages. When studying space entrances are of great significance. Depending on where the entrance/entrances is/are placed the structure in question will have different ways of communicating with the other structures in the area/vicinity. This will control the accessibility of the structure. To study this one should understand flow of people and how they move through space. In this perspective not only entrances/exits are of importance. Paths and walkways should be taken into account to fully understand accessibility and how people move from one part of space to another part of space. In this case the placement of entrances in structures will be a central matter. Structures located in slopes have other means of communicating with each other and with structures located further down the hillside or on the plain below the slope, because of their unique position, see the different plans over Pichao in this paper. Communication between the different sectors in Pichao must have occurred. This leaves sector VIII in a unique position compared to the other sectors in Pichao, since sector VIII is located on the slope just above the major part of the site located on the alluvial fan (see figure 2). The structures on the slopes in sector VIII and X (refer to photo, to be included) have had a great view over structures further down on the alluvial fan. Easy access and movement between the sectors was probably important to manage to transport both people and things over the area. Maybe there were paths to move around in the area on the mountain slopes. It might have been easier to move around between the different parts of the area on paths located on the mountain slopes on the western part of the site. Communication between different structures inside a smaller area must have been of importance. Somehow people must move themselves and things around from one part to another part. This must have demanded some kind of paths or roads,
Archaeology at the University of Gteborg.
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streets. In this perspective also the entrances must have had an importance, for instance about where they were placed to easier have access to different paths or to prevent access to paths or to prevent people using the paths to enter houses easily. A kind of control over different paths or routes may have been of importance. There might also have been places where people didn't go, invisible borders that people didn't cross to sacred parts of the space. Places considered taboo, places considered to belong to others in a more private way or places not trampled on due to tradition (Galle 2002:7). Symbolic borders like this can be hard for us to discover.
7:7 Entrances caused for and by Animal Activity Some entrances in Pichao has a more rounded structure, these entrances are very interesting, since they don't look like most of the entrances to the other structures in Pichao. These entrances are often found on corrales7. The entrances can be made more like passageways or in a way which makes it easy to push the animals into a fenced/secluded area, which have been made for keeping animals, probably camelids. Passageways made for herding can be found around the site among the conglomerated settlements found at the site of Pichao, see for example the plan over complex C (figure 5). Some examples of entrances are more likely made after the abandonment of the structure. For example the entrances that are placed in the corner of the structures. A possibility is that they are made by animals. The animal comes into the structure and walks around. It finally gets stuck in the corner and the easiest way is to walk over the structure. After this has happened a couple of times an opening/rapture/break is forming due to the animal activity.
7:8 Walled up entrances During the excavation of unit 100, StucTav5 in the field-season of 2002 two entrances were discovered under ground. One of the entrances was walled up after the abandonment of the structure (Personal observation in Pichao 2002; Cornell and Galle 2002). This is interesting why would anyone wall up an entrance in a house and then abandon it. If control of the contents and access of the structures becomes more important this might have been one reason why one chooses to close one or several entrances in a structure. Another reason to seal up a structure
Corral is an enclosed pasture to keep livestock, lamas for example.
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when it was abandon might have been that it had a symbolic meaning for the people who was in some way connected to it, living in it or close it, like a kind of rite of passage that was performed during the abandonment. This might have been caused due to a number of different causes, like death, sickness or just during the abandonment of the structure, when people moved on to a new location.
Symbolic/ritual/religious aspects of Entrances

Things like personal taste, relations with neighbours, family size might be factors that are important when placing an entrance/doorway. How do people get effected of moving into different spheres? What effect does this have on people? Sometimes passing through a doorway over the threshold can have a strong symbolic meaning. When we today enter a church or library, we pass into a new sphere. Inside libraries and church you pay respect to other people inside by talking in a low voice/whispering. Inside a church, which is a religious sphere respect to god is shown and people don't run around shouting, but in some free religious churches where exercising demons and the like occur this might happen though. Marriages rites in many cultures all over the world hold the tradition that the bride shall be carried over the threshold after the marriage rites are done with. Similar rites may have existed in Pichao, although there is no evidence for any religious structures or places at Pichao, but certainly there have been rites and ceremonial places. Ceremonial areas have been discovered at other site in the Santa Mara Valley. Reynoso (2002) has studied the sun during the solstice in the site of Rincn Chico, in the Santa Mara Valley. She has noticed that the sun shines on a particular architectonical feature, quarts stones, in a certain building during the solstice. Entering a room/structure can mean that you enter into someone's personal sphere. We sometimes think of the bedroom as a personal sphere and usually we separate the bedroom or the place where you sleep from the rest of the apartment. Toilets and kitchens are also separated from the rest of the living space in western society. The doors of traditional Jewish household are protected by the mezuzah, a small prayer case secured on the doorpost (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:25). In anthropological examples among some people living in isolated pats of the world,
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some parts of Africa, New Guinea and Amazons there are different areas which are only meant for men who have past certain rites of passage. Some areas of the villages are privilege only to the elders or areas which are accessible only to women and sometimes to very small children (see example from Keesing 1981:341).
7:9 Symbolic meanings of orientation of doorways The orientation of doorways can have a significant meaning sometimes the purpose can have a religious aspect. The orientation of the entrance might point in a special direction, towards a religious object, sphere or building. The direction of the entrance can have been created in a special place to make sure that certain creatures can't enter, might it be physical creatures or creatures of the mind, spirits etc. Certain symbols or features can be created on or close by the entrance to make sure that evil spirits and the like can't enter. Inhabited space can be transformed into an imago mundi8 by projection of two or four horizons from a central point, or by a construction ritual which is based on the paradigmatic actions of myth (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:13). In several ethnological studies from South-America and Africa, there are examples of that the placement of the entrance in a house is of central meaning (Hugh-Jones 1979; Kus and Raharijaona 1990; Feeley-Harnik 1980; Huntington 1988). Often the rising sun in the east, have a importance for the placing of the entrance. In modern society today we have examples that religious constructions might have an architectonic feature pointing in a special direction. Mosques have a wall of the courtyard facing in the direction of the holy city of Mecca-called the qibla wall. This area is often roofed and here prayers are recited; the other three walls are often lined with shallow arcades. This scheme is the basic plan for almost all mosque design, of which the three main elements are the courtyard, the qibla wall, and the roofed prayer hall. In the centre of the qibla wall is the mihrab, or prayer niche, that indicates the direction of Mecca. This architectonic feature goes back to the first mosque from 622 located in Muhammad's own back yard in Medina (infoga ref???????). Even if the entrance doesn't have a direct orientation toward a special place, several features insides mosques does. On the site of Pichao only one structure, unit 6, sector I (STucTav5) has been interpreted
Imago mundi means image of the universe.
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to have been used for ceremonial occasions (Tartusi and Nez Regueiro 2001). On areas at a higher altitude, located on the slopes west of the site there are some structures which don't correspond to the structures found further down the slope in StucTav5 and STucTav7. Some of these structures may have been used for herding (Stenborg 2002a:93), other structures might have had a ceremonial significance. Over the site there are some larger boulders and blocks might have been used in ritual aspects. A few of the boulders are sprinkled with garnets or other geological features, which makes them standout. Some these boulders also have mortars in strange positions, which would make the use of mortars extremely unpractical (Galle 2002). Mortars could have been used in ceremonial occasions to crush different substances used in ritual performances. Most certainly there have been places in Pichao which have had similar symbolic functions as mention above, but it will take further investigations to reveal more information about the religious/symbolic world of the people living at the prehistoric site of Pichao.
7:10 Size of an entrance as a mark of social status Size has in some cases been used as a mark of social status. In western society house are status symbols and the hierarchical social order is encapsulated in their variety (Parker Pearson and Richards 1994a:9). Large houses have been interpreted as important houses or belongings to people with power, a kind of large status symbols. Grand portals have once been entrances to important structures, like grand masons, churches and government buildings, to show a sign of power and to impress and awe people. In the case of Pichao there are no signs of any portals like these and I don't think that the size of entrances in Pichao could have been a status-maker. Houses of greater importance where people with some kind of power have lived won't have larger entrances. I think that in the case of Pichao this is inconvenient among other things because of the loss of heat inside a structure when a large entrance is made. Since there are not many structures that has been interpreted as a ceremonial or of greater importance, I think that in Pichao it will take further investigations to make any conclusions about this. Most probably there have been more structures of greater importance and ceremonial structures, but we haven't been able to locate them or recognise them. From the material obtained from Pichao there can't be made clear conclusions but I think it's inconvenient in Pichao to have large entrances and this can't be seen as a status-marker.
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Other ways of entering structures

7:11 Ramps to Enter Houses Entrances to houses don't have to be only doorways. Ambrosetti thought people used ramps to enter houses. According to Ambrosetti prehistoric people in north-western Argentina in some cases used ramps to enter houses. In Pichao I haven't seen any signs of ramps to enter houses. Since most structures have an entrance it doesn't seem likely that people have used ramps to enter different structures. There are examples from sites nearby where the constructions lay so tightly that it doesn't leave any open space between them. Tastil in Quebrada del Toro in the province of Salta is an example of this. At Tastil it might have been possible that the walls have been used as paths (Bengtsson 1992:33) (Cornell 1988:53) (personal observation Dec. 2001). Some areas in Pichao are built quite densely, so that ramps could be used to enter structures, but according to my own observations I haven't found any ramps. During prospectations done one possible ramp was found in Pichao, it was a wall entering a rectangular structure in unit 11, sector III. Excavations were done by Bengtsson to investigate if this was a ramp (Bengtsson 1992:61-69). It was concluded that it wasn't any ramp, more probably it was a wall section that had partially collapsed. It was showed that stones had slid out under one part of the construction and thereby created an inclination. Furthermore there was an entrance in the rectangular structure, just beside the believed ramp and thereby there was not really any need for a ramp to be used to enter the structure. During my own surveys I haven't found any signs of possible ramps to be used for entering structures in Pichao. However in sector XII there are signs of ramps, but they might more probably have been used for getting up on and over walls. Bengtsson, who has studied ramps at other sites in the Santa Mara valley, thinks that the terrain where the site is situated is an important factor if ramps should be used or not. One factor that has to be present at the site is that the terrain should be blocky and had to be cleared in the cultivation process. An other factor is that the terrain had such a slope that it would be hard to build an entrance in any part of the building without removing large quantities of soil with its stones. Stones that had been removed from areas of cultivation, could with advantage be used as building material for ramps. Moving soil with stones to buildings rather than from buildings, was probably was a good way of getting rid of the stones from the fields and at the same time a good place to put them. In the case of Talapazo it has been observed that places where ramps has been 40
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constructed there had earlier been an entrance/doorway. The ramps were a good way of getting rid of excess stones from the fields. Bengtsson concludes this that it seems likely sites that are placed in a gentle slope in the Santa Mara culture doesnt have any ramps. Only sites that are situated at a comparably steep terrain have ramps. This is based on her observations from three different sites, Talapazo, Tolombn and Pichao (Bengtsson 1992:92). Bengtsson suggests that ramps were only used when it was more convenient than doorways within the Santa Mara culture. Further, the ramps in the Casa Ambrosetti units Bengtsson has investigated, leads in and out of the rectangular area. This strengthen the suggestion that the rectangular area of the Casa Ambrosetti unit wasn't roofed but instead open yards. An opening in the roof might have been created so that someone could easily enter the structure but during the investigations no roof, roof construction or special arrangement was found where a ramp reaches the wall in the rectangular unit that might have suggested that a hole in the roof or some kind of roof construction was made (Bengtsson 2001:41). Since the site of Pichao is placed in a slope this is one of the reasons why ramps is not present in Pichao and since I haven't seen any ramps myself that might have been used for entering a structure, I conclude that ramps haven't been used in Pichao to enter structures. I think that ramps in Pichao might have been used on the same way as on sites like Tastil to enter the path on top of the walls, but not to enter structures, since the same factors doesn't apply for the site of Pichao as for the sites mentioned above there are no real need for using ramps to enter structures.
Conclusions and Summary of Discussion

In the case of Pichao almost all of the structures placed in the slopes have the entrance in the part of the house which face the downward slope. One of the basic reasons for this must be that if you place the entrance in the opposite direction wind and water will much more easily venture in to the house and bring a lot of soil, dirt, water etc. I think that this is the most important reason for the placement of an entrance. There might be more reasons for having placed the entrances in this part of the structure. In normal cases I think that practical matters are more important than symbolic matters. I think that functional reasons might have been the prime reason for where to place an entrance. This might later have developed into a symbolic meaning. Something that I
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have left out in the discussion is the finds made in the entrances during the excavations.
7:12 Conclusions Several conclusions can be made of the investigated material. Comparing the two different sectors I have not noticed any big differences. The entrances in the two sectors are very similar. However there are other entrances in the site (in other sectors) which differs a lot form the investigated entrances. These entrances all have features which distinguish them from the more normal type found in most structures all over the site. The entrances might have a more elongated and curved shape, like the entrance to unit 1, STucTav14, investigated in the fieldseason of 2002 or an entrance might be walled up, like two of the entrances in unit 100, STucTav5 or some entrances seems to been made quite small and easy to block like some entrances to corrals. All of the entrances are placed in structures which as been interpreted as dwellings or attached to structures that are attached to the dwellings in some way, often some kind of multipurpose area. According to my observations the entrances to the multipurpose area are slightly wider than the entrance to the dwelling. Placement of the entrances in different structures is more or less the same in both sectors, i.e. the entrances are placed in that part of the house which face the downward slope. I couldnt find any relation that the entrances where placed in any special facing according to the point of the compass between the two sectors investigated. The dimensions of the entrances are more or less the same in both sectors, the entrances in sector VIII is both a little longer and wider, but only marginally.
Part VIII: Summary

I have here tried to investigate entrances/exits/openings from two different sectors in Pichao, STucTav5, North-western Argentina. The study is mainly based on fieldwork done during the field-season of 2001 in Pichao. Something that I have noticed during my research is that in many cases a proper excavation should have been done to obtain more information about the different entrances/openings/doorways/exits/passages. If an excavation is done it is easier to evaluate if an entrance really is an entrance or it is just a hole in the wall created by recent activity. In part I, a brief introduction is given, I also present the aims and methods I'm using. Part II deals with space and consists of the theoretical part of this study. The area surrounding Pichao 42
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and it's natural environment is dealt with in part III. In part IV I present the site Pichao. Definition of entrance/doorways/openings/exits/passages are given in part V. An analysis of the material investigated is done in part VI. In part VII, I discuss entrances through different perspectives. The last part, part VIII is this summary.
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Reference Ahlgren, Sven.1990. The Natural Environment of El Pichao and its Surroundings. In: El Pichao 1989. Preliminary Report from the Project Emergence and Growth of Centres.- A Case Study in the Santa Mara Valley, edited by: Cornell and Sjdin. Preliminary version. Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Ahlgren, Sven, Adriana Muoz, Susana Sjdin and Per Stenborg (eds). 1998. Past and Present in Andean Prehistory and early History. Proceedings of a Workshop held at the Etnografiska Museet Gteborg, Sweden. Etnologiska studier vol. 42, Etnografiska Museet i Gteborg, Gteborg. Andersson, Christel. 1999. El Pichao- arkeologi i nordvstra argentina. In: Fynd nr 1-2. Fornminnesfreningen i Gteborg och Gteborgs Stadsmuseum, Gteborg. Bawden, Garth. 1990. Domestic Space and Social Structure in pre-Columbian northern Peru. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An interdisciplinary cross-cultural study. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Bengtsson, Lisbet. 1992. Architectural Remains as Archaeology: Ideas and Attempts in a SubAndean Context. GOTARC Series C. Arkeologiska Skrifter No. 9, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Bengtsson, Lisbet. 1998. Prehistoric Stonework in the Peruvian Andes - A Case Study at Ollantaytambo. GOTARC Series B, No. 10, Etnologiska studier 44, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg and Etnografiska museet, Gteborg. Bengtsson, Lisbet. 2001. A Comparison of the Architectural Remains at Oichao, Tolombn and Talapazo Sites of the Santa Mara Culture in North-western Argentina. In: Investigations at Pichao: Introduction to Studies in the Santa Mara Valley, North-western Argentina. Edited by: Bengtsson, Cornell, Johansson and Sjdin. BAR International Series 978, Oxford. Bengtsson, Lisbet, Per Cornell, Nils Johansson and Susana Sjdin (eds). 2001. Investigations at Pichao: Introduction to Studies in the Santa Mara Valley, North-western Argentina. BAR International Series 978, Oxford. Bennett, Wendel C, Everett H Bleiler and Frank H Sommer. 1948. Northwest Argentine Archaeology. Yale university studies in anthropology 38. New Haven. Bennett, Wendel C. and Junius B. Bird. 1964. Andean Culture History. American Museum Science
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Books, The Natural History Press, Garden City, New York Cabrera 1974?????? Clarke, David L. 1978. Analytical Archaeology. First published in 1968. Methuen & Co Ltd, Bristol. Cornell, Per. 1988. Emergence and Growth of Centres in the Andes -Some Theoretical Considerations. GOTARC Series C. Arkeologiska skrifter No. 6, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Cornell, Per. 1993. Early Centres and the Household- A theoretical and methodological study on the Latin American cases. GOTARC Series B. Archaeological Theses No. 3, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Cornell, Per and Susana Sjdin. 1990. El Pichao 1989. Preliminary Report from the Project Emergence and Growth of Centres.- A Case Study in the Santa Mara Valley. Preliminary version. Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Cornell, Per and Susana Sjdin. 1991. El Pichao 1990. Second Report from the Project Emergence and growth of centres. - A Case Study in the Santa Mara Valley. Preliminary version. Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Cornell, Per, Leif Hggstrm, Ana Vega C. and Bengt Westergaard. MS. Pre-Hispanic Settlement Organisation and Archaeological Analogy in the Santa Mara Valley, NW Argentina: Mapping the Pichao Site. Manuscript solicited by the Editorial Board of Latin American Antiquity for publication. Cornell, Per and Nils Johansson. 1993. Desarrollo del Asentamiento del Sitio STucTav5 (El Pichao), Provincia de Tucumn. Comentarios Sobre Datacines de 14C y Luminiscencia. In: Publicacines 2 31-43. Universidad Nacional de Tucumn, Instituto de Arqueologa, Tucumn. Cornell, Per and Fredrik Fahlander. 2002. Social praktik och stumma monument- introduktion till mikroarkeologi. GOTARC Series C No 46, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Ms Hierachies, Space and Political Units in the Andean Area. Ericsson, Cecilia. 1992. Terrace systems at the site of El Pichao, NW Argentina. C-uppsats, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Feeley-Harnik, G. 1980. The Sakalva house (Madagascar). In: Antrophos 75:559-85. Fletcher, Roland. 1977. Settlement Studies (Micro and Semi-micro). In: Spatial Archaeology,
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edited by David L. Clarke. Academic Press, London. Galle, Herman. 2002. Mortars, pestles and pitfalls- A Study of Mortars and Their Environment in NW Argentina. C-uppsats, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Giani, Laura M. and Eduardo E. Berberin. 1999. Consideraciones Acerca la Variabilidad Formal en el Diseo de las Plantas de Arquitectura en el NOA-Durante las Etapas Formativa y de Desarrollos Regionales. In: Actas XII Congresso Nacional de Arqueologa Argentina tomo I, edited by: Cristina Diez Martn, pp. 83-87. Editorial de la Universidad Nacional de La Plata, La Plata. Green, David, Colin Haselgrove and Matthew Spriggs (eds). 1978. Social Organisation and Settlement. BAR International Series (supplementary) 47, Oxford. Hietala, Harold (ed). 1984. Intrasite Spatial Analysis in Archaeology. In: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hillier, Bill, A. Leaman, P. Stansall and M. Bedford. Space Syntax. In: Social Organisation and Settlement. Edited by: David Green, Colin Haselgrove and Matthew Spriggs, BAR International Series (supplementary) 47, Oxford. Hillier, Bill and Julienne Hanson. 1984. The Social Logic of Space. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hodder, Ian (ed). 1978. The Spatial Organisation of Culture. Duckworth, London. Holmberg, Rikard. 1989. Kyrkobyggnad, kult och samhlle. Lund Studies in Medieval Archaeology 8, Almqvist & Wiksell International, Stockholm. Hugh-Jones, Christine. 1979. From the Milk River: Spatial and temporal Process in North-west Amazonia. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Huntington, R. 1988. Gender and Social Structure in Madagascar. Bloomington, Indiana University Press. Johansson, Nils. 1996. Burials and Society- A Study of Social Differentiation at the Site of El Pichao, North-western Argentina, and in Cemeteries dated to the Spanish Native Period. GOTARC Series B. Gothenburg Archaeological Theses No. 5, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Keesing, Roger. 1981. Cultural Anthropology. A Contemporary perspective. CBS publishers, New York.
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Kent, Susan. 1984. Analysing Activity Areas. - An Ethnoarchaeological Study of the Use of Space. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Kent, Susan (eds). 1987. Method and Theory For Activity Area Research- An Ethnoarchaeological Approach. Columbia University Press, New York. Kent, Susan. 1990a. A Cross-cultural Study of Segmentation, Architecture, and the Use of Space. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Kent, Susan.1990b. Activity Areas and Architecture: An Interdisciplinary View of the Relationship Between Use of Space and Domestic Built Environments. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Ctudy. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Kent, Susan. 1990c. Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An Interdisciplinary Crosscultural Study. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Kus, Susan and Victor Raharijaona. 1990. Domestic space and the tenacity of tradition among some Betsileo of Madagascar. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Medina, Mara Clara. 2002. Landless Women, Powerful Men. -Land, Gender and Identity in NW Argentina (Colalao-El Pichao, 1850-1910). Copy for Doctoral Dissertation. Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Meltzer, David J, 1993. The Search for the First Americans. In the series: Exploring the Ancient World, edited by: Jeremy A. Sabloff. St. Remy Press and Smithsonian Institution. Morello, J. 1958. La provincia fitogeografica del Monte. Opera Lilloana II. Universidad Nacional de Tucuman, Instituto 'Miguel Lillo', San Migeul de Tucumn. Nez Regueiro, Victor A. 1978. Considerations on the Periodizations of Northwest Argentina. In: Advances in Andean Archaeology. edited by: David L. Browman. Mouton Publishers, The Hague. Parker Pearson, Michael and Colin Richards. 1994a. Ordering the World: Perceptions of Architecture, Space and Time. In: Architecture and Order. -Approaches to Social Space.
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Parker Pearson, Michael and Colin Richards (eds). Routledge, London. Parker Pearson, Michael and Colin Richards (eds). 1994b. Architecture and Order. -Approaches to Social Space. Routledge, London. Politis, Gustavo, 1995. The Socio-Politics of the Development of Archaeology in Hispanic South America. In: Theory in Archaeology: A World perspective, edited by Peter J. Ucko, pp 197235. Routledge, London. Rapoport, Amos. 1990. Systems of Activities and Systems of Settings. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Sanders, Donald. 1990. Behavioral Conventions and Archaeology: Methods for the Analysis of ancient Architecture. In: Domestic Architecture and the Use of Space- An Interdisciplinary Cross-cultural Study. Edited by: S. Kent. In the series: New Directions in Archaeology. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Schiffer, Michael B. 1987. Formation Processes of the Archaeological Record. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Serrano, A. 1966. Manual de la cermica indgena. Editorial Assandri, Crdoba. Sjdin, Susana. 1990. Problems and Methods in Ceramic Analysis. C-uppsats, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Sjdin, Susana. 1991. Sector VIII. In: El Pichao 1990. Second Report from the Project Emergence and growth of centres. - A Case Study in the Santa Mara Valley. Preliminary version. Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Stenborg, Per. 1991. Two approaches to room structure interpretation -a case study in NW Argentina. C-uppsats, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Stenborg, Per. 1999. An Introduction to the Archaeology of North-western Argentina. In: Masked Histories- A Re-examination of the Rodolfo Schreiter Collection from North-western Argentina. Edited by: Per Stenborg and Adriana Muoz. Etnologiska studier vol. 43, Etnografiska Museet i Gteborg, Gteborg. Stenborg, Per. 2001. The Investigations of 1992. In: Investigations at Pichao: Introduction to Studies in the Santa Mara Valley, North-western Argentina. Edited by: Bengtsson, Cornell, Johansson and Sjdin. BAR International Series 978, Oxford. Stenborg, Per. 2002a. Holding Back History: Issues of Resistance and Transformation in a Post-
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Contact Setting, Tucumn, Argentina c.A.D.1536-1660. GOTARC Series B No.21, Department of Archaeology, University of Gothenburg, Gteborg. Stenborg, Per 2002b. Att grva efter Europas skugga: Underskningar av spansk kontaktperiod p boplatsomrdet Pichao, Tucumn, Argentina. In: IN SITU 2000-2002, pp 157-171. Gteborgs universitet, Gteborg. Stenborg, Per and Adriana Muoz (eds). 1999. Masked Histories- A Re-examination of the Rodolfo Schreiter Collection from North-western Argentina. Etnologiska studier vol. 43, Etnografiska Museet i Gteborg, Gteborg. Tarrag, Myriam.1999. El Patrimonio Arqueolgico del Valle de Santa Mara en Peligro: El Rincn Chico. In: Homenaje Alberto Rex Gonzlez: 50 Aos de Aportes al Desarrollo y Consolidacin de la Antropologa Argentina, pp. 205-253. Fundacin Argentina de Antropologa, Faculdad de Filosofa y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires. Tartusi, Marta R.A. and Vctor A. Nez Regueiro. 2001. Excavacin de la unidad 6 del sector I del sitio STucTav5 (El Pichao). In: Investigations at Pichao: Introduction to Studies in the Santa Mara Valley, North-western Argentina. Edited by: Bengtsson, Cornell, Johansson and Sjdin. BAR International Series 978, Oxford.
Unpublished Sources
Fielddiary of 2001 by Henrik B. Lindskoug.
Cornell, Per and Herman Galle. 2002. Discussion at Workshopen: Local, Regional, Global: Prehistoria e Historia en los Calchaques (NOA). Presentation of fieldwork during the season of 2002 in Pichao. 7-9 November 2002, Gteborg.
Reynoso, Alejandra D. 2002. Discussion at Workshopen: Local, Regional, Global: Prehistoria e Historia en los Calchaques (NOA). Presentation of Arch-astro in Rincn Chico. 7-9 November 2002, Gteborg.
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List of figures: Front page: University of Gothenburg logo. Front page: Condor logo From: A. Serrano, Manual de la cermica indgena. Figure 1. Archaeological sites in the Calchaqu valley, compiled by Per Cornell and Per Stenborg. From: Stenborg 2002b, figure 1, page 158. Figure 2. Pichao, the STucTav5 and STucTav7 sites. From: Stenborg 2002a, figure 06, page 121. Figure 3. STucTav5, sector III, unit 1 with trenches. From: Stenborg 2002a, figure 08, page 125. Figure 4. STucTav5, sector VIII, constructions on the mountain slope (Complex B). This plan was based on measurements by theodolite. From: Stenborg 2002a, figure 10, page 127 Figure 5. Sector X, Complex C. Mapping and drawing: P. Stenborg. From: Bengtsson et al 2001. Figure 6.3 page 72.
Photo 1. Taken during the fieldseason of 2001 by author. Photo 2. Taken during the fieldseason of 2001 by author. Photo 3. Taken during the fieldseason of 2001 by author.
To be included: More detailed plan of sector VIII More detailed plan of sector X Plan of unit 1 STucTav14
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Appendix
Figure 4. STucTav5, sector VIII, constructions on the mountain slope (Complex B). This plan was based on measurements by theodolite. The entrances are marked and numbered by the author (no. 1-4). The number corresponds to the number in the data section on entrances in sector VIII. Modified from Stenborg (2002a).
Henrik B. Lindskoug
Figure 5. Sector X, Complex C. Mapping and drawing: P. Stenborg. The entrances is marked and numbered by the author. The number corresponds to the number in the data section on entrances in sector X. From Bengtsson et al (2001).
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Data on entrances in sector VIII
Sector VIII: Enrtance 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
Entrances short description: Western Southern Northern Entrance in terraceswall
Circle in Northern part of wall Northern Southern Northern Southern
Depth 240 220 140 200 240 200 275 168 140 110 170 144 140 200 182 140 220 300
Width 125 80 88 64 90 163 110 110 120 80 112 80 62 77 95 75 80 120
Entrance to circle Passage from room to inner yard Entrance in wall
Comments Complex B, terrace wall 3 Complex B, terrace wall 3 Complex B, terrace wall 3 Entrance to inneryard, Comblex B unit 9, terrace wall nr: 2 Entrance in the wall to inneryard Entrance, very damage Entrances in wall to inneryard Quite visible entrance to inner yard Clearly visible entrance to circle more info about measurements of circle in fielddiary Northern entrance most possible entrance to structure Raised corner stone 45 cm This might have been the opening. Possible threshold This entrance may have bee created by erosin, fielddiary contains more info about the structure Circle almost totally destroyed, entrance clearly visible Circle very damage, western part and entrances well preserved Possible entrance, maybe fallen out building material destroyed by watererosion
All measurements in cm
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Data on entrances in sector X

Sector X: Entrance 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Entrance to circular structure Long passage between different structures possible path, since people passes here sometimes Entrance Wall with entrance, wall partly damage Entrance in wall, entrance partly damage Entrance in the wall Low wall with entrance Entrance to large circle Entrance to circle Entrance to northern circle Entrances short description: Entrance from circular structure to inneryard Entrance circular structure Passage between circular/squared structure to larger structure Depth Width Coments 250 120 180 260 240 220 440 120 180 220 160 156 120 124 225 57 85 50 70 51 120 60 60 77 103 170 80 80 80 75 Entrance partly eroded Structure partly eroded probably by the close river Entrance partly damaged passage is extended see sketch of structure 16 and 17 in fielddairy big bolder marks one side of the entrance might be an extension of entrance 3, see sketch in fielddairy Circular very well preserved, clearly visible entrance. Entrance leds from the outside the complex into the circular structure Top part. The passage might be modern, top part most distinguished Lower part. Two different entrances with a path or passage/way Possible entrance to circular/squared structure. Half of the structure is swept away by the close river, very eroded Very eroded wall, southern part of construction probably not on plan, large tree blocks the wall very wide entrance, partly damaged Entrance partly eroded Only possible entrance, quick made investigation nest of large wasps nearby, very eroded entrance Entrance with raised/standing/erected stone, a lot of wasps nearby Very hard to determine if this is the entrance to the circular structure, since this part of the construction is badly damage. There is no passage from the inner yard or the northernroom to the circular structure, the only entrance is from the outside. Hard to determine if this is an entrance, close to strange oval structure. Material very eroded looks like a grave in the construction This entrance is a possible division of the northern room into two different sections *the length of passage althogeter 600 cm width the same This entrances is the most possible entrance to the inneryard This entrance is probably of more resent date, created by erosion Clearly visible entrance, western part of structure completely gone. Entrance in eastern part
16 17 18 19 20 21
Entrance in wall close to circle Passage from two different rooms in the northern room Passage from northern room to inner yard Entrance in southern wall Entrance in northern wall
110 70 215* 200 130 270
170 70 75 125 125 98
All measurements in cm IV

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Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao

A study of the different remains at the site of Pichao, North-western, Argentina.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Henrik B. Lindskoug Kronborgsgatan 2C, SE-252 22 Helsingborg, Sweden

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Part II: Space

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Galindo settlement is a Moche V settlement located in Moche Valley in northern Peru.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Part III: The Calchaqu Valleys -The Santa Mara Valley

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Spanish-Native Period 1536-1664. Colonial Period post 1664-1810.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Part IV: The Site of Pichao

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Photo 2. Entrance. Nr ?? in sector??

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Part VI: Presentation of the Material from Pichao

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

average width is 89,6 cm.

Summary of the Collected Material

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Part VII: Discussion and Conclusions

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

with functional aspects of entrances.

Functional/practical aspects of entrances

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

important reasons of where to place an entrance.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Archaeology at the University of Gteborg.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Corral is an enclosed pasture to keep livestock, lamas for example.

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.

Symbolic/ritual/religious aspects of Entrances

Comparing Structures, Investigations of Entrances at Pichao.